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    COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF

    THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION ON

    DEVELOPING AND DEVELOPED COUNTRIES

    Submitted as part of curriculum of

    ECON C372

    International Trade and Balance of Payments

    by

    Ashesh Kaushik 2009B3A3466G

    Shivi Anand 2009B3A3518G

    Nikunj Purohit 2009B3A3526G

    Saurabh Suman 2009B3A3558G

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    INTRODUCTION

    The WTO provides a framework of rules for the conduct of world trade in goods and

    services, and the trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights and investment

    measures. These rules, which embody the multilateral trading system, will have a

    profound impact on international trade and on the world economy well into the

    twenty-first century. The WTO also provides a forum for trade negotiations and an

    institutional mechanism for the implementation of around 20 agreements and legal

    texts.

    THE ORIGINS OF THE WTO

    The underlying idea and the conceptual origin of the WTO go back to World War II.

    The leaders of the allied powers were of the view that one of the main causes of the

    war was the failure of the open world trading system in the 1930s. They agreed that

    the enduring peace and welfare of nations were inextricably connected with mutual

    friendly relations, fairness, equality, and the maximum predictable degree of freedom

    in international trade. Soon after the war ended, preparations for creating a new

    international economic order commenced. One of the important pillars of this new

    order, embodied in the Bretton Woods Institutions, was the establishment of the

    International Trade Organization (ITO), along with the International Monetary Fund,

    and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (The World Bank).

    The United Nations Economic and Social Council decided in early 1946 to hold an

    international conference to draft the charter of the ITO. The UN Conference on Trade

    and Employment was held in Havana, from November 1947 to March 1948. The end

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    result of this conference was the Havana Charter, which contained the objectives,

    principles, rules, and institutional setup of an International Trade Organization. The

    Havana Charter was signed on March 24, 1948 by representatives of 54 countries.

    In tandem with the preparations for the ITO charter, 23 members of the preparatory

    committee carried out negotiations for the reduction of tariffs, which at that time were

    the main obstacle to international trade. Accordingly, they agreed on a General

    Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) that was based on the chapters on trade

    policy in the draft charter of the ITO. It was a provisional agreement without an

    institutional setup because it was envisaged that it would be taken over by the ITO.

    The Havana Charter never entered into force because it was not ratified by the US

    Congress. Thus, the GATT remained the only legal framework of rules for the

    conduct of world trade for almost half a century. However, the GATT regulated only

    trade in goods. It did not cover services or investments.

    Over the years, the GATT ensured liberalization of world trade through the

    elimination or reduction of tariffs and other barriers to merchandise trade. It was

    responsible for the manifold expansion of international trade. The greatest

    achievement of the GATT was establishing its role as a rules-based system for the

    conduct of trade relations among nations, which averted further 1930s-like economic

    depressions.

    However, the GATT also had its failings. GATT rules never fully applied to

    agriculture, and its basic principles and some of its main rules were rendered largely

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    inoperative in the case of textiles and clothing. The GATT also lagged behind new

    developments in international trade. Initially, its rules applied to trade in goods only.

    Trade in services, which had grown rapidly and had become an important and

    dynamic element of international trade, was not subject to GATT rules.

    When the Uruguay Round negotiations started in 1986, it was not envisaged that a

    new organization would be established to implement the results of the negotiations.

    However, as the negotiations developed and growth in two new areas, services and

    intellectual property became increasingly visible, the countries taking part in the

    Uruguay Round started focusing on the need for establishing a permanent

    institutional setup to implement and administer the results of the negotiations. It was

    agreed that an umbrella organization was needed to house the outcome of

    negotiations in goods, services, and trade-related aspects of intellectual property

    rights, and to implement the agreements and legal texts negotiated and accepted as

    a single undertaking.

    The charter of the World Trade Organization was elaborated during the last several

    years of the Uruguay Round negotiations. It was formalized in the Marrakesh

    Agreement establishing the World Trade Organization, signed in Marrakesh on April

    15, 1994. After necessary ratification, the agreement entered into force on January

    1, 1995.

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    ECONOMIC PHILOSOPHY OF THE WTO

    The WTO and its predecessor, the GATT, which is now subsumed in the WTO and

    represents one of its important pillars, are based on the rationale that an open and

    liberal trading system, underpinned by mutually agreed and legally binding rules, is a

    sure recipe for growth of the world economy. An open and liberal trading system is

    the foundation of economic development, ensuring expansion of world trade,

    expansion of investment and production, job creation and, consequently, of an

    increase in global living standards and greater prosperity.

    Realization of these objectives depends on the stability and predictability of the

    trading environment, conditions pursued by the WTO through its various built-in

    mechanisms. In such an environment, businesses, investors, traders, importers and

    exporters can plan their activities on a long-term basis safe in the knowledge that

    conditions governing competition and access to markets will not change suddenly.

    An open trading system is based on free market philosophy. Government

    intervention in trade is considered undesirable. However, economic theory has to

    face practical realities. Thus, while the WTO system basically frowns upon

    government intervention, it does not totally disallow it. Government intervention is

    normally to be avoided but, where considered essential to national economic

    interest, it has to be subject to certain agreed disciplines. The WTO rules constrain

    the freedom of governments to use specific trade policy instruments.

    Whereas liberal and open trade is good for different countries, the realization of this

    objective is beset with difficulties. One major problem is the opposition of domestic

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    interest groups. The WTO provides a shield for governments to ward off such

    interest groups seeking special favours. Governments can maintain that they have

    legally binding obligations under WTO rules that make it impossible to accept the

    demands of the special interest groups. Another difficulty is the conflicting

    perceptions of developed and developing countries in achieving this objective.

    Developed nations generally want developing countries to adopt open and liberal

    trade policies in a short time frame, while the latter favour a more gradual, measured

    approach, which allows time for adjustment.

    The WTO is often referred to as an organization for free trade. That is not true. While

    the WTO does favour an open and liberal trading system and stands for trade

    liberalization, it is not a temple of free trade. Although WTO rules do allow

    reasonable protection to both goods and services, the organization does not call for

    the abolition of tariffs on imported goods, removal of all restrictions on trade in

    services, or the elimination of all subsidies and support to domestic industries and

    agriculture. It does, however, call for reduction and discipline in the use of these

    measures. But WTO principles and rules do not proclaim free trade as the objective.

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    OBJECTIVES AND FUNCTIONS OF THE WTO

    Objectives

    The objectives of the WTO, as enshrined in the preamble of the Marrakesh

    Agreement, are as follows:

    raising standards of living, ensuring full employment and a large and steadily

    growing volume of real income and effective demand, and expanding the

    production of, and trade in, goods and services, while allowing for the optimal

    use of the worlds resources in accordance with the objective of sustained

    development, seeking both to protect and preserve the environment.

    A supplementary objective of the WTO is to ensure that developing countries, and

    especially the least developed among them, secure a share in the growth in

    international trade commensurate with the needs of their economic development.

    These objectives are sought by entering into reciprocal and mutually advantageous

    arrangements directed to the substantial reduction of tariffs and other barriers to

    trade and to the elimination of discriminatory treatment in international trade

    relations.

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    Functions

    The WTO is the legal and institutional foundation of the multilateral trading system. It

    provides the contractual obligations determining how governments frame and

    implement trade legislation and regulations. And it is the platform on which trade

    relations among countries evolve through collective debate, consultations, and

    negotiations.

    The three main pillars of the WTO are the GATT and its associated agreements on

    trade in goods, the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), and the

    Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). These are

    reinforced by subsidiary bodies and agreements, the most important of which are the

    Dispute Settlement Rules and Procedures and the Trade Policy Review Mechanism.

    The principal functions of the WTO are to:

    implement and administer the multilateral and plurilateral trade agreements

    that together make up the WTO;

    act as a forum for multilateral trade negotiations and a framework for

    implementing the results of such negotiations;

    seek to resolve trade disputes by administering the Understanding on Rules

    and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes;

    oversee national trade policies through the Trade Policy Review Mechanism;

    and

    cooperate with other international institutions involved in global economic

    policy making

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    BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THE WTO

    The basic principles of the WTO are built on those of the GATT. Relatively few and

    simple, they are far reaching in importance, and have been the guiding light for the

    past 50 years and should continue to illuminate the path of the multilateral trading

    system well into the new millennium. These basic principles are discussed below.

    A. Non-Discriminatory Most Favoured Nation Treatment

    The most important and fundamental principle of the WTO is non-discriminatory

    treatment or, to be legally precise, most favoured nation (MFN) treatment. What it

    means is simply that any advantage, favour, privilege, or immunity granted by one

    WTO member to another has to be granted immediately and unconditionally to all

    other members.

    In the case of goods, MFN treatment applies to customs duties, other border duties

    and charges, rules and regulations relating to imports and exports, methods of

    levying customs duties, and international transfers of payments for imports or

    exports. MFN treatment also applies to trade in services and intellectual property

    rights.

    There are, however, some exceptions to the MFN rule. For example, WTO member

    countries may grant more favourable treatment to countries with which they have

    customs unions, free-trade areas, or economic integration arrangements. Such

    favourable treatment need not be extended to all other WTO members. In the case

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    of services, member countries may make exceptions for some measures applicable

    to particular sectors for a limited period not exceeding 10 years.

    B. National Treatment

    The principle of national treatment implies that imported goods and services and

    foreign service suppliers will be given treatment that is no less favourable than that

    given to domestic goods and services and to domestic service suppliers. The

    principle is observed by giving either the same treatment or more favourable

    treatment to imported goods and services and to foreign service suppliers as that

    given to domestic goods and services and to domestic service suppliers.

    In addition, whereas national treatment is unqualified in the case of goods, for

    services it is applicable to those service sectors and sub-sectors on which a WTO

    member has made specific commitments that are recorded in its schedule of

    commitments.

    The TRIPs Agreement obliges each WTO member to accord the nationals of other

    WTO members no less favourable treatment than that it accords to its own nationals

    with regard to the protection of intellectual property rights. There is, however, an

    exception to national treatment as provided in the Paris, Bern and Rome

    Conventions.

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    C. Stability and Predictability

    The stability and predictability of trading conditions is another basic principle of the

    WTO. Stable and predictable conditions of access to markets promote confidence

    because investors and traders can plan their investments secure in the knowledge

    that market access conditions will not change for the worse. This is achieved through

    the binding of tariffs and conditions of market access for services.

    Tariffs on different products that are reduced or agreed to in trade negotiations are

    bound; that is, a country agrees that it will not levy tariffs at rates higher than those

    agreed to. Tariffs on all agricultural products have been bound by each WTO

    member, both developed and developing. As for industrial products, developed

    countries have bound tariffs on practically all products, while developing countries

    have bound them for more than 70 per cent of their products. Bound rates of tariffs

    for different products are recorded by each country in its schedule of tariff

    concessions and commitments. Every WTO member is required, as a necessary

    condition of membership, to have a schedule of tariff concessions and commitments.

    A similar devise applies to services. Each WTO member is obliged to have a

    schedule of specific commitments on services that lists the service sectors and sub-

    sectors for which a country agrees to provide market access and national treatment

    in its market. Members are permitted to place any limitations or conditions on market

    access and national treatment. The sectors and sub-sectors of services included in a

    schedule, and the limitations and conditions on market access and national

    treatment are bound; that is, they cannot be changed to make them less

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    advantageous. WTO rules do provide the possibility, in exceptional cases, to change

    the bindings on goods and services, but this can only be one after negotiations with

    affected countries and after compensating them. Under normal circumstances,

    bindings cannot be altered adversely.

    D. Transparency

    WTO rules oblige member countries to ensure transparency in their foreign trade

    regimes by requiring them to publish all laws, regulations, measures, and

    administrative decisions affecting trade. The publication of laws has to be done in a

    manner that allows importers, exporters, consumers and investors to be aware of

    them. Transparency is also ensured by requiring member countries to submit

    periodic notification to the WTO Secretariat on different aspects of the trade regime.

    E. Trade Liberalization

    As mentioned earlier, the WTO is not an organization for free trade, since it does

    allow protection. However, one of the principles of the WTO is progressive

    liberalization of trade in goods and services. This principle is rooted in the belief that

    the removal or reduction of trade barriers results in an expansion of international

    trade that is to the benefit of all countries. To achieve progressive liberalization, the

    WTO provides a forum for trade negotiations and a framework for implementing the

    results of such negotiations.

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    F. Fair Competition

    One of the basic principles of the WTO is fair competition in international trade. The

    rules on MFN treatment and national treatment are designed to promote fair

    competition. WTO rules also contain disincentives or remedies against unfair

    competition, such as dumping or subsidization that causes injury to domestic

    industries.

    G. Economic development

    Last, but not least, is the principle of economic development of developing countries.

    There are many provisions in different WTO agreements designed to promote

    economic development of developing countries and to encourage economic reforms

    both in developing countries and in transition economies.

    FORMAL AND INFORMAL RULES OF THE GAME

    The WTO provides a rules-based system for the conduct of world trade. It lays down

    a binding code of conduct for member countries to formulate and implement their

    trade policies. The code of conduct contains the rights and obligations of member

    countries. Most of the WTO rules are formal written rules, but like any body of rules,

    there are also conventions or informal rules.

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    Formal rules

    WTO rules for the most part are formal written rules. They encompass all areas of

    the WTOs competence and are spread over some 550 pages. They apply to all

    merchandise trade, agricultural and industrial products, and services and trade-

    related aspects of intellectual property rights.

    These rules are designed to ensure the achievement of the objectives of the WTO,

    as discussed above, and to codify the rights and obligations of members.

    Furthermore, the rules cater for the specific situations of the different areas and

    sectors of international trade, and regulate the use or rein in the abuses of different

    trade policy instruments.

    WTO rules are organized in three sets of multilateral trade agreements, an

    understanding, a mechanism, and two plurilateral agreements. The first is the set of

    multilateral agreements on trade in goods, of which there are 13. The most important

    of these is the GATT 1994, supplemented by six understandings that interpret or

    clarify some articles of the GATT. GATT 1994 is legally distinct from GATT 1947.

    GATT 1994 consists of GATT 1947, as amended and modified since 1947, but

    excluding the Protocol of Provisional Application; Protocols of Tariff Concessions;

    Protocols of Accession; and Decisions of the GATT Contracting Parties taken

    between 1948 and 1993. The other 12 agreements are:

    Agreement on Agriculture

    Agreement on Textiles and Clothing

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    Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures

    Agreement on Anti-dumping

    Agreement on Safeguards

    Agreement on Trade-Related Investment Measures

    Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade

    Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures

    Agreement on Customs Valuation

    Agreement on Import-Licensing Procedures

    Agreement on Rules of Origin

    Agreement on Pre-shipment Inspection

    General Agreement on Trade in Services

    Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights

    Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing Settlement of Disputes

    Trade Policy Review Mechanism

    Plurilateral Agreements on Government Procurement and Trade in Civil

    Aircraft

    It should be clarified that all the agreements listed in the previous paragraph must be

    accepted and implemented by WTO member countries, with the exception of the two

    plurilateral agreements on Government Procurement and Trade in Civil Aircraft,

    whose acceptance is not obligatory. The rights and obligations in these agreements

    are applicable only to those countries that accept and are signatories to each of

    them.

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    Informal rules

    As stated earlier, the trend over the past 50 years of the GATT and then the WTO

    has been to formalize most of the rules of the game. However, there are still some

    unwritten rules that are, nevertheless, equally important.

    The most significant of these relate to the reduction and binding of tariffs. Not only

    are there no written rules governing the proper level and extent of reduction of import

    tariffs but, more importantly, there are no rules on the extent and level of bindings of

    tariffs. Article XI of the Agreement Establishing the WTO does provide that a WTO

    member must have a schedule of tariff concessions and commitments. However,

    neither this article nor any other article of the GATT or the WTO specifies what

    percentage of the total number of items, or on what percentage of total import trade,

    tariffs should be bound. Since the Uruguay Round negotiations the informal rule is

    that tariffs on all agricultural products should be bound. And all WTO members have,

    in fact, done just that. As for non-agricultural products, the informal rule for

    developed countries is that tariffs on practically all products should be bound. Some

    developed states have bound tariffs on all industrial products, while others, including

    the United States, Japan, and Canada have not bound tariffs on a few items,

    especially crude oil.

    The informal rule on binding tariffs on all agricultural products also applies to

    developing countries, including the least developed among them. For industrial

    products, the informal rule is rather diluted. Some developing countries that have

    bound tariffs on all industrial products, while others have bound tariffs on very few.

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    There are also some countries that have bound industrial tariffs on just 60 to 70 per

    cent of the items.

    According to the informal rule tariffs on all industrial products need not be bound and

    developing countries may bind tariffs on fewer items than developed countries, this

    rule has been superseded by another informal rule relating to countries that accede

    to the WTO after its establishment. Acceding countries, whether developed or

    developing, are required to bind tariffs on all industrial products.

    A somewhat similar situation exists in regard to binding commitments on services.

    The formal rule says that all WTO members must make commitments on services,

    but does not specify the number of service sectors and sub-sectors, or the level of

    commitment. The informal rule requires developed countries to make commitments

    on a larger number of sectors and subsectors while developing countries depending

    upon their level of development, may make commitments, on a smaller number. The

    informal rule for acceding countries, especially developing ones, requires them to

    make commitments on a relatively large number of sectors and sub-sectors,

    compared to existing developing country members.

    The WTO has no written rules on multilateral trade negotiations. In practice, the

    basic rules are decided at the beginning of each round of trade negotiations.

    However, no attempt has been made to agree on detailed rules for trade

    negotiations that evolve as informal rules during each round of multilateral

    negotiations. Since the informal rules have an important bearing on the conduct of

    negotiations, it is important that developing countries get involved from the beginning

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    of a trade negotiation round in framing and agreeing on the rules for that round.

    Acting together, they should influence the development of such rules, which would

    serve to protect their interests during the negotiations.

    There are many references to developing countries in the various WTO agreements.

    But there is no definition of a developing country in WTO rules. This is yet another

    area of informal rules, but a rather hazy one. Thus far, in practice according to an

    informal rule the question of developing country status has been decided on the

    basis of self-election. A country that considered itself a developing country would

    avail itself of the provisions in WTO agreements relating to developing countries.

    Developed states would extend special privileges or preferences to developing

    countries, but only to those countries they classified as developing. This informal

    arrangement worked reasonably well until recent years. In the case of recent

    accessions to the WTO, however, difficulties have arisen. Major developed countries

    have been reluctant to agree to developing country status for acceding countries.

    They have also tended to refuse to grant acceding developing countries the same

    special treatment already enjoyed by existing members at similar stages of economic

    development.

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    REVIEW OF PREVIOUS LITERATURE

    A. In Search of WTO Trade Effects: Preferential Trade Agreements Promote

    Trade Strongly, But Unevenly

    Theo S. Eicher and Christian Henn

    Through this paper, the authors aim to establish a generalised result as to the effects

    of WTO accession on countries. An exhaustive literature review on their part led

    them to consolidate studies by notable researchers in this field, Rose, Subramanian-

    Wei and Tomz-Goldstein-Rivers. They established that previous research showed

    that there is no evidence of positive WTO trade effects. The authors combine three

    controls namely, multilateral resistance, unobserved bilateral heterogeneity and

    individual PTA trade effects (Preferential Trade Agreements) in a large, bilateral

    trade setting to examine WTO trade effects.

    Since each of the above mentioned studies fails to taken one or more of the above

    variables into account, the authors have considered all three omitted variables and

    come up with a unique consolidated study on the matter of WTO trade effects. Each

    of these factors has a profound influence on previous estimations. They establish

    that PTAs create trade strongly but unevenly, i.e., only the regional trading parties

    are benefitted in the process as compared to the overall uniform gains and

    integration that WTO aims at. The authors have also stressed on the fact that on

    disentangling the impacts of overlapping WTO and PTA membership, the WTO

    membership increases trade effects just before PTA accession. Also, countries with

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    greater incentives to bargain for tariff reductions during WTO accession exhibit

    positive and significant WTO trade effects.

    The strong suit of this paper is that it unifies all of the noted approaches historically

    applied to study WTO trade effects, as depicted in the review of literature, and

    delivers a well consolidated result. However, it fails to apply a new approach or

    methodology to this topic and simply builds upon previously used techniques.

    B. The WTO Trade Effect

    Pao-Li Chang and Myoung-Jae Lee

    The authors have used a non-parametric approach to analyse the impact of WTO

    and GATT accession on a nations trade flows. A total of 234,597 observations on

    trade flows among 178 IMF trading entities between 1948 and 1999 were taken.

    Previous research in this field was based on the gravity trade model with parametric

    estimations and concluded that membership in the WTO/GATT does not affect trade

    flows significantly. The following studies only partially reversed this result, again

    through the use of the gravity trade model. However the authors of this paper claim

    that their contrasting results have been obtained due to their different approach

    methodology or the non-parametric approach.

    Their approach of dividing the sample countries into dyads or pairs of trading

    countries allows them to check for bilateral flows of trade. Their findings state that

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    membership in the GATT/WTO by both countries on average raises bilateral trade

    volume by 74% to 277% for dyads that both chose to be in the GATT/WTO.

    Using the above factors, the authors have divided their analysis into two categories:

    the effects on trade between (i) two nations both of which are part of the WTO/GATT

    and (ii) two nations where only one is a member. This has special relevance to our

    study as we are exploring the comparative impacts on trade flows in developing

    countries before they were part of the WTO and after their accession to the WTO

    .

    In the first case, i.e., the both-in model, as indicated above the, the bilateral trade

    volume rises by 74%. Thus there is an overall significant positive impact on trade

    flow. The findings for the second case, i.e., the one-in case suggest that the trade

    flow could take either direction in this case. The easier trading conditions for the

    member country could direct it towards imports from other countries rather than its

    corresponding dyad country. Also, the effects of lower trade barriers and tariff

    reductions could affect a third non-member trading partner. For instance, oil imports

    from Iran would increase if Turkey steps up its production in order to meet the rising

    volume of exports. The overall effect however, continues to be positive but at a

    smaller increase of 39% as compared to the previous case.

    The one issue which is slightly ambiguous in this paper is the criteria for selection of

    the two countries which compose a dyad. Apart from this gap, the paper establishes

    some fairly sound results.

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    C. The Impact of the WTO Regime on Developing Countries

    Basudeb Guha-Khasnobis

    After getting a general idea of WTOs impact on trade flows between member

    nations, we move on to a comparative study of its impacts on developed and

    developed nations. Here we review a paper on the impact of WTO on developing

    nations due to trade policies and provisions made by developed member nations,

    specifically Japan, USA and Europe.

    The WTO regulations dictate that each member nation accords MFN (Most Favoured

    Nation) status to other member countries. Since this particular directive is tedious

    and can be improved upon, the GSP or Generalised System of Preferences has

    been examined by the author as an extension of the policies set forth by the WTO.

    The study of the impacts of such a preferential agreement has taken a two pronged

    approach where (i) effect due to tariff reduction and (ii) effect due to tariff diversion,

    is explored. The triad USA, Europe and Japan offer a certain number of

    preferential trading agreements to developing nations. As per the equations used by

    the author, among the three, USA experienced the maximum trade diversion (-19.4)

    and trade reduction (-8.3) effects. This implies that one per cent change in tariffs will

    reduce imports to the US by 8.3% and one per cent preference tariff towards an

    exporter will increase his trade volume by 19.4%.

    The figures analysed by the authors suggest that Japans preference policy is the

    most effective as it increases the imports from LDCs (least developed countries) by

    65%, however in absolute numbers; it has the least imports from LDCs while the US

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    has the most. Other findings in this paper revolve around the 5.3% import weighted

    average tariff imposed by the US on LDCs. In case these tariffs had not been

    implemented, the projected figures showed that the increase in LDC imports would

    have been close to 148%.

    Thus through this data analysis, we can observe the huge impact that WTO policies

    and their offshoots such as the GSP system, can have on developing nations.

    Favourable tariff and trade policies can double trade volumes in certain developing

    nations as has been expounded by the author.

    D. The Impact of Chinas WTO Accession on Patterns of World Trade

    Zhi Wang

    Zhi Wang has approached this paper as a significant current topic following Chinas

    rise to being one of the most important nations in terms of expanding international

    trade. Chinas accession to WTO will significantly impact not just its own economy

    but also have some spill-over effects on the developing economies due to increased

    competition, lower prices and so on. The author has used a 17 region, 25 sector

    computable general equilibrium model. It is based on actual data regarding China

    and Taiwans major trading partners in both developed and developing countries

    between 1997 and 2010.

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    The results of the study indicate that China gains the most from the accession with

    its trade volumes doubling in a period of 10 years as compared to an international

    average of 83% increase in trade within the same time period. Other developing

    nations and newly industrialised countries as well as LDCs stand to gain from

    expansion of world trade and improvement of terms of trade. However countries with

    endowments similar to Chinas such as the South and Southeast Asian countries

    have to face heightened competition in labour-intensive commodities.

    Much of the economic theory backing the results in this paper is based on the

    Principle of Comparative Advantage which states that a nation exports the

    commodity which is intensive in the factor that is present excess and imports the

    commodity which is intensive in the scarce factor. Thus the endowments of the

    nation determine its trade patterns.

    This explains why Chinas accession to WTO would lead to an expansion of the

    labour-intensive sectors and increases its net imports in agriculture and capital-

    intensive products. The simulations performed by the author indicate that China

    increases its land-intensive agriculture imports dramatically leading to its share in the

    total world imports more than doubling.

    Some limitations of the paper as pointed out by the author himself are that it does

    not take into account all the aspects of WTO membership, the uncertainties

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    regarding policy and concessions in China since the accession process is not yet

    complete and the overly simplified and stylised approach of the paper.

    E. The Impact of Chinas Accession to WTO on the Exports of Developing

    Countries

    S.M. Shafaeddin

    Extensive research has been done on the subject of Chinas accession to the WTO.

    Here the author aims to dispel any discrepancies that the previous literature may

    have on the subject. He has tackled two approaches on the subject (i) application of

    the general equilibrium model and (ii) comparison of the industrial and technological

    capability of China at the general level. The authors major point of focus is tackling

    the exaggeration of the competitive effects of Chinas accession.

    The expansion of Chinas exports has a two-fold effect on the rest of the world- the

    competitive effect and complementarity effect. Firstly, it provides stiff competition

    to the developing countries in South Asia (as reiterated in the previous paper). The

    author explains the cause for this as the labour-intensive goods produced by these

    countries which compete against the labour-intensive commodities exported by

    China (since Chinas competitive advantage arises out of its low wage structure).

    The accession to WTO and export oriented policies employed by the Chinese

    government provides a stimulus to its exports. However the author claims that the

    time taken to procure and divert resources into increased production will be

    significant, thus not posing as high a level of competitiveness as usually stated.

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    The second complementarity effect is experienced by countries whose capital

    products are imported by China for use in production of Chinese finished goods.

    Countries included in this category would be the Asian NIEs (newly industrialised

    economies) and members of the ASEAN. Since China is moving towards production

    of more technology/skill -intensive products, their imports would shift and expand

    accordingly proving beneficial to these nations.

    The author concludes with a statement that Chinas accession will not improve its

    competitive position in these products to seriously threaten other developing

    countries. However the paper does not state any concrete methodology used by the

    author to reach these conclusions. Results are based on the observations made

    using data from 1992-98. No specific before and after case studies have been made

    to generate a proper comparative effect of Chinas accession to the WTO.

    F. India and China in WTO - Building Complementarities and Competitiveness

    in the External Trade Sector

    T P Bhat, Atulan Guha and Mahua Paul

    The authors have done an exhaustive study of the bilateral trade ties between India

    and China. They have studied the competitive as well as complementarity effects

    using the statistical methods of complementarity index, trade overlap index and

    Grobel-Lloyd index. Extensive surveys of Indias and Chinas imports and exports

    before and after Chinas accession to the WTO in 2001 have been carried out. The

    data spans from 1996 to 2003.

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    The study finds that Chinas joining of the WTO led to a growth in two-way trade of

    over 25% per annum. The data over 2000-2004 indicates that Indian exports to

    China increased by 26%and imports from China increased by 24%. However though

    share of China in Indias global imports is around 1 per cent, the share of India in

    Chinas global imports is around 1 per cent. Primary and resource based products

    form majority of Indias exports. Chinese exports to India are more diversified.

    The revealed comparative advantage index value showed that India has an

    advantage in primary products, natural resource based or low technology

    manufacturing products. Low wages and high labour productivity are the main

    sources of Chinas competitive advantage. Since exports of both countries are

    directed towards the US, EU, Japan and ASEAN, China is Indias main competitor.

    There has been a clear increase in Chinas exports and imports since its accession.

    Thus the authors establish that the post accession effects of China has levelled the

    playing field for both nations due to the regulations prescribed by the WTO and

    hence a fair study of the trade volumes of both nations can be undertaken.

    G. The Effect of WTO and FTAA on Agriculture and Rural Sector in Latin

    America

    Samuel Morley and Valeria Pineiro

    The purpose of the paper as stated by the authors is to analyse the impact of two

    situations on the trade patterns of Latin America (i) the elimination of all barriers to

    trade including producer subsidies world-wide and(ii) a regional free trade agreement

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    among all countries in the western hemisphere called FTA (Free Trade Area of

    Americas). The methodology employed here is the national Computable General

    Equilibrium (CGE) and micro-simulation models for fifteen Latin American countries.

    Changes in the international prices of certain primary commodities (agricultural and

    animal husbandry) resulting from the FTAA and WTO full implementation simulations

    were observed. The impact on world prices was found to be much higher in case in

    WTO as compared to FTAA since it involves complete removal of trade tariffs and

    producer subsidies in order to promote free trade. For agriculture as a whole the

    increase in prices was found to be 11% and for meat, grain it was 20% in case of

    WTO regulations. Both these alternatives resulted in an expansion in output and

    employment in general and for agriculture in particular in most Latin American

    countries.

    A study on welfare performed by the authors found that these measures also

    increased the welfare of rural households more than urban in most cases. A micro-

    simulation exercise helped them determine the impact of trade liberalisation on

    poverty. All of these findings indicated that WTO/FDAA regulations and their impact

    on rural or developing economies was highly positive and helped in reducing poverty

    and inequality.

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    Thus the authors have established through this paper that WTO accession by

    countries and the implementation of free trade rules world-wide will have a positive

    impact on the agricultural and rural sectors.

    H. Liberalising FDI in Services: Russian WTO Accession

    Jesper Jensen, Thomas Rutherford and David Tarr

    Since there have been no credible studies done in the past on the impacts of

    Russian accession to the WTO in 1993, the authors aim to examine these impacts in

    the pre and post accession phase. They have developed a 35-sector open economy

    comparative static computable general equilibrium model to evaluate the impacts.

    The Russian tariff structure as well barriers to FDI inflow have been varied

    considerably since the accession.

    Using the Hicksian equivalent variation, the authors estimate that the gains to Russia

    from WTO accession are 7.2% of Russian consumption in the medium term and as

    high as 23.6% in the long run. Out of these gains, only 1.3 percentage points were

    attributed to tariff reforms and 5.2 percentage points from FDI liberalisation. The

    impact of application of WTO guidelines to the Russian trade scenarios has been

    divided into four sections: (i) improved access to international markets for Russian

    exporters due to lower trade barriers, (ii) tariff reductions in imports will improve total

    factor productivity, (iii) removal of barriers will improve services through the entry of

    multinational service providers and (iv) increased investment due to higher rate of

    return to capital.

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    Thus the results established in this paper are consistent with the economic

    geography literature and earlier economics literatures as pointed out by the authors

    through their review of literature. The limitation of this paper is that it only deals with

    two aspects of the WTO accession, i.e., the tariff reforms and FDI liberalisation. The

    other aspects have not been discussed at length. However apart from that limitation,

    it gives a fairly clear and well-rounded sector wise comparison between pre and post

    Russian accession to WTO.

    I. A Comparative Analysis of CIS Countries WTO Accession; Ways to

    European Integration

    Vugar Bayramov

    The author of this paper has undertaken a wholesome study of the effects of WTO

    accession on Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries with special

    reference to Azerbaijan. He has divided their study into four parts where they

    observe the effects of WTO accession on specific sectors in CIS countries, general

    pros and cons, implications on Azerbaijan and policy recommendations which will

    enhance the positive impacts.

    The main points brought out through this study are: WTO membership increases

    predictability and openness in international markets due to fixed tariffs, transparency

    is enhanced reducing corruption and finally technology transfers will be encouraged.

    WTO membership is especially important for a country like Azerbaijan due to its

    small domestic market thus requiring greater access to foreign markets. The author

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    strongly suggests that Azerbaijan join the WTO despite its various preference trade

    agreements with other CIS countries.

    Both the positive and negative impacts of Azerbaijans accession to the WTO have

    been examined by the author. Whereas it would bring a whole new foreign market

    and more foreign investment into the country, the domestic producers might not have

    the capacity to face the stiff competition posed by foreign players. Negative impacts

    will be most evident on agriculture farmers, small producers and the service sector.

    However the paper concludes that the advantages outweigh the disadvantages of

    joining the WTO.

    The author offers special recommendations to support the primary agricultural sector

    within the country since it might not be able to catch up to international standards as

    fast as other sectors. Thus, specific protection measures are recommended for this

    sector. This paper is a good example of the impact of WTO accession on small

    developing countries but fails to base its results on a theoretical model with empirical

    data.

    J. An Analysis of the EU Positions in WTO: Impact on EU and New Zealand

    C. Saunders and J.D. Santiago

    WTO accession impacts the sensitive primary sector of a country substantially. In

    this paper, the authors examine the effects of WTO on the trade ties between EU

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    and Australia-New Zealand with specific reference to the agricultural and animal

    husbandry sectors. The agricultural aspects concern mainly three factors: market

    access, domestic supports and export subsidies. The case of the Doha negotiations

    as taken up by the authors brought out the main problem to be the market access

    component with liberal countries asking developed countries with strict policies for

    greater market access. The paper analyses the impact of this greater market access

    on New Zealand and Australia.

    The aspect of animal husbandry has been analysed with the help of the Lincoln

    Trade and Environment Model (LTEM). Since the EU is the second largest consumer

    of Australian exports, this paper examines the impact of lowering agricultural import

    tariffs in the EU in two forms. The economic modelling in this paper considered (i) a

    linear tariff cut of 39% and (ii) a tiered formula with cuts ranging from 60% to 35%.

    The tiered formula will bring about positive gains to NZ and Australian exports.

    Another scenario considered was that where a complete removal of tariffs was

    examined. Although highly unlikely, this scenario showed that results doubled in

    comparison to the previous cases.

    Thus this paper displays how different types of tariff cuts bring about greater market

    access in strategic sectors and protect certain others. The one limitation of this

    paper is that it examines effects only on the primary sector and not on various others

    like the services or manufacturing sectors.

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    K. CAP Reform and the WTO: Potential Impacts on EU Agriculture

    Julian Binfield, Trevor Donnellan, Kevin Hanrahan, Chad Hart and Patrick Westhoff

    In this paper, an analysis of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) under the WTO is

    presented. This study forms the basis for the analysis of the implications of the WTO

    and CAP reform for the agricultural sector in the EU. It specially focuses on the two

    aspects that WTO trade reforms aim to tackle market access and trade subsidies.

    The WTO classifies subsidies into two categories the amber box subsidies which

    have a trade-distorting effect and the blue/green box subsidies which do not have

    a trade distorting effect. Thus WTO directives instruct countries to reduce their

    amber and blue box expenditure limits in order to promote free unaffected trade. As

    a result developed countries try to shift their subsidy expenditures from the amber

    and blue boxes to the green box category. This paper shows how the single factor

    payment (SFP) system under the CAP reform allows the EU to consider that

    expenditures under that measure would fall into green box. The author identifies that

    the use of export subsidies by the EU to dispose of surplus production is the bone of

    contention in the WTO negotiations.

    This is the loophole in the WTO Agreement on Agriculture treaty. The authors also

    establish that the reforms are less likely to have an impact on export subsidy levels

    or market access. As explained above, export subsidies can be clubbed into a

    different, more acceptable category so do not have the intended effects on trade.

    Further, the authors explore the EU-US joint initiatives proposal for blended set of

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    rules for tariff reductions but the text does not go so far as to draw detailed

    conclusions on the level of market access.

    L. WTO Impacts on US Rice Producing Households

    Roman Keeney and Jayson Beckman

    This paper aims to study distributional impacts of proposed agricultural reforms

    under the WTO on the welfare of US farm households. The authors have specifically

    focussed on rice producing households in the US. The reason for choosing rice as

    the main commodity is that rice constitutes a staple diet in developing countries and

    enjoys heavy protection and support in developed nations. A modified version of the

    standard GTAP (Global Trade Analysis Project) CGE has been used in order to

    focus on the agricultural features. Assumptions of constant returns to scale and

    perfect competition are retained.

    The authors stress on the fact that WTO distributional impacts on far household

    incomes in poor countries are wrongly given more importance than to those in

    wealthy countries. The results obtained from the study state that the WTO

    agricultural reforms push for more market access from other countries benefitting the

    rice producers in the US and this effect outweighs the income loss sustained from

    subsidy removal. This also explains why the US would like to control the subsidy

    cuts to their domestic programs. The losses sustained from complete removal of

    subsidy would not be recoverable from fully opening export markets as per the

    findings of the micro-simulation conducted.

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    The significance of conducting this study in a developed country scenario lies in the

    fact that farming households in these countries have the ability to organise with

    producers with similar interests and influence the policy process. This could

    significantly impact the implementation of trade reforms in these countries.

    The limitation of this paper lies in the fact that it focuses on rice producing

    households which are the most heavily protected (in terms of subsidies given) and

    hence display extreme distributional impacts. Also, the base year taken for this study

    is 2001 which stands out as the year with the highest output subsidies for rice in the

    US. This has a magnifying effect on the quantitative results.

    M. Barriers to Agricultural Exports from Developing Countries: The Role of

    Sanitary and Phytosanitary Requirements

    Spencer Henson and Rupert Loader

    The sanitary and phytosanitary measures under the SPS agreement of WTO

    constitute an essential factor affecting trade of agricultural exports between nations.

    The technical and social impacts of this agreement pose indirect trade barriers to

    many developing countries. This paper seeks to highlight the issues faced by both

    developed and developing countries due to the SPS requirements as stated by the

    WTO.

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    Through extensive surveys conducted in countries with varying income groups, the

    authors have identified that the implementation of SPS measures in large developing

    countries like India and Brazil, is due to the fact that staff lacks technical expertise in

    SPS issues limiting their participation in the Agreement. Other administrative issues

    related to this include non-attendance at international meetings, absence of single

    reporting point and enquiry point for amended SPS regulations/standards. The

    authors also establish that developing countries are in general less able to exploit

    the procedures of the SPS Agreement to their advantage as compared to the

    developed countries.

    However the main issue which presented itself through the survey conducted by the

    authors was that developed countries take insufficient account of the needs of

    developing countries while setting SPS requirements. Even the WTO website

    recognises that developed countries sometimes use SPS requirements to protect

    domestic produce and encourage exports while presenting a trade barrier to imports

    from developing countries which might not be able to comply with the harsh SPS

    standards. The length of time allotted between notification and implementation of

    SPS requirements, as well as the technical assistance offered to developing

    countries were identified as additional problem areas.

    The authors have provided a three-fold solution to the above mentioned issues:

    WTO should ensure more effective participation by developing countries, developed

    countries should be more considerate to the needs and abilities of developing

    nations and finally, developing countries should implement institutional structures

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    and procedures that help them integrate better into the WTO SPS Agreement

    system.

    N. Distributional Effects of WTO Agricultural Reforms in Rich and Poor

    Countries

    Thomas Hertel, Roman Keeney, Maros Ivanic and Alan Winters

    The authors of this paper aim to highlight the comparative distributional effect of

    trade reforms, particularly agricultural trade reforms, on rich and poor countries.

    They seek to dispel the belief that trade reforms have a positive impact on poor

    farmers and not so significant an impact on rich farmers. They have considered the

    US as the rich country and fifteen other developing countries. The methodology used

    for analysis is a modified version of the GTAP CGE model of the global economy.

    These modifications are made to enhance the analysis of agricultural reforms and

    simulation of distributional impacts.

    The use of household survey data shows the impact of trade reforms by wealth

    decile (level of income) and commodity specialisation. The authors found that in the

    medium run, wealthy farmers are the main beneficiaries of protectionist trade

    policies. These benefits are mainly concentrated in a few products that receive very

    high levels of support. In the US, these products are found to be rice, cotton, sugar

    and dairy.

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    In the poor countries, it was found that rich country agriculture reforms benefit low-

    income farm households due to increased market access. The impact on non-farm

    population is mixed however, as those dependent on remittances from abroad would

    stand to lose while unskilled labour is benefitted due to increased demand. The

    impact on poverty depends on the proportion of these groups in the population.

    The authors conclude with the statement that global trade liberalisation is the most

    favourable path as it helps tackle poverty across the developing nations.

    O. Do WTO members Have More Liberal Trade Policy?

    Andrew K. Rose

    The author is of the strong opinion that WTO membership does not significantly

    affect the trade policies of any country. He has used two methods of comparative

    analysis to prove his hypothesis (i) comparison between trade policies of WTO

    member and non-members (ii) comparison of trade policies for countries before and

    after WTO accession. The author has considered 60 quantitative measures of trade

    policy to reach the conclusion that membership in the WTO is not significantly

    correlated with liberalisation in trade policies.

    The measures of trade policy have been divided into seven groups: openness, trade

    flows, tariffs, non-tariff barriers, informal/qualitative measures, composite indices and

    measures based on price outcomes. The author has employed regression analysis

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    using OLS estimates and determined that there is no obvious connection between

    WTO membership and trade policy. Results are perversely signed at certain points

    as well, i.e., members are less open than non-members, with higher tariffs.

    The second aspect of the study further confirms a loose relationship between WTO

    membership and trade policy on considering data from 1950 to 1998 of pre and post

    accession of countries to WTO. Liberalisation either occurs before accession or after

    it with no clear link to the accession process itself. The findings indicate that a typical

    accession country has an openness ratio of 73.1% five years before joining and a

    ratio of only 70.4% five years after accession. Similarly tariffs rise from 12.5% to

    13.1% on imports.

    The reason for this as identified by the author is that countries were largely allowed

    to follow their own trade policies even after joining the GATT/WTO which may not

    necessarily adhere to the spirit of the agreement. Also members were permitted to

    extend MFN status to non-members giving no real weight to the actual members of

    the organisation. The only opposition to the authors findings is provided by the

    Heritage Foundations index which states that members of the system enjoy more

    economic freedom.

    As is evident from the reviewed papers, there seem to be contrasting views on the

    effects of WTO accession on countries. Some studies show positive effects while

    other display negative results as a consequence of this action. We have discovered

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    that there is no compact comparative study between the effects of WTO accession

    on developed and developing countries. The methods of evaluating data in the

    reviewed papers are mostly centred on the GTAP standard computable general

    equilibrium (CGE). This also generates the requirement to use an alternate

    methodology to analyse the comparative effects of joining the WTO and

    implementing its policies. Further it would be useful to have a clear and concise pre

    and post WTO accession analysis for developed and developing countries. A precise

    evaluation of its effects on income, GDP, employment and inequality in these nations

    would also be beneficial.

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    DATA AND ECONOMETRIC ANALYSIS

    The analysis covers the data for the period 1985-2006, i.e. eleven years before and

    eleven years after the WTO that has been taken from World Bank, IMF and WTO

    websites. We have taken 1995 as the segregating point of the WTO, as in this year

    the implementation of the WTO was started.

    The model specifications are given as:

    TRG = 0 + 1IND + 2AGR + 3SERV + 4WIN + 5GDP

    where

    TRG = Trade volume (exports + imports) as percentage of GDP

    IND = Value added by industry in GDP in percentage.

    AGR = Value added by agriculture in GDP in percentage.

    SERV = Value added by service sector in GDP in percentage.

    WIN = World Income (US $ Billions).

    GDP = Gross Domestic Product of countries (US $ Million).

    NOTE: This is a general model for each country, i.e. the same model will be applied

    for all countries to the relevant data-sets of Developed and Developing economies

    before and after the WTO.

    The econometric estimates have been obtained through Ordinary Least Square

    estimates model, where trade bulk is a function of economic variables like the ratio of

    agriculture, service and industrial sector in GDP, global GDP etc. The agricultural

    and industrial sectors are the major contributors of trade bulk for South Asian

    countries as agriculture mainly contributes to exports and industry in the form of

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    import of raw material mainly contribute to imports. Thus we have included these

    variables in our model along with GDP of the nations and global GDP. We have

    regressed the trade bulk of each country with these variables for the periods before

    and after the WTO to see the difference in impact of these variables on trade bulk.

    VALUES FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

    Before WTO

    Country Industry Agriculture Services World Income GDP

    India 0.6255 -9.255 0.047 0.0055 0.0044

    China* -0.17 2.2499 1.18 -0.00156 -0.000825

    Brazil 0.03966 0.501 -0.109 0.0091 -0.00142

    Russia -2.198 2.55 5.97 0.08738 -0.02432

    Thailand -4.41 0.038 9.29 -0.00462 0.00939

    *China joined WTO in 2001 (all others joined WTO in 1995)

    After WTO

    Country Industry Agriculture Services World Income GDP

    India 6.890 0.2328 1.149 0.00394 0.000269

    China* 1.488 0.538 0.755 -0.103 0.0037

    Brazil 1.171 -6.54 -3.14 -0.0083 0.00187

    Russia 3.87 -3.88 0.5147 -0.05289 0.0064

    Thailand 5.363 -1.157 21.455 -0.0681 0.0175

    *China joined WTO in 2001 (all others joined WTO in 1995)

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    For India only two explanatory variables, i.e. ratio of industrial and service sector in

    GDP have statistically significant values for the data set before the WTO. For the

    data-set after the WTO, the explanatory variables which have significant values are

    the ratio of industrial sector, ratio of service sector in GDP and ratio of agriculture

    sector in GDP. The role of industrial sector has been increased after the WTO. It is

    important to note that agriculture sector is negatively affecting the international trade

    of India. India registered a sharp growth in merchandise and service sector of 10.3%

    and 9.7% respectively after joining WTO.

    China joined WTO in 2001. For china increase in volume of trade can be explained

    by increase in industry variable and world income after joining WTO. The accession

    of china to WTO has led to an expansion of the labour-intensive sectors and

    increased its net imports in agriculture and capital-intensive products. As China is

    worlds largest economy, its WTO joining has a complementary effect on other

    developing countries whose capital products are imported by China for use in

    production of Chinese finished goods.

    Rise in trade volume of Brazil can be explained by industry variable and increase in

    global GDP after joining WTO. Brazil has experienced a strong growth of 7.5% in its

    industrial sector. It has emerged as a major economy in Latin American countries.

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    For Russia increase in trade volume can be accounted by mainly two factors change

    in industry variable and change in GDP of all the countries. After joining WTO, both

    industry trade and GDP of all the countries have increased.

    Thailands increase in trade volume can be explained by three variables industry,

    services and GDP of all countries. The development of merchandise industry in

    Thailand was built on foreign capital, foreign technology and foreign product designs;

    final products, moreover, relied significantly on foreign markets.

    We can say that developing countries have experienced the following benefits by

    joining WTO

    (i) Improved access to international markets for exporters due to lower trade

    barriers,

    (ii) Tariff reductions in imports will improve total factor productivity,

    (iii) Improved services through the entry of multinational service providers

    (iv) Increased investment due to higher rate of return to capital.

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    VALUES FOR DEVELOPED COUNTRIES

    Before WTO

    Country Industry Agriculture Services World

    Income

    GDP

    Australia -7.74 -8.87 -5.10 -0.043 0.0056

    Germany -2.544 -3.88 -4.008 0.00468 -2.03e-05

    UK 9.73 -2.04 15.21 -0.0188 0.003855

    USA 3.595 -4.023 3.102 0.00045 0.000142

    Japan 4.03 -9.04 1.75 -0.00018 0.00093

    After WTO

    Country Industry Agriculture Service World

    Income

    GDP

    Australia -1.66057 0.5652 0.887 0.00414 -0.0008

    Germany -6.47 2.57 -8.83 -0.00581 0.00285

    UK -7.87 -5.272 -5.86 0.01011 -0.00128

    USA 4.41 -2.999 3.55 0.0047222 -0.000401

    Japan 17.96 -11.86 16.65 -0.00222 0.00005

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    In case of Australia, the impact of agriculture sector and service sector has become

    positive. They serve as major variables that are responsible for increase in volume of

    trade.

    For Germany and UK there is no variable that accounts for increases in trade after

    joining WTO. However there is an increase in employment in these countries but the

    volume of trade has remained the same.

    For USA only two explanatory variables, i.e. ratio of industrial and service sector in

    GDP have statistically significant values for the data set before the WTO and after

    WTO. The contribution of industrial sector in trade has increased after WTO while

    the contribution of service sector in trade remained the same.

    For Japan, the ratio of industrial and service sector in GDP has positive value. There

    has been a considerable growth of these sectors after Japan joined WTO. Japans

    automobile industry emerged as the biggest beneficiary as joining WTO opened the

    market in developing countries.

    So we can say that developed countries also gained from joining WTO as it provided

    entry of high-technology products into emerging markets of developed countries but

    their agricultural products have to suffer due to price disadvantage in comparison

    with developing countries. So government had to provide subsidies to make them

    more competitive.

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    UNEMPLOYMENT RATE

    While looking at it from a short-term point of view, the entry into the WTO will exert

    an impact on the traditional trades in developing countries by breaking up the original

    employment pattern thus increasing unemployment rate.

    If judging the problem from a long-term point of view, the entry of the WTO will exert

    a positive influence on the increase of job opportunities due to the growth of trade

    and the adjustment and update of industry structure. The labour-intensive, tertiary

    industries and small enterprises will get further developed, thereby increasing

    elasticity for employment.

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    12

    14

    year 19911992199319941995 199619971998199920002001200220032004

    brazil

    india

    china

    russia

    thailand

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    THE DARK SIDE OF WTO

    Establishment of the WTO was controversial all over the world as it placed the

    importance of international commerce and industry interests before all other values,

    including consumer safeguards, environmental and labour protections, food safety,

    and human rights.

    In 1993 US government regulated Environmental Protection Agency

    (EPA) rule on gasoline contaminants that cause health-threatening air

    emissions. Venezuelan government approached WTO with a claim that the

    U.S. foreign standard pertaining to so-called reformulated gasoline put

    Venezuelan domestic refiners at an unfair disadvantage by requiring that their

    product meet the average cleanliness of U.S. domestically refined

    reformulated gasoline. The WTO's very first ruling in early 1996 ordered the

    U.S. to eliminate its Clean Air Act regulation on gasoline cleanliness.

    The second case came when the WTO ruled against U.S. Endangered

    Species Act rules that protected sea turtles from getting killed in shrimpers

    nets. In this situation the U.S. complied with the WTO, and replaced the

    requirement that all countries seeking to sell shrimp in the U.S. had to ensure

    that their shrimpers used turtle-safe devices.

    Another area, amongst many, that is a cause for tension, is the TRIPS agreement

    that defines how products can be protected from piracy. This agreement increased

    corporate control that harmed millions of lives in underdeveloped countries. A major

    criticism then has been that in its current form, intellectual property rights regimes

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    like TRIPS serve to stifle competition and protect ones investments and profits from

    it in that way. For poor nations it makes developing their own industries

    independently more costly, if at all possible.

    Liberalization often enables the knowledge of the poor to be converted into the

    property of global corporations. Resentment occurs when the poor are then made to

    pay for seeds and medicines that they themselves have evolved or created the basis

    for, without receiving royalties for the part they played in development.

    Out of 26,088 applications for patents in Africa in 2000 and 2001, only 31

    were from residents of Africa.

    70 patents have been granted to FW companies on the products of the Neem

    tree of India, which has always been used locally for treatment of fever, snake

    bites, leprosy and as a natural insecticide and disinfectant.

    In 1998, a US company (Rice Tec) was awarded a patent on the basmati

    variety of rice, grown only in India and Pakistan.

    Countries such as, India, Argentina, The Dominican Republic, Brazil, Vietnam

    and Thailand, have all been threatened under the Special 301 provisions of US

    trade law. By contrast the US seems prepared to override patents at home in the

    case of patented antibiotics to treat anthrax.

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    INCOME INEQUALITY

    GINI Coefficient for Developed Countries

    Country Before WTO After WTO

    Japan 24.9 38.1

    Australia 35.2 30.5

    UK 32.5 34

    USA 41.4 45

    Germany 28.2 27.1

    The above data shows that there has been an increase in inequality for countries

    after joining WTO. This can be explained by Stopler-Samuelson theorem. According

    to this theorem inequality is most likely to increase in developed countries as a

    consequence of trade with developing countries, because the former are relatively

    well-endowed with skilled labor. Only Australia shows a decrease in inequality after

    joining WTO.

    Along the same lines, we would expect to see declining inequalities in developing

    countries.

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    GINI Coefficient for Developing Countries

    Country Before WTO After WTO

    India 30.8 36.8

    China 40 47

    Thailand 47.9 42

    Russia 39.9 42.3

    Brazil 57.4 58.6

    But the data shows that there has been an increase in inequality for countries after

    joining WTO. This can be explained with the help of technological change. In this

    case technological catch-up causes production of the least skill-intensive developed

    country goods to migrate to developing countries where they become the most skill-

    intensive goods. Thus, the demand for skills and hence wage inequality rises in both

    the regions. The changes in sector of industry from agriculture to non-agricultural

    play a very effective role in determining the income distribution in developing

    countries.

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    CONCLUSION

    The new WTO continues the principles of the GATT and expands them to cover not

    only trade in goods, but also services, trade-related investment, and aspects of

    intellectual property. It provides an effective forum in which members can negotiate

    mutually beneficial liberalization and resolve any subsequent disputes. The main

    principles of the WTO boil down to the following:

    Non-discrimination, Reciprocity, Transparency, Special and Differential Treatment

    REALITY DIFFERENT FROM THE PRINCIPLES

    The WTO is an unfair system with flawed views and actions. Yet in this era of

    globalization it is a necessary organization. What must happen is a change in the

    way agreements are made, and there must be less attention to corporate agendas,

    and more attention to national and local interest. Regardless of their intentions, the

    WTO is harming millions across the globe. Until something changes, the gap

    between rich and poor will likely continue to grow, and the progress of poorer nations

    will be significantly slowed. Power politics has meant that the WTO has received

    criticized by various groups and third world countries for numerous things, including:

    Being very opaque and not allowing enough public participation. Some

    national laws and decisions for safety and protection of peoples health,

    environment and national economies have been deemed as barriers to free

    trade. In terms of the environment the WTO has stood in the way of many

    environmental protections throughout the world. In the United States there

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    have been two heavily scrutinized cases pertaining to environmental

    protection

    Instead of respecting the reasons why there has been special and differential

    treatment for developing countries, rich countries instead want to push poor

    countries to reciprocate equally, in what would therefore actually be an

    unequal result (as it would maintain the unequal terms of trade.) Poor

    countries can also be threatened with losing foreign aid, debt relief, or trade

    opportunities if they do not sign to certain agreements. Citizen input is

    consistently ignored, whereas corporate input often becomes law.

    The WTO and its defenders argue that it is democratic because all countries

    officially have one vote and decisions are usually made by what they call

    "consensus." In practice, however, votes are almost never taken. Smaller and

    poorer countries cannot afford to maintain the representatives and trade

    lawyers necessary to make their voices heard on policy issues at the WTO

    headquarters in Geneva. WTO dispute-resolution processes, too, are slanted

    against such countries, which don't have the resources to defend themselves

    against complaints by rich countries. Often just the threat of a complaint

    forces them to settle a dispute in favour of transnational enterprises and

    against the interests of the majority of their citizens.

    TRIPS aims to prevent imitation of products (which is ironic, given that this

    would allow further competition and better prices for drugs and other products,

    which is something that transnational corporations have often sung as being

    the benefits of free trade and corporate-led capitalism with minimal

    restrictions) .TRIPS, WTO and general international trade related agreements

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    do not take public health needs into account. Instead, commercial interests

    are promoted.

    The Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) was one such example of a

    trade and investment related treaty which would emphasize the ability for

    corporations to be allowed more freedom and less constraints. Transnational

    corporations (TNCs) are able to exert enormous influence in no less a

    powerful body as the World Trade Organization (WTO). These TNCs are

    closely linked to the WTO decision-makers themselves.

    The notion of the World Trade Organization seems optimistic. They promote free

    trade, and according to their own studies help alleviate poverty around the globe.

    Unfortunately there is a strong force of people that oppose the WTO for a number of

    justified reasons. Overall we believe that the organization is necessary, but that

    some of their practices must change. Too often human rights, labour rights,

    environmental protection, and national sovereignty give way to corporate ambition.

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    WTO Working Papers -

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    o JEL Classification: F13; F14; C14; C21; C23

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    Th Li it f T d P li R f i D l i C t i R d ik D i