Joe F. Khalil - Inside Arab Reality Television

7/27/2019 Joe F. Khalil - Inside Arab Reality Television

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Inside Arab Reality Television:

Development, Definitions and Demystification

By Joe F. Khalil

Nearly everybody agrees that reality television in the Arab worldhas changed the way we, as viewers, relate to television. Thisprogramming genre has been the center of much debate eversince the first group of reality participants was locked up in a villa.These views can be divided in four categories: Judging by the popularity of reality TV in the Arab world, manyWestern journalists welcomed and praised its democratic valuesand modern, taboo-shattering appeal.(1) Both religious groups and intellectual/creative elites were criticalof the genre. The prior view reality TV as threatening Islamicvalues and traditions while the latter see in it a decadent, low-browform of art. At best, these views were rejectionist andcondemnatory.(2) Professionals in television and advertising celebrated theincrease of audiences in prime-time television as this translatesinto financial rewards. There was a renewed faith in a productionthat could be truly Pan-Arab, both in terms of participants andaudiences. In a true academic tradition, very few scholars addressed thisemerging popular culture phenomenon. Yet it now is generating adebate within academic circles.Much of this article started as a journal describing my meetingswith reality colleagues and students when I was (un)luckyenough to consult or be consulted on various shows and formats.These scattered notes provided a starting point for an articulationand exploration of the phenomenon of reality television in the Arabworld. What has resulted is an attempt to look at the process ofcontinuity and change within a vibrant industry. Understandably, itis difficult to establish a perfect vantage point in order to assert the

definite direction of the genre. Will reality television remainestablished and popular? And what exactly are the implications of


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this new genre? Indeed, the the term Arab reality television itselfseems to be cause much confusion. This study is a contribution tothe emerging assessment of this programming genre.I will start by tracing the history and development of realitytelevision in the region. What you will be reading is an accountnot the historyof reality television from the inside. What doesreality television in the Arab World mean to those involved in theselection, production and selling of those programs? What factorscontributed to the flourishing of the genre? What roles did thesuccesses of some shows and the failures of others have on futureproductions? Central to these questions is the belief that thepopularity of these shows is multifaceted, contested and stillunfolding.In other words, reality television is a representation of reality.Inaccessible in its raw form, reality or its tele-visual representationbecomes available once selected and processed by the producersof reality television. The unfolding of reality, as we see it on thescreen, is a process involving a number of people. This paper isconcerned with this group of programmers, producers, techniciansand advertising salespersons. As a matter of fact, understandingthis genre starts by looking at the processes by which it came to

be planned, produced and broadcast.History and Development In previous research(3) , I haveexamined program adaptations of Western franchises that wereproduced on Arab television channels. That study evaluated thenature, continuity and change in program transfer after theintroduction of television technology in the region. As a summaryof those findings, I observed the growth of a live on air televisiondrama in the 60s. A decade later, programmers started producing

classical dramatic works of Arab and world literature,(4)but theyalso were beginning to look at Western shows for either inspirationor plagiarism. By the '80s, a practice Albert Moran refers to ascopycat TV(5) had become common, in which major successeswere Arabized versions of predominantly European andAmerican shows. In the '90s, it became common for the concept ofa Western show, its rights and production bible, to be bought andlocally reproduced for regional consumption. For a price, theformat came with a plethora of consultants (creative and technical)

and various computer software and machinery. Overall, the studyalso discussed the wholesale cloning and licensing of programs in


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the case of variety/game shows, but it did not approach realitytelevision as it had only recently been introduced to the Arabictelevision milieu at the time.I would like to approach this study of reality television byestablishing some essential premises. First, producing realityshows involves a variety of managerial, creative and technicalaspects. Second, reality shows are mostly licensed formats thatprogrammers buy for a particular region or territory, in this case theArab world. These reality shows by nature have a multitude ofinfluences, including an important economic component. Thepractice of paying for a format as opposed to freely imitating orcloning a show makes economic considerations central. At this

stage, the following questions seem de rigueur: How new is realitytelevision in the Arab world? And is the buying of a licensed formatthe starting point for this discussion?The Lebanese station Murr Television (MTV) was a pioneer inbuying internationally successful reality TV formats as early as thefall of 1996. Known for its adventurous programming tactics, thischannel viewed some of the game-show formats as a means ofcapturing audiences in preparation for its Pan-Arab broadcast. Forfive years, MTV was producing Arabic versions of French and

Dutch formatted game shows such as Family Feud andEverybodys Equal. During the same period, the LebaneseBroadcasting Corporation (LBC) and the Middle East BroadcastingCentre (MBC) respectively produced the Arabic versions of theFrench Fort Boyardand the British Who Wants to be a Millionaire.This experience paved the way for the possibility of buying aninternational format, training the technical team and producing andpromoting it as a local show. In addition, management andadvertising executives became convinced of the financial reward of

buying a format given both audiences and clients interest. Thisindustry trend should not be isolated from other factors such as anincrease in monitoring intellectual property violation and a boom insatellite broadcasting capabilities. In fact, it is during that sameperiod that the United States was leading a movement towardsadopting stricter anti-piracy and copyright laws, while both NileSatand ArabSat were providing incentives to terrestrial channels tobroadcast on satellite.In 2002, MTV, LBC, Future Television (FTV) and MBC were all innegotiations to buy reality television formats.(6) These negotiations


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were focused primarily on the financial viability of these shows.The growing interest in formatted shows in general had causedlicensing fees to increase tremendously. As an illustration, thelicensing fee per episode rose 1,500 percent between the first

game show format Family Feud, in 1996, and the latest realitylicense for The Apprentice, which was to go to production in2005.(7) Program buyers for all these stations were keeping aclose eye on the international markets and their competitors. It wasjust a matter of time before one station ventured into theproduction of reality television.Any in-depth discussion of reality television should not reduce it toa recent phenomenon linked to the rise of the genre in the Western

world. The cause-effect relationship results in a very narrow view.Instead, I would argue that the rise of reality TV in the Arab worldwas a two-phase development. First came a foundation era inwhich producers and marketers at Arab channels became used toor convinced of the strategy of buying Western formatted programsand game shows. Secondly, a developmental era witnessed amajor buzz as public awareness of the genre grew and evencontroversies that erupted over the first reality TV programs addedto the hype. Format adaptation acts, then, as a turning pointbetween the two eras. On one hand, the industry became watchful

of the international markets, as well as open to the discussion offormat-buying as a source for programming. At the same time, theaudiences reception of formatted shows offered a de facto proof ofpopularity.The foundation era can be traced to the early Arab television ofthe 1950s and the 1960s, when the need for a large number ofprograms, coupled with the lack of video recording technologies,gave rise to a unique genre of real drama. The shows were

mostly broadcast live, so one actor could not always predict whatthe other would say or do. Consequently, those actors, mostlyamateurs and poorly trained, developed a certain level ofimprovisation and wit to enable them to deal with the real,unexpected dramatic situation. Playwrights would sketch out asituation, flesh out the characters and sit behind the cameraoperators. As the improvisation unfolded live before their eyes,they injected characters and scenes or even suggested lines. InLebanon for example, this practice was common with the works of

Shushu, Abu Salim and Abu Melham. Personal conversations withactors and various anecdotal incidences confirm this practice.(8)


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This experience of early television suggests a sketchyresemblance to todays reality television.While the '70s saw the rise of grand masterpiece drama, the '80s

offered what many consider as the first reality TV show: CandidCamera.(9) (See the article on Egypts version ofCandid Camerain this issue) That show was produced in almost every Arabiccountry at some point during the 1980s and the 1990s. Followingthe same American pattern, this show put real people in ridiculoussituations and recorded their reactions. In Lebanon, LBC waspioneer in offering several seasons of this show during the '80s, asdid Tele-Liban, MTV and FTV in the '90s. Because of privacyconcerns, other more conservative parts of the Arab world, like

Kuwait, concentrated on situations featuring celebrities. CandidCamera was produced with basic technology relying on people'ssimplicity and lack of television literacy.One of the stars of LBC's Candid Camera, Tony Khoury, went onto present two distinctly different shows that set the stage for awider acceptance of reality television. The first was called WakkefTa Kellak (Stop So I Tell You). The premise is simple: thepresenter roams the streets with a special truck, stops a personrandomly and asks him/her to execute a request in order to win the

contents of the truck. The tasks ranged from collecting certainproducts to organizing a rally, but all were captured, edited andpresented in this one-hour show. The second show was originallydesigned as a special one-off New Year's Eve program, but soonbecame a fixed yearly event. On the eve of the new millennium,audiences were hooked by a human interest storythe dream of afamily come true. The show followed the same presenter ofWakkef Ta Kellakas he tried to help a family reunite, find a lovedone, or achieve a level of happiness. More like a docudrama, the

show could not sustain its success. Interestingly, the last specialaired on the eve of 2003 to be replaced the following year by thelaunch ofStar Academyin its first season.(10)The transition to the development era did not happen overnight.From 2002 to 2003, Arab, and particularly Lebanese, channelswere experimented with reality as an emerging genre. In fact, therewas a period of adjustment, featuring a process of trial and error.To illustrate, one of the under-researched television channels is

Zen TV. Launched in December 2001, the channel offered a freshmix of programs produced, presented and managed by a young


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team of recent graduates who were ready to experiment with newideas and technology. Various Music Television (MTV)-style showswere created, including a variation on MTVs Road Rules. Zen TVwas essentially experimental. It provided a platform for young

talent to learn on the job and an interactive forum for this staff tointeract with Arab audiences. It also tested various docu-dramaapproaches.Introduced in January 2003, Super Starquickly became the mostsignificant show of that era. Broadcast on FTV and licensed byFermantleMedias British version of Pop Idol,(11) Super Starattempted a transparent Pan-Arab search for the next star singer,using casting calls, judges, live performances and, most

importantly, the audiences right to vote.(12) Arguably, the show isa cross between a reality and a variety show. While the search forthe possible super star definitely captured real moments, feelingsand events, the weekly performance show is in the pure tradition ofvariety shows. Undeniably, the contribution of Super Star ismultifold:1. It re-emphasized the commercial viability and value of theformat2. it proved again that an all-Arab show can be successfullyproduced3. It was the first Idolfranchise to feature contestants from differentcountries4. It allowed for an unprecedented interactivity between theaudience and television(13)5. It showed an audience united in watching the show but dividedalong nationalist lines when voting for the superstar(14)6. Its success sped up the competitive exploration of realitytelevision.In February 2003, LBC launched its first reality show in preparationfor the selection of Miss Lebanon. Following a national casting call,the finalists lived together in The House (a luxurious villa and

spa). For six of the eight weeks, the public, including Pan-Arabaudiences, voted for the removal of two candidates each week.


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Meanwhile, the girls were being monitored by cameras thattransmitted their lives live on a 24-hour channel.(15) Theexperimental nature of this Miss Lebanon special was present onfour levels:1. It was a training field for the team in charge of preparing foranother upcoming reality show, Star Academy2. It introduced a new kind of interactivity in the form of short textmessaging from mobile phones3. It provided an opportunity to test the set of rules of conduct inrespecting Arab values as cameras filmed participants aroundthe clock4. It took the pulse of advertising and marketing interest for suchprograms. While this experiment was repeated the following yearbetween June and August, it was only treated as summer filler withnot much hype or success.By November 2003, LBC and MBC were racing towards a targetlaunch date for two Endemol(16) reality productions respectively:Star Academy and Big Brother. Additionally, an unexpected

competitor joined the raceArab Radio and Television (ART)dedicated one of its Al Awael channels to a 24-hour reality showAlHawa Sawa (On Air Together). Beginning December 2003, thisreality matchmaking show featured girls courting a marriageproposal on air for three months, 24-hours a day. This exposurewas important in launching the reality wave because:1. It tested the conservative audience reception2. Participants with no special talents had the potential to becomecelebrities3. It was a format completely re-adapted to consider Arabvalues.(17) But the primary importance of this show was itsadoption by ART, owned by the Saudi company Dallah El Barakaand known for a conservative approach to broadcasting.The last day of December 2003 witnessed the birth of the most

successful Arab reality show: Star Academy. Following Endemolsformat for the French version,(18) Star Academys team identified


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a group of talented Arabs and invited them to join the Academy,where they lived and trained to become star singers. A graduationprocess allowed the instructors at the academy to nominate twocandidates and the public would vote for one of them to stay in the

Academy. Star Academy stretched the limits of reality televisionbecause of its unprecedented popularity and because itrepresented the full realization of a marketing and sales potentialthat included various ancillary activities discussed in detail below.Perhaps the shows main impact, however, remains its consistentaudience loyalty to both the prime(19) episodes as well as the24-hour dedicated channel.At the same time, another show also was in preparation, this time

in Bahrain. Broadcast for just over a week between February andMarch 2004, Al Rais (Big Brother) was a shocking reality checkto many in the industry. Another Endemol format, the show was apopularity contest between a group of girls and guys living togetherin a purpose-built villa. While effort was made to re-adapt the showto accommodate cultural and religious sensitivities, Al Raisnevertheless caused a wave of uproar in the Arab media whichresulted in its cancellation. Three main realizations came out of theBig Brother experience:1. !t was the first and last attempt to produce a 24-hour realityshow outside of Lebanon2. It revealed a divisive nature of reality television alongconservative religious versus liberal lines3. It revealed the unpredictability of the genre. These realizationswill factor in further discussion below.In an attempt to renew its commitment to reality television after thescandal ofAl Rais, MBC made a comeback with an Arabic versionofFear Factorrenamed Thadda El Khouf(Defy Fear). Produced inArgentina during the spring of 2004, the show lasted for only oneseason. Consequently, its impact was limited to allowing MBC toremain in competition by offering a new reality TV show.Interestingly, MBC appeared to have learned a lesson from thefailure ofAl Rais. Starting with Fear Factor, MBCs reality showswere all based on a controlled environment, with a flexibility to edit

before broadcasting. Also during June of the same year, MBCproduced the long-standing international format of Star Search,


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renaming it Najem el Noujom. This singing talent show includedsome reality sequences but primarily was a variety show.By the first weeks of January 2004, LBC was preparing for a fall

replacement forStar Academyan Arab version ofSurvivor. Theshow, produced in Kenya, used a crew composed of French,Lebanese and Kenyans. The French team already had worked onthe French version of the show, while some of the Lebanese crewhad worked on Fort Boyard. The Kenyans were local scouts whoprovided general assistance. As noted, this was not LBC's firstexperience outsourcing a production to a third party. It had donethat with a French team forFort Boyardand it gathered membersof that same team for Survivor. The show aired between

September and December 2004, earning only limited success.Several elements contributed to this disappointment, including theabsence of a live component with games and audienceparticipation. Furthermore, the location was completely alien to theviewers. These very same elements now are being taken intoconsideration prior to starting work on an improbable secondseason.The rest of 2004 witnessed a proliferation of reality shows as thephenomenon came into full swing. In addition to a second season

ofSuper Star, Future TV (FTV) ventured into various new realityformats, some of which gained relative success. In WeddingExpress, for example, a couple was offered a fixed amount ofmoney to negotiate their wedding ceremony and the camerafollowed them as they negotiated with suppliers. FTV alsointroduced a special Ramadan program starring actor Adel Karam,who would hit the streets and ask people to answer questions orperform stunts in return for cash. In so doing, FTV managed to (1)introduce a cost-effective reality production; (2) interact with the

viewers on the street; and (3) combine reality with an element ofthe game show genre.(20) In spite of the setback caused by thedeath of its owner Lebanons prime minister Rafiq al-Hariri, FutureTelevision also re-launched the third season of Super Star inSeptember 2005.Interestingly, the Future Television experience was imitated in2005 on a newly revamped Dubai Television. Lead by the previousmanager of Future Television and executed by a number of his

assistants and producers, Dubai television offered several realityshows.(21) The much talked about Al Daw al Akhdar(The Green


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Light) monitored the progress of a group of contestants as theycollaborated on a goodwill activity. The show had no winners orlosers, but depicted a socially responsible activity such as raisingmoney for Palestinian refugees and offered an ethical alternative

to racier reality TV like Big Brotherand Super Star.In 2005, LBC produced a relatively less successful third season ofStar Academy, and halted the production of an Arabic version ofthe The Apprentice a few weeks before the start of filming. LBCalso postponed the decision to produce the second season ofSurvivorand did not produce Miss Lebanon because of Lebanesesecurity concerns. However, LBC produced two celebrity realityshows:Al Wadi(The Farm); and Dayf al-Beit(The House Guest).

Both shows constitute a major turning point in the course of realitytelevision: Celebrities are the participants in these shows. In AlWadi, a group of Arab celebrities come to assist the singer HayfaWehbeh in maintaining her farm, while in the second show, acelebrity spends a day taking care of a family, particularly thekids.(22)MBC started 2005 with a production of Worlds Apart which itrenamed El Beyt Mish Beytack (This House is Not Yours).Essentially, the show transplanted an Arab family into an alien

community such as Kenya, Ghana or Mongolia. The audience gotto monitor the familys survival instincts, their adaptation skills,frustrations and the new friendships. The show was consistent withMBCs approach to reality television, echoing its slogan TheWorld Through Arab Eyes. Moreover, it coincided with thechannels move towards becoming the Arab family channel.Almost simultaneously, MBC introduced Starting Overwith a literalArabic translation as Min Jedid.(23) The show followed a group ofwomen trying to overcome their problems and make a positive

change in their lives. Assisted by various professionals, thesewomen lived together and engaged the audience through a weeklyspecial episode, where host Rania Barghout updates the womensprogress and debates the audience and the professionals on themain themes of the week. The show introduced a new realityapproach close to the soap opera with women's stories narratedas a series with dramatic cliffhangers at the end of everyepisode.(24)In short, from 2003 to 2005, reality television became anestablished programming genre in the Arab world. Competition


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between LBC and MBC meant that each channel produced at leastthree shows a year. Interestingly, ART never produced anotherreality show again afterAl Hawa Sawa. Following an experimentalstage, each channel developed its own niche; LBC maintained a

consistent delivery of shows involving a Prime show and a 24-hour dedicated channel. After the devastating Big Brotherexperience, MBC limited itself to daily or weekly episodesshowcasing the participants activities while maintaining closecontrol on production, editing and broadcasting. Aside from SuperStar, Future Television did not produce any significant realitytelevision shows. Finally, the following conclusions may bedrawn: Lebanon was a breeding ground for the production ofreality television. The very few shows produced outside Lebanon

had Lebanese managerial, creative and technical crews. Realitytelevision is an overarching term which includes various genres. Inthe Arab world, it primarily started as talent searches and thenreality game shows. Gradually, other formats were introduced,including lifestyle programs and celebrity docu-soaps. Onecompany Endemol almost dominated the licensing of realityshows. At one time, it had two shows under production: MBC withBig Brother, and LBC with Star Academy. Apart from CandidCamera, which was a Ramadan staple, reality shows are notproduced or broadcast during the Muslim Holy month of Ramadan,despite the fact that it is a prime period for TV viewing andadvertising.The Definition of Reality Television in the Arab World There isan inherent hybrid nature in the conception, execution andpromotion of reality television shows and in this the Arab world isno exception. Consequently, the term reality TV itself is toogeneral and has taken on different meanings to those who use it.Essentially, reality television has become the two words that

advertising sales, programmers, producers and technicians use tocreate a buzz around their programs. In the following, I am offeringa definition of reality television from the creative, technical andadvertising perspectives. It is beyond the scope of this study tooffer a comparative definition of reality television that merges anArabian and the more common European or American definitions,but I will explore what the genre means for the developers ofreality television in the Arab world.Primarily, the role of television programmers often is elided in theexamination of the end product, but their role should not be


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marginalized. Particularly in the case of format licensing, it is theprogrammers who spot, decide, negotiate and sometimes force theproduction of these reality shows. They have witnessed thesuccess of the format in other countries, monitored the episodes;

made an appropriate financial offer and want Arab audiences toexperience the international successes of reality television.(25) Inother words, the buying of a previously tried and tested Westernformat is generally a reliable way of ensuring programs cancompete and win ratings. Once they sign the format deal,programmers look for two talents: a producer who can carry theweight of the show and a presenter who can incarnate the spirit ofthe show.(26)Reality television is a producers genre. As a team, the producersset the stage for an activity that they direct, frame and edit.(27) Tothe producers, the definition of reality television often hides behinda jargon that refers to the origination, combination or presence ofreality elements within any show. For instance, they refer to showsdepending on their shooting location on the road or in apurpose-built studio environment. They talk about presence orabsence of a host, celebrity or voice of God (announcer ornarrator) and almost always their production is promoted as anever seen before novelty. Although by definition reality TV is

unscripted, in fact many elements are tightly controlled. In thissense, reality television producers are storytellersby planningtasks, selecting sequences, editing and combining elements, theydefine reality.For the technicians, every show is a challenge to their wit,expertise and ability to challenge the "foreigners." The presence offoreign consultants is always an occasion for the technicians tolearn and to prove that they can outdo their competitors. Audio

engineers, cameramen and technicians try to adapt theirequipment and experience to the requirements of the show and forthese technicians, reality has come to mean an exciting andcompetitive challenge.Before the show is even produced, an army of advertising salespeople try to get the word out. Primarily, they look for the followingingredients: first, that the show is a proven international success;second, that it has Pan-Arab audience appeal; and the program is

entertaining. In fact, the word reality has become synonymouswith a sure success. Usually, it is by simply adding to the word


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reality that sales pitch is complete. For instance, advertisingpeople will talk about a reality sequence within a talk show, areality approach to an interview, or a reality style for the camerawork. As a programming genre, reality has become such an

infatuation that the mere mentioning of the word triggers smilesthroughout corporate advertising meeting rooms.To summarize, then, reality television is a format that is boughtfrom one of several Western companies. Ideally, the show shouldhave been produced in at least one other country to allow forcomparison, evaluation and possible training. The format has tohave the potential of being Pan-Arab. For instance, its contestantsshould be selected from a number of representative Arab

countries. The most common pool of participants come fromcountries either considered liberal (such as Egypt, Lebanon orJordan) or from those with solid advertising bases (such as SaudiArabia and Kuwait). Moreover, the show should have a familiar orexotic setting. However, it should not oppose Arabic values. Toexplain this situation, both programmers and advertising salesagree that the show should be confined to what is permissible byIslamic standards. This rather complex Islamic/Pan Arab natureof formats will be discussed in detail in a later section of this paper.The Creators The introduction of reality television to the Arabregion has changed the way programmers and advertising salespersons addressed production. Up until the reality era, televisiondirectors used to make all the creative and organizationaldecisions related to the production. It was a tradition inherited fromfilmmaking, in which the director was the source of all decisionsand the role of producers was restricted to an accountancy ormanagement job. With the early reality formats, an emerging rolefor the producer began to take shape under the primary influence

of contractual bindings. Licensing agreements follow a particularproduction bible that calls for the position of a producer to handlethe organization as well as the editorial control of a particularshow. But it was not until the development era of reality televisionthat we witnessed the establishment of a significant role for theproducer. As pointed out earlier, this change was taking placeprimarily in Lebanon where most of these productions and theirstaff are located.The most important change in the organizational control of theproduction process in Arab television is that the variety of


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production positions have become professionalized since itbecame important to coordinate the various creative andproduction activities to succeed in producing reality television inthe Arab world. Consequently, a relative margin of freedom has

been given to executive producers in casting, hiring and packagingtheir shows. At the same time, these liberties were attached to aseries of innovative advertising practices. When combined, thesepractices produced the most expensive television genre to beexecuted in the region.(28)Just where did these producers come from? What lay behind thisloosening of financial and creative control? And how didadvertising influence this creative process? As argued,

programmers paid for a reliable idea -- a secure road to success.This reliance on Western format purchasing undoubtedly is due toa combination of the Arab worlds fascination with Western mediaand the sound business reasoning that a proven formatguarantees a return on investment, allowing programmers torelease anywhere between $5,000 to $70,000 as licensing fee perepisode. Such prices were inflated by competitive bidding byvarious channels. This battle for rights to produce formats requiresfurther study, but suffice it to say that the evaluation of financialrisk or promise partially explains the environment in which

producers flourished and helps explain the way in which theseproducers were recruited, trained and managed.Reality television came at a time when the pool of underemployedor unemployed creative labor in the Arab media was getting largerbecause of a number of interrelated factors. By September 2002,the Lebanese government had shut down one the country's mostvibrant television channels, MTV, leaving more than 400employees without jobs. In addition, Zen TVs productions scaled

down dramatically after the main partner on the project pulled out.Meanwhile, more and more universities were graduating studentsmajoring in journalism, mass communication and the audio-visualarts. While there are no official numbers of graduates, a safeestimate will put those above one hundred per year in Lebanonalone. On the Pan-Arab market, the Gulf-based channels seemedstagnant except for the transition of MBC and the establishment ofAl Arabyia, while the long-awaited re-launch of Dubai Televisionand Al Jazeeras promised documentary channel was causing

frustrations amongst graduates interested in more serious work.


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In addition to this glut of journalism graduates and media talent,three main elements contributed to the growing number of realitytelevision producers. First, the nature of reality television does notrequire extensive experience in any particular form of mass media.

In fact, producers came from various backgrounds, including freshgraduates, but also journalists, entertainment producers, newsreporters etc. The main criterion was the ability to work underpressure and long hours -- something many were willing to do inorder to get a foot in the door. Secondly, given the hybrid nature ofreality television, each producer attempted to use it as a platformfor his or her own creative pursuits, or at least to demonstrate skill.Thirdly, the training and exposure to new technology was anadded value to working in this field. For instance, LBC trained its

core reality staff on Miss Lebanon before moving them to StarAcademy. As expected, some of those producers remained withthe show while others sought opportunities with other channelsgiven their new-found expertise in the genre. Having noted thisgrowing presence and status of producers in the reality TV genre,the following discussion will address the increasing interest ofprogrammers and advertising sales in reality televisionaninterest which translated into lucrative investments. Undoubtedly,the Western success of reality television triggered the originalinterest of programmers in the genre. It was impossible to escapethe euphoria created around reality shows at television marketexhibition such as Le March International des Programmes deTlvision (MIPTV- the International Market for TelevisionProgrammes) in France. These shows were bought because theyprovided various opportunities with a low-risk and high-returninvestment. Programmers know they are minimizing their riskwhen they adapt a show that has appealed to various targetaudiences around the globe. In addition, they are assured highproduction values, given both the available technology and the

presence of foreign consultants since being a licensee entailshaving access to technical support, training and supervision.Therefore, both licenser and licensee have a vested interest tomaintain a higher production value.At the same time, programmers are tempted by reality television'spotential for high ratings, which in turn can be translated intofinancial rewards. Given the archaic status of audience researchmethods, programmers rely on a combination of gut feeling and

tested formats to make their buying decisions. Reality televisiondraws its participants from the Arab world, particularly ones that


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are considered advertising targets. The financial success of theseshows is more often then not linked to the successor at leastperceived successof the nationals of those countries, particularlyin Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Egypt. Furthermore, the ancillary

programming that accompanies or is inspired by the reality showsis another valued asset of reality television. Programmersincreasingly are interested in filling their airtime with rehashed orre-packaged material. Some of these practices include thedevelopment of a daily show, wraps and/or the launch of 24-hourchannel created for the show. Probably, this trend can bewitnessed in the institutionalization ofStar Academywith concerts,CD's, music videos, and other paraphernalia, all revolving aroundthe show's themes and stars.Added to this income is the revenue from advertising. A 30-secondcommercial costs between $10,000 to $12,000, compared to anaverage of $5,000 for other prime-time shows. Advertisers also areencouraged to sign onto exclusive or co-sponsored agreements.Realitys Pan-Arab appeal attracted major advertisers willing tospend anywhere between $250,000 to a couple of million for asponsorship package. A system of branding and productplacement also was developed to cater for both the sponsors aswell as other advertisers' needs. As a result, it is not unusual to

listen to a conversation between two participants about a particularbrand and even less unusual to see the participants paradingvarious sponsored products on air. Another growing area ofadvertising revenue is related to interactivity. Increasingly, textmessaging is used for voting participants in or out of a show andfor sending messages that will be displayed on a scroller in thelower third of the screen. A typical deal would involve three or fourparties: two mobile telecoms in the calling and receiving country,the television channel and possibly a fourth party that handles the

voting/display/censorship system. The channels receive a cents-per-call figure usually ranging between 10 to 40 cents. All theabove illustrates a positive contribution to the state of televisionproduction in the region, including increasing job opportunities,entrepreneurial programming spirit and advertising revenue.Nevertheless, one should not forget three essential observationsrelating to the working conditions and the evolution of thetelevision business. There are over a hundred positions directlyrelated to reality television in the region. Should the audience

become less attracted by the genre, what would happen to thoseemployees?


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Similarly, Arab channels reliance on formatted shows, particularlyin terms of reality television, has resulted in a peculiar situation.One on hand, most of those producers are working out of analready existing production bible, potentially affecting their ability or

willingness to develop their own ideas. On the other hand,programmers may be less reluctant to pursue a locally developedformat which they would ordinarily consider a risky adventure. Thisoften works against the development of local talent.The Continuing DebateI started this paper by examining a wide spectrum of viewsconcerning reality television in the Arab World, ranging fromcondemnation to celebration. In addition, I have suggested theneed for further serious study. In the previous sections, I traced thedevelopment of the genre with an emphasis on factors relating tothe nature of television in the region. Particularly, I was concernedwith managerial, creative and technical forces that presented thisgenre to the Arab audience. In the following, I hope to address thatdebate and offer an idea worth exploring.As I have noted, reality television is produced almost entirely byLebanese for an Arab audience. The historical development

suggests that culturally and economically Lebanon was a ripeground for the ferment of reality television. On one hand, theLebanese social context is open to exploring Western ideas andon the other hand, a pool of talent is readily available andaffordable. At the same time, I have stressed the structural needsfor respecting Islamic, particularly Saudi, values because of thepowerful influence of sensitive and conservative Gulf-basedadvertisers and viewers. Creative and advertising personnelworking on reality TV programs in the Arab world cautiously

interpret and continuously rewrite the rules of what can and cannotbe broadcast. The dilemmas of how and whether creativeproducers should or should not faithfully adhere to original formats,which I am exploring in a different study, suggests that socio-cultural elements, specifically Lebanese and Islamic, are at thecentre of format adaptation for the Arab Worldits Arabization.The Arabization of an international format involves as muchadherence to a Lebanonization as does Islamization. My use of

Arabization refers to the repackaging of Western formats to Arabic-speaking audiences. The process of Lebanonization involves the


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staffing, the aesthetic and editorial treatment of the format, whileIslamization refers to the various codes that producers apply inevaluating their stories. In other words, Lebanonization is not areductionist notion; rather it helps explain the introduction of words

like the French 'nomine' for nominee in Star Academy, and theWestern looks and language on Al Wadi. At the same time,Islamization justifies the prayer rooms in Big Brother, and thetaboo subject of religion in Star Academy.In the Arabization of an international format, both programmersand advertising salespersons have a vested interest in balancingLebanonization and Islamization. In doing so, they achieve a Pan-Arab audience appeal while maintaining an Islamic safe margin

that guarantees continuous advertising support. One can arguethat Big Brother's failure is partly due to a lack of Arabizationtheshow failed to strike a balance. Through Lebanonization, itachieved its first few days of success when the audience wasgetting hooked on the characters. This was followed by anIslamization stage where participants were afraid to touch, play oreven talk to each other. The inability to strike a balance wasinstrumental in the cancellation of the show.The success of the Arabization of these shows needs further

study. For instance, what would explain the success of thesereality shows at a time when a more real, harsh and bitter truthwas offered on Al Jazeera and Al Arabyia? It was during and afterthe latest Iraqi war that reality television flourished. It is true thatprogrammers were eager to maintain an audience that was shiftingfrom general entertainment channels to news channels. But whilethis explanation might satisfy the business, programming andproduction angles; but it does not answer questions about those inthe audience who watched and voted.Just like game shows, reality television is a formata patentedproduct with a reproduction permit that is sold in return for moneyand copyright recognition. Issues of flows, meanings, globalizationand "hybridity are central to a better understanding of this format.In other words, the boom in reality television in the Arab world isclosely related to issues of structure and reception. Ignoring one orthe other robs the phenomenon of its full significance.In attempting to avoid the danger of overemphasizing thedemocratic freedom of the reality TV audience, it is important to


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note that primarily private media is supporting reality televisiongovernment media is still cautiously exercising creative control.Central to this point is the role of advertising in encouraging,promoting and indirectly bankrolling reality television. The potential

risks of reality television are twofold: financial loss and a publicrelations crisis. The Big Brother case embodies the problemsencountered when a reality TV show stumbles into both pitfalls, butsignificantly, it did not hinder MBC from producing more than fiveother reality shows.As I argued earlier, reality television purports to represent reality,but in fact it represents many complex and competing realities.The task therefore, is first and foremost to develop the

perspectives and knowledge for us to explore fully the possibilitiesoffered by this new genre. On the knowledge front, this studyoffered an account of the development of the medium. Thisaccount was not exhaustive, but rather selective. A more detailedhistory needs to be written. On the perspective front, this studywas concerned with the developers of reality television. Theframework of Arabization will need more theorizing as structuralissues pertaining to the political economy of the media in theregion. I hope this contribution will encourage further studies andcontribute to this ongoing debate.Joe F. Khalil is a PhD student at Southern Illinois University inCarbondale. He has more than 12 years of professional televisionexperience as director, executive producer and consultant withCNBC Arabiya, MBC, MTV and Orbit. As media professional, hehas travelled on assignments in Italy, USA, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar,Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon. For seven years, he was an instructorat the Lebanese American University where his teaching andresearch focused on transnational broadcasting, programming and

production.NOTES 1. This is primarily in reference to numerous articles thatappeared in the Western press, particularly the views of MelikKaylan, James S. Robbins, Carla Power and others. In their view,reality television is a means of spreading democracy, fightingreligious fundamentalism and introducing the West to Islam. 2.Religious clerics in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait released religiousfatwa condemning some of the rituals associated with reality

television. On the other hand, Arab journalists, actors and directorswere very vocal concerning their dismay and disdain of the cultural


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quality of reality television. 3. For a more detailed analysis of thetransfer of program ideas please refer to another article by theauthor which appeared under the title Blending in: Arab Televisionand the Search for Programming Ideas, TBS Vol. 13, Fall/Winter

2004. http://www.tbsjournal.com/Archives/Fall04/fall04.html 4.During the '70s, Beirut and Cairo were producing classic works ofFrench and English authors translated into Arabic but also serieson the lifes of classic Arab figures from the arts and sciences. Thiscame at time when Arab countries, particularly in the Gulf, gainedtheir independence and were eager to feature Arab works on theirnewly founded television channels. 5. Albert Moran, CopycatTelevision: Globalization, Program Formats, and Cultural Identity.University of Luton Press, 1998. 6. All channels pursued their

negotiations except for MTV, which was shut down in Septemberby a court order. 7. This difference is between Family FeudandThe Apprentice. The latter was going to be produced during thespring of 2005. The project is pending a replacement forMohammad el Abbar who was going to act as the shows host. 8.One writer in particular Salah Tizani, known as Abu Salim, alwaystold stories about how difficult it was for him to recruit new actorsbecause everybody was acting improvised plots. A newcomeralways found him/herself unable to move in front of the camera,resulting in awkward silences. 9. Each channel came up with theirown different name for the show, but the basic structure andlogistics are very similar to those in the US version. To avoidconfusion, all shows following the same format are discussed byreference to the channel, not to the show. 10. The show wascancelled because of the last special which involved the search fora missing person. When the shows team was unable to locate theperson or even provide a conclusive answer, LBC was left withnegative publicity and decided that the show would not beproduced again. 11. While the main shows format is the same as

American Idol, licensing companies offer their license from aparticular territory to another. In this case, the license of the Pan-Arab Super Star is in reference to the British Pop Idol. 12. Talentsearch shows in the region date as far the early '70s, but unlikeSuper Star, a judging committee was in charge of selecting thewinners. 13. Future television sources reveal that the number ofvotes received for the first seasons finale amounted to 4million. 14. In 2003, the 4.8 million voters for Super Star votedalong nationalist lines with Jordan leading the votes for its Diana

Karazon, the shows winner. A massive spontaneous votingcampaign involved the Jordanian king, the mobile companies,


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private businesses and individuals. Unlike the European songcontest Eurovision, the candidates were not selected as countryrepresentatives but still, Arab voters were somehow moreconcerned with the nationality of the winner than with their

performance. 15. For all its 24-hour reality shows, LBC convertsits pay channel Nagham into a dedicated channel for the durationof the reality show. It has done that forMiss Liban , Star Academyand The Farm. 16. Along with FermantleMedia, Endemol is thesecond main format show provider and both are located in Europe.FermantleMedia is based in London and is part of RTL group whileEndemol is based in the Netherlands. 17. ARTs owner SheikhSaleh Kamel is a Saudi businessman known for sponsoringreligious channels like Iqraa. 18. Cf note 9. In this case the license

of the Pan-Arab Star Academy was in reference to the Frenchversion Star Academy. 19. Prime episodes are two hoursepisodes associated with a 24-hour type of a reality show.Characterized by its spectacle nature, the Prime is typically theoccasion to vote someone out or in the show. Editorially, it alsoinvolves the best stories of the week, while commercially, it isconsidered the most-viewed and consequently, most expensiveadvertising window. 20. To many people, this show was not toonew, as it resembled LBCs Wakef Ta Kellak. 21. It is important toconsider the fact that Ali Jaber as well as many of his closeassociates, the producers, and directors had been previousemployees of Future Television or Zen TV. 22. At the time ofwriting this study, it was deemed too early to assess the impact ofboth shows. 23. Originally the show, was going to be the Swan. Idid meet with the team working on the initial proposal. Whilecasting started off along the lines of a possible Swan, halfwaythrough, an more acceptable format was bought, which wasStarting Over. This is a currently produced program in the US andhas nothing to do with the Swan. Starting Over is a daytime

syndicated reality show in its US third season. 24. Ibid. 25. This ishow the first season of Star Academy was promoted using forvisual support clips from the various productions ofStar Academyaround the world but with particular focus on clips from the FrenchStar Academy. Interestingly, the French version was occasionallybroadcast in Lebanon on MTV during the first and the secondseason (2000 and 2001) as part of a deal with the French channelTF1. 26. I am not offering a discussion on the role of the presentersince many of these shows do not have a one, or when they do,

his or her role is very much restricted. 27. The term producerhere refers to the various titles including executive producers and


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their assistances, creative producers and story producers. It isbeyond the scope of this paper to outline the differences betweeneach; however, this will be part of future research looking at thework of the creative personnel and reality television. 28. Unlike the

US, where a half hour sitcom could cost a couple of million dollars,the Arab world acting and drama production does not cost asmuch. On the other hand, reality shows one hour has the samedrama cost in addition to more staff, travel, special equipment andlicense fee. While a drama episode might cost anywhere between$10-100,000, a reality show license alone could consume half ofthe $100,000. 29. The largest bidders are MBC and LBC.Companies like Endemol are constantly approaching bothchannels knowing that both will be willing to pay for a sure product.

In my minor interaction with Endemol consultant in Bahrain (2004),it was obvious that the Middle East was becoming a excellentprospect with great potential. 30. Dubai Media City withdrew fromits partnership with FTV. Currently ZenTV is understaffed musicchannel with no specific programs. 31. A major television marketexhibition held in Cannes, France. This is primarily where mostArab programmers seek to buy shows including formats andseries. 32. This is an important area for future studies, particularlythe packages for exclusive sponsors and the issues of exclusivity,product placement, etc. 33. It is interesting to note that some ofthe current jobs involved in reality television are not handled byArabs. For instance, the director, choreographer and some of thedancers of Star Academys Prime are not Arabs. 34. Thisframework articulated here is part of a forthcoming paper dealingwith issues of creative identity and creative control in the Arabmedia in general.

Documents

Joe F. Khalil - Inside Arab Reality Television