Irish Republican Army Irish Republican Army (1)

7/27/2019 Irish Republican Army Irish Republican Army (1)

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The 1916 Easter Rising

The Easter Uprising took place in April 1916 in Dublin and is one of the pivotal events in

modern Irishhistory. At the end of the Easter Uprising, 15 men identified as leaders were

executed at Kilmainham Jail. To some, these men were traitors, to others they became

heroes. Why did a small group of people try to take on the military might of what was thenone of the worlds major powers?

From the time of the Great Famine from 1845 to 1847, certain sections of the Irish

population had lost all faith in the British government (and even from before this date).These people felt that the government neither listened to the complaints and grievances of

the Irish nor did they care about such grievances. To them, the Irish had become second

class citizens in the worlds greatest empire builder. Any arguments presented to Londonabout freeing up Ireland from British rule fell on seemingly deaf ears. The issue ofHome

Rule satisfied some in Ireland, but not all. It was this latter group of people who simply

rejected that London had any right to impose any rule on Ireland. Their target was simple:

Irish independence and the removal of all aspects of British rule from the island. As theBritish would be unwilling to simply go along with this, such independence would have to

be fought for hence the armed uprising.

Ironically, though many in what is now the south wanted independence, they did notsupport the ways of movements such as the IRB. Given the population of Dublin and the

surrounding area, comparatively few people took part in the rebellion. Even once it had

started, few Dubliners took the opportunity to join the rebels. The IRB (Irish Republican

Brotherhood) had been formed in 1858. It was a secret organisation and it is thought that itnever had more than 2,000 members in it. It had one simple desire Irish independence. In

1910, the IRB started its own publication the Irish Freedom and all those men who

signed the proclamation of an Irish Republic in Easter 1916 were members of the IRB.

By the start of the war, Irish politics had become very complicated. The issue ofHomeRule had led to the creation of the Ulster Volunteers in November 1913. This group was

against any lessening of the rule that London had over the whole of Ireland. The Ulster

Volunteers had no problems flying the Union Jack. In response, those in the south had

founded the Irish Volunteers in 1914. Possibly as many as 200,000 joined the IrishVolunteers but only a few thousands were ever trained in a military manner. Even if the

Irish Volunteers had wanted to arm those who joined it, sheer logistics meant that this was

impossible. When the First World War broke out in August 1914, the leader of the IrishNationalist Party, John Redmond, accepted that the whole issue of Home Rule would have

to be postponed until the war had finished. Many in the Irish Volunteers accepted this and

men from all over Ireland rallied to the cause and fought in the British Army against the

Germans.

However, such views were not shared by those in the IRB. As early as August 1914, the

month war was declared, the IRB supreme council decided that the British involvement in

the war would give them the opportunity to overthrow British rule in Ireland. The logic wasthat the actions of the government in London would be driven by what went on in Flanders

and the vast bulk of Britains military might was either abroad or in the stages of being

sent abroad to fight. Therefore, British military presence would be sparse in Ireland.

The IRB spent many months planning the rebellion. The organisation had money mostfrom Irish Americans and capable leaders but little else. As a secret organisation it could

not act like a political party going out to meet the people to persuade them to support their

cause. Therefore, the numbers in it were small. Also, many in Ireland were willing tosupport the decision to postpone Home Rule and some were doing well out of the waritself. Therefore, though many may have sympathised with the IRB with regards to its

desires, these people did not offer the IRB any practical help.

Also, if an uprising was to take place, the IRB would need access to weapons and theonly obvious source would be Germany.

What would it be up against?

There was not a huge army presence in Ireland. Most of the law enforcement was done by

the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). There were about 10,000 police officers in the RIC. At

a time when employment opportunities were reasonably limited, the RIC seemed to offer asound career and, in general, those in it were loyal to Britain and the government. Members
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of the RIC invariably worked in or near the district they lived in, the theory being that they

would pick up on any information that could prove useful to the authorities in Dublin.British intelligence, based at Dublin Castle, gained a great deal of its information from the

RIC. An attempt by Sir Roger Casement to land German guns also failed as the British

Navy intercepted the ship (the 'Aud') carrying weapons. Casement was arrested and hanged

as a traitor.However, to the authorities both in Dublin and London, this proved just how untrustworthy

the republican movement was. In April 1916, the war in Europe was not going well for the

British and French. The French, our allies, were taking a desperate hammering at Verdunand wanted Britain to launch an attack across the Somme to take pressure off of the French.

What Casement did provoked a very negative response at a time when Britain needed unity

throughout its lands.

The intelligence service at Dublin Castle knew that a rising was planned fairly quickly after

Casement's arrest. As Casement landed on April 21st, those in charge in Dublin knew thatsomething was about to take place. But some revolutionary groups wanted to cancel the

uprising.

In fact, the British government had concluded that if anyone did participate in the uprising,

the numbers would be small and those involved would be hopelessly disunited. With theIrish Volunteers split and with no weapons, what did the British have to fear? On the

morning of the uprising, many British army officers were at the races!

Seven leaders of the rising proclaimed an Irish Republic. All seven of the signers were

executed along with eight others. DeValera, the only battalion commander not killed, wassaved because Redmon proclaimed him an American citizen. DeValeras mother was an

American, and he was born in New York City. His death sentence was communed to life

imprisonment along with that of William T. Cosgrave. The British did not want to executeand American citizen and risk alienating the United States.

The rising was not supported by public opinion in Ireland. Afterward, general

incompetence on the part of the British government, and the arrests of thousands of men,

some of who were taken to England, only served to arouse hatred for the English among thepopulation. The men who were executed were regarded as martyrs. If the situation had

been handled wisely by the British, the Irish radical cause and the Sinn Fein movement

could have received a severe setback.

Bloody Sunday

"Lloyd George had commented shortly before Bloody Sunday that Britain had 'murder bythe throat' in Ireland. It was a premature assessment, for on Sunday morning, November 21,

Michael Collins sent his team of killers into action. Within a matter of hours, a horrified

Dublin Castle realized that its counter-intelligence operation no longer existed. Murder, infact, had Britain by the throat. Twelve British intelligence officers were executed, some of

them shot in front of their wives while in bed. It was brutal, ruthless, and classic Michael

Collins. He was rewriting the rules of warfare, anticipating the day when information wasas important as territory and armament. In the British press, the mysterious Michael Collins

was condemned as a murderous gangster and a vicious terrorist the sort of man one does

not invite to the negotiating table. Churchill contended that Britain would never 'surrenderto a miserable gang of cowardly assassins' likening them to 'the human leopards of West

Africa.' When the extent of the horror became apparent that Sunday afternoon, a troop of

Auxiliaries and Black and Tans made their way to Croke Park, a sports stadium in Dublin

and the site of an Irish football match... The troops opened fire on the crowd, spraying

bullets at random. Fourteen people, including one player, were killed. Hundreds more werewounded."

Collins relied on the exaggerated reactions of the British. He knew that the harder the

British forces pushed the more Irish support the IRA would gain.

Treaty and Partition

British Prime Minister David Lloyd George knew the importance of solving the Irish

problems as soon as possible. De Valera and Lloyd George had engaged in a series of

informal talks and a truce to the fighting was called on July 11, 1921. DeValera, Arthur

Griffith, and a small group of delegates went to London a month later to commence withadditional negotiations. DeValera was not pleased with what had been said in those


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meetings and applied pressure to Collins to go as a delegate in his place. DeValera realized

that the British were not prepared to offer the Irish total independence. The British sideproposed partioning the country into two parts: a section in the north to be governed by

Protestants and in the south, the Irish Free State governed predominately by Nationalists.

To a man whose future was wrapped in political ambition, bringing home such an

agreement could mean career suicide. DeValera started cajoling Collins again, this time tobe part of Treaty negotiations.

After the tedious Treaty discussions, Lloyd George and his British team offered Ireland

Free State status coupled with an oath of allegiance. Collins knew this was not what he was

sent for, but on December 5, an ultimatum was issued. Lloyd George gave the Irish sideuntil 10 p.m. that night to accept or reject the terms. Failure to do this would result in "an

immediate and terrible war." The Anglo-Irish Treaty, the first ever treaty between England

and Ireland, was signed by both sides around 2 a.m. on December 6, 1921. Collins was bothdisappointed and exhausted.

Generally, however, the words that surround Collins' role in the Treaty negotiations are

those contained in his self-fulfilling prophesy: "Think, what have I got for Ireland?

Something she has wanted these past 700 years. Will anyone be satisfied at the bargain?Will anyone? I tell you this, I have signed my death warrant."

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QiTJuEv7OYk

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n5hslg8qEt8

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WLTfSH_gk2k

(useful: to be watched)

Irish Republican Army (IRA), nationalist organization devoted to the integration ofIreland as a complete and independent unit. Organized by Michael Collins from remnants

of rebel units dispersed after the Easter Rebellion in 1916, it was composed of the more

militant members of the Irish Volunteers, and it became the military wing of theSinn Finparty. With the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922, the IRA became the

stronghold of intransigent opposition to Ireland's dominion status and to the separation of

Northern Ireland. During the troubled early years of the Free State, the IRA was responsiblefor numerous bombings, raids, and street battles on both sides of the Irish border.

Popular and effective at first, its fortunes turned after Eamon De Valera, a former IRA

supporter, took over the Free State government in 1932. Weakened by internal dissensions,

by a loss of popular support because of its violence and pro-German agitation during WorldWar II, by the attainment of republican objectives in 1949, and by government measures

against its illegal activities, the IRA declined swiftly. Eventually outlawed by both Irish

governments, it became a secret organization. It perpetrated bombing attacks in Belfast,

London, and at the Ulster border during the 1950s, particularly in 195657, but thenbecame quiescent until the late 1960s. In 1969 the IRA split into two groups, the majority,

or officials, advocating a united socialist Ireland but disavowing terrorist activities, and

the provisionals, claiming terrorism as a necessary catalyst for unification. Theprovisionals then began a systematic terrorist campaign in Northern Ireland. In 1972 the

provisionals extended their terrorism to England, where it culminated in the bombing

(1974) of a Birmingham pub that killed 19 persons. In response the British parliamentpassed the Prevention of Terrorism Act, outlawing the IRA in Britain.

Cease-Fire and Peace

In 1994, the IRA declared a cease-fire in its guerrilla campaign. Talks began with theBritish government, periodically broken off by renewed attacks, but continuing in

hopes of forging a lasting peace. In 1999, a new accord provided for closer tiesbetween Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. In 2005, the IRA declared an end toits attacks, and reports since indicate that they have made good on their promise to

disarm.

GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT

With Tony Blair as the new Prime Minister and both parties under cease-fire the peace talksresumed on 15 September 1997. It took a lot of quibbling and patience, but at the end all

parties, except the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), agreed on a 65 page document known

as the Good Friday Agreement, or theBelfast Agreement.

The Good Friday Agreement was posted to every household in Northern Ireland. Referendain May 1998 in both the Six Counties as the Republic of Ireland produced an overwhelming
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support for the Good Friday Agreement. Obvious the people were tired of the hostilities.

We must add a short critical comment on the outcome of these referenda. Irrefutably 71%of the Northern Irish voters and as much as 95% of the voters in the Republic of Ireland

voted in favour of the Agreement

Peace Line, Belfast(authors collection)

http://edition.cnn.com/2013/06/14/opinion/horgan-g8-northern-ireland

If you thought Northern Ireland's troubles were a thing of the past, you'd be forgiven. A

brutal terrorist campaign over 35 years that saw almost 4,000 deaths came to an end thanks

to a hard-fought political process. What that took should not be underestimated. Years of

painstaking mediation and negotiation, risky moves by brave politicians on all sides and the

crucial involvement of the U.S. saw hope prevail, despite the occasional setback that

threatened destabilization.

Communities on both sides of the social and political divide cautiously welcomed the peace

process and its negotiated settlements. The "Troubles" seemed finally to be over. Former

paramilitaries agreed to lay down their arms, and once-sworn enemies eventually learned to

share power.

Yet, peace in Northern Ireland is still described by many as fragile. In recent times, riots,

gunfire and petrol bombs have returned to the streets. The "flag protests," which defined theend of 2012 and the beginning of 2013, have again highlighted the inherent divisions in

Northern Irish society. The Union flag, flown proudly over Belfast City Hall for so long,

was lowered after a vote by the City Council. Some among Northern Ireland's Unionist

community were outraged. Protests escalated.

But it is not the rioters and flag protesters who pose the most persistent threat to this fragile

peace. Another group watches from the sidelines. They are the "dissident" Republicans,

splinter groups that have grown in size and impact since the peace process saw the end of

the Provisional IRA as we once knew it.

The dissidents are responsible for a growing wave of low-level bombings, shootings and

threats across the region. They insist that only armed resistance can force Britain'swithdrawal from Northern Ireland and lead to a united Ireland. While most people in

Northern Ireland view the peace process as having brought stability, the dissidents reject it.

These dissident factions are capable of causing sometimes extensive disruption with actualor hoax improvised explosive devices. Just last year, police in Northern Ireland recovered

an armor-piercing rocket that included the plastic explosive Semtex in the city of

Londonderry.

In short, the threat posed by dissident Republican groups is evolving, and probably for the

worse. Their activity has increased. Their recruitment efforts continue to expand. Many of

these new recruits belong to a different generation from their forerunners. They weren'teven born at the time of the 1994 Provisional IRA cease-fire, and some of the older

members are senior ex-IRA members who bring much needed political acumen, as well as

expertise in bomb-making, recruitment, training and targeting.

Their activities span the country, north and south, with mostly urban concentrations in

Belfast, Derry, Dublin and Limerick. There is increasing evidence of training and

recruitment in the Irish Republic, with evidence for some logistical support appearing in

England.

True, they don't have the kind of support once enjoyed by the Provisional IRA. But the

dissidents don't just acknowledge their lack of popular support. They embrace it. They revel

in their "noble isolation."
http://edition.cnn.com/2013/06/14/opinion/horgan-g8-northern-irelandhttp://edition.cnn.com/2013/06/14/opinion/horgan-g8-northern-ireland


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The 100th anniversary of the Easter Rising, when the progenitors of Irish Republicanism

were executed by occupying British forces, is in 2016. Just like their IRA predecessors, thedissidents draw their inspiration and legitimacy from an unyielding view of the past yet find

a steady stream of eager recruits in the present.

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