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Job insecurity and life satisfaction: The moderating influence of labour market policies across Europe Ewan Carr 1* Social Statistics, University of Manchester ABSTRACT This paper tests whether the association between perceived job insecurity and life satisfaction is moderated by the generosity of national labour market policies in Europe. Job insecurity is thought to influence well-being by motivating anxieties about (i) the difficulties of finding another job and (ii) alternative sources of non-work income. These components are related to active and passive labour market policies, respectively. Generous policy support is hypothesised to buffer the experience of job insecurity by lowering the perceived difficulties of finding a similar job (active LMP) or by guaranteeing a minimum income (passive LMP). The study combines data for 22 countries from the 2010 European Social Survey with contextual information from Eurostat and the OECD. Based on a multilevel path analysis, initial support for this hypothesis is found. Perceived employment insecurity is negatively associated with life satisfaction but the strength of the relationship is inversely related to the generosity of national LMP. The harmful consequences of perceived insecurity are greater where LMP expenditure is lower or where unemployment benefits replace a smaller proportion of in-work income. No effect is found for employment protection legislation (EPL). The analysis also highlights considerable heterogeneity in the moderating influence of LMP. Whereas vulnerable workers are protected by generous policy support, other groups see no effect. The limitations of the study and directions for future research are discussed. * [email protected]

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Job insecurity and life satisfaction: The

moderating influence of labour market

policies across Europe

Ewan Carr1*

Social Statistics, University of Manchester

ABSTRACT

This paper tests whether the association between perceived job insecurity

and life satisfaction is moderated by the generosity of national labour market

policies in Europe. Job insecurity is thought to influence well-being by

motivating anxieties about (i) the difficulties of finding another job and (ii)

alternative sources of non-work income. These components are related to

active and passive labour market policies, respectively. Generous policy

support is hypothesised to buffer the experience of job insecurity by lowering

the perceived difficulties of finding a similar job (active LMP) or by

guaranteeing a minimum income (passive LMP). The study combines data for

22 countries from the 2010 European Social Survey with contextual

information from Eurostat and the OECD. Based on a multilevel path analysis,

initial support for this hypothesis is found. Perceived employment insecurity

is negatively associated with life satisfaction but the strength of the

relationship is inversely related to the generosity of national LMP. The

harmful consequences of perceived insecurity are greater where LMP

expenditure is lower or where unemployment benefits replace a smaller

proportion of in-work income. No effect is found for employment protection

legislation (EPL). The analysis also highlights considerable heterogeneity in

the moderating influence of LMP. Whereas vulnerable workers are protected

by generous policy support, other groups see no effect. The limitations of the

study and directions for future research are discussed.

* [email protected]

2

Introduction

Research has consistently shown perceived employment insecurity to be negatively

associated with individual health and well-being (e.g. Sverke, Hellgren, and Naswall

2002; De Witte 2007; Burchell 2005; Cheng and Chan 2008), and there is good

evidence indicating that labour market policies are themselves associated with

perceptions of labour market insecurity (e.g. Anderson and Pontusson 2007; Pacelli et

al. 2008; Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009). The moderating potential of labour market

policy, by contrast, has received little attention. Combining survey data from the 2010

European Social Survey (ESS 2010) with contextual information from the OECD and

Eurostat, this study tests whether the association between employment insecurity and

life satisfaction stronger in countries with less generous LMP provision.

Employment insecurity is an important research topic, not only because of the harmful

consequences for well-being2, but because many more employees worry about losing

their jobs than actually lose them (Dickerson and Green 2006). As Burchell (1994)

shows, the gap in psychological well-being between secure and insecure employees is

typically about the same size as the gap between employed and unemployed persons.

However, while perceived job insecurity is both harmful and widespread, particular in a

recession, not everyone is affected equally. At the individual-level, factors such as

social support (Lim 1996), family arrangements (Ertel, Koenen, and Berkman 2008) or

job control (Büssing 1999) can all moderate the experience of employment insecurity.

Fewer studies have considered contextual moderators, but it has been suggested that

economic conditions (such as unemployment or GDP growth) can also play a role (Carr,

Elliot, and Tranmer 2011). The scarcity of studies investigating contextual moderators

of insecurity is unfortunate, because research shows significant cross-national variation

in both the prevalence of employment insecurity (e.g. Böckerman 2004; Erlinghagen

2008) and the subsequent outcomes. As this study highlights, the country in which you

live can determine your experience of employment insecurity, even afters controlling for

individual characteristics. This has important implications for policy-making. While

cross-national variation in employment security is itself interesting, to be instructive for

policy requires some unpacking. What is it about living in a particular country that

explains the moderating effect? Why do employees in Scandinavia, when faced with a

similar threat, subsequently report lower levels psychological ill-health, compared to

those in Southern Europe?

This paper considers labour market policies (LMPs) as one potential moderating factor.

The study is in 4 parts. First, a discussion of the theoretical and analytical model is

given, detailing what is meant by ‘employment insecurity’ and the ways in which this is

2 Individuals who think they are likely to lose their job in the coming year are more likely, on

average, to report heightened anxiety and depression (Roskies, Louis-Guerin, and Fournier 1993;

Orpen 1993), impaired psychological well-being (De Witte 1999; Friesen and Sarros 1989;

Wilson, Larson, and Stone 1993; Kuhnert, Sims, and Lahey 1989) and problems sleeping

(Arnetz et al. 1988; Ferrie et al. 1998; Cobb and Kasl 1977; Withington 1989).

3

thought to relate to LMP. Second, an overview of the data and methods used, as well as

the measurement of the core concepts. The findings are presented third, before

concluding with a discussion.

Defining employment security

Job insecurity is a multidimensional concept that goes beyond the fear of imminent job

loss. Past studies have distinguished between ‘objective’ and ‘subjective’ or ‘cognitive’

and ‘affective’ dimensions. Objective insecurity refers to positions that are inherently of

limited duration, by the nature of the job (Witte and Naswall 2003; Pearce 1998). Such

contractual forms of insecurity include temporary, fixed-term or agency positions.

Subjective job insecurity, on the other hand, captures the individual’s own expectations

about becoming unemployed, the loss of job features (such as content, autonomy or

hours) and the consequences these changes may have. As Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt

(1984) put it, subjective job insecurity is derived from the objective threat “by means of

the individual’s perceptual processes, which transform environmental data into

information used in thought processes” (p. 440).

A further distinction can be made between ‘affective’ and ‘cognitive’ insecurity (Ashford

1989). Cognitive insecurity is the individual’s estimate of the probability they will lose

their job in the near future, whereas affective insecurity refers to worries or anxiety

about becoming unemployed. As Anderson and Pontusson (2007) put it, “affective job

insecurity boils down to the question ‘What happens to me (and my family) if I do lose

my job?’” (p. 4). A related distinction can be made between job insecurity and

employment insecurity, where the former is concerned with security in the current job

and the latter with employability in the wider labour market (Chung and Oorschot 2010,

7). This is an important distinction. An individual may think that job loss is imminent,

but if they feel confident of finding another position quickly, the consequences are likely

to be moderate. By contrast, for someone who thinks they are about to lose their job

and is pessimistic about finding another one – perhaps due to age, experience or skills

– the consequences are likely to be more severe. The term ‘employment insecurity’ is

often used interchangeably with the term ‘labour market insecurity’ (e.g. Anderson and

Pontusson 2007). For this discussion, both terms are understood as the extent to

which an individual can maintain a continuous employment career, which may include

changing employers or jobs (Pacelli et al. 2008; Dasgupta 2001). This will be

determined by both individual employability (e.g. skills, experience) as well as economic

and labour market conditions (e.g. unemployment or economic growth).

To date, most studies have considered cognitive employment insecurity, often referred

to simply as ‘job insecurity’ (e.g. Wichert 1999; Heaney, Israel, and House 1994). This

is perhaps because most large social surveys, if they address employment security at

all, tend only to include questions capturing the ‘perceived likelihood of becoming

4

unemployed in the near future’3, or the extent to which the respondent feels ‘their job is

secure’ (e.g. the 2004 and 2010 ESS). This study adopts a hybrid approach. As Chung

and Oorschot (2010) note, cognitive measures of employment insecurity are

problematic insofar as they include individuals who might lose their current job, but will

easily find another one. As they argue:

We believe that there is a problem categorizing this group of people as insecure,

for they will not go through a period where they are actually unemployed (p. 8).

For people to feel truly insecure, it follows, they must anticipate experiencing a non-

negligible period of unemployment. Consequently, this study operationalises

employment insecurity as workers who (a) do not feel that their job is secure, and (b)

think it would be difficult to find a similar job, were they to become unemployed.

Affective insecurity is addressed indirectly, as the well-being consequences of cognitive

insecurity. This presumes that the only mechanism by which cognitive insecurity can

influence subjective well-being is by motivating thoughts, worries and anxieties about

what job loss would entail, and that it is these concerns that are negatively associated

with well-being, (rather than the perceived probability of unemployment itself). Cognitive

insecurity, following this view, has no tangible manifestation (in the way that, say,

unemployment incurs a financial loss or change of routine). Rather, it is a subjective

assessment that leads to worries about the future (i.e. affective insecurity). Cognitive

insecurity does not exist outside the consciousness of the individual until it is

connected to the anticipated consequences (it is this connection that has such harmful

consequences). In practice, however, cognitive and affective insecurities are

inseparable. When evaluating the likelihood of job loss an individual will inevitably think

of the consequences (i.e. the connection referred to above is immediate).

Given this definition, affective insecurity is conceptualised here as the relationship

between cognitive insecurity and subjective well-being. This becomes important later,

when considering the moderating effect of LMP. These models regress the slope of the

association between cognitive insecurity and well-being on LMP. This is equivalent to

testing the association between affective insecurity and LMP.

Employment insecurity and labour market policy

This section sets out the theoretical basis for the study: why are labour market policies

expected to moderate the consequences of employment insecurity? At the outset it is

useful to distinguish between ‘direct’ and ‘moderating’ effects. Direct effects refer to

the association between LMPs and employment insecurity (i.e. insecurity is the

dependent variable) whereas the moderating effect is the extent to which LMPs change

the strength or direction of the association between insecurity and subjective well-being

(i.e. well-being is the dependent variable). Most existing studies emphasise the former,

3 This type of question is available in the European Working Conditions Survey (2005), the 2006

European Social Survey (2006) and the General Social Survey (Smith et al. 2008).

5

treating insecurity as the dependent variable and giving no explicit consideration to

subsequent outcomes (the connection is assumed, but not tested empirically). These

studies test whether national policy is able to explain individual variations in

employment insecurity. This section reviews this literature but also considers the

theoretical basis for the moderating effect.

First, it is necessary to define what is meant by ‘labour market policy’ (LMP). The

European Union defines LMPs as “public interventions in the labour market aimed at

reaching its efficient functioning and correcting disequilibria and which can be

distinguished from other general employment policy interventions in that they act

selectively to favour particular groups in the labour market” (Eurostat 2002, 4).

According to Robinson (2000) labour market policies as seek to balance 3 distinct

objectives: (i) the reduction of unemployment and inactivity; (ii) the reduction of public

expenditure or the costs of ‘welfare dependency’; and (iii) the reduction of income

poverty (p. 14). Data on LMP expenditure typically differentiate between active and

passive measures. Active labour market policies are interventions aimed at “the

improvement of the beneficiaries’ prospect of finding gainful employment or to

otherwise increase their earnings capacity” (OECD 2007, 14). This includes measures

to improve access to the labour market for the unemployed (Powell and Barrientos

2004, 88), investment in skills and qualifications (Rønsen and Skarðhamar 2009, 62)

and subsidised employment (Moncel, Ruivo, and Fravega 2004, 59). Passive labour

market policies include unemployment compensation schemes (unemployment

benefits, redundancy and bankruptcy compensation) and programmes for early

retirement (Moncel, Ruivo, and Fravega 2004, 58; OECD 2011). In summary, active

policies are those that help the inactive or unemployed into work whereas passive

policies seek to guarantee a minimum income for these individuals during

unemployment.

When considering the institutional determinants of employment insecurity it is

necessary to differentiate between ‘cognitive’ and ‘affective’ forms, since the

determinants of each will differ. Following Anderson and Pontusson (2007), affective

insecurity (the perceived consequences of job loss) can be decomposed into two

discrete variables: (i) the prospects of findings another similar job and (ii) access to

sources of income that are not related to employment. This is consistent with the notion

of ‘job dependency’, defined by Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt (1984) as a function of

occupational mobility (the ability to find a similar job) and income insecurity (“the

inability to meet living expenses without the income from the current job”) (p. 445).

These twin components of affective insecurity can be related to active and passive

LMPs, respectively.

Active labour market programmes aim to lower the barriers to re-employment, thus

reducing the perceived difficulties of finding another job. Essentially, this implies that

individuals’ perceived chances of finding a similar position is a function of the

effectiveness of activation schemes (e.g. training, counselling or job creation) and their

awareness of such schemes. Employees will worry less about the prospect of job loss if

they feel confident that effective activation support is readily available.

6

Income insecurity, the second component of job dependency, is thought to be

influenced by passive labour market policies (most notably, unemployment benefits).

Individuals worry about unemployment because of the loss of income this will incur.

Passive LMPs will reduce this worry insofar as they provide a replacement income

during unemployment. The more generous the benefit (i.e. the greater the proportion of

in-work income that is replaced) the less an individual will worry about unemployment,

since the consequences (e.g. the reduction in living standards) will be less severe.

Active and passive LMPs can be readily linked to the twin components of affective

insecurity, but the effect on cognitive insecurity is less clear. Simply put, there are few

plausible mechanisms by which active and passive LMPs, which typically target the

unemployed, can motivate the perceived risk of unemployment for current employees.

This is a conceptual argument, since it is hard to see how cognitive or affective

insecurities could exist in isolation, but is important nonetheless. Existing research

showing a link between LMP and ‘job insecurity’ tends to conflate cognitive and

affective forms (e.g. Lollivier and Rioux 2006). For example, the theoretical justification

cites affective insecurity but the empirical analysis is based upon cognitive insecurity.

Given the strict definition of cognitive insecurity as a probability, it it hard to justify a link

to active or passive policies, which benefit the unemployed. Rather, individual

assessments of cognitive insecurity are likely to depend on economic conditions

(e.g. the unemployment rate, or economic growth) or individual circumstances

(e.g. performance, skills or status).

There are two possible exceptions. The first is employment protection legislation (EPL),

an indicator that measuring regulations governing the ease with which employers can

hire and fire workers (OECD 2004). EPL can plausibly influence cognitive insecurity

because it will determine the ease with which employees can fired (i.e. cognitive

insecurity is likely to be inversely related to the strictness of employment legislation).

However, this naive interpretation is problematic. EPL is often limited to permanent

employees so can have a polarising effect. As Boeri, Börsch-Supan, and Tabellini (2001)

put it, “EPL concentrates the unemployment risk among outsiders” (p. 21). Stricter EPL

has also been associated with prolonged unemployment (Nickell 1997) and higher use

of temporary contacts (e.g. Dolado, García-Serrano, and Jimeno 2002; Polavieja 2006).

EPL might therefore increase affective insecurity, because by protecting the positions of

the currently employed, it makes it harder for labour market outsiders to find work (e.g.

Gautié 2011). It is plausible, therefore, that EPL might increase affective insecurity by

making it harder to find alternative employment.

A second plausible exception arises from ‘prospect theory’, as developed by Kahneman

and Tversky (1979), and specifically the notion of a ‘weighting function’ (p. 280). Put

Cognitive insecurity Affective insecurity

LMP

EPL

7

crudely, this states that the estimated probability of an event is not independent from

the expected gains or losses of such an event. Instead, the estimated probability

increases inline with the anticipated losses, such that individuals overestimate the

probability of severe outcomes and underestimate more minor consequences. With

regard to employment insecurity, this would imply that the supposed separation of

cognitive and affective insecurity is not only problematic in practice, but also is flawed

conceptually. Individuals who perceive job loss to be more harmful, following this idea,

are likely to overestimate the probability of losing their job. Therefore, since LMPs can

influence the perceived consequences of job loss (i.e. affective insecurity), they might

also influence cognitive insecurity, due to the non-independence of perceived

probabilities and perceived outcomes.

Having reviewed the mechanisms by which LMPs can influence employment insecurity,

both cognitive and affective, it would be useful to review existing evidence. Overall,

there is good evidence to support the direct association between labour market policies

and employment insecurity, although some studies find no effect and others emphasise

the economic climate, rather than the institutional framework, as the key determinant.

Using data for 15 OECD countries Anderson and Pontusson (2007) find more protective

employment legislation be associated with lower levels of cognitive insecurity, while

expenditure on active LMPs are associated with more positive assessments of

alternative employment prospects. Their findings support three mechanisms by which

LMPs can influence individual concerns about employment, consistent with the model

outlined above: (1) expenditure on active LMPs is shown to reduce labour market

(i.e. the ability to find another job); (2) more generous unemployment compensation

reduces worries about the income lost during unemployment (p. 18); and (3) more

restrictive employment protection legislation is associated with reduced levels of

cognitive job security. Notably, they find LMP expenditure to have no effect on cognitive

job insecurity.

Pacelli et al. (2008) find generous unemployment benefits (UB) to be positively

associated cognitive job security, although based on aggregate data. Clark and Postel-

Vinay (2009) find job insecurity to be negatively associated with the strictness of EPL,

and positively associated with the generosity of unemployment benefits, but only for

private sector workers. Based on data for 22 European countries, Chung and Oorschot

(2010) show the generosity of both passive and active labour market policies to be

negatively associated with perceived employment insecurity4. Finally, using the French

sample of the ECHP, Lollivier and Rioux (2006) found that workers felt more secure

when unemployment benefit levels are more generous.

Other studies are less supportive. A multilevel analysis of the 2004 European Social

Survey by Erlinghagen (2008) shows no association between social security spending

4 The study by Chung and Oorschot (2010) adopts a hybrid measure of ‘cognitive employment

insecurity’ that incorporates both cognitive (the perceived probability of job loss) and affective

elements (the difficulty of finding alternative employment). This measure forms the basis for the

operationalisation adopted in this paper.

8

and perceived job insecurity, having controlled for unemployment rates, GDP growth

rates and EPL. Some authors have suggested that instead of institutional factors, it is

labour market and macro-economic conditions that explain individual perceptions of

employment insecurity (e.g. Chung and Oorschot 2010; Erlinghagen 2008).

The moderating effect of labour market policies

Very few studies have explicitly considered the potential for labour market policies to

moderate employment insecurity, rather than predict it. In some ways, this doesn’t

matter. Affective insecurity was conceptualised above as the relationship between

cognitive insecurity and subjective well-being. Following this approach, ‘affective

insecurity’ is synonymous with ‘the consequences of cognitive insecurity’, and so our

understanding of the moderating effect of labour market policies can drawn upon the

existing literature on affective insecurity. In other words, LMP is expected to moderate

cognitive insecurity for the same reasons it is expected to predict affective insecurity.

One of the few studies to explicitly consider the moderating effect of LMPs is provided

by Burchell (2009), who tests whether national flexicurity 5 policies moderate the

association between cognitive insecurity and psychological well-being. Using data from

the European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS) and European Social Survey, Burchell

finds little evidence of any moderating effect. With few exceptions, the correlations

between subjective well-being and perceived job insecurity were no higher in countries

with higher levels of flexicurity policies than those that lacked flexicurity6.

The analytical model

Although this paper focuses upon the moderating effect of LMP it is necessary, for the

reasons discussed above, to take various direct and mediating pathways into account.

Figure 1 illustrates the overall model, labelling 8 key paths. ‘Between’ refers to

variables and relationships that operate at the country-level, whereas ‘within’ refers to

relationships varying within countries (i.e. by individual). The starting point of the study

is the negative association between cognitive insecurity and subjective well-being (path

5 Wilthagen and Tros (2004) defines ‘flexicurity’ in terms of 4 central themes. Firstly, employers

should have the flexibility to hire and fire staff in response to changes in demand and market

fluctuations. Secondly, employees must be protected from the welfare costs of such fluctuations,

so unemployment benefits must be sufficiently generous that job loss is not associated with

poverty in unemployment. Thirdly, active labour market policies should promote training and

employability to facilitate re-entry to work after job loss. Finally, flexicurity policies should be

maintained by a high level of trust and dialogue between the social partners (e.g. employers,

trade unions and government). Denmark and the Netherlands are cited as good practice

examples of flexicurity (Kok 2003), while Ireland, Italy and Spain are typically considered to be

low of flexicurity policies.

6 For the EWCS well-being was assessed using a scale measuring the perceived health

consequences of work (items included in the scale were headaches, stomach aches, heart

disease, stress, overall fatigue, sleeping problems, anxiety and irritability). For the ESS two

scales measuring ‘anxiety and depression’ and ‘restless sleep’ were considered.

9

1). As detailed below, a hybrid measure of ‘cognitive employment insecurity’ is adopted

(following Chung and Oorschot 2010), capturing both perceived job security and the

anticipated difficulties of finding similar job. This initial path is well established. A

wealth of evidence supports a negative relationship between job insecurity and

psychological or physical health (for a review, see Sverke, Hellgren, and Naswall 2002;

De Witte 2007; Burchell 2005; Cheng and Chan 2008). The contribution here is to test

whether this relationship varies cross-nationally, and moreover, whether this variation is

related to the generosity of labour market policy. This test is is represented by path 2 –

a cross-level interaction between LMP and insecurity (see below for implementation

details). Consistent with the above literature, the model also includes a link between

LMP and cognitive employment insecurity (path 3). While LMPs are most easily linked

to affective insecurity, it is hard to rule out their influence of cognitive insecurity,

particular with regard to EPL. Path 4 allows for a direct association between LMP

generosity and subjective well-being7.

Given the importance of labour market and macro-economic conditions in explaining

individual employment security (Erlinghagen 2008), path 5 allows a direct association

7 The generosity of labour market provision is likely to correlate highly with overall welfare

generosity (e.g. Scruggs 2006). Given evidence showing a positive relationship between national

welfare generosity and individual well-being (e.g. Pacek and Radcliff 2008; Kotakorpi and

Laamanen 2010) it is therefore reasonable to expect a direct association between LMP

generosity and subjective well-being.

Between

Within

1

23

4

5

6

8

7

Economic conditions

Labour market policy

Cognitive

insecurity

Age

Sex

Skills/education

Employment history

Health

Hours

Job control

Etc.

Subjective

well-being

Figure 1: The analytical model

10

between economic conditions and employment insecurity. Also, given evidence showing

that macro-economic conditions can directly influence individual well-being (e.g. Clark,

Knabe, and Rätzel 2010; Tella, MacCulloch, and Oswald 2003; Catalano and Dooley

1977; Brenner 1973) a path between economic conditions and well-being is also

included (path 6).

The remaining two paths (7 and 8) concern the influence of individual characteristics.

Past research has shown links between subjective well-being and attributes such as

age, income, marital status, education or personality (see Coombs 1991; Helliwell

2003; Kroll 2010), so these variables are included as controls. Furthermore, such

attributes can also influence employment insecurity directly (e.g. Anderson and

Pontusson 2007; Burgoon and Dekker 2010; Erlinghagen 2008). Perceived insecurity

has been linked to age (e.g. Mohr 2000; Sverke, Hellgren, and Näswall 2006; Hartley

1991), sex (Witte and Naswall 2003), employment history (Böckerman 2004), job

tenure (Green et al. 2001), industry sector (Aaronson and Sullivan 1998) and working

hours (Böckerman 2004). To reflect this, the model includes a direct path between

relevant individual attributes and perceived job insecurity.

As a further complication, the moderating influence of LMP is itself likely to depend on

the individual characteristics described above. For example, individual determinants of

employability (such as age, skills or experience) are likely to interact with active labour

market interventions, such that a weaker moderating effect is observed for more

mobile employees (i.e. those who are most optimistic about their chances of finding

another job, and so have least need for activation support). To take such ‘moderated

moderation’ effects into account the model is also estimated for various subgroups

separately

To reiterate, the primary focus of this paper is on the moderating influence of labour

market policies (i.e. path 2). Additional paths (e.g. 3, 5, 6 and 7) are included to control

for effects that would otherwise be problematic to ignore, but these relationships have

been addressed previously. This model can be condensed to the following hypotheses:

Path Hypothesis

1 Cognitive employment insecurity is negatively associated with

subjective well-being.

2

Labour market policy buffers the association between employment

insecurity and life satisfaction, such that the association is weaker

in countries with more generous provision

3 LMP generosity is negatively associated with perceptions of

employment insecurity.

4 LMP generosity is positively associated with life satisfaction

5

More favourable economic conditions (e.g. lower unemployment,

higher GDP growth) are negatively associated with perceived

employment insecurity.

6 More favourable economic conditions are positively associated

with life satisfaction.

11

Two limitations of this model are worth highlighting. First, it makes strong assumptions

regarding employees’ awareness of the level of support available. Similarly, it assumes

that eligibility and coverage is consistent across all employees in every region, sector

and workplace. Clearly, these assumptions are unlikely to universally true. Secondly, it

has been argued that financial loss is just one component of the psychological impact

of job insecurity (Burchell 2009, 368), and “with the greater affluence in more recent

times, the economic effects of unemployment are no longer the main mechanisms

accounting for the low well-being of the unemployed” (p. 368). Johada’s (1981; 1982;

1997) latent deprivation model states that employment provides not only financial

reward but also numerous latent functions, such as time structure, social contact,

collective purpose, identity and activity. Consequently, passive LMPs aimed at

maintaining income during unemployment address just one component of the

psychological impact of job insecurity. The loss of other, equally important, functions

will not be addressed.

Methodology

Data

This study uses data from the 5th round of the European Social Survey (2010)

combined with contextual information from the OECD (2012f), Eurostat (2012a) and

the European Commission (2012). The ESS is a biennial study of social attitudes and

values in Europe, with five rounds conducted between 2002 and 20108. It is suitable

here for several reasons. First, it is one of the few cross-national surveys to include

information on both perceived job security as well as the anticipated difficulties of

finding similar employment elsewhere9. Second, it includes information on  ≈ 2000

individuals from 26 European countries, which is sufficient to allow the inclusion of

multiple contextual variables. Third, the fieldwork period for the 2010 survey (from mid-

2010 to early-2011) captures a volatile period in Europe, amid on-going pressures from

financial crisis of 2007, the subsequent recession, cuts to welfare expenditure and

persistently high levels of unemployment and labour market uncertainty. If labour

market policies are hypothesised to mitigate worries or anxieties about job security

then Europe in 2010/11 is a perfect test case.

The 2010 survey includes 50,781 individuals from 26 European countries. Given the

focus on perceived job insecurity this paper limits the sample to respondents for whom

information on job insecurity is available (i.e. those who are currently employed).

8 An alternative approach would be to pool multiple rounds of the ESS (e.g. 2004, 2006, 2008

and 2010). This, however, is problematic because (a) the measures of employment insecurity

are not consistent across all rounds and (b) given the huge changes in the labour market and

macro-economic environment in Europe between 2004 and 2010, the comparability of surveys

spanning these periods is questionable.

9 Earlier waves of the ESS (e.g. 2004, 2006) and other cross-national surveys (e.g. the European

Working Conditions Survey) provide information on cognitive job insecurity only.

12

Measurements

Subjective well-being, the main dependent variable, is measured using an 11-category

ordinal measure of reported life satisfaction, treated here as continuous. Respondents

were asked, “all things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole

nowadays?” Responses were chosen from a card, where 0 represented ‘extremely

dissatisfied’ and 10 represented ‘extremely satisfied’.

The main explanatory variable is ‘cognitive employment insecurity’, a binary measure

which combines cognitive and affective assessments of insecurity. In 2010

respondents were asked whether the feel the statement “My job is secure” is very true,

quite true, a little true or not at all true10. As argued above, this alone is insufficient: an

individual may feel insecure (i.e. ‘not at all true’) but if they are confident of quickly

finding another job, their perceived probability of experiencing a period of

unemployment remains low. To feel truly insecure, it follows, individuals must both

perceive their job to be insecure and be pessimistic about their chances of finding a

similar one elsewhere. Fortunately the survey also asks respondents “how difficult or

easy would it be for you to get a similar or better job with another employer, if you had

to leave your current job?” Responses are chosen from a card on the range 0

(‘Extremely difficult’) to 10 (‘Extremely easy’). These two measures have been

dichotomised and combined. ‘High’ job insecurity refers to individuals who feel the

statement “My job is secure” is “not at all true” and who rate the difficulty of finding a

similar job as 2 or lower (i.e. very difficult). ‘Low’ job insecurity refers to everyone else. A

total of 1,499 respondents report ‘high’ job insecurity (approx. 8% of the sample). A

number of individual characteristics are included as controls. These include age,

gender, income, cohabitation status, divorce, subjective general health, religiosity11,

experience of discrimination, citizenship status, whether there are children in the

household, education and past experience of unemployment 12 . The models also

include a set of work-based controls13 and several measures of social capital14.

10 The questionnaire defines ‘secure’ as “the sense of an actual or implied promise/likelihood of

continued employment with that employer”.

11 A scale created by combining three items measuring religiosity: (1) Regardless of whether you

belong to a particular religion, how religious would you say you are?; (2) ‘Apart from special

occasions such as weddings and funerals, about how often do you attend religious services

nowadays?’; (3) ‘Apart from when you are at religious services, how often, if at all, do you pray?’.

All items are standardised and recoded such that higher values indicate greater religious

engagement. The Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the scale is 0.85.

12 Has the respondent has ever been unemployed and seeking work for a period of more than

three months?

13 Work-related controls include occupational class, help from colleagues, opportunities for

advancement, variety in the content of work and a scale measuring work-family conflict.

14 The model includes a two measures of trust – both trust of other people and trust of institutions

– as well as a binary item asking respondents “Do you have anyone with whom you can discuss

intimate and personal matters?”

13

Eight measures of LMP are considered, using data from Eurostat (2012a) and the

OECD (2012f). These capture both passive and active support as well as the strictness

of employment protection legislation (see Table 1). Eurostat identifies 9 types of LMP.

For the purposes of this study, categories 2 to 7 are considered to be active

interventions. These include training, job rotation schemes, employment incentives,

supported employment and rehabilitation, direct job creation and start-up incentives.

Categories 8 and 9 are considered to be passive, and include out-of-work income

maintenance and early retirement schemes.

Three measures of passive LMP are considered: (1) public expenditure on passive

LMPs, (2) the replacement rate of unemployment benefits and (3) the typical duration

of unemployment benefits15. Following Vis (2007) and Hudson and Kuhner (2007), all

expenditure data have been standardised by the national unemployment rate (i.e. total

expenditure as a percentage of GDP × 100 divided by the standardised unemployment

rate)16. Measures of UB replacement rates are included for both the initial period as

well as longer spells of unemployment (60+ months).

Table 1: Measures of labour market policy

Type Measure Source

Passive 1. Expenditure on passive labour market policies (% of GDP) Eurostat

2. Short-term replacement rate of unemployment benefits OECD

3. Long-term replacement rate of unemployment benefits OECD

4. The ‘typical’ duration of unemployment benefits MISSOC

Active 5. Expenditure on active labour market policies (% of GPD) Eurostat

6. Activation support (participents per 100 unemployed) Eurostat

EPL 7. Employment protection legislation for regular workers OECD

8. Employment protection legislation for temporary workers OECD

Two types of active support are considered: (5) expenditure on active labour market

programmes and (6) activation support. The latter refers to proportion of the

unemployed who are engaged in labour market activation schemes (total participants

15 Using data from the European Comission’s Mutual Information System on Social Protection

(MISSOC; 2012), this measure estimates the duration of unemployment benefits for a ‘typical’

worker, based on the eligibility criteria in each country. A typical worker is set as someone who

has been in work for at least 12 months and is aged 30 to 40 (where age criteria apply). This

measure is somewhat problematic, since it fails to capture some of the more nuanced eligibility

criteria (e.g. in Switzerland and Poland the criteria take local unemployment rates into account,

while in Italy extensions apply ‘in the event of a recession’). It provides an approximate indication

of the duration of benefits, but should be interpreted with caution in later models.

16 This is a better measure of LMP effort than ‘spending as a percentage of GDP’ because LMP

spending usually increases inline with levels of unemployment (e.g. OECD 2003; Armingeon

2005). The standardised measure represents the percentage of GDP that is spent on LMP per 1%

standardised unemployment.

14

per 100 unemployed). Measures of EPL for regular and temporary workers are also

included. Finally, several macro-economic measures are considered, including the GDP

growth (% change on previous year), the unemployment rate and the average change in

unemployment (for the previous 3 years).

Methods

This study implements a two-level path analysis model with random intercepts and

random slopes. The random intercept model is needed to represent the hierarchical

structure of the data (i.e. individuals nested within countries; Tom Snijders and Bosker

2011a). A multilevel approach is required since ordinary least squares regression is

unable to differentiate between variables at different levels of analysis and, by treating

both individual and country-level statistics as if they are measured at the same levels,

overlooks the clustering of individuals within countries. Using OLS regression to analyse

contextual effects would therefore lead to conclusions based on deflated standard

errors.

A path analysis model17 refers to structural parameters that represent the hypothesised

relationships between a set of observed variables, modelled in terms of systems of

equations (Kaplan 2009, 13)18. The advantage of path analysis here is the ability to

model the mediating pathways involving multiple dependent variables. The standard

random intercept regression model (e.g Tom Snijders and Bosker 2011a, 42) models

the association between a set of explanatory variables and a single dependent variable,

precluding any relationships between the explanatory variables themselves. The

simplicity of this model is attractive, but only insofar as we can assume that the

explanatory variables are unrelated19.

Given the theoretical model specified above, such assumptions are problematic.

Perceived insecurity has been shown to depend on macro-economic conditions, the

institutional framework (e.g. LMP) and a range of individual characteristics such as age,

education or tenure. To adopt a standard multilevel model would effectively fix these

relationships at zero. A better alternative is to model these relationships explicitly, using

path analysis, simultaneously estimating the determinants of employment insecurity

and subjective well-being, as well as calculating any the indirect (i.e mediating) effects.

Despite concerns raised about estimating mediation effects with cross-sectional data

(e.g. Maxwell and Cole 2007), it is felt that the bias introduced by omitting these

17 Also referred to as a simultaneous equation model.

18 See MacKinnon (2008) for an introduction.

19 In preparation for this paper, all models were first estimated using the simpler multilevel

modelling (MLM) approach. Reassuringly, the MLM models produce results that are entirely

consistent with the MSEM models.

15

pathways altogether is larger than the bias incurred from the reliance on cross-

sectional data20.

Two features of the model warrant explanation: (i) the implementation of the mediating

pathways and (ii) the implementation of cross-level interactions. The hypothesised

model includes several mediating effects. These are indirect pathways where a third

variable is placed between an explanatory and dependent variable in the hypothesised

causal pathway. For single-level models the techniques for assessing mediation are

well established (e.g. Baron and Kenny 1986; MacKinnon et al. 2002) but these

methods are inappropriate in a multilevel context (Preacher, Zhang, and Zyphur 2011).

Subsequently several approaches have been proposed for testing mediation in a

multilevel framework (e.g. Bauer, Preacher, and Gil 2006; Kenny, Korchmaros, and

Bolger 2003; Krull and MacKinnon 2001; MacKinnon 2008; Pituch, Stapleton, and

Kang 2006; Raudenbush and Sampson 1999; Zhang, Zyphur, and Preacher 2009).

These techniques are an improvement over the single-level approach, but remain

subject to two major limitations (Preacher, Zyphur, and Zhang 2010). First, multilevel

models cannot accommodate upper-level mediators or outcome variables (e.g. a 1-1-2

or 1-2-2 design) and, relevant for this discussion, in multilevel mediation models

involving linkages between pairs of level-1 variables (e.g. in a 2-1-1 design) the ‘within’

and ‘between’ components of these are effects are typically conflated.

That is, the effect of M on Y within clusters and the effect of M on Y between

clusters are implicitly constrained to be equal (Preacher, Zhang, and Zyphur

2011, 162)

More recently, Preacher, Zyphur, and Zhang (2010) have shown that these limitations

can be overcome by using a multilevel structural equation modelling (MSEM)

framework where the ‘between’ and ‘within’ parts of all variables are separated

“allowing for an examination of direct and indirect effects at each level, as well as

contextual effects across levels” (Preacher, Zhang, and Zyphur 2011, 163). This

approach has been shown to reduce bias in contextual effects, when compared to the

group mean-centred MLM approach (Lüdtke et al. 2008; Preacher, Zhang, and Zyphur

2011). This study adopts the approach recommended by Preacher, Zyphur, and Zhang

(2010) for testing 2-1-1 mediation effects21

The second issue relates to the estimation of the cross-level interaction effects –

whereby a level-2 variable (w) influences the relationship between two level-1 variables

(x and y). In a traditional MLM cross-level interactions are implemented as the product

of level-1 and level-2 variables (e.g. the product of LMP expenditure and employment

insecurity). In a MSEM framework (and specifically, in Mplus) such interactions are

instead estimated using random slopes. A random slope for the regression of x on y

20 Moreover, these mediating pathways are a secondary concern; the primary interest is the

moderating effect of LMP (i.e. the cross-level interaction between job insecurity and LMP). The

various mediating pathways are included only because they are problematic to ignore.

21 The Mplus syntax for the model is adapted from the template provided by (Preacher 2011).

16

(denoted s) allows this relationship to vary by cluster, and s is then regressed on the

contextual variable, w. It is then possible to calculate the effect of x on y at various

levels of w.

A final issue is survey weighting. The ESS guidelines state that the “data should always

be weighted” (Survey 2011, 4), and yet the application of survey weights to multilevel

models is an unresolved research problem (for an overview, see CMM 2011), This is

particularly true when using Bayesian estimation, as in this study. There are two main

approaches: design-based and model-based inference. Following Tom Snijders and

Bosker (2011b), this study adopts the latter approach, and includes in the model as

many of design variables (variables upon which the sample design is based) as possible.

As Snijders puts it:

If the model is specified correctly given all the design variables, i.e., the

residuals in the model are independent of the design variables, then the

sample design can be ignored in the analysis (Snijders 2012, 222)

All models are estimated in Mplus 6.1 with the Bayes estimator using the default

starting values and non-informative priors22. Models were initially estimated using a

robust maximum likelihood estimator (MLR), which gave results consistent with those

obtained using Bayesian estimation.

Findings

This section is in four parts. It presents (i) descriptive statistics, (ii) coefficients from the

base model, (iii) the moderating effect of LMP and (iv) the moderating effect by

subgroups. First, some descriptive statistics showing the associations between

employment insecurity, life satisfaction and LMP generosity at the country-level.

Descriptive statistics

At the individual level, the average score for life satisfaction 6.62 (across all current

employees; N = 19,124) and 7% of these respondents report ‘high’ employment

insecurity. However, these values vary considerably across Europe, as illustrated in

Figure 2. This plots the aggregate level of life satisfaction against the proportion of

respondents reporting high insecurity (both estimates are weighted), showing a

significant negative trend: average life satisfaction is lower in countries where more

people feel insecure (a correlation of -0.65).

22 Bayesian estimation in Mplus 6 uses a Markov chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) algorithm with the

Gibbs sampler. The priors are set as follows. For the intercepts of continuous dependent

variables (e.g. life satisfaction) a normal N(0, ∞) prior is used. For variances and residual

variances of continuous dependent variables an inverse Gamma IG(-1, 0) prior is used. For fixed

regression coefficients a normal N(0, ∞) prior is used. Models are estimated with 2 chains and

convergence is assessed based on the trace plots, parameter distributions and autocorrelation

plots. For details on the technical implementation of Bayesian estimation in Mplus, see T.

Asparouhov and Muthén (2010a).

17

Table 2 presents correlations between weighted aggregate levels of life satisfaction,

employment insecurity, LMP generosity and economic context. The table shows life

satisfaction to be negatively associated with employment insecurity (-0.65), and

positively associated with active and passive LMP expenditure (0.72 and 0.52,

respectively) and the long-term replacement rate (0.66). Employment insecurity is

negatively correlated with ALMP expenditure (-0.53) and the long-term replacement

rate (-0.63), but correlations with other variables are non-significant. As might be

expected, the various measures of LMP generosity are all highly correlated with one

another. And notably, no significant correlations are observed for EPL or economic

context.

Bulgaria

Croatia

Cyprus

Denmark

Estonia

Finland

France

Germany

GreeceHungary

Ireland

Israel

Netherlands

Norway

Poland

Portugal

Russia

Slovakia

Spain

Sweden

Switzerland

Ukraine

UK

5

6

7

8

9

Lif

e s

ati

sfa

cti

on

(a

ggre

ga

te)

0.00 0.05 0.10 0.15 0.20 0.25

Proportion of respondents reporting high employment insecurity

Linear prediction (R = 0.46)

Belgium

Source: European Social Survey (2010)

Slovenia

Czech Republic

2

Figure 2: Weighted aggregated life satisfaction against the weighted proportion of

respondents reporting employment insecurity

18

Table 2: Correlations between aggregate scores for life satisfaction,

employment insecurity, LMP and economic context

Lif

e s

ati

sfa

cti

on

Em

plo

yme

nt

inse

cu

rity

AL

MP

exp

en

dit

ure

PL

MP

exp

en

dit

ure

Lo

ng

-te

rm R

R

EP

L (

reg

ula

r)

Un

em

plo

yme

nt

tre

nd

GD

P g

row

th

Life satisfaction 1.00

(26)

Employment

insecurity

-0.65* 1.00

(26) (26)

Active LMP

expenditure

0.72* -0.53* 1.00

(20) (20) (20)

Passive LMP

expenditure

0.52* -0.39 0.77* 1.00

(20) (20) (20) (20)

Long-term

replacement rate

0.66* -0.63* 0.61* 0.57* 1.00

(22) (22) (19) (19) (22)

EPL for regular

workers

-0.30 0.09 -0.13 -0.07 -0.30 1.00

(18) (18) (16) (16) (18) (18)

Trend in

unemployment

-0.15 0.02 -0.31 0.02 -0.16 -0.05 1.00

(22) (22) (20) (20) (20) (17) (22)

GDP growth 0.30 -0.40 0.04 -0.17 0.36 0.11 -0.36 1.00

(23) (23) (20) (20) (21) (18) (22) (23)

Cell counts are shown in parentheses and significant correlations (at the

5% level) are indicated with an asterisk.

Base model

Table 3 presents coefficients from the ‘base model’ – a model that includes all

pathways discussed earlier except for the moderating influence of LMP. The model

includes 12,517 individuals from 22 countries 23 and is estimated using Bayesian

MCMC estimation in Mplus 6. The table presents the unstandardised coefficient, a one-

tailed p-value based on the posterior distribution24 and the 95% Bayesian credibility

intervals (CIs).

Overall, the findings are consistent with previous studies. Employment insecurity is

found to be negatively associated with year of education, institutional trust, permanent

job tenure, opportunities for advancement and variety at work. Conversely, higher

insecurity is observed for older workers, women, workers from ethnic minorities or in

lower occupational groups (skilled manual or elementary) and for workers who report a

long-term limiting illness. For life satisfaction, significant negative coefficients are

23 Four countries are omitted due to missing data on the contextual variables (GDP and

unemployment). The study focuses solely on respondents who are currently in paid employment.

24 For a positive estimate the one-tailed Bayesian p-value is proportion of the posterior distribution

that is below zero. For a negative estimate the p-value is the proportion of the posterior

distribution that is above zero (Muthén 2010).

19

observed for employment insecurity, work-family conflict, ‘belonging to an ethnic

minority group’, ‘experience of discrimination’ and low levels of work-based support.

High insecurity is associated with a 0.23 reduction in life satisfaction, controlling for

other variables in the model. The strongest determinant of life satisfaction is self-rated

health. Satisfaction among workers with poor health is 1.6 units lower than those with

very good health. The model shows life satisfaction to be positively related to

cohabitation, working hours, household income, religiosity, institutional and

interpersonal trust, living in a rural area and ‘opportunities for advancement’ and

‘variety’ at work. These effects are consistent with the existing literature.

At the country-level, economic conditions are shown to have little effect. For both GDP

growth (grow) and the trend in unemployment (uempav) the association with

employment insecurity and life satisfaction are non-significant. However, this is perhaps

explained by the large, negative association life satisfaction and the between-level

component of employment insecurity (i.e. the random intercept for insecurity; a

coefficient of -0.810). Mirroring the descriptive findings, this suggests that in countries

where a higher proportion of respondents feel insecure, the average level of life

satisfaction will be lower. It is possible, therefore, that the influence of economic

conditions is therefore ‘explained away’ by the aggregate level of insecurity. The

residual variance for employment insecurity (empsec) is highly significant, indicating

significant cross-national variation (consistent with the descriptive findings above). The

intra-class correlation of life satisfaction is 6.8% (0.193/0.193 + 2.664) indicating that

6.8% of the variation in life satisfaction is attributable to country differences, controlling

for other variables in the model.

Table 3: Coefficients for the base model

Coef. P-value

Lower

2.5%

Upper

2.5%

EMPSEC ON eduyrs -0.024 0.000 -0.036 -0.012

age 0.001 0.060 0.000 0.002

female 0.115 0.001 0.040 0.194

ethnic 0.161 0.019 0.007 0.315

trustint -0.191 0.000 -0.246 -0.138

union 0.057 0.111 -0.035 0.156

public 0.043 0.153 -0.041 0.127

perm -0.310 0.000 -0.402 -0.222

occup3 0.176 0.000 0.088 0.266

advance2 -0.380 0.000 -0.468 -0.291

advance3 -0.618 0.000 -0.716 -0.522

hamp0 0.207 0.000 0.110 0.302

variety4 -0.113 0.004 -0.200 -0.027

SATLIFE ON female 0.046 0.078 -0.019 0.109

age 0.000 0.207 -0.001 0.001

children -0.022 0.249 -0.086 0.043

ptnr 0.442 0.000 0.369 0.513

hours 0.004 0.007 0.001 0.007

income 0.090 0.000 0.076 0.104

eduyrs -0.001 0.400 -0.011 0.008

religgm 0.120 0.000 0.080 0.158

discrim -0.311 0.000 -0.433 -0.184

health2 -0.344 0.000 -0.415 -0.275

health3 -0.765 0.000 -0.861 -0.669

20

Coef. P-value

Lower

2.5%

Upper

2.5%

health4 -1.640 0.000 -1.843 -1.435

ethnic -0.129 0.034 -0.272 0.010

discuss 0.491 0.000 0.373 0.616

trustppl 0.102 0.000 0.087 0.117

trustint 0.371 0.000 0.324 0.418

divorce -0.113 0.004 -0.195 -0.030

hamp0 -0.041 0.186 -0.137 0.049

rural 0.077 0.010 0.014 0.141

occup3 -0.061 0.055 -0.136 0.013

helpwork -0.196 0.000 -0.271 -0.122

advance2 0.154 0.000 0.082 0.228

advance3 0.320 0.000 0.248 0.392

variety4 0.223 0.000 0.160 0.289

conflictgm -0.445 0.000 -0.488 -0.402

Residual

variance

satlife 2.664 0.000 2.598 2.732

EMPSEC ON cons -0.927 0.000 -1.237 -0.623

uempav 0.000 0.137 0.000 0.000

grow -0.038 0.194 -0.127 0.054

SATLIFE ON uempav 0.000 0.473 0.000 0.000

grow 0.037 0.240 -0.073 0.142

empsec -0.810 0.006 -1.450 -0.204

Residual

variance

empsec 0.152 0.000 0.076 0.343

satlife 0.193 0.000 0.101 0.435

Intercepts s -0.230 0.022 -0.422 -0.007

satlife 6.125 0.000 5.343 6.787

Ni 12,517

Nj 22

21

Overall, the findings from the base model are as expected, with the direction and

magnitude of most coefficients inline with previous research.

Moderation effects

Moderation effects – the extent to which LMP generosity changes the strength of

direction of the association between insecurity and life satisfaction – are the central

focus of this paper. They are tested here using a random slope: the individual-level

association between employment insecurity and life satisfaction is allowed to vary by

country, and this variation is regressed on the country-level measure of labour market

policy. Figure 3 summarises this model.

Figure 3: The moderation model

The ‘between-level’ refers to relationships that vary between countries (denoted by

subscript j), whereas the ‘within-level’ refers to those that vary at the individual level

(subscript i)25. s refers to the random slope between employment insecurityi and life

satisfactioni, which is regressed on the country-level measure of labour market policy

(LMPj). Nine measures of LMP are tested one by one. Other contextual variables

(i.e. unemployment and GDP growth) are kept in the model as controls.

Each model produces a large number of coefficients which, due to space limitations,

cannot be presented in full. This discussion will focus on the moderating effect of LMP

– i.e. the association between each contextual variable (LMPj) and the slope of the

regression between employment insecurity and life satisfaction (s). With the exception

25 In a MLM these might be referred to as level-2 and level-1, respectively.

Life satisfaction

Life satisfactionEmployment insecurity i

Economic conditionsj

Employment insecurity j j

Individual controlsi

s

s

Between-level

Within-level

LMP j

i

22

of this regression, the nine models are otherwise identical to the base model, and the

other coefficients do not change substantially.

Table 4: Moderation effects (association between slope and LMP)

Moderator Coef. P-value Lower

2.5%

Upper

2.5%

Total LMP expenditure 0.014 0.021 0.001 0.027

Active LMP expenditure 0.041 0.019 0.002 0.081

Activation support 0.010 0.030 -0.001 0.021

Regular EPL -0.155 0.211 -0.560 0.250

Temporary EPL -0.034 0.386 -0.283 0.226

Passive LMP expenditure 0.023 0.024 0.000 0.045

Short-term replacement rate 0.007 0.209 -0.011 0.026

Long-term replacement rate 0.012 0.007 0.003 0.020

Typical duration of UB 0.012 0.099 -0.007 0.030

Table 4 presents the unstandardised coefficients, Bayesian p-values and 95% credible

intervals for each of the moderation effects. Each row of the table represents a

separate model. Based on the 95% credible intervals, significant moderation effects

are observed for (a) total LMP expenditure, (b) active LMP expenditure, (c) passive LMP

expenditure, and (d) the long-term replacement rate. The interpretation of the

coefficients themselves isn’t straightforward (they represent the change in the slope of

the regression between employment insecurity and life satisfaction for a unit change in

each measure of LMP). To illustrate the direction of these effects, therefore, Figure 4

plots the change in life satisfaction associated with high employment insecurity (y-axis)

against the contextual measure of LMP (x-axis). A negative value on the y-axis indicates

that high insecurity is associated with a reduction in life satisfaction (the further below

0, the greater the reduction).

All plots show a positive gradient, indicating that employment insecurity is more harmful

(i.e. is associated with a larger reduction in life satisfaction) in countries where

expenditure is lower or unemployment benefits are less generous. For example, the plot

for ‘total LMP expenditure’ shows the strongest effects in Mediterranean countries

(Spain, Portugal and Greece) that spend a smaller proportion of GDP on labour market

interventions. All four plots show LMP generosity to have a buffering effect, consistent

with the central hypothesis of this study.

Most countries fall below the y = 0 horizontal, indicating that in most countries

employment insecurity is negatively associated with life satisfaction. However, for a few

(in particular, Austria, Belgium, Denmark and Ireland) these plots suggest a positive

association between employment insecurity and life satisfaction. This seems unlikely,

and further research is undoubtedly required. No matter how generous labour market

23

programmes are in these countries, it is hard to see how feeling insecure could

increase life satisfaction.

Another oddity is the position of Sweden on the plot for passive LMP expenditure. On

most measures – and more broadly, in the welfare regime literature (e.g. Esping-

Andersen 1990) – Sweden enjoys generous welfare provision, making its position at

the bottom of the scale for passive expenditure remarkable. One possible explanation

lies in the system of unemployment insurance in Sweden, which is split into basic and

income-related components. The latter requires workers to join an independent

‘unemployment fund’ which is tied to a trade union (see IAF 2012). The low level of

public expenditure in Sweden likely reflects this separation of public expenditure and

trade union provision (the Eurostat data excludes expenditure by trade unions).

Figure 4: Moderation effects

It is possible that labour market policy is not itself responsible for the moderating effect,

but rather, that changes in life satisfaction are motivated by other national

characteristics that just happen to be correlated with LMP generosity. To try and rule

this out, an additional set of country-level controls were entered into each model, one

by one, to check whether the moderating effect of LMP remained significant. Six

24

variables are considered: (1) income inequality26, (2) income poverty27, (3) trade union

density28 (4) turnout at last election29, (5) the proportion of households who have ‘great

difficulty’ making ends meet30 and (6) ‘healthy life years’ for men and women31. These

contextual controls are entered into each model, one by one, as a predictor of life

satisfaction and employment insecurity32. Overall, the results from these models do not

differ substantially from the earlier results, suggesting that the observed moderation

effects are robust to the influence of these country characteristics.

Moderated moderation

So far, the findings indicate that employment insecurity is negatively associated with

life satisfaction, but that the strength of this relationship depends on the generosity of

labour market policy, as hypothesised. However, this average effect is likely to mask

considerable heterogeneity, and LMP is likely to be more important for some workers

than others. Past studies show employment insecurity to be predicted by various

individual characteristics, such as age, sex, employment history, job tenure and

industry (see above). These attributes are associated with the twin components of

affective insecurity: (i) the anticipated difficulties of finding another job, and (ii) access

to alternative sources of income. Labour market programmes are likely to matter most

to individuals who have least control over these components (i.e. those who are most

pessimistic about their chances of re-employment, and who would struggle to maintain

their present income during unemployment). Labour market policies, therefore, are

likely to benefit vulnerable workers most, and be less important for highly mobile

workers (in the case of active LMPs) or workers who can readily access alternative

income (in the case of passive LMPs).

A further hypothesis, therefore, is that the strength of the moderating effect of LMP is

dependent on individual levels of employment insecurity. To test this, the above models

have been re-estimated for subsets of the sample, grouping on individual factors known

to predict employment insecurity. These groups are set out in Figure 5, which also

shows the proportion of respondents reporting insecurity in each group. These models

focus solely upon the 4 measures of LMP that had a significant moderating effect

(i.e. policy expenditure and the long-term replacement rate).

26 Gini coefficient (Eurostat 2012b)

27 Households at risk of poverty rate (60% median) after social transfers (Eurostat 2012c).

28 Percent of workers who belong to a trade union (Armingeon et al. 2012)

29 Percent of the electorate who voted (Armingeon et al. 2012).

30 Eurostat (2012d)

31 Eurostat (2012e)

32 This requires each moderation model to be estimated 7 times, for each contextual contextual

control (a total of 63 models). In each case, the only parameter that changes is the contextual

control, which replaces ‘GDP growth’ from the base model (to avoid having too many between-

level coefficients).

25

Figure 5: Aggregate levels of employment insecurity by subgroup

Group Categories Employment insecurity 95% credible intervals

(Weighted proportion) Lower Upper

Age < 40 0.049 0.041 0.056

> 40 0.086 0.077 0.096

Gender Female 0.083 0.074 0.093

Male 0.056 0.049 0.064

Trade union Member 0.074 0.060 0.088

Not member 0.068 0.062 0.075

Sector Public 0.073 0.062 0.084

Private 0.069 0.061 0.076

Breadwinner Main breadwinner 0.072 0.062 0.081

Not breadwinner 0.069 0.061 0.077

Industry Manufacturing 0.074 0.065 0.084

Services 0.063 0.055 0.072

Occupation White collar 0.061 0.054 0.068

Blue collar 0.091 0.078 0.103

Tenure Permanent 0.061 0.055 0.067

Temporary 0.116 0.097 0.135

As before, the focus is upon the moderating effect of LMP, and whether this varies by

group (e.g. for older vs. younger workers, or men vs. women). These models are

identical to those presented above, except that they are estimated for selected subsets

of the sample. The full set of coefficients (from all 64 models) is available on request.

The findings can be summarised as follows.

Overall, the grouped analysis shows substantial and consistent differences in the

strength of the moderating effect of LMP. For the most part, these differences are

consistent with expectations, with LMP generosity having a stronger moderating

influence for individuals in more vulnerable groups. The most consistent differences are

found for breadwinner status (the proportion of household income the respondent is

responsible for), industry (manufacturing or services) and job tenure (permanent or

temporary). For example, for individuals who provide a large proportion of the

household income (‘very large’ or ‘all’), all four measures of LMP have a significant

moderating effect, whereas no effect is observed for individuals providing a smaller

proportion33. In other words, the moderating influence of LMP generosity was only

significant for respondents who were the main breadwinner. A similar result is shown

for employment industry. For the three expenditure measures (total, active and passive)

a significant moderating effect is observed only for workers in manufacturing. However,

for benefit replacement rates the reverse is found, with significant effects observed

only for individuals in the service sector. The effects for job tenure are similarly

33 To recall, a non-significant effect is where the 95% Bayesian credible intervals for a coefficient

cross zero. For respondents who are not the main breadwinner, this was the case for all 4

measures of LMP.

26

contrasting. Whereas permanent employees derive no benefit from LMP34, a strong

buffering effect is observed for temporary workers for all four measures of LMP.

Moreover, the size of the moderating effect is larger for temporary workers than any

other group.

These grouped moderation effects are plotted in Figure 6. As before, the y-axis

represents the change in life satisfaction associated with ‘high’ employment insecurity

and the x-axis shows possible values of the contextual variable. All plots show a positive

slope, indicating that perceived insecurity has more severe consequences for life

satisfaction in countries with less generous LMP provision. However, much steeper

slopes are observed for temporary employees, those working in manufacturing or who

provide a large proportion of household income.

Figure 6: Moderation effects by subgroup

Further ‘doubly-moderated’ effects are observed for other individual characteristics, but

only with regard to the moderating effect of replacement rates. Replacement rates were

shown above to have the strongest moderating influence out of all LMP measures

considered. However, this seems to be entirely dependent on individual circumstances.

34 That is, the slope of the regression between employment insecurity and life satisfaction is not

significantly associated with the level of LMP generosity.

Active LMP

expenditure

−15 0 15

−1.0

0.0

0.5

x

y2 Not breadwinnerMain breadwinner

− 4 0 0 4 0

−1

01

x

−40 0 40−2

02

Total LMP

expenditure

Manu facturin

g

Services

Temporary

Permanent

−15 0 15

−1.5

01

−15 0 15

−1.5

01.5

−30 0 30

−1.0

0.0

0.5

Manufacturing

Services

Temporary

Permanent

Main breadwinner

Not breadwinner

Passive LMP

expenditure

−30 0 30

−1.0

0.00.5

−30 0 30

−2

01

Manufacturing

Services

Temporary

Permanent

Long-term

replacement

rate

−60 0 60

−1.0

0.0

1.0

Temporary

Permanent

−60 0 60

−1.0

0.0

0.5

Breadwinner

Not breadwinner

Breadwinner

statusIndustry Job tenure

27

Generous replacement rates can buffer the consequences of employment insecurity,

but only for older workers, who are not members of a trade union, who work in the

public sector, who are the main breadwinner, work in a white-collar job or who have a

temporary employment contract. On the other hand, UB replacement rates do not

significantly influence the experience of insecurity for young workers, union members,

workers who are not the main breadwinner, work in the private sector, in blue-collar

jobs or who have a permanent contract35.

These are preliminary findings, and should be interpreted as such. Certainly, the

moderating influence of labour market policy does appear to be unevenly distributed,

benefiting some workers and not others, but further analysis is required to understand

the precise nature of these differences.

Discussion

Perceived insecurity has harmful consequences for well-being, even if employees never

actually lose their job. This is particularly important during periods of economic

recession, such as the years since the 2007 financial crisis. Amidst increasing

unemployment and declining economic growth, many millions of people across Europe

will worry about job loss and what this might entail. Such anxieties have been linked to

depression (Roskies, Louis-Guerin, and Fournier 1993; Orpen 1993), impaired

psychological well-being (De Witte 1999; Friesen and Sarros 1989; Wilson, Larson, and

Stone 1993; Kuhnert, Sims, and Lahey 1989) and problems sleeping (Arnetz et al.

1988; Ferrie et al. 1998; Cobb and Kasl 1977; Withington 1989) 36 . Perceived

employment insecurity should therefore represent a priority for policy-makers. As past

research has shown, despite the pervasiveness of employment fears, the

consequences for health and well-being can be mitigated. The link between perceived

insecurity and individual well-being is remarkably robust, but strength of this

association depends on various individual, organisational and national circumstances.

Examples include social support (Näswall, Sverke, and Hellgren 2005; Lim 1996),

family circumstances (Ertel, Koenen, and Berkman 2008) or individual employability

(Fugate, Kinicki, and Ashforth 2004). So while insecurity is harmful, it is within the

scope of policy to prevent the worst outcomes.

This paper considered the extent to which labour market policies buffered the

association between perceived insecurity and life satisfaction. It has hypothesised that

perceived insecurity motivated well-being via concerns about (i) future employment

options and (ii) replacement income during unemployment, and that these concerns

could be offset by active and passive interventions, respectively. By reducing the

barriers to re-employment or guaranteeing a minimum income, labour market policies

were hypothesised to buffer the consequences of perceived insecurity.

35 The 95% credible intervals for the moderating effect cross zero when the model is estimated for

these groups alone.

36 For a review, see Sverke, Hellgren, and Naswall (2002), De Witte (2007), Burchell (2005) and

Cheng and Chan (2008).

28

Based on data for 22 countries from the 2010 European Social Survey, this hypothesis

was mostly upheld. Employment insecurity was negatively associated with life

satisfaction, but the negative association was stronger in countries with less generous

LMP measures. This was found for measures of LMP expenditure (active, passive and

total expenditure) and the long-term replacement rate of unemployment benefits. No

effect was found for employment protection legislation.

Beyond this average effect, however, the moderating influence of LMP was itself found

to depend on individual attributes such as age, industry, occupation and tenure

(amongst others). Simplifying slightly, LMP was more important (as a buffer of insecurity)

for individuals who were most vulnerable to employment insecurity (i.e. workers for

whom the consequences of job loss would be most severe). Older workers benefited

strongly from generous policy support, whereas no effect was found for younger

workers. Individuals who were responsible for the majority of household income were

also more receptive to generous LMP. Temporary employees benefited much than did

permanent workers. Other differences were less intuitive. Workers in the manufacturing

sector benefited more from LMP than did individuals in other sectors. This might reflect

the uneven impact of the recession across sectors, or fears about a lack of transferable

skills among these employees (i.e. the skills required to transfer into other sectors).

Overall, while LMP does appear to buffer the association between perceived insecurity

and life satisfaction, the effects are heterogeneous and further research is required to

unpick these differences.

With regard to the policy implications of this study, it appears that the type of policy

intervention is key. A range of measures were considered, including total expenditure

(as a proportion of GDP), the replacement rate and duration of unemployment benefits

and the protectiveness of employment legislation (EPL). While significant moderating

effects were observed for data on expenditure, the strongest and most consistent

moderating effect was observed for the long-term replacement rate. This raises two

questions. First, why did EPL not have any moderating effect? And second, what

explains the dominant effect of benefit replacement rates?

Employment protection legislation (EPL) is an indicator measuring the regulations

governing the ease with which employers can hire and fire workers (OECD 2012g).

Given this definition, the lack of moderating influence is perhaps unsurprising. Job

insecurity was earlier defined as comprising of cognitive and affective components,

capturing the probability of becoming unemployed and the anticipated consequences

(respectively). Whereas the link between cognitive insecurity and EPL seems

reasonable (namely, cognitive insecurity will be inversely related to the strictness of

employment legislation), that EPL should influence affective insecurity is less obvious.

EPL might determine the chances of becoming unemployed, but it is hard to see how it

might alter the experience of unemployment.

One possibility, discussed above, is that strict EPL actually increases affective insecurity,

by protecting the positions of current employees currently employed. EPL could,

therefore, increase affective insecurity by making it harder to find alternative

employment. This mechanism aside, however, it is hard justify the inclusion of EPL as a

moderator of employment insecurity. EPL can neither provide a replacement income,

29

nor make it easier to find another job (other than via the aforementioned mechanism).

Previous studies typically frame EPL as a predictor of cognitive insecurity (e.g. Anderson

and Pontusson 2007), which is consistent with this theoretical model. That EPL should

predict affective insecurity is less plausible, and this perhaps explains the non-

significant moderating effect.

The second question arises from the finding that, of all policy measures considered, the

strongest and most consistent buffering effect is produced by the UB replacement rate.

It is worth considering why this might be. The proposed theoretical model is predicated

on the assumption that workers are aware of the level of institutional support available.

This mechanism is entirely perceived: individuals are protected because thoughts about

the possibility of future unemployment are not so immediately associated with stress

and anxiety, as the individual can be confident that sufficient support will be available.

The model, in effect, assumes that ‘perceptions of LMP generosity’ and ‘expenditure on

LMP’ are synonymous. Consequently, replacement rates might have the most

influential moderating effect because, of the measures considered, they are the most

visible. More people are likely to be aware of the living standards of the unemployed

than will be informed about government expenditure of LMP. In other words,

replacement rates overlap are a better measure of ‘perceived unemployment support’

than are data on policy expenditure.

The policy message of this paper is relatively straightforward: increase the generosity of

unemployment benefits, so they replace a greater proportion of in-work income. As

shown here, this should have a buffering effect, reducing the the harmful

consequences of perceived insecurity. Increasing replacement rates is an attractive

option for two reasons. First, as shown above, the benefit will target workers who feel

most vulnerable to unemployment. Second, generous replacement rates (and LMP

more generally) are beneficial for non-recipients. Obviously, increasing the living

standards of the unemployed is worthwhile in itself, but increasing the generosity of

unemployment benefits will also protect current employees. In the same way that

perceived insecurity is harmful for workers who never lose their job, LMPs can benefit

individuals who never actually receive support. Raising the generosity of unemployment

benefits therefore offers a cost-effective way of targeting support at the most

vulnerable workers.

Limitations

This study suffers several limitations. First, life satisfaction is a simple measure that

overlooks the multi-dimensional nature individual well-being (e.g. Bérenger and Verdier-

Chouchane 2007; Ryff and Keyes 1995). There are also issues of combining cross-

cultural assessments of life satisfaction (e.g. Oishi et al. 1999) that aren’t adequately

addressed here. While life satisfaction has been shown to give reliable results (Krueger

and Schkade 2008; Wallace and Wheeler 2002), correlates well with other measures

30

(Smith 2004) and is used widely in the insecurity literature (e.g. Lim 1996; Green 2009)

future research should explore alternative measures of psychological well-being37.

Second, the analysis includes mediating pathways but relies exclusively on cross-

sectional data (e.g. from LMP to life satisfaction, via employment insecurity). Past

studies have shown that cross-sectional approaches to mediation can generate

substantially biased estimates (e.g. Maxwell and Cole 2007) and recommended using

longitudinal data that can distinguish the temporal ordering of the mediating pathway.

Unfortunately, such data are not available. There are no longitudinal European surveys

that include information on perceived employment insecurity38. More positively, when

the models were replicated using in a multilevel framework (i.e. ignoring the mediating

pathway) the substantive conclusions were unchanged. Moreover, the mediating

pathway is secondary concern – the primary interest is in the moderating effect of LMP

and so the paper’s conclusions do not rely on this mediating effect. Ultimately, a two-

level path analysis model was chosen, over a simpler multilevel model, to avoid the

bias that would be introduced by ignoring the direct pathways between contextual

variables and employment insecurity. It was felt that the bias introduced by ignoring the

determinants of perceived insecurity be greater than those introduced by using cross-

sectional data to study mediation.

Third, the model makes strong assumptions about individuals’ awareness of the

generosity of labour market support. This is discussed above. The awareness of LMP

provision might differ markedly between two countries, due to cultural differences, even

for similar levels of expenditure. It would be interesting, in future research, to include

individual perceptions of labour market support, in addition to the contextual

measures39.

Fourth, the operationalisation of labour market policy is quite crude, and overlooks

qualitative differences in the configuration of support. To establish ‘what works’ from a

policy standpoint, much greater disaggregation is required. Expenditure data are likely

to hide significant cross-national variation in how support is delivered (particularly with

regard to activation schemes) and the efficiency and effectiveness of expenditure. Little

qualitative data is available from Eurostat, and detailed local knowledge for 22

countries goes beyond the scope of this paper. This should be addressed in future

research.

37 Particularly since the substantive conclusions have been shown to depend on the choice of

outcome measure (Gundelach and Kreiner 2004).

38 There are very few sources of longitudinal data for Europe. The EU-SILC (2005) provides a

longitudinal sample, but lacks any measure of perceived job insecurity. The British Household

Panel Survey and the Germany Socio-economic Panel also follow respondents over time, but (at

least for the BHPS) also lack consistent measures of perceived employment insecurity (and

moreover, would limit the ability to compare variation in LMP generosity).

39 For example, questions that ask individuals about the type and level of support they could

access during unemployment. Such data are unavailable in the 2010 ESS.

31

A fourth potential issue is the small number of clusters included in the study. For the

base model 22 countries are included while the ‘moderation’ models consider as few

as 18. This number is limited by (a) the countries available in the 2010 ESS and (b) the

availability of reliable measures of LMP. Past studies has suggested various rules of

thumb for the number of clusters and individuals. Snijders and Bosker (1999) suggest

that multilevel models should not be used with fewer than 10 clusters, while Kreft

(1996) proposes a ‘30/30 rule’, requiring 30 clusters with at least 30 individuals per

cluster. Hox (1998) extends this, suggesting a minimum of 50/20 (50 groups with 20

respondents each) for models involving cross-level interactions. There are two reasons

to be optimistic. First, past research has indicated that the problem is most acute when

the number of individuals per cluster is small (Austin 2010; Rodriguez and Goldman

1995; Bell et al. 2010), which isn’t the case here (the minimum sample size for any

cluster  ≈  500). Second, there is evidence to suggest that using Bayesian estimation

can avoid the bias associated with a small number of clusters (e.g. Raudenbush and

Bryk 2002, 410). A simulation study by T. Asparouhov and Muthén (2010b) shows that

with fewer than 50 clusters a Bayes estimator (in Mplus) can obtain better estimates

and more accurate confidence intervals, compared to maximum likelihood estimators

(p. 23).

A final issue is the temporal uniqueness of 2010. While not a limitation itself, it is

important to frame the study within the social, economic and political context of the

survey period. Can these findings be generalised beyond 2010, or are they idiosyncratic

of a particular era? Unemployment rates across Europe remained high in 2010,

following the rapid increase in 2007/2008. GDP growth had recovered somewhat,

following declines in 2007/2008, but remained below pre-recession levels. That

national context matters too. The fieldwork period for the UK overlapped with the 2010

general election, which saw the Labour Party replaced with a Conservative-led coalition.

In Greece the debt crisis was well underway when interviews were carried out in 2011.

During the fieldwork period in Spain, the unemployment rate stood at around 22%,

almost double the European average.

In short, the aftermath of a global financial crisis is an unusual study period that is

likely to differ systematically from pre-recession years. This is particularly relevant when

considering the impact of labour market policy. Contextual data for 2010 might indicate

generous LMP provision, but if workers think an incoming government (e.g. the UK) or

compulsory budget cuts (e.g. Greece) might reduce provision, then expenditure data will

be an inaccurate reflection of ‘perceptions of LMP generosity’. Future research should

therefore seek to replicate this analysis for other years.

Conclusions

This study uses recent European survey data to test whether the association between

employment insecurity and life satisfaction is moderated by the generosity of labour

market policies at the country-level. The core hypothesis is upheld: the impact of

insecurity on satisfaction is weaker where LMP is more generous, although the strength

of this moderating effect depends on individual attributes.

32

The study’s key contribution to the literature is the bringing together of job insecurity,

labour market policy and subjective well-being in a single model. Several studies have

shown a link between LMP and employment insecurity (e.g. Clark and Postel-Vinay

2009), but the subsequent consequences for well-being are assumed. Other studies

consider the moderated consequences of job insecurity, but few address the role of

labour market policy. By linking institutional support, employment insecurity and life

satisfaction, empirically, this study has shown that LMP can not only influence

perceived insecurities (as demonstrated previously) but can also determine the

consequences for well-being.

The policy recommendations, set out above, are straightforward: increase the

generosity of unemployment benefits, since this will protect current employees (even if

they never actually receive the benefit) as well as enhancing the well-being of the

unemployed. Given the scarcity of similar studies, these findings should be interpreted

as preliminary. Future research should address the limitations detailed above, in

particular, by considering other years (besides 2010), other measures of well-being

(besides life satisfaction), alternative and more disaggregated measures of LMP

(besides expenditure) and alternative operationalisations of employment insecurity.

33

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