Jess Hallay, Katherine Westerman & Samantha Ackroyd's 'Design' artifacts in Melbourne

,

KATHERINE WESTERMAN s3284531

& SAMANTHA ACKROYD s3236719

s3283358

A-P

DF

PP

T T

O P

DF

DE

MO

: Purchase from

ww

w.A

-PD

F.com

to remove the w

atermark

http://www.a-pdf.com/?pp-demo

Sanctioned Street ArtWalking down the Knox Place entrance to

Melbourne Central Shopping Centre off Swanston

Street evokes feelings of familiarity and intrigue.

This manufactured representation is used to entice

and enhance the presence of the intertwining

laneways of the city. Moreover it is here that a wall

covered in sanctioned street art stands, mimicking

the creative artwork found within the enchanting

laneways generally associated with Melbourne.

Constructed under legal provisions, the designs

establish that whilst street art and graffiti are

commonly seen as vandalism, the design allure is

utilised in Melbourne to attract city-goers and

tourists alike. Therefore this design is permitted by

both the government and proprietors to create a

distinct visual appeal, imitating the city’s renowned

laneways with artistically daring and imaginative

graffiti styles.

Sanctioned Street Art: Melbourne Central Shopping Centre

Swanston Street entrance, Knox Place laneway.

MELBOURNE CENTRAL

As Lavado (2010) explains, sanctioned street art seizes the

visual elements of street art but removes the meaningful

essence “of the truth behind art”. Corporations and

governments often exploit sanctioned street art solely for

advertising and profitable purposes. Lavado emphasises the

sacred, personal act of expression in street art, which loses

its significance when sanctioned. In understanding the lack

of significance and subsequent detriment to graffiti culture,

one recognises how sanctioned street art is often perceived

as a constructed facade. In the case of Melbourne Central’s

designated design area, it can be perceived as an attraction

for more youthful consumers to the CBD, as well as serving

to slow down passers-by and increase business trade.

Sanctioned Street Art

MELBOURNE CENTRAL

Another approach is to look at a cultural studies perspective to comprehend the

level of control the government exerts over street art. Young’s (2010) article is

critical in questioning the logic of strict regimentation and strategies to control

urban spaces. It is important to concurrently contrast policy with cultural impacts

on the city, and focus on the contradictory messages government bodies

convey. Street art’s official categorisation within the ‘environment and waste’

field becomes a factor of concern when comparing it to its contribution to

Melbourne’s urban culture. Therefore, an implementation of tactics which

support negotiated consent, as opposed to zero-tolerance methods, become

prevalent and are evident in the communication artefact of matter.

MELBOURNE CENTRAL

Another form of Sanctioned Street

Art on the exterior wall of a

restaurant in Little Lonsdale Street


Fundamentally, such sanctioned art work is a means for

those in command to emphasise their control of the city

and the social dialogue of radical youths who wish to

challenge this. Notions broadly related to Melbourne’s

cultural rights, freedom of expression and sustaining

communities can be applied to other urban landscapes and

are necessary considerations. As Stewart (2009)

ascertains, devoted subcultures of the city are represented

in unauthorised art, which highlights the city dynamics by

representing “a tension between those who live, work,

govern and play within its precincts”. The representations

evident in street art form commonalities between people in

the city who can connect through imagined communities.

The presence of sanctioned street art as a component of

Melbourne Central Shopping Centre reveals the contrasting

interconnectivity of multiple communities as being apart of

Melbourne’s culture.

MELBOURNE CENTRAL

Example of Street Art that evidently presents

meaning and artistic creativity


In a similar vein, the historic boatsheds along the Yarra river, which were built at the beginning of

the 19th century, play a fundamental role in the design of the city and subsequent relationships and

identities that are formed within. Being an important part of Melbourne’s sporting and social history,

the surrounding areas of the Yarra river banks have been revamped to allow families to socialise

while absorbing the atmosphere of the CBD.

Figure 1: Boathouse Drive, Melbourne (Google Maps 2010)

Melbourne’s rowing culture, as depicted in the annual Henley-on-Yarra race, was a central part of

Melbourne’s society in the early 1900s offering a competitive vibe and strong focus on ladies

fashion, much like the Melbourne Cup today.

Boatsheds on the Yarra River

Hess, Symons and Hemphill’s entry into The Encyclopaedia of

Melbourne (2008) details how the roots of Melbourne’s distinctive

sporting culture can be traced back to the earliest days of European

settlement. The article contextualises how the character-building nature

of sporting pursuits, such as Head-of-the-river and the generous

available space which boatshed design allows, were a critical part of

developing sportsmanship and are key contributing factors to the sporting

culture of Melbourne. In also outlining how Melbourne’s obsession with

sport can be traced back to English public schools in the late 19th

century, this article illustrates how the development of sports such as

rowing, cricket and hockey in school systems were largely due to

dedicated headmasters as well as students.

Figure 2: Rowing on the Melbourne Yarra (Will 2009)


Additionally, Jacobson (2003) addresses the social psychology behind the creation of a sports fan

identity and highlights the multiple theories which academics have used to explain the many

reasons individuals unite in “sportsfanship” and sporting culture. Jacobson defines the manner in

which “sportsfanship” unites individuals by fostering “feelings of belongingness and solidarity”. This

“sense of community” gained by individuals when participating in sporting events is central to

Melbourne’s design, as evidenced by the boatsheds, which aid the collectivisation of a disparate

group of individuals evolving from the common allegiances and team loyalties sports fans possess

from the outset.

Similarly, believing that sport “shapes relationships at every level: diplomatic, cultural, economic,

organisational, community and interpersonal”, Jacquie L’Etang (2006) examines sport as being

critical in the design of contemporary culture. Throughout her study, L’Etang demonstrates how

sport strengthens the social fabric between youths and minorities, as well as its role in healing

divisions between nations, communities and individuals.


In regards to Melbourne’s boatsheds, such arguments exemplify the role played by the design of

Melbourne’s sporting precincts in shaping imagined communities within Melbourne. As such,

Harold Desbrowe-Annear’s city plan remains central to Melbourne’s generous space for

recreational and sporting pursuits within the city.

Through rowing clubs, and the evolution of the Henley-on-Yarra regatta into the modern

Melbourne’s Moomba festival, these historic boatsheds along the city’s iconic river continue to be

an important part of Melbourne’s sporting and social history. Melbourne’s sporting profile, best

summarised by Hess, Sumons and Helphill as “an especially vibrant cultural nexus of sports,

games, recreation and leisure”, is a critical link to what the boatsheds represent. That is; an

element of design which focuses on Melbourne’s dynamic, young community and the “sporting

heart” of the nation.

Figure 3: The Yarra (Andrew 2008)


Also in central Melbourne (corner of Swanston & Bourke streets) are the life-

sized ‘The Three Businessmen Who Brought Their Own Lunch’ statues, which

stand amidst an ever-flowing stream of pedestrian traffic as their alien and

frighteningly skeletal appearances attract considerable attention.

Each of the figures - created in 1993 by artists Alison Weaver and Paul Quinn for the

Swanston Street Art Works Program - represents one of Melbourne’s founding fathers

and were given to the City of Melbourne by the Republic of Narau for Melbourne’s 150th

birthday. However, the statues are more than a mere token of good-will. Like

sanctioned graffiti and the yarra boatsheds, these statues are prominently placed to

communciate messages about Melbourne’s design culture and identity.

‘THE THREE BUSINESSMEN WHO BROUGHT THEIR OWN LUNCH: BATMAN, SWANSTON

& HODDLE’

Will Nettleship (1989) has been comissioned to produced public artwork all over the world and

believes the true measure of success for a piece of public art is not its aesthetic appeal but rather

the extent to which it expresses community values.

When approaching ‘The Three Businessmen’ from this perspective, they appear somewhat

successful.

Figure 4: Heald Monument. Founding fathers of American

Independence: Robert Morris, George Washington & Haym Solomon.

Artwork depicting prominent figures involved in the creation of a city, ordinarily, boast statements of

pride in the city’s heritage. Conversely, however, ‘The Three Businessmen’ are aesthetically

disturbing and bear no resemblance to Swanston, Batman and Hoddle. This unconventional

approach can be interpreted as a declaration of irreverence toward Melbourne’s heritage and the

overwhelming nature of “the perpetual motion of consumerism” (Weaver 2008). Such a message is

arguably more inline with contemporary Melbournian values and concerns than stale notions of

ancestral pride.

Figure 5: ‘The Three

Businessmen Who Brought

Their Own Lunch: Batman,

Swanston and Hoddle’


& HODDLE’

In addition to this, the sculptures also serve an important role of enabling people to

scrutinise and escape the restrictions of everyday life as they become fixtures for

manifestations of ‘play’ in the city. As Stevens (2004) argues, tactics of ‘play’ express

a critique on life and empower citizens to reclaim public places through changing the

percieved purpose of the space. Such ‘play’ tactics as inserting a cigarette into the

mouth of Hoddle or putting a mask on Swanston demonstrate an existence of freedom

within controlled city spaces.

In contrast to the faux-rebellion of government sanctioned

graffiti which attempts to appeal to a youth audience, ‘The

Three Businessmen’ inspire an expression of genuine

rebellion from many Melbournians as their frail physiques and

business attire – codes for corporate control and social

anxiety – make them particularly compelling objects to ‘play’

with.Figure 6: Smoking man

Figure 7: Three Businessmen…mod


& HODDLE’

But by no means is this to suggest that the statues

are unanimously accepted by the public. In fact,

one Melbourne blogger, Lucy Tartan (2006), has

stated that she “despises” them and goes so far as

to question the very merit of the artwork, arguing

that it lacks any real contemplative meaning and

describing Batman as a “drunken, syphilitic con

artiste”.

Evidentally, the confrontational nature of the statues

positioning, aesthetic and symbolism invite a full

range of community engagement, from playful

delight to dismissive criticism.

Such public involvement is a mark of achievement

for ‘The Three Businessmen’, as communal

participant is imperative to Melbourne’s thriving

culture of design. Figure 8: John Batman, alleged “syphilitic con

artiste”.


& HODDLE’

As is demonstrated by the diversity between the Yarra boatsheds, ‘The

Three Businessmen’ statues and a sanctioned wall of graffiti at Melbourne

Central, however,

communal participation is not the sole purpose of design in Melbourne.

Throughout the city design is utilised to develop identities, strengthen bonds,

express community values and is often a method of control which,

consequently, stimulates public rebellion. Evidently, Melbourne’s culture of

design is comprised of many elements and serves a multitude functions.

references

Lavado, L 2010, ‘How Sanctioned Street Art is Rethinking the Graffiti Scene’, The Trinity Tripod, 23

February, viewed 17 April 2010,

<http://media.www.trinitytripod.com/media/storage/paper520/news/2010/02/23/Arts/How-

Sanctioned.Street.Art.Is.Rethinking.The.Graffiti.Scene-3877282.shtml>.

Flett, J 1950, John Batman, painting, [painting] available at www.slv.vic.gov.au/pcards/0/0/2/doc/pc002797.shtml

[accessed 27 May 2010] .

H4NUM4N 2007, Smoking man, [photo] available at < http://flickr.com/photos/60444977@N00/1642430052 >

[accessed 27 May 2010] .

Hess, R, Symons, C, Hemphill, D 2008, The City Past & Present: Sporting Culture, school of Historical Studies,

The Encyclopedia of Melbourne, viewed 14 April 2010, <http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs /EM1413b.htm>

Jacobson, B 2003, in Zillmann, D, Bryant J, Sapolsky, N 1989, ‘The Social Psychology of the Creation of a

Sports Fan Identity: A theoretical Review of the Literature’, Athletic Inight, vol. 5, issue 2, pp. 1-9.

L’Etang, L 2006, ‘Public relations and sport in promotional culture’, Public Relations Review, vol. 32, no. 4,

pp. 386-394.

Nettleship, W 1989, ‘Public sculpture as a collaboration with a community’,

Leonardo, vol. 22, no. 2, pp. 171-174.

Andrew_1000, The Yarra [photo] available at < http://www.flickr.com/photos/apersonoutthere/2594538701/>

[accessed 22 May 2010]

Google maps, Boathouse drive, Melbourne [map] available at <http://maps.google.com.au/> [accessed 22 May

2010].

Stewart, J 2009, ‘Graffiti Vandalism? Street Art and the City: Some Considerations’, The University of

Melbourne Referred E-Journal, vol.1, no. 2, pp. 86. ≈

Young, A 2010, "Negotiated consent or zero tolerance? Responding to graffiti and street art in Melbourne",

City: analysis of urban trends, culture, theory, policy, action, vol. 1 & 2, no. 3, pp. 99-114.

Stevens, Q 2004, ‘Urban escapades: play in Melbourne’s public spaces’, in ed. Lees L The emancipatory

city?: paradoxes and possibilities, 1st edn, Sage Publications Ltd, London, pp. 141-157.

Tartan, L < [email protected] > 2006, ‘#22 Three businessmen who brought their own lunch (Batman,

Swanston & Hoddle)’ blog, 19 February, Sorrow at Sills Bend, viewed 2 April 2010, <

http://allordinary2.blogspot.com/2006/02/statuary-friday-22.html >.

Vernon, A 2007, Heald Monument, photo, viewed 27 May 2010 <

://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Heald_Monument_(2).JPG >.

Weaver, A 2008, Three Businessmen Who Brought Their Own Lunch: Batman, Swanston and Hoddle, The

University of Melbourne, viewed 16 May 2010, < http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM02029b.htm >.

Xlynx 2007, The businessmen…mod [photo] available at < flickr.com/photos/92024607@N00/351659339/ >

[accessed 27 May 2010].

Pyjama, 2007, The Three Businessmen Who Brought Their Own Lunch: Batman, Swanston and Hoddle [photo]

available at < http://flickr.com/photos/49719028@N00/405403010/ > [accessed 27 May 2010] .

Wiki.will, Rowing on the Yarra River [photo] available at < http://www.flickr.com/photos/wikiwill/3589147314/>

[accessed 22 May 2010]

Documents

Jess Hallay, Katherine Westerman & Samantha Ackroyd's 'Design' artifacts in Melbourne