W E E K Lthe

c e n t r a l e u r o p e a n u n i v e r s i t y

YAn independent newspaper by CEU students and alumni October 1, 2014, Year 4, Issue 49

“Sausage,” asked my customer in a very thick, but understand-

able, Italian accent. “Which kind?” I asked. He paused, obviously at-tempting to decipher my response. Then with a sudden realization he said, “Italiano, Piccante!” Italiano was easy enough to understand, and my abysmal knowledge of Spanish led me to assume that he was look-ing to purchase Spicy Italian Sau-sage. He held up three fingers to in-dicate how many he wanted. While paying he tried to ask me more questions in Italian, which flew over my head. Frustrating as the situa-tion was, I was sympathetic. I knew that in one month when I moved to Budapest I would occasionally find myself in his shoes.

Having lived and worked in To-ronto, Canada, a multicultural me-tropolis, helped me learn how to deal with language barriers in ev-eryday life. When I moved to Hun-gary I was prepared that under-standing other people would be an everyday challenge. I currently live with an elderly lady who speaks a staggering three words in English, so our communication generally in-volves her pointing at objects with a loud “Hello!” Although, there are often mishaps and mistakes in un-derstanding what the other means I think we have established a good living relationship, I hope.

I learned to become comfortable with occasionally being hindered by a language barrier in commu-nication. When I stumble on the pronunciation of various fruits and vegetables at the market, I will only

really know if the vendor under-stood my order if they start weigh-ing the product I tried to indicate. Speaking a language, and I am tak-ing a Wittgensteinian approach to this subject, is much like playing a game. You learn some helpful rules, phrases, and you give it your best shot. Even amongst native English speakers the same processes are in play. However, due to our assump-tions, we rarely worry ourselves over whether any statement we have uttered creates its intended mean-ing. Supposedly, we are playing the same game, and the other individu-al knows the rules. An example of a moment in which the tenuousness of language becomes apparent be-tween native speakers would be in miscommunication over unfamiliar vocabulary or slang and colloquial-isms.

Along with becoming comfort-able with not knowing whether what you uttered made sense, one should also learn to avoid being embarrassed when miscommuni-cation occurs. This will help you if you were hoping to become, even slightly, proficient in Hungarian. A mistake is only a mistake if you fail to learn. Regardless, being at ease with a lack of communica-tion helps you cope with occasion-ally living in a language bubble. Jacob Verhagen,

Nationalism Studies, Canada

L i v i n g i n a L a n g u a g e B u b b l e

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8Hungarian Expression

of the week

A szerelmet és a tüsszen-tést nem lehet eltitkolni.

Translation:Love and coughs cannot

be hidden.

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News inHungary

Social LifeUpcoming Events

Upcoming EventsWeekly Comic

Politics andWorld Events

Commentary on Scottish Indepen-dence Referendum

RethinkingJournalism in Berlin

CEU CampusRedevelopment

THE CEU WEEKLY

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In his September 23rd address to the yearly assembly of the Clinton

Global Initiative, President Barack Obama declared the support for civil society around the globe as a matter of national security for the US. He directly named a number of coun-tries which have launched recent attacks on their own respective civil society organizations. Hungary was one such country mentioned. While the relationship between previous Hungarian governments and local NGOs has never historically been one of perfect amiability, this sum-mer, Viktor Orbán’s conservative government mounted an unprec-edented attack on Hungarian civil society.

After Fidesz’s re-election in March 2014, senior party and cabinet mem-bers, most notably, János Lázár, the minister responsible for the Prime Minister’s Office, accused specific organizations benefitting from the financial support of The Norwegian NGO Fund, of having a leftist po-litical bias. In May 2014, a leading Hungarian news site leaked a gov-ernmental document, which men-tioned the blacklisting of a dozen NGOs, all deemed ‘problematic’ by the government for their alleged left-ist ties. This list included some of the most respected advocates of political and human rights, minority rights, governmental transparency as well as other similar causes. In July 2014, the Prime Minister himself took a stance on this topic and in his now infamous speech, discussing the ide-al of an illiberal state, he described these independent associations as not only ‘Political activists paid by

Hu n g a ria n C i v i l S o c i et y Un de r At tac k

foreigners’ but also as the main impediment to the construction of his newly proposed system of gov-ernance.

In parallel with this rhetorical assault, The Government Control Office (KEHI), a public agency originally designed to check gov-ernmental actions, but de-facto acting as an intermediary for the Hungarian Cabinet, started inves-tigating the financial records of all blacklisted NGOs. The process culminated in mid-September when The National Bureau of In-vestigation raided the headquar-ters of Ökotárs and DemNet, the umbrella-organizations in charge for the distribution of the grants from the Norwegian Fund. Mean-while the scope of the governmen-tal investigations was also broad-ened to include beneficiaries of The Swiss Civil Fund. The initial charges formulated by Lázár and his lieutenants referred to irregu-larities in the distribution mecha-nisms of the grants, but as time passed, these charges were gradu-ally increased, to also include, among others, embezzlement and illicit banking.

The blacklisted NGOs and many media outlets agree that the assault on what should be an inde-pendent Hungarian civil society is, in fact, motivated by the political interests of Fidesz, the current ma-jority party in the Hungarian Par-liament. In the words of philoso-pher Gáspár Miklós Tamás, these

emancipatory associations repre-sent the regime’s ‘Real opposition’, hence the attempt of the Hun-garian government to dismantle them. With the complete political bankruptcy of left-leaning par-ties, Hungarian civil society, the autonomous NGOs committed to the ideals of a just and free society were the most effective actors to challenge the increasingly authori-tarian, anti-egalitarian, chauvin-istic and restrictive policies that the Conservative government has enacted. Although their societal embeddedness and mediatic reach is far inferior to that of the power of the Hungarian state appara-tus, commanded primarily by the Cabinet, their remarkable capacity to articulate coherent alternative discourses and policies has forced Fidesz to make minor concessions in the past.

As this piece was going to press, The National Tax and Customs Ad-ministration was revoking the tax identification numbers of several NGOs, thus rendering them un-able to carry on with any planned projects. As it stands, Hungarian civil society is currently fighting for its survival, and is struggling profoundly to preserve the hope for a polity based on the principles of freedom, justice and solidarity.

--Szilárd István Pap, is a PhD stu-dent in Social Anthropology, and a member of the editorial board of the New Left blog Kettos Mérce.

ISSUE 49

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Conflicts form an inherent part of our lives and it would seem al-

most unimaginable to read the news-paper or watch the evening news without witnessing at least some form of it from the comfort of our home. However, what happens on the producing side of the story, given that we are mostly passive receivers of news stories? Why do journalists even travel to war zones to begin with and how do they choose their news angles? Furthermore, what kinds of risk management mechanisms can freelancers rely on and what role

does social-media play in all of this?Questions like those above were re-

cently tackled during a week-long training conference for young media makers in Berlin, called Rethink-ing Journalism. The thirty partici-pants came from eight European countries (Austria, Bosnia and Her-zegovina, Germany, Latvia), the Middle East (Lebanon) and North Africa (Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia) and were also joined by two trainers as well as an organizing team, which I was lucky enough to be a part of.

During the first days, we searched for the answers to these questions through a variety of theoretical con-cepts. One of the first things that the group learned was the basis of con-flict analysis through the metaphors, namely, icebergs, onions and trees. While for some, such knowledge may have seemed rather redundant, for others being able to understand what the needs of the parties involved in conflict is proved to be absolutely es-sential for their production of future quality news pieces. The different angles of understanding a journal-

Rethinking ConfliCt JouRnalism in BeRlin

ist’s position, and whether one should act as an observer or activist was also discussed at the first panel discus-sion, during which we were joined by Simone Schlindwein, a war cor-respondent from the Great Lakes region. Peace journalism was also a significant part of the training. This approach to conflict reporting is de-fined by being conflict/people/truth as well as solution-oriented. It stands as a direct contrast to war journalism and was developed by the father of mod-ern peace research, Johan Galtung.

Another panel discussion revolved around the working conditions in war zones and the dangers that jour-nalists, especially freelancers, face and how they can best be avoided. Christoph Dreyer from Reporters without Borders highlighted the im-portance of staying in touch with friends while in a conflict zone and the necessity of protection equipment. The most important lesson however was that it is not only your right but also your obligation to say ‘no’ to

a potentially dangerous situation.The workshop later moved towards

media-producing and participants were joined by Jaafar Abdul Karim, moderator of “Shabab Talk” at the German TV channel Deutsche Welle. One very poignant question he had for all participants was, “How would you organize a talk show on the Arab-Israeli conflict for young au-dience largely uninterested in poli-tics?” While discussing whom to in-vite and why, as well as what format to choose (among a myriad of other concerns), the participants relied heavily on the knowledge gained in the previous days and warned against the dangers of using a single-story as well as victory-oriented rather than solution-oriented approach to mod-erating such show. The question of ethics was then further elaborated on by Pulitzer Prize winner Roy Gut-man who joined the conference by Skype and talked about his experi-ence of reporting from the Balkans.

The final days of the workshop were rather hectic as the participants worked on their media pieces for Orange Mag-azine. Some participants examined the troubles that Yezidis in Berlin faced while others turned towards the rise of pro-Russian extremism in Latvia.

All in all, participating in the Re-thinking Journalism was an ex-tremely worthwhile experience. If you are interested in the stories produced, you can find them here: http://www.orangemagazine.eu/edi-tions/rethinking-journalism-2014/.

Moreover, if you want to take part in future workshops or are simply interested in journalism be sure to look at the European Youth Press (http://www.youthpress.org/).You can also follow MENAC on Face-book at https://www.facebook.com/menacommittee or on Twitter at https://twitter.com/menacommittee.

Radka Pudilova School of Public Policy

Czech Republic

sPEcial rEPort

THE CEU WEEKLY

A view from Scotland Tamara Szűcs Gender Studies, Hungary

One of my Politics lecturers at university, Dr Michael Dyer

covered Scottish independence pret-ty decisively: nae happenin’. His ar-gument went like this – if Quebec, with much more distinctive tradi-tions and identity than Scotland and a fully fledged sovereignty movement since the 1960s, voted against inde-pendence twice (!) in 34 years, inde-pendence could never win in much less uniformly nationalistic Scotland.

Plus, for a country inside a country, Scotland has a bloody good deal. The Scots put less tax into the great British purse than what they receive in sub-sidies from Westminster (the seat of the UK government) and the Scottish government already decides indepen-dently on education, healthcare, econ-omy, local government, law and order, housing, transport, and environment.

Therefore, it came as a surprise when in 2007 the Scottish National Party (SNP), running solely on the ‘Freedom!’ ticket, won the parlia-mentary election of traditionally Labour-minded (read: social demo-cratic) Scotland. Until then, the public had looked at the SNP and its leader, Alex Salmond as a curious, albeit not overly harmful growth on the body of Scottish politics – sort of how most Brits scoff at the UK Independence Party and its anti-EU campaign.

Yet, Salmond managed to get re-elected in 2011 and then two weeks ago four million Scots were asked if Scotland should become indepen-dent (I’ll cut to the chase – they said no). Although headlines framed the 55%-against result as a “resounding no”, this is far from being homog-enous. With over 84% of the eligible voters actually bothering to vote (the highest turn-out in the UK since 1951!), the spectrum ranges from the loudest ‘aye’ at 57% in Dundee to a full two-thirds saying ‘nope’ on Orkney.

Psephologists (word of the day; those dealing with electoral analy-

sis) will be feasting on the above stats for years to come, spewing out all kinds of theories, none of which are likely to explain what exactly hap-pened at the referendum on 18 Sep-tember. They also won’t be able to say for certain whether there will ever be an independent Scotland.

But this seems clear: as much as the 1707 union of England and Scot-land was a “shotgun wedding”, in-dependence would be a “painful di-vorce”, hitting the Scottish economy, and therefore the general popula-tion hard. Thus, as the Queen of the UK of Twitter noted on the morn-ing after the vote: having looked up the kilt of nationalism, Scotland has chosen the trousers of Union…

A view from Northern Ireland John McLean Department of Public Policy, United Kingdom

Northern Ireland and Scotland share a rich cultural and linguis-

tic heritage through the protestant, unionist ‘Ulster Scots’ who settled in Ireland’s north which is reflected in the many catholic, republican Irish who settled over the years in Scotland’s east. The historical roots crossing the Irish Sea are many, old, varied and un-like those between Scotland, England and Wales. As such, a particular aspect of the referendum debate had peculiar resonance in Northern Ireland which would not have been felt quite so keen-ly in the rest of the United Kingdom.

Historical affiliations became fully visible just a few days prior to the vote when thousands of ‘Orange-men’ from the protestant religious order, the Loyal Orange Lodge, trav-elled from Northern Ireland to take part in Scottish parades in support of the No campaign. There is also no doubt that the Irish, republican heritage in Glasgow played its part in delivering a Yes vote in that city.

The shared divisions are centuries

old, and have a recent history of bub-bling over in Northern Ireland – and Scotland also, particularly Glasgow. But, despite the potential for trouble, the referendum event remained large-ly calm. Where one would quite re-cently have expected an outpouring of sectarian rhetoric – and even violent clashes – all too familiar with residents of both Belfast and Glasgow, there was only a mild simmer to be heard.

Murmured grumbles should not be ignored, but the referendum has been a successful acid test of de-mocracy in action in more than just the magnificent 84.5% turnout and dynamic grassroots discussion that took place in Scotland. In North-ern Ireland, too, the process was fol-lowed, debated and supported prin-cipally on the core political issues, regardless of how inherited and en-trenched viewpoints may have been.

With its own self-perception is-sues to be deliberated over at length in the coming decades, one can only hope that Northern Ire-land can continue to follow in the example of Scotland and lead a debate on the issues that mat-ter rather than on ancient quarrels.One can hope.

A view from England Dan Hartas Philosophy, United Kingdom

South of the border, the referen-dum result has received a gen-

eral welcome, though not without a certain trepidation about how we’re going to move forward. Support for the Union remains strong in Eng-land, and opinion polls consistently report that the English wanted the Scots to reject independence. But it’s clear the Union is going to have to change, and the English are in-creasingly concerned about getting fair representation after that change.

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A pan-British commentary on the recent Scottish independence referendum

(jointpublicissues.org.uk)

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Politics and World EvEnts

ISSUE 49

That’s not democratic, but it’s not even the main issue. Scotland is now much wealthier than the poor North of England, yet receives around €1,700 per person more in govern-ment spending. The English are start-ing to get irritated by Scotland in-creasingly keeping its wealth to itself, rather than allowing it to be shared out among the poor across the UK. The worry is that with Scotland’s new autonomy, this trend will get worse.

Nowadays, when the English talk about the Scots over a pint of beer, they no longer understand the dis-like, the resent, the insular extreme of Scottish nationalism. The History has been history for a long time. We know all too well that the custom in Scotland is to support “anyone but England” in the football, even while we cheer Scottish athletes like Andy Murray and Chris Hoy as our own. English people, when asked where they come from, overwhelmingly say “the UK”. Scots say “Scotland”.

Not that there’s anything wrong with that, but the English feel rejected and dismayed. After the referendum, with the Scottish government’s new pow-ers, that’s likely to turn into something more assertive, and the English will likely demand as much self-determi-nation as has been granted to the oth-er UK nations. England hates artificial borders, and we will never be a federal country, so we’ll probably end up with some ridiculous, nonsense, constitu-tional hodgepodge. But change is in

the air, and I’m sure this story isn’t over.

A view from Wales Stephen Westlake History, United Kingdom

What does it all mean for Wales? The answer seems to be that no

one knows, and those who seem to care aren’t getting much of a look-in when it comes to the UK-wide de-bate. The leaders of the three big UK national parties pushed the panic button in response to polls giving the “Yes” campaign a shot at victory the week before the referendum. The Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats all signed a pledge, printed on the front page of Scottish news-paper the Daily Record, promising further devolution within the Union should Scotland vote “No”. Alongside this was the promise of “a continu-ation of the Barnett allocation”. The Barnett formula is the current con-voluted and anachronistic method of dispersing tax revenues amongst the member nations of the United Kingdom. This system already allo-cates Scotland a greater percentage of public spending per head than Wales despite its higher GDP per capita.

In 2009 the independent Holtham Commission found that the current allocation left the Welsh Assembly

Government underfunded by €384 million. The Commission’s final report was initially greeted enthusiastically by all main political parties in Wales, and Welsh First Minister Carwyn Jones has repeatedly promised to push for reform of the current funding situ-ation. But by signing up to continu-ance of the Barnett formula, which all Welsh political parties have recognized as unfair, the UK leadership of each of the big three parties demonstrate once again how marginal Wales’ voice is in these debates about the future of Brit-ain. Ironically, this comes after Car-wyn Jones outlined arguably the most rational and practical proposals for constitutional reform yet proposed, which would see all the four member nations of the United Kingdom rep-resented in a new upper house to re-place the antiquated House of Lords.

These proposals, and the voices of the Welsh politics more generally, have clearly been dismissed or simply ig-nored by the Westminster leadership. There is little hunger for independence in Wales, with recent polls placing support at around 10%, but frustration within Wales at being continually po-litically overlooked and economically short-changed contributes to an even greater danger to the United Kingdom than secessionism; political apathy.

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Politics and World EvEnts

THE CEU WEEKLY

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For those of you who don’t know yet, Central European University

is in the process of changing the con-figuration of the campus. The Campus Redevelopment Plan began in 2012 and now has reached its first phase. In November, the Nádor 13 and Ná-dor 15 buildings will undergo massive architectural changes which are meant to connect all CEU buildings and pro-vide a unified complex. For the next two years, architects and construc-tion workers will redesign and rebuild the two buildings, followed by simi-lar actions for the rest of the campus.

The new campus, intended to be a blend of the old and the new, will provide students with flexible, mul-timedia classrooms, and incorporate sustainability plans. Also included is a complete redesign of the lecture halls and library with the aim to pro-vide better offices for PhD students and professors. At the same time, the new campus will try to keep intact the feeling of a university as to not slip into looking like a building that could be mistaken for a shopping mall. For the project, CEU has hired the Irish architectural firm O’Donnell and Tuomey, as well as the renowned architect Pal Baross as the director of the Campus Redevelopment team.

To move forward with the afore-mentioned project means that all the offices in the Nádor 13 and 15 must

be relocated. In order to continue operating at the same level, adminis-tratively and educationally, CEU has tried to find solutions for the upcom-ing years. Three hundred thirty three people, comprised of staff, students and professors, must be moved, of-fices must change their locations, and a complete re-structuring of the physical space must take place, and because of this, some problems have arisen. As expected, such a big change in the life of any organization cannot go as smoothly as planned, due to un-expected problems or poor planning.

First and foremost, it is worth men-tioning that CEU has decided to rent more space in the buildings unaffect-ed by the construction work, such as Október 6 utca, no. 7. Moreover, the school has rented new buildings, like the one in Vigyázó Ferenc utca, no. 2. However, the questions concern-ing the rationale and logic behind moving the offices remain still un-answered and many departments on campus are not pleased with both the locations and the manner in which they were moved. Some offices had to pack all of their paperwork and change the day-to-day operations at least twice. Some of the issues are the disturbing smell of fresh paint in the new locations, difficulties the stu-dents have with locating new offices, and due to the the lack of advertise-

ment, the inter-connectivity between offices has had to suffer. Some of the new offices are small and people who stayed next to each other and collabo-rated on a daily basis are now sepa-rated, which affects their work overall.

The administration has been talk-ing about a November start-date for the actual construction work. But the question remains: how realistic is this plan? The first deadline, which was October 15th, stated the Nádor 13 and 15 buildings had to be com-pletely emptied, was extended to Oc-tober 25th, which is evidence that the move is not going as expected. Anoth-er element of concern is the fact that the actual construction company in charge of the works has not yet been announced. This again underlines the fact that a November start-date for this phase of the project is clearly not realistic. The CEU Weekly has tried to contact the administration and those in charge of the redevelopment plans, however no one has yet been able to comment on the issues we have raised. Having said that, we believe students ought to be informed about what is happening with the plans to rede-velop the campus and we will con-tinue to ask the necessary questions.

Vlad Levente Viski Political Science, Romania

CEU’s Campus RedevelopmentStrategies, Relocations, Hiccups

lifE at cEU

ISSUE 49

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Budapest’s rich café scene is no secret, but the in-tegration of cafés and bookshops proves to be a

popular and unique option in café culture. The Book Café (or Lotz Terem) and Massolit Books and Café are among these hybrid coffee shops in Budapest and both present very different experiences.The Book Café is located in the Alexandra Bookstore on Andrássy Street not far from the Opera. As you en-ter the bookstore, follow the escalators to the top floor and the front entrance of the café will introduce you to what could have easily been mistaken for something found in a palace. The café occupies a large hall with ornately detailed walls and a high ceiling covered in colorful murals you can’t help but look at. Despite the rather posh impression the café gives, the wait staff is relatively friendly and the cost for a coffee or decadent dessert is moderately priced. The café is a popular tourist spot and a wait to be seated isn’t uncommon. That said, I wouldn’t suggest the café as a spot to spend hours on an assignment. Don’t let this deter you though! It’s a great place to meet with friends or hang out by your self during off peak hours. The café is well worth a visit, if at least to admire the

interior design.Within the spectrum of book/coffee shops Massolit is the opposite of the Book Café. Massolit is located in the Jewish District and provides a cozier atmosphere with a no frills menu. Instead of being located above a bookstore, the café and bookstore are one. An art space is located to the right of the café bar and ad-ditional seating is in the back garden. The time worn walls are filled of new and used books that set the mood for long hours of reading.Massolit is an independent bookstore from Krakow, Poland that specializes in fiction and nonfiction Eng-lish language books. Unlike its parent store, the Bu-dapest location is definitely more of a café than it is a bookstore, but is just as welcoming.Both cafés are located within walking distance of CEU. The Book Café is open from 10am to 10pm every day and its address is Andrássy út 39 in district 6. Massolit is open Monday through Saturday from 11am to 8pm and located at Nagy Diófa utca 30 in district 7.

Stephanie A. Siwiec,Nationalism Studies,

United States

Would You Like Something To Read With That Latte?

Massolit Book Café [kiskonyves.blog.hu] Alexandra Book Café [trendmagazin.hu]

UPCOMING EVENTS The Month Outside CEU: Harvest, Art and PálinkaFor Those Who Won’tGet to Munich:In the middle of October Budapest will get its own local Oktoberfest – a four-day event with music, en-tertainments and a selection of 300 beers from 55 breweries.When and where: October 9-12, Városliget park, ice skating rinkCosts: 1990 – daily ticket (and you get a beer mug as a gift)More information: http://oktoberfestbudapest.hu

For Those with Taste:This October, Budapest Design Week welcomes the Netherlands as its Guest Country. The achieve-ments of Dutch designers will be demonstrated through presenta-tions, exhibitions and even cheese tasting. The focus of this year’s event is the relationship between design and technology. For ex-ample, a roundtable discussion on environmentally friendly fashion trends sounds appealing.

When and where:October 3-12, various locationsMore information: http://designweek.hu/2014

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Th e CEU Weekly is a student-alumnu initiative that seeks to provide CEU with a regularly issued newspa-per. Th e CEU Weekly is a vehicle of expression for the diversity of the perspectives and viewpoints that in-tegrate CEU’s open society: free and respectful public debate is our aim. We off er a place in which current events and student refl ections can be voiced. Plurality, respect, and freedom of speech are our guiding principles.

For Art LoversFor the 23rd time this October, Budapest will open the doors of CAFe – Contemporary Arts Festi-val – for everyone who is interest-ed. You may choose from a variety of events and genres: contempo-rary and classical music, jazz per-formances, art markets and circus performances.When and where: October 3-19, 250 events at 47 venuesCosts: vary from HUF 500 to HUF 4.500, some events are free of charge – for example, photo street festival at Nagymező utca (October 9-12)More information:http://cafebudapestfest.hu

For Admirers of HungarianCuisineAft er a day spent at the Pálinka and Sausage Festival, you will be able to taste the diff erence between the numerous kinds of this famous drink, which could be helpful next time at CBA. Th e festival will pres-ent 400 types of pálinka as well as sausages and cheeses.When and where: October 3-5, Buda castleCosts: HUF 2.000 (daily pass), HUF 5.500 (3-day pass) - includes a tasting glass and one shot of pá-linka.Bonus: It’s free of charge to visit the History Museum of Budapest with this festival’s ticket.More information:http://palinkaeskolbasz.hu

For Th ose Who Want to See a Bit of HungaryTh e region of Tokaj, a UNESCO World Heritage Site famous for its wine, welcomes everyone to join the well-known Grape Harvest Festival. Th e event will include Grape Harvest Parade, Hungar-ian folk songs and dances, visits to wine cellars, talks to wine makers and – hopefully – some wine tast-ing as well.When and where: October 3-5, To-kaj, Kossuth tér (2 hours 40 min-utes by train from Keleti train sta-tion).Costs: mostly free, but you may need to pay for the concertsMore information:http://www.tokaj-turizmus.hu/to-kaj-hegyaljai-szureti-napok-p-913.

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Cartoon by ERIKSSON

“Climate Change”

The Month Outside CEU: Harvest, Art and Pálinka(cont.) Anna Varfolomeeva, PhD student, Environmental Sciences, Russia

Distribution Points: Reception Nádor 9, Nádor 11, Nádor 15; Library, Cloakroom & CEU Dorm ceuweekly.blogspot.com

Editor in Chief: Eszter Kájtar Managing Editor: Lara Taff erContributors: Jacob Verhagen, Stephanie Siwiec, Radka Pudilova, Vlad Leveute Viski, Tamara Szűcs, Dan Hartas, Stephen Westlake, John McLean, Anna Varfolomeeva, Erik Kotlárik, Imogen Bailey, Christina E. Herrmann & Alexandra Medzibrodszky