1987;79;230PediatricsArthur B. Elster, Michael E. Lamb, Laura Peters, James Kahn and Jane Tavaré

MothersJudicial Involvement and Conduct Problems of Fathers of Infants Born to Adolescent

  

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230 PEDIATRICS Vol. 79 No. 2 February 1987

Judicial Involvement and Conduct Problems ofFathers of Infants Born to Adolescent MothersArthur B. Elster, MD, Michael E. Lamb, PhD, Laura Peters, MS,

James Kahn, MS, and Jane Tavar#{233},MS

From the Department of Pediatrics, University of Utah School of Medicine, Salt Lake City

ABSTRACT. Data were obtained from retrospective re-view of 191 patient records to determine the extent and

types of conduct problems among fathers of infants bornto adolescent mothers. Ninety-eight fathers (51%) re-ported having committed a legal offense prior to thepregnancy. This rate appears substantially greater thanrates of arrests of adolescents in the general population.

When paired data for couples were analyzed, there wasgreat similarity for severity of offense. Fathers, however,had committed more severe crimes than their partners.Male offenders came from families of lower socioeco-nomic status backgrounds and more single-parent fami-lies and were less frequently employed or in school (orgraduated) than nonoffenders. They also had been moreinvolved with various other problem behaviors, such as aprevious pregnancy, drinking behavior, and behaviorproblems at school. There was a clustering of problembehaviors among offenders suggesting psychosocial mal-

adjustment prior to the pregnancy. Our results suggestan association between fatherhood and delinquencyamong partners of adolescent mothers. It appears thatthese fathers form a heterogeneous group. Although someyoung fathers may be well adjusted, others have signifi-cant psychologic problems. Pediatrics 1987;79:230-234;paternal conduct problem, adolescent mother.

During the past decade, social and health plan-

ners have placed considerable emphasis on devel-

oping clinical interventions for assisting adoles-

cents in overcoming the medical and psychosocial

problems associated with early pregnancy and par-

enthood. As we learn more about how to help thispopulation of mothers and their infants, it becomesincreasingly evident that successful intervention

also involves working with young fathers.1�3

Whether or not they marry, many men now remain

involved with their adolescent partners and accept

Received for publication Feb 7, 1986; accepted April 23, 1986.

Reprint requests to (A.B.E.) 50 N Medical Dr, Department of

Pediatrics, Salt Lake City, UT 84123.

PEDIATRICS (ISSN 0031 4005). Copyright © 1987 by theAmerican Academy of Pediatrics.

the responsibilities of parenthood.24 As a result of

their involvement, these young fathers may exert amajor influence on their partner’s emotional secu-

rity and on their infant’s cognitive and socioemo-tional development.58

As a society, we expect young fathers (and ado-lescent mothers) to support their new family finan-

cially and emotionally. In addition, we hope that

these young people will contribute in a vocationally

productive way to the economic advancement of

the country. This expectation may not be realistic

considering the poor academic histories of manyyoung fathers.9’2

Other than educational outcomes, however, weknow little about the partners of adolescent moth-

ers. Pauker13 reported that 94 adolescent fathers,matched for age and socioeconomic status with agroup of nonfathers, had similar personality pro-files and levels of intellectually functioning several

years earlier. Comparing 100 predominantly low-

income teenage fathers with nonfather age-

matched controls from comparable economic back-grounds, Rivara et a14 reported that groups were

similar with respect to knowledge of reproductive

physiology (both were low), family dynamics, self-

esteem, and impulse control. Nakashima andCamp7 compared psychosocial development inthree groups of fathers: one group consisted of 20

adolescent fathers (younger than 20 years of age)

with adolescent partners, another of 15 adult fath-

ers with adolescent partners, and the third of 16

adult fathers with adult partners. The fathers as-

sociated with adolescent partners were functioningat a less mature level of ego development and had

lower vocabulary scores than the fathers in the

third group, suggesting that adult men who choose

adolescent partners might be less mature psycho-logically than adult men with adult partners.

Taken together, the results of these studies sug-

gest that the partners of adolescent mothers do not

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ARTICLES 231

have major psychopathology. In our adolescentpregnancy program, however, we have noted that

many male partners have a variety of behavioral

problems, especially a history oflegal offenses. This

led us to question the extent ofjudicial involvement

among adolescent boys in the general population.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) re-

ported that, of the approximately 8.5 million menarrested in the United States during 1983, 15.8%

were juveniles younger than 18 years of age.’4 Wolf-

gang et al,’5 in a longitudinal study of 9,945 young

men from Philadelphia, found that 35% had com-

mitted a legal offense by 18 years of age, with rates

as high as 50% for nonwhite youth, 29% for white

youth, 44% for youth from lower socioeconomic

backgrounds, and 31% for teenagers from higher

social class family backgrounds. In a prospective

study of 369 boys and girls recruited during the

second grade, Howell and his associates’6 found

that 13% had a history of an arrest 15 years later,

and 14% reported “recent trouble with the police.”

West and Farrington,’7 in their longitudinal study

of 411 boys in London, found that 30% had a record

of delinquency by 21 years of age. Finally, Conger

and Miller,’8 in a study of young men in Denver,

found that 271 (12%) of 2,300 students initially

interviewed in the tenth grade had been charged by

18 years of age with an offense in juvenile court. In

none of these reports, however, was a link suggested

between delinquency and adolescent fatherhood.

In the present study, we investigated the nature

and extent of the judicial involvement experienced

by men who fathered infants born to adolescent

mothers. In addition, we attempted (1) to identify

behavioral characteristics that differentiated be-

tween offenders and nonoffenders and (2) to deter-

mine whether there was a clustering of other prob-

lem behaviors among fathers who had committed a

legal offense.

METHODS

The Teen Mother and Child Program, in Salt

Lake City, is a university-based comprehensive ad-

olescent program that serves pregnant women and

young mothers, most of whom are younger than 19

years of age, are white (85%), and come from middle

to lower middle-class urban family backgrounds.

The average age at delivery is 17 years. People learn

about the program from a variety of referral

sources, including private practitioners, schools,

friends, social service agencies, and the media. Al-

though some teenagers have numerous, complex

psychosocial problems, others do not. Because pre-

natal care is provided by a certified nurse midwife,

teenagers with major medical problems, such as

juvenile-onset diabetes mellitus, are referred else-

where.

A semistructured psychosocial interview is con-

ducted with each pregnant teenage girl upon entryto the program and, when possible, with her part-ner. We began gathering more complete informa-

tion about arrest histories and problem behaviors

several years after the program started. Later data

are, therefore, more complete than earlier data. Ofsubjects whose judicial history was unknown, 78%

entered in the first 2 years of the program.Not all people who have police involvement are

actually arraigned by the courts and charged with

an offense. In fact, approximately 38% of juveniles“arrested” by the police nationally are dismissed

before arraignment.’4 In our interviews, we did notdistinguish between “arrests” and other types of

“police involvement.” These terms, as well as the

terms “legal offense” and “judicial involvement”

are, therefore, used interchangably.

For this study, consecutive charts of new patientsentering the program during the first 5 years (1980to 1985) were reviewed. Social, demographic, edu-cational, vocational, and legal information wascompiled for both partners. To separate relativelyinsignificant police involvement from actual crim-

inal offenses, traffic violations were not consideredas offenses.

Legal offenses were classified by two methods.The first method is used by the FBI in their annual

Uniform Crime Report.’4 Eight categories of violentand property crimes make up type-i offenses, andtype-2 crimes comprise 2i categories of less serious

crimes.

Because offenses of varying severity are incli�ded

within each FBI crime category, we also classified

judicial involvement using a scale adapted fromHoffman et al.’#{176}In this scale, offenses were classi-fled by severity into one of the following categories:

class 1 (status offense), eg, run-away, truancy, and

curfew violation; class 2 (low severity offense), eg,minor theft, disorderly conduct, possession of al-

cohol, and vandalism; class 3 (low-moderate sever-ity offense), eg, possession of drugs, driving underthe influence of alcohol, and statutory rape; class 4

(moderate severity offense), eg, auto theft, burglary,sale of “soft” drugs, and possession of “heavy”

narcotics; class 5 (high severity offense), eg, assault,forgery, and sale of “heavy” narcotics; class 6 (veryhigh severity offense), eg, assault with serious in-

jury, armed robbery, and forcible rape; class 7

(greatest severity offense), eg, attempted murder

and kidnapping.A total of 328 records were reviewed. The history

of police involvement was known for 191 (58%)fathers and 217 (66%) pregnant teenagers. The

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TABLE 1. Background Characteristics of Fathers ForWhom Arrest Data Were Known

VariableTotalGroup

(n = 191)

Of-fenders

(n=98)

Nonof-fenders

(n=93)

% No. % No. %

Socioeconomic status2’ �1-2 (high)34-5

Unknown

37 28.5 17 26.0 20 3239 30.5 14 22.0 25 3952 32.0 33 52.0 19 2963 34 29

140 76.0 70 75.5 70 76

37 20.0 18 19.0 19 21

8 4.0 5 5.5 3 46 5 1

36 19.0 22 23.0 14 15

118 62.0 57 58.0 61 6637 19.0 19 19.0 18 19

88 50.0 36 41.0 52 5572 41.0 43 49.0 29 31

16 9.0 9 10.0 7 1415 10 5

232 PATERNAL CONDUCT PROBLEMS

socioeconomic backgrounds, race, and age (at deliv-

ery) for fathers and pregnant girls with unknown

legal information were similar to those with known

data. The frequency of reported legal histories forfathers did not differ, depending on whether initial

interviews were conducted with both partners

(48%) or only with mothers (52%). Even though

only half of the fathers attended the initial inter-view meeting, probably another 15% to 25% wereinterviewed at subsequent clinic visits. Data ob-

tamed from interviews in which fathers were not

present were kept in the analysis because they didnot differ substantially from data obtained fromfathers directly. Managing the data in this manner

would tend to underestimate the rate of legal and

conduct problems in that those girls who did not

know their partners’ legal histories would probably

err on the side of underreporting rather than ov-

erreporting problem events. x2 analysis was used to

test level of significance between groups for cate-

gorical data, and Student’s t test was used for data

at the interval level.20The background characteristics of the study sub-

jects for whom the history of judicial involvement

was known are presented in Table 1. Like their

female partners, these men were usually white and

came from middle-class families. They averaged19.6 years of age at delivery. Most couples (93%)conceived premaritally and remained togetherthrough delivery. Fathers with an arrest history

more frequently came from lower socioeconomic

family backgrounds and from single-parent fami-

lies, but they did not differ by age or race.

RESULTS

Ninety-eight prospective fathers (51%) and 92

pregnant adolescents (42%) reported a history of

judicial involvement. When analyzed by current

paternal age, offenses had been committed by 61%

of fathers younger than 18 years of age, 48% of

fathers 18 to 21 years, and 51% of fathers older

than 21 years. Of those men with the history of an

arrest, 76% (83% of the fathers younger than 18

years of age and 75% of those 18 years and older)

were one-time offenders only.

A total of 1 16 crimes were committed by 81

fathers for whom the specific type of offense(s) was

known. This group included 18 fathers younger

than 18 years and 63 18 years and older. Each

subject was classified into one of the two FBI crime

categories using the most serious crime reported

(Table 2). Eleven fathers younger than 18 years of

age (63%) and 27 older fathers (43%) had at some

time committed a type-i offense. The most common

type-i crimes for both age groups were larceny-

theft, followed by burglary. For both younger and

older fathers, the most frequent type-2 crime was

driving under the influence of alcohol. Simple as-

sault and vandalism were the next most common

RaceWhiteHispanic

OtherUnknown

Age at delivery (yr)15-1718-2 1

>21

Marital status of parentstMarriedSeparated/divorced

Parents deceasedUnknown

*P< .05.

tP<.10.

TABLE 2. Type of Offenses Com

Fathers (n = 81)mitted by Prospective

Crime No. %Category’4

Type 1Homicide 1 0.8Forcible rape 1 0.8Robbery 4 3.5

Aggravated assault 4 3.5Burglary 9 8.0Larceny-theft 23 20.0Motor vehicle theft 5 4.0Kidnapping 1 0.8

Type 2Simple assault 5 4.0Possession of stolen property 1 0.8Vandalism 4 3.5Possession of weapons 2 2.0Sex offenses 2 2.0Drug abuse violations 12 10.0Driving under the influence 18 15.5

Liquor law violations 6 5.0Drunkenness 4 3.5Disorderly conduct 5 4.0Runaways 1 0.8Offenses against family and 1 0.8

childrenOther offenses 8 7.0

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TABLE 4. Psychosocial Characteristics of Legal Of-fenders and Nonoffenders

*P< .05.

tP< .01.

zUiC-)0:

0

0

El OFFENDERS

E NON-OFFENDERS

6

TABLE 3. Relationship Between Partners by Severityof Offense Committed (n = 169)*

Severity of Offensefor Pregnant Teenagers

* Offense severity’9 defined as: low, combination of status

offense, low severity offense and low-moderate severityoffense categories; moderate-high, combination of mod-erate and high severity offense categories.

ARTICLES 233

crimes for the younger group, whereas drug abuse

violations were prevalent among older fathers.

Subjects were then classified by the severity of

their worst offense into one of the eight crime

categories described earlier. The percentage of fa-

thers in each offense category was as follows: class

i, 0%; class 2, 27%; class 3, 32%; class 4, 26%; class

5, i5%; and classes 6 and 7, 0%.

Legal histories were known for both partners in

i69 (5i.5%) couples (Table 3). Because of small cell

sizes, severity categories were compressed to permit

a clearer interpretation of the data. No legal offensewas reported by 66 couples (39%), and offenses

committed by both partners were reported for 37

couples (23%). Of the 72 couples whose crime cat-

egories differed between partners, 53 (65%) oc-

curred above the diagonal. This difference was sig-nificant at the P < .Oi level using a McNemar x2statistic22. Thus, when partners within a dyad had

different legal histories, his offense was signifi-

cantly more severe than hers.

Background and psychosocial factors used to dif-

ferentiate male offenders from nonoffenders are

presented in Table 4. Offenders compared with

nonoffenders were more often unmarried at the

time of delivery, unemployed, and school dropouts.

They also more frequently had a history of a pre-

vious pregnancy, drinking behavior, and behavior

problems related to school.

To determine whether dropping out of school andthe problem behaviors related to previous preg-

nancy, smoking, drinking, substance use, and

school clustered among offenders, the total number

of these six behaviors experienced by each subject

was calculated (Figure). There were 44 offenders(45%) and 52 nonoffenders (56%) for whom com-

plete data were available. An average of 2.80 prob-

lems were found for offenders and i.52 for nonof-

fenders (P < .Oi). Two offenders (4.5%) as com-pared with 21 nonoffenders (38.5) reported no prob-

lem behaviors (P < .Oi). Conversely, i3 fathers

Severity of Offense forProspective Fathers

Moderate-None Low

High

No. % No. % No. %

NoneLowModerate-high

66 39 24 14 16 923 14 18 11 13 8

3 2 3 2 3 2

Nonof-

Offenders(n=98)

No. %

fenders(n=93)

No. %

Relationship at deliveryMarried 43 44 53 57Living together/engaged 11 11 14 15Dating regularly 20 21 6 6Little/no involvement 23 24 20 22

Employed* 51 54 65 72

School dropout* 59 63 42 45History of previous pregnancy* 17 24 11 13Smoking behavior (�#{189}pack/d) 30 48 23 38Drinking behavior (�4 drinks/wk)* 29 45 17 27Substance use (drugs �2 times/mo) 14 21.5 9 14Behavioral problems in school 47 68 28 38

(truancy, sloughing, or fight-ing)t

2 3 4NUMBER OF BEHAVIOR PROBLEMS

Figure. Number of conduct problems reported by of-fenders and nonoffenders.

(29.5) with an arrest history and eight fathers (15%)

with no judicial involvement had three or more

additional problems.

DISCUSSION

We found that 5i% of men who were partners ofpregnant adolescents served by a special hospital-

based program reported a history of involvement

with the police prior to the pregnancy. Because the

offenses admitted by our subjects were relatively

serious, we speculate that the majority of fathers

with police involvement actually were taken to

court and charged with a criminal act. Although

Utah statistics are not available, compared with

data obtained from self-reports by youth from corn-

parable social backgrounds in the general popula-

tion, the cumulative arrest rate of our young fathers

was consistently greater regardless of the age cutoff

used: 6i% v i2% to 29% for youth younger than

age i8 years’5’18 and 51% v 13% to 30% for youth

age 2i years and younger.’6’17 It was possible that

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234 PATERNAL CONDUCT PROBLEMS

our rate of juvenile offense among fathers is un-

derreported in that 16% of subjects had not yet

reached 18 years of age.

Partners in a dyad were similar in their history

of involvement or lack of involvement with the

police and the severity of crime committed. When

histories differed, however, the father’s offense was

more severe than that of his partner. This is not

surprising because men commit more serious

crimes, in general, than women.14 Future studies

should investigate similarities between partners for

other measures of social adjustment.

Prospective fathers who had committed an of-

fense appeared to come from more unstable family

and social situations and to have engaged in moreproblem behaviors than nonoffenders. Problem be-

haviors clustered in fathers with an arrest history,

suggesting that these youth were psychosocially

maladjusted even before the pregnancy occurred.

It is well known that the social problems of

juvenile delinquents extend beyond legal involve-

ment.’5�8 For example, West and Farrington’7 de-

veloped a scale to measure antisocial tendencies

based on attitudes and selected behaviors such as

smoking, heavy drinking, and promiscuous sexual

activities. Of the hO youth who scored highest on

the scale during the tenth grade, 60% had delin-

quent records by 21 years of age as compared with

4% among the 72 youth who had the lowest scores.

In the study by Howell and associates’6, not only

were youth who were assessed as having an atten-

tional deficit disorder during elementary school

more likely to be involved with crime than those

without the disorder (31% v iO%), but they also

more frequently reported multiple other problem

behaviors, such as daily marijuana use, suspension

from school, and frequent job changes. What has

not been demonstrated previously, however, either

among delinquent youth or among young fathers,

is an association between fatherhood and socially

maladaptive behaviors.

CONCLUSION

Our results indicate that men who father infants

born to adolescent mothers are not a homogeneous

group. Although some may be reasonably well ad-

justed prior to pregnancy, others may have signifi-

cant problems to which parenthood will only be an

additional stressor. Future studies are needed to

assess more clearly the association between prob-

lem behaviors and fatherhood. We also need to

determine whether fathers who engage in maladap-

tive behaviors represent an especially high-risk

group for parenting and vocational failures, which,

if so, would adversely affect the environmental sta-bility of adolescent mothers and their children.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This study was funded by the Office Of AdolescentPregnancy Programs (APR 000922-02-0). Dr Elster is

also funded by a Faculty Scholar’s Award from the W. T.Grant Foundation.

We thank the members of the Teen Mother and ChildProgram, for their concern and interest in adolescenthealth care and their support for our study, and DougTeti, for his technical assistance.

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1987;79;230PediatricsArthur B. Elster, Michael E. Lamb, Laura Peters, James Kahn and Jane Tavaré

MothersJudicial Involvement and Conduct Problems of Fathers of Infants Born to Adolescent

  

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