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background source that Xe Services, the company formerly known as Blackwater, has been conducting false flag terrorist attacks in Pakistan that are later blamed on the entity called 'Pakistani Taliban.' . . . it is Xe cells operating in Karachi, Peshawar, Islamabad, and other cities and towns that have, according to our source who witnessed the U.S.-led false flagterrorist operations in Pakistan. Bombings of civilians is the favored false flag event for the Xe team and are being carried out under the orders of the CIA. However, the source isnow under threat from the FBI and CIA for revealing the nature of the false flag operations in Pakistan. If the source does not agree to cooperate with the CIA and FBI, with an offer of a salary, the threat of false criminal charges being brought for aiding and abetting terrorism looms over the source . . . Responsibility for the recent bomb attack of a pro-PalestineShi'a rally in Quetta that killed 54 people was claimed by the Pakistan Taliban, but it was actually carried out by one of the Xe covert cells in the country, acting in concert with theCIA, Israeli Mossad, and Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). The ultimate goal is to destabilize Pakistan to the point where it has no choice but to allow the Western powersto secure its nuclear weapons and remove them from the country. . ." PressTV "A US war veteran has accused the Pentagon of launching a nuclear attack on southern Iraq in the final day of the first Persian Gulf War. ... Jim Brown, a mechanic in theArmy's 10th Mountain Division at the time, told Italian state news channel RaiNews24 that Washington dropped a nuclear bomb in a deserted area outside the city of Basra near theIranian border in 1991. ... The bombing, which took place on the last day of the war in Iraq on February 27th, caused an explosion equal to a five-kiloton blast. ... The allegationsdraw parallels with the US atomic bombing of Hiroshima in 1945, which created a blast equivalent to about 13 kilotons of TNT. ... According to a number of US militaryheavyweights, the devastating attack on Japan was not necessary as the country had already been seeking a way to surrender with a minimum loss of 'face'. "The Japanese werealready defeated and ready to surrender," said William D. Leahy, a former admiral and chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff."

WMR : Alberto Gonzales covered up torture by American contractors under DOJ investigation, December 20, 2010 --A top U.S. military source involved with the ostensibly-U.S. military run detention camps and prisons in post-U.S. invasion and occupation Iraq has told WMR that a number of privateontractors who were responsible for ordering and committing abuse of detainees at Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad and at other detention facilities were former U.S. state and federalrison guards who were under criminal investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice while also working in Iraq. The contractors, many of whom used aliases like "James Bond" and 007" were accused of abusing prisoners at U.S. federal and state prisons while working as guards.

However, a deal was worked out between then-White House Chief Counsel Alberto Gonzales and Commander of Combined Joint Task Force 7 GeneralRicardo Sanchez that resulted in all the pending criminal investigations of the former U.S. prison guards dropped in return for their "service" in Iraq.

eal to lift the pending Justice Department investigations of the former U.S. prison guards was worked out by the Prisons Department, which reported to Coalition Provisional Authorityead Paul "Jerry' Bremer.

WMR's Army source revealed that when asked by military personnel about their assigned jobs at the Iraq prisons, many of the civilian interrogators replied, "If I told you, I'd have to killou." WMR has also learned that many of the interrogation contracts with companies like CACI and Titan were arranged through the auspices of the CIA, not the Department of Defense.

Aside from some Israelis present at Abu Ghraib and other prisons, none of the contractor interrogators spoke Arabic and most were in Iraq on lucrative 90-day contracts. After thexpiration of their 90-day contracts, the civilian interrogators were shipped to the Hilton Hotel in Kuwait where they re-negotiated their original contracts at double and triple their originalalaries. The Hilton contract re-negotiation interlude was punctuated by drinking parties and orgies with prostitutes, according to our source.

WMR has learned of one such interrogation contractor who was being paid by CACI at the same time he was working as a Naval Security Group reservist and thus was being paid twicor doing the same job. The individual had been assigned to Saudi Arabia as a signals intelligence operator during the first Gulf War, Operation Desert Storm in the early 1990s and re-ppeared as a SIGINT operator at the U.S. embassy in Muscat, Oman during Operation Iraqi Freedom. From Muscat, the SIGINT operator ended up working at Bremer's headquarters inhrew Green Zone. There is a possibility that the contractor in question may have had ties to Israeli intelligence, and, thus, represented an Israeli penetration of National Security AgencyNSA) operations in Saudi Arabia, Oman, and Iraq. No criminal charges for his involvement in the abuse of prisoners at Avbu Ghraib, or possible espionage, were ever brought against theontractor.

he bottom line at Abu Ghraib and some twenty other detention facilities around Iraq was that there was no military control and very little civilian control over the activities of the civiliannterrogators and detention operatives.

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y Russ Baker, and copied from Guerilla News Network, fair use.

wo years before 9/11, candidate Bush was already talking privately about attacking Iraq, according to his former ghost writer

ouston: Two years before the September 11 attacks, presidential candidate George W. Bush was already talking privately about the political benefits of attacking Iraq, according to hisrmer ghost writer, who held many conversations with then-Texas Governor Bush in preparation for a planned autobiography.

He was thinking about invading Iraq in 1999,” said author and journalist Mickey Herskowitz. “It was on his mind. He said to me: ‘One of the keys to being seen as a great leader is to been as a commander-in-chief.’ And he said, ‘My father had all this political capital built up when he drove the Iraqis out of Kuwait and he wasted it.’ He said, ‘If I have a chance tovade….if I had that much capital, I’m not going to waste it. I’m going to get everything passed that I want to get passed and I’m going to have a successful presidency.”

erskowitz said that Bush expressed frustration at a lifetime as an underachiever in the shadow of an accomplished father. In aggressive military action, he saw the opportunity to emergeom his father’s shadow. The moment, Herskowitz said, came in the wake of the September 11 attacks. “Suddenly, he’s at 91 percent in the polls, and he’d barely crawled out of theunker.”

hat President Bush and his advisers had Iraq on their minds long before weapons inspectors had finished their work – and long before alleged Iraqi ties with terrorists became a centraltionale for war – has been raised elsewhere, including in a book based on recollections of former Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill. However, Herskowitz was in a unique position to hear ush’s unguarded and unfiltered views on Iraq, war and other matters – well before he became president.

1999, Herskowitz struck a deal with the campaign of George W. Bush about a ghost-written autobiography, which was ultimately titled A Charge to Keep : My Journey to the Whiteouse, and he and Bush signed a contract in which the two would split the proceeds. The publisher was William Morrow. Herskowitz was given unimpeded access to Bush, and the two metproximately 20 times so Bush could share his thoughts. Herskowitz began working on the book in May, 1999, and says that within two months he had completed and submitted some 10apters, with a remaining 4-6 chapters still on his computer. Herskowitz was replaced as Bush’s ghostwriter after Bush’s handlers concluded that the candidate’s views and life experiencesere not being cast in a sufficiently positive light.

ccording to Herskowitz, who has authored more than 30 books, many of them jointly written autobiographies of famous Americans in politics, sports and media (including that of Reaganviser Michael Deaver), Bush and his advisers were sold on the idea that it was difficult for a president to accomplish an electoral agenda without the record-high approval numbers thatcompany successful if modest wars.

he revelations on Bush’s attitude toward Iraq emerged recently during two taped interviews of Herskowitz, which included a discussion of a variety of matters, including his continued oseness with the Bush family, indicated by his subsequent selection to pen an authorized biography of Bush’s grandfather, written and published last year with the assistance and blessingthe Bush family.

erskowitz also revealed the following:

n 2003, Bush’s father indicated to him that he disagreed with his son’s invasion of Iraq.

Bush admitted that he failed to fulfill his Vietnam-era domestic National Guard service obligation, but claimed that he had been “excused.”

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Bush revealed that after he left his Texas National Guard unit in 1972 under murky circumstances, he never piloted a plane again. That casts doubt on the carefully-choreographed momentBush emerging in pilot’s garb from a jet on the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln in 2003 to celebrate “Mission Accomplished” in Iraq. The image, instantly telegraphed around the

obe, and subsequent hazy White House statements about his capacity in the cockpit, created the impression that a heroic Bush had played a role in landing the craft.

Bush described his own business ventures as “floundering” before campaign officials insisted on recasting them in a positive light.

hroughout the interviews for this article and in subsequent conversations, Herskowitz indicated he was conflicted over revealing information provided by a family with which he hasngtime connections, and by how his candor could comport with the undefined operating principles of the as-told-to genre. Well after the interviews—in which he expressed consternationat Bush’s true views, experience and basic essence had eluded the American people —Herskowitz communicated growing concern about the consequences for himself of the publication of s remarks, and said that he had been under the impression he would not be quoted by name. However, when conversations began, it was made clear to him that the material was intended r publication and attribution. A tape recorder was present and visible at all times.

everal people who know Herskowitz well addressed his character and the veracity of his recollections. “I don’t know anybody that’s ever said a bad word about Mickey,” said Barry

lverman, a well-known Houston executive and civic figure who worked with him on another book project. An informal survey of Texas journalists turned up uniform confidence thaterskowitz’s account as contained in this article could be considered accurate.

ne noted Texas journalist who spoke with Herskowitz about the book in 1999 recalls how the author mentioned to him at the time that Bush had revealed things the campaign found mbarrassing and did not want in print. He requested anonymity because of the political climate in the state. “I can’t go near this,” he said.

ccording to Herskowitz, George W. Bush’s beliefs on Iraq were based in part on a notion dating back to the Reagan White House – ascribed in part to now-vice president Dick Cheney,hairman of the House Republican Policy Committee under Reagan. “Start a small war. Pick a country where there is justification you can jump on, go ahead and invade.”

ush’s circle of pre-election advisers had a fixation on the political capital that British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher collected from the Falklands War. Said Herskowitz: “They werest absolutely blown away, just enthralled by the scenes of the troops coming back, of the boats, people throwing flowers at Thatcher] and her getting these standing ovations in Parliamentd making these magnificent speeches.”

epublicans, Herskowitz said, felt that Jimmy Carter’s political downfall could be attributed largely to his failure to wage a war. He noted that President Reagan and President Bush’s father mself had (besides the narrowly-focused Gulf War I) successfully waged limited wars against tiny opponents – Grenada and Panama – and gained politically. But there were successful

mall wars, and then there were quagmires, and apparently George H.W. Bush and his son did not see eye to eye.

know Bush senior] would not admit this now, but he was opposed to it. I asked him if he had talked to W about invading Iraq. “He said, ‘No I haven’t, and I won’t, but Brent Scowcroft]s.’ Brent would not have talked to him without the old man’s okaying it.” Scowcroft, national security adviser in the elder Bush’s administration, penned a highly publicized warning toeorge W. Bush about the perils of an invasion.

erskowitz’s revelations are not the sole indicator of Bush’s pre-election thinking on Iraq. In December 1999, some six months after his talks with Herskowitz, Bush surprised veteranlitical chroniclers, including the Boston Globe’s David Nyhan, with his blunt pronouncements about Saddam at a six-way New Hampshire primary event that got little notice: “It was affe-free evening for the rookie front-runner, till he was asked about Saddam’s weapons stash,” wrote Nyhan. ‘I’d take ‘em out,’ Bush] grinned cavalierly, ‘take out the weapons of massstruction…I’m surprised he’s still there,” said Bush of the despot who remains in power after losing the Gulf War to Bush Jr.’s father…It remains to be seen if that offhand declaration of ar was just Texas talk, a sort of locker room braggadocio, or whether it was Bush’s first big clinker. ”

he notion that President Bush held unrealistic or naïve views about the consequences of war was further advanced recently by a Bush supporter, the evangelist Pat Robertson, who revealed at Bush had told him the Iraq invasion would yield no casualties. In addition, in recent days, high-ranking US military officials have complained that the White House did not provide themith adequate resources for the task at hand.

erskowitz considers himself a friend of the Bush family, and has been a guest at the family vacation home in Kennebunkport. In the late 1960s, Herskowitz, a longtime Houston Chronicleorts columnist designated President Bush’s father, then-Congressman George HW Bush, to replace him as a guest columnist, and the two have remained close since then. (Herskowitz wasspended briefly in April without pay for reusing material from one of his own columns, about legendary UCLA basketball coach John Wooden.)

1999, when Herskowitz turned in his chapters for Charge to Keep, Bush’s staff expressed displeasure —often over Herskowitz’s use of language provided by Bush himself. In a chapter n the oil business, Herskowitz included Bush’s own words to describe the Texan’s unprofitable business ventures, writing: “the companies were floundering”. “I got a call from one of thempaign lawyers, he was kind of angry, and he said, ‘You’ve got some wrong information.’ I didn’t bother to say, ‘Well you know where it came from.’ The lawyer] said, ‘We do notnsider that the governor struggled or floundered in the oil business. We consider him a successful oilman who started up at least two new businesses.’ ”

the end, campaign officials decided not to go with Herskowitz’s account, and, moreover, demanded everything back. “The lawyer called me and said, ‘Delete it. Shred it. Just do it.’ ”

They took it and communications director] Karen Hughes] rewrote it,” he said. A campaign official arrived at his home at seven a.m. on a Monday morning and took his notes and mputer files. However, Herskowitz, who is known for his memory of anecdotes from his long history in journalism and book publishing, says he is confident about his recollections.

ccording to Herskowitz, Bush was reluctant to discuss his time in the Texas Air National Guard – and inconsistent when he did so. Bush, he said, provided conflicting explanations of how came to bypass a waiting list and obtain a coveted Guard slot as a domestic alternative to being sent to Vietnam. Herskowitz also said that Bush told him that after transferring from hisxas Guard unit two-thirds through his six-year military obligation to work on an Alabama political campaign, he did not attend any Alabama National Guard drills at all, because he wasxcused.” This directly contradicts his public statements that he participated in obligatory training with the Alabama National Guard. Bush’s claim to have fulfilled his military duty hasen subject to intense scrutiny; he has insisted in the past that he did show up for monthly drills in Alabama – though commanding officers say they never saw him, and no Guardsmen haveme forward to accept substantial “rewards” for anyone who can claim to have seen Bush on base.

erskowitz said he asked Bush if he ever flew a plane again after leaving the Texas Air National Guard in 1972 – which was two years prior to his contractual obligation to fly jets was dueexpire. He said Bush told him he never flew any plane – military or civilian – again. That would contradict published accounts in which Bush talks about his days in 1973 working withner-city children, when he claimed to have taken some of the children up in a plane.

2002, three years after he had been pulled off the George W. Bush biography, Herskowitz was asked by Bush’s father to write a book about the current president’s grandfather, Prescottush, after getting a message that the senior Bush wanted to see him. “Former President Bush just handed it to me. We were sitting there one day, and I was visiting him there in hisfice…He said, ‘I wish somebody would do a book about my dad.’ ”

He said to me, ‘I know this has been a disappointing time for you, but it’s amazing how many times something good will come out of it.’ I passed it on to my agent, he jumped all over it. Iked Bush senior], ‘Would you support it and would you give me access to the rest of family?’ He said yes.”

hat book, Duty, Honor, Country: The Life and Legacy of Prescott Bush, was published in 2003 by Routledge. If anything, the book has been criticized for its over-reliance on the Bushmily’s perspective and rosy interpretation of events. Herskowitz himself is considered the ultimate “as-told-to” author, lending credibility to his account of what George W. Bush told him.erskowitz’s other books run the gamut of public figures, and include the memoirs of Reagan aide Deaver, former Texas Governor and Nixon Treasury Secretary John Connally, newsmanan Rather, astronaut Walter Cunningham, and baseball greats Mickey Mantle and Nolan Ryan.

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Connaught, a Toronto blood-fractionator, which dknow the source of the supplies..." MORE NoHillaryClinton , "2008 presidential hopeful HiClinton was in Senate re-election mode onWednesday when she collected the endorsements top officials from New York City’s two firefighterunions. But at the ceremony announcing their suprank and file members of New York’s bravest wernowhere in sight."

ush: The end is coming!he scoundrel. This is just amazing. Where/when will it end? This article source: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/DiscerningAngels/message/11552 TOM HENEGHAN REPORTS BUHITE HOUSE ABOUT TO COLLAPSE WITH THE "SMOKING GUN" EVIDENCE OF PLANTING WMD'S IN IRAQ by Scott Mowry 11.22.05 Tom Heneghan appeared in a shortdio briefing on cloakanddagger.de for Tuesday, November 22, 2005 and made a bold prediction in light of the recent revelations of CIA agent Valerie Plame. Heneghan has beenporting for a week now that the primary reason for the outing Plame was not in retribution against her husband Joe Wilson for disputing claims that the government of Niger had supplied aq with nuclear materials. But rather she was outed for the role of her CIA team in the interruption of a covert plan to smuggle weapons of mass destruction into Iraq before the war.eneghan is now saying that this new evidence is the smoking gun about to crumble the Bush administration at any time now. "The Bush administration needed to out Valerie Plame and stroy her credibility because her team, linked to Brewster Jennings and associates, had interdicted and completed a sting operation against this group that was trying to plant weapons of ass destruction in Iraq. So that the American troops that arrived in Iraq during the period of the warfare would have WMD's waiting for them," concluded Heneghan. The WMD'siginated from the countries of Kosovo and Bosnia and were to be funneled through Turkey by rogue arms dealer and international terrorist Gary Best to Iraq. "They were given orders toove VX nerve gas from Turkey into Iraq. This was to be hidden in Iraq and later used as evidence that Saddam Hussein was in possession of weapons of mass destruction," said eneghan of the original plan. Heneghan also reported that a secret group of Mossad agents, working as Israeli military personnel based unofficially with the U.S. military in Iraq, wereaiting to receive both the VX nerve gas as well as aluminum tubes in the latter part of October 2002. "The group that was in Iraq that was to receive these WMD's from this Bosnianoup was a secret Mossad/Israeli team, and were attached to group known as J2X Joint Intelligence Liaison in Baghdad," Heneghan said of his U.S. intelligence source confirmations.ame and her team uncovered this plot in November of 2002 and subsequently no WMD's have ever been found in the country of Iraq to justify the war. Washington Post Editor Boboodward found out about Plame's discovery in June and July of 2003 from Richard Armitage and Dick Cheney. Ever since then he has attempted to discredit Plame and disrupt the grand ry investigation into her outing and continues to do so. "Mr. Woodward, who knows this case is about to explode in his face, decides to trigger an investigation of the CIA. So what did do two weeks ago? He leaked a story in his Washington Post about black prisons. This story has now caused a new investigation about national security leaks," said Heneghan of oodward's role in the plot. Current CIA Director Porter Goss has launched an investigation through the Justice Department to find the sources of leaks about these black prisons. Theak actually originated from Dick Cheney and prominent members of the Republican Party who then passed on the information to reporter Dana Priest who subsequently authored theories that appeared in the Washington Post. "What Porter Goss has done is create an investigation that will end up investigating himself," surmised Heneghan. "The defense of thisministration has constantly been to blame the CIA. The fact of the matter is that (former CIA Director) George Tenant has recently written a report in which he has given to Porter Goss.is a damage assessment report on how many agents were killed because of the outing of Valerie Plame. It will deal with an attempt to plant the WMD's in Iraq and Mr. Porter Gossfuses to publish the credit report and claims that it is national security," stated Heneghan. This report by Tenant has been subpoenaed by Fitzgerald and the Bush administration istempting to quash it by claiming national security reasons. Heneghan revealed several weeks ago that Tenant was given a $36 million bribe to take the fall for the failure to find WMD'sIraq among other issues, which was falsely blamed as the result of poor intelligence work by the CIA. Tenant was also recently granted transactional immunity by Fitzgerald in exchanger his testimony. "Once this report is in the hands of Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald, the entire White House WILL COME DOWN LIKE A HOUSE OF CARDS," predicted eneghan. "This Tenant report includes a reference to an attempt to plant WMD in Iraq. THAT IS THE SMOKING GUN, folks," he declared. The WMD discovery is also linked directly9/11 for the money that was paid out for these covert operations from funds that originated from the Philippines. “What connects the dots between 9/11 and the WMD's in Iraq is the

oney. There was direct money that was being paid through Switzerland to pay off Osama Bin Laden for his role in 9/11 for being the patsy and the fall guy for the September 11thtacks,' Heneghan said. "There is an old saying that is, follow the money." Heneghan also revealed that the Bush administration continues to explore ways to cause a distraction of thetzgerald investigation by staging further acts of terrorism in the united States. "Bush was in Mongolia discussing with certain people an attempt to trigger a new 9/11 Two. Right now the

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S. economy is on the verge of collapse despite the stock market going to 10,900. The reason this is occurring is because we are no longer reporting M3," said Heneghan of the currentonomic climate. "They can print as many Euro dollars as they want offshore now unlike they could in the past and pumping them into the U.S. stock market by making these fundsailable to certain offshore entities and major U.S. brokerage firms including Merrill Lynch and Bear Stearns . What you have now is the Federal Reserve buying stocks. This is being

one as an emergency measure given the state of chaos this administration faces," warned Heneghan. Heneghan also detailed the ripple effect these developments of the Tenant damagesessment report may have had with the Israeli government. "One of the reasons Ariel Sharon has resigned as the head of Likud Party (The National Liberal Party) and will be setting ups own political party, is because he himself has identified through his own internal investigation this renegade Mossad team linked to Benjamin Netanyahu who was operating with Bushd Cheney without the of the Israeli government," Heneghan disclosed.

Excerpt from, "Our Generals Don’t Even Know Who We Are" Copyright 2006 by David DeBattowww.davedebatto.com Coming From by Cumberland House Publishing in October

mar Abdul Rahman was a survivor. He was also a fiercely patriotic Iraqi and thought of himself as an honest man – two things that did not always go together. Rahman had served for over fteen years in the Iraqi Air Force as a Chief Warrant Officer in charge of all munitions in Region 6 – a vast, mostly desert area in north-central Iraq straddling the Tigris River proximately 80 kilometers north of Baghdad. There were several military installations located within Region 6, the largest being his current duty station, al-Bakr Air Force Base, named ter Iraq’s fourth president - Hassan Ahmed al-Bakr. Al-Bakr was a very popular president and he was especially beloved by the female population of Iraq. He even had his own contingent“groupies” present whenever he would appear in public. Many public statues of Al-Bakr were built all over Iraq as a tribute to his popularity. The common people just adored him.

e was of course assassinated. It was nothing personal. That was just the Iraqi way.

s a Shiite Muslim, Rahman knew that he would never have a chance at becoming a high ranking military officer. Those positions were all reserved for the suck-up Sunni loyalists whomposed nearly all of the senior officer positions in the Saddam military. Yes, a few token Shia and even the odd Kurd here and there had been given some meaningless staff officer jobs

om time to time, just to appease the masses, but everyone knew that all of the important roles in the Iraqi military and civilian leadership were reserved for members of Saddam’s ownligious sect - the minority Sunni population. The most inner circles of Saddam loyalists were restricted further still to include only members of his own Tikriti tribe, all of whom wererectly related to Saddam. At the innermost circle of all were immediate family members that made up what was referred to as the “Circle of 40.” They alone had direct and daily access toe Iraqi dictator. Their access to Saddam was trumped only by that of his two sons – Uday and Qusay. Tribal affiliation and blood ties are absolutely everything in Iraq. They always haveen and were made even more important under Saddam.

ahman accepted that fact, just as he had accepted everything else about life in Iraq since the reign of Saddam began in the late 1970’s. In fact, at age 34, he had really never known anyher way of life. It could be harsh and unforgiving to be sure, but if one did as they were told, stayed away from politics and did well in school as well as with their compulsory service in

e military, one could manage to have an acceptable, if not well to do life. That was the most Rahman had ever expected and for the most part, he was happy with his lot in life.

s fate would have it however, Rahman is a distant relative of the number two man in the Iraqi government – Izzat Ibrahim al-Duri. Al-Duri is Saddam’s right hand man and second inarge to Saddam of the ruling Ba’ath Party, Deputy Commander of the Iraqi Military and the Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council. This fact had enabled Rahman to

ypass the compulsory one-year service in the Iraqi Army as a lowly infantry soldier in 1988 and to enlist in the more respected and better paid Iraqi Air Force as a Warrant Officer, asition usually reserved for career service members as a reward for their loyalty and for bribes paid to senior officers over the years. Rahman considered himself extremely fortunate tove such a relative, even if it was a distant relative by marriage only – a distant in-law to be more accurate. But family was family and in Iraq, that was usually enough.

fter receiving his initial military training in 1988 at Taji Air Force Base just north of Baghdad, Rahman was next stationed at the large air base in the As-Sulaymaniyah province located inortheastern Iraq and very close to the Iranian border. During the 10-year Iran-Iraq war that had just ended a few months’ earlier, As-Sulaymaniyah was one of the most active military posts

the country and had been on the receiving end of several Iranian Air Force bombing sorties into Iraq. There was still considerable damage to the base when he arrived in early fall 1989d some basic services like sewage and electricity were not fully restored. Rahman was placed under the supervision of a senior Warrant Officer who would mentor him in his newcupation. Rahman was a very good student and he soaked up all of his training just like the parched Iraqi desert after a thunderstorm. He was proud to serve in such a trusted position.

uring his six year tour at As-Sulaymaniyah, he received advanced training in the identification, transportation and storage of munitions and ordinance – in lay terms, weapons - all kinds of eapons ranging from landmines and machineguns to high explosive bombs and - WMD, specifically, chemical WMD. Of course, Iraqi had no WMD, right? Well, whatever WMD that Iraq

dn’t have in Region 6 was about to be placed under the direct supervision of Munitions and newly promoted Chief Warrant Officer Amar Abdul Rahman - and Rahman had become a veryood munitions officer.

1995 Rahman was transferred to al-Baker Air Force Base and for the first time in his career, he alone now assumed the responsibility of all munitions in his region. He was ready. Al-aker was located in one of the most rural areas of Iraq. In fact, when the base was built in 1982 by Yugoslav and German contractors, Saddam had to seize thousand of acres of primermland and fruit orchards from the local farmers in order to build his immense new base. That did not sit well with the farmers and local tribal leaders, many of whom were Shia. Theyotested to Baghdad over the illegal land grab. Saddam soon sent in some agents from the Mokabarat (Iraqi Secret Service) and after several farmers disappeared and/or turned upheaded, the controversy came to an abrupt end and the base was completed as scheduled.

ahman enjoyed his new assignment and he dutifully cataloged everything in his charge and followed his orders to the letter, just as he had been taught since grade school. He had twonior officers and over 20 Air Force technicians assigned directly under him to assist with the inventorying, packing, labeling and transportation of the massive amounts of weapons systemsd ammunition that he was responsible for. In addition to the 25 square km base at al-Baker, Rahman was also responsible for the 5 square km base munitions annex located approximatelykm south of the base. It was at this sub-post that Rahman actually had his office and also where he kept his records.

hortly after arriving at al-Bakr in the summer of 1996, Rahman received an unexpected visit from the Iraqi Air Force Vice Chief of Staff, Maj. General Hamid Raja Shalah. Shalah had ade a special trip from Air Force headquarters in Baghdad to speak with Rahman in person because he felt that the subject was so sensitive that he did not trust talking on the telephoned he certainly would not use the unreliable Iraqi military radio communications system. No, this was a matter to be handled in person, one to one, face to face.

en. Shalah met with his eager new officer in Rahman’s cramped and dusty office at the annex. Rahman was understandably nervous since this was the highest ranking officer he had ever et and he did not know what to expect. The general spoke first. “Rahman, what I am about to tell you does not leave this room.” Now Rahman was really nervous, but he managed to spit

ut a short, “Yes Sir.”

As chief munitions officer for Region 6, you will be responsible for some sensitive items that very few people in this country even know about, including your base commander. I amlking about chemical weapons that have been banned by the United Nations. Weapons that our president has sworn we no longer have. Do you understand me so far?” Banned weapons? Iill be responsible? I don’t need this! But a crisp “Yes Sir!” was what actually came out of his mouth. “You will be receiving a shipment of some of these items next week on twonmarked flatbed trucks accompanied by Mukhabarat personnel. Obey their instructions exactly Rahman and you will be well rewarded by me. Understand?” “Thank you sir” was the onlying Rahman could think of to say, at least to this guy anyway.

he “items” were indeed delivered the next week as the general had promised and Rahman followed the instructions he was given by the plainclothes intelligence agents accompanying theipment. The weapons were inventoried, cataloged in his records and stored in a reinforced bunker on the main base. No one was told of their arrival or location, not even the basemmander. Damn! Rahman thought. I just hope we never to go to war with the Americans again. I don’t want to have to deal with this!

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e spent the next seven years playing a kind of shell game with the UNSCOM inspectors sent by the UN to monitor Iraq’s WMD program. Whenever UNSCOM sent one of its inspectorsch as Scott Ritter or Hanz Blix, he would bury the WMD before they arrived, deny their existence and when they were gone, the large construction equipment, always under the watchfule of the Mukhabarat, would dig them up and move them to another location in the region. Rahman became very good at the game and he thought he would do so until retirement.

owever, on April 9, 2003 all that changed.

hat was the day the Iraqi forces defending al-Bakr deserted their posts after several days of bombing and brutal assaults by the American Air Force as well as units of infantry and armored rces of the U.S. Army’s Third Infantry Division. The cavernous main hanger had a huge crater in the middle of the roof and floor, the two main runways were pockmarked with bombaters and the base was littered with burnt out hulks of Iraqi military vehicles and giant MIG-29s as the Iraqis attempted to tow them out of harms way. They didn’t make it. Rahmanmself had ordered his men to destroy all of their munitions records. As per an impassioned phone call from Shalah the day before, Rahman had burned all records of the chemical WMD one in his office. He gladly complied as he wanted no part of any war trials after this was all over, whenever that would be. Maybe he will be killed or taken prisoner and it will never be

ver for him.

ut eventually, it was over.

ithin a week or so after the initial American troops had captured and then bypassed al-Bakr on their way north to Tikrit and Mosel, a new group of U.S. soldiers arrived in a large convoyom Kuwait. They entered the sprawling, deserted and charred base through the battered south gate and set up camp in a vacant dirt field just east of the airbase control tower. These weree troops of the 223rd Military Intelligence Battalion, California Army National Guard. Among their number were a contingent of Counterintelligence Special Agents whose primaryissions, among others, were the location of Saddam Hussein and Iraqi WMD. One of those agents was named David DeBatto, in Arabic, Daoud, or as he would eventually be referred to byth Iraqis and Americans alike – Mr. David, his host in this furnace of a tent on his former base.

t was a new day for Iraq”, he thought.

****

fter relating his background and experience to us, Rahman told us that there was indeed WMD in this area and that he would be willing to lead us to it. Not being overly trusting of Iraqi’sthat point and certainly not of a prior Iraqi military officer, I was very skeptical of anything he told us. I asked Rahman why he was telling us all of this and he said very matter-of-factly,

Because I love my country and I want things to change.”

ooked at Weichert and asked him with my eyes what he thought. Weichert’s response was to Ask Rahman if he would lead us to the weapons right now and Rahman said, “Yes, of urse.” With that, the three of us got into our Humvee and drove to a bunker located at the southeast quadrant of the base, not even one mile from where were sitting.

he bunker sat in a deserted part of the base that had several similar bunkers spread throughout a large area and connected by a single serpentine road. All of the bunkers were constructed of ncrete covered by tan stucco, which blended in perfectly with the surrounding desert. They were of various sizes, but all had two, large metal doors which either slid to the side or opened

utward, leading into the one large storage area inside.

s we pulled up to the Bunker that Rahman indicated contained the WMD, I noticed that the dry, desert field surrounding the area was littered with ordinance, primarily aerial bombs. Someere rusted beyond recognition and lay half- covered in sand. Others were neatly stacked in the original shipping crates and surrounded by a high earthen berm, which looked like a smallater.

he high, steel doors of the bunker were ajar. Weichert and I each pulled one of them open and the three of us entered the dark and musty storage room. Immediately upon entering, I noticed chemical detection kit lying open on the floor, just inside the entrance. The hair on the back of my neck went up and I looked over at Weichert, who was also staring at the kit. “Holy Shit!”e both said at almost the same time. That was not what I wanted to see at that particular time. I looked closer at the detection kit and saw that it had Russian lettering - not that unusual,nce Iraq had many contacts with Russian scientists, engineers and military personnel over the years. They had also purchased a large assortment of military hardware and munitions fromem – to include chemicals and related equipment.

ahman pointed to a number of long wooden crates stacked up in rows three high along the wall to the left of the entrance. There appeared to be 25-30 crates in all. Two or three had their ps removed and grey, aerial bombs, about six feet in length, sat inside. Weichert and I walked over to the crates and looked at one of the open ones. It appeared to be a conventional highplosive bomb used on any number of military aircraft, both in Iraq and in elsewhere.

ahman motioned for us to come over to where he was standing next to another of the open crates. He pointed to the midsection of the bomb and to what appeared to be a small, thin metaloor or covering bolted shut with small metal pins and possibly covering a slot or chamber. Inside, Rahman, explained, was a small parachute. He told us that after the bomb was dropped om the aircraft, the metal covering was blown open and the parachute deployed at about two hundred feet, slowing the descent of the bomb. A chemical agent, which was located in another amber located at the rear of the bomb, was then dispersed into the air in an aerosol spray and spread over as large an area as the prevailing winds allowed.

ahman led us around to the rear of the bomb and pointed to the tail assembly. It had a circular piece of metal connected to spokes in a conventional sort of design, but the similarity stopped ere. Where ordinarily the rear end of a conventional high explosive bomb would taper into a point, this bomb had apparently had the tail section cut off about six inches from the tipsulting in a flat, circular end. Into that flat end, a small handle was inserted like one on a drawer. Rahman motioned with his hand near the handle and said that this device was twisted inder to open the compartment and then the technician pulled the drawer out and inserted a chemical agent in the slot. When finished, the drawer was reinserted into the bomb and thendle was once again secured.

he chemical WMD was now ready to be loaded onto the aircraft.

ahman next pointed to the hand lettered numbers on the side of the crates. They were numbered from 1-29. Rahman said that he placed hand-lettered numbers on each one personally and n assure us that were 29 chemical WMD bombs under his supervision. Not 28 or 30 – but 29. He seemed to be very proud of his accuracy and neatness in numbering each crate. He went

n to say how he had spent the last eight years or so playing “cat and mouse” with UNSCOM (the UN inspectors). Every time they were due to come to his region for an inspection, heould be notified by his superiors. Then he would arrange for the bombs to be transported to a different area that was not going to be inspected. Sometimes, he told us, he would simply digdeep hole near the storage facility and bury the bombs, crates and all, until the inspectors left and then dig them up again and put them back where they were. He was familiar with Scotttter and Hans Blix in particular and said they never found any WMD in his region.

e even ran his hand along one of the crates and brushed off some dried clay, which was clinging to the outside. These were dug up after the last inspection before the war and placed back to the bunker with the large areas of clay still covering some of the crates. He was right – every one of the wooden boxes had varying amounts of dry, reddish clay – which is the commonil found at that location – caked to their wooden exteriors. These bombs had definitely been buried locally at some point just before being placed into that bunker – that was a fact.

ooking around the rest of the bunker interior, I could see dozens of metal chemicals containers – some apparently unopened, and some with their tops open and with dried, powderybstances on the floor all around them and inside the containers. Some containers were covered with what appeared to be dried liquids, almost like dry paint, streaming down the sides.

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can honestly say that I was having a hard time comprehending what I was seeing. Unless my senses were deceiving me, Weichert and I had actually found the mother lode of Operationaqi Freedom – actual Iraqi WMD. I walked over to one of the crates and saw a plastic sheath containing what appeared to be a bill of laden. I cut it open with my Leatherman and pulled e documents out.

t this point I want to say that loud and clear that I very much regret not having either shoved that document in my pocket or made a copy of it and sent it home for safe keeping. At theme I actually thought that a report would be written and normal Army and intelligence protocol would be followed, so there would be no need for me to have to prove anything. But Igress…

opened the folded off-white paper form and noticed several interesting things right away. The bombs had been purchased in the United States in 1988 from what appeared to be aovernment contractor called The Carlyle Group. I am almost embarrassed now to say that I had not heard of The Carlyle Group at that time so the name meant nothing to me. The onlyason I remember it at all is that I was amazed that the bill was in English and I was stunned to see that a bomb that was used by Iraq in delivering chemical WMD – the only WMD found

uring the entire Iraq war – was in fact supplied to Saddam Hussein by the United States. Un-blanking believable.

he date on the bill was either 1987 or 1988, I don’t recall exactly. I do recall that the bomb was manufactured in Spain and shipped through France. So much for their claims of beingolier-than-thou. I checked several more bills and they were all identical. These bombs had all been shipped together. Rahman told us that similar weapons had been used all throughout thean-Iraq war during the 1980s as well as against the Kurds. We were staring at what could have possibly been some of the same type of WMD used in one of the most heinous attacks incorded history - the gassing of Halabja in March of 1988 which killed an estimated 5,000 Kurdish civilians.

nstructed Weichert to both videotape and take digital still photos of the bunker and its contents. The outside area which included many more chemical containers and HAZMAT suits wereocumented as well. At least fifteen minutes of video and 50 still photos were taken at that location. These were then incorporated and attached to the detailed written report that I wrote and nt up the chain of command through CI channels.

also personally reported the discovery to the battalion commander of the 223rd MI, CA ARNG, Lt. Col. Timothy Ryan. Ryan seemed excited by the news and asked to be taken to theunker immediately. Weichert and I drove Ryan to the bunker within minutes after his request and showed him our discovery. He seemed genuinely impressed with the authenticity of our nd. He commented to me, “You guys have found the real deal.”

Retired California National Guard Sergeant Frank Greg Ford was a member of the team thatdiscovered the canisters at the Balad airbase and he has stated a British team arrived to takepossession of the evidence and later destroyed it. Ford has filed a law suit against the United Statesgovernment for the retaliation he experienced for his team's discovery.

WMR: A declaration filed in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of California alleges that a U.S. military intelligence team in Iraq in 2003scovered nerve gas canisters supplied by companies affiliated with the Carlyle Group. Former President George H W Bush was a board member of thearlyle Group and the nerve agents were supplied to Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s.

etired California National Guard Sergeant Frank Greg Ford was a member of the team that discovered the canisters at the Balad airbase and he hasated a British team arrived to take possession of the evidence and later destroyed it. Ford has filed a law suit against the United States government for e retaliation he experienced for his team's discovery.

WMR: has previously reported on this case. Click here for .pdf f ile of court declaration.

ext of suit below:

Jeffries Goodwin, CASBN 099310 GOODWIN LAW CORPORATION 101 Parkshore Drive, Suite 100 Folsom, California 95630 Tel: (916) 932-2345ax: (916) 932-2346 Attorneys for Plaintiff IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIARANK GREGORY FORD, Case No.: Plaintiff, DECLARATION OF FRANK GREGORY FORD vs. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA et. al.efendants. I, FRANK GREGORY FORD, declare as follows: I have served in the United States Coast Guard, the United States Navy and the United tates Army. In 2003 I was a credentialed as a counter intelligence non-commissioned officer assigned to Detachment 1, Company A, 223 Militaryntelligence Battalion ofthe California National Guard, under the active duty command of the 205th Military Declaration -1 5 10 15 20 25 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 II2 13 14 16 17 18 19 21 22 23 24 Goodwin Law Corp 101 Park.bore Drive Suite toO Folsom, CA 95630 (916) 93l-l345 Intelligence Brigade commanded y COL. Thomas Papas. I am also a qualified Navy Corpsman and Army Medic. In May of 2002 I was ordered to active duty and in January of 2003,fter training I was ordered to Iraq as a counter-intelligence agent. In April of2003, while performing my duties, I personally observed weaponiS of massestruction (WMD) to wit: ____--', in an Iraqi underground storage bunker, at Balad Air Force Base, with markings indicating that they wereanufactured in the. United States ofAmerica. I promptly notified my higher command ofmy findings. For reasons that I do not understand, members

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fthe armed forces of the United Kingdom, not the United States, were ordered to remove and destroy the weapons. In May of2003, while at Abu-Ghraibrison, I was asked to care for prisonets, which I did. I personally witnessed and treated many Iraqi prisoners that had been abused and/or tortured bynited States personnel. On June 7, 2003, I reported to CPT. Artiga and LTC. Ryan, ofthe 20Sth MI Brigade, headquartered in Building IA of Abu-hraib prison that the torture was wrong, counterproductive and that my counterintelligence/interrogation team should be replaced. On June 17,2003 Iled formal charges for torture and abuse against my team an I demanded "Whistleblower" protection. Shortly thereafter, while in a combat zone, my

M16 rifle was taken away from me. On June 21, 2003, I was flown out ofIraq, against my will, while strapped td a stretcher. When I arrived in Germanywas discovered that I did not have orders to transport me and that I was not listed as a passenger. I was accompanied in the airplane by CPT. Merle

Madera to cover up my non-order status and to monitor my Declaration -2 5 10 15 20 25 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 11 12 13 14 16 17 18 19 21 22 23 24 Goodwin Laworp 101 Parkshore Drive Suite 100 Folsom, CA 95630 (916) 932-2345 communications. She told me that "you have been kidnapped to shut you upecause LTC. Ryan is terrified of what you have to say." From Germany I was sent to Texas were I was again evaluated and then to Fort Lewis,

Washington were I was honorably separated from active duty. I strongly believe that I was relieved of my duties, kidnapped and sent home because Isclosed to my chain of command information that they did not want to know and that they were afraid that I would report the information to persons

utside the chain of command, because they were not willing to act on the information I gave them inimy typed and registered intelligence reports OR-UR) and FLASH-FLASH WARNO using the C.H.I.M.S. system. I declare under penalty of perjury under the laws of the state of California that the

oregoing is true and correct. Executed this ~ffiayof February 2012 at Folsom, California.

WMR Lake Tharthar, WMD micro-fiche files ..... The Bush-Obamadouble cross of Saddam and Assad

ugust 13-14, 2012 -- The Bush-Obama double cross of Saddam and Assad

WMR has learned from U.S. military intelligence sources that U.S. ground troops will be deployed to Syria in two weeks to help secure chemicaleapons that were transported from Iraq to Syria in the months prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003.

veteran military intelligence agent confirmed that a deal was struck between the Bush administration and Saddam Hussein that permitted Saddam

ussein's intelligence service, the Mukhabarat, as well as members of the Republican Guard and Bashar al-Assad's cousin, Assif Shokat -- the chief xecutive officer of Bhaha -- a Syrian import-export firm, to secretly transport its chemical weapons, including deadly VX nerve gas, to the heavily-ortified al-Safir chemical weapons storage complex southeast of Aleppo. The Bush administration promised Saddam that as long as all the chemicaleapons were placed under the supervision of Bashar al-Assad's government, which was then an intelligence partner of the CIA for intelligence sharing

nd the rendition and torture program the Bush administration would refrain from invading Iraq.

owever, the actual goal of the Bush administration was to keep the U.S.-supplied VX and its weapons casings from falling into the hands of United ations inspectors and even U.S. military and intelligence officers after the U.S. invasion of Iraq. The Bush administration then relied on the Assad overnment to keep the weapons and associated equipment under lock and key to hide the involvement of the Reagan and George H W Bushdministrations in supplying the material to Saddam Hussein.

fter the transfer of the material to Syria, Saddam realized that he had been double crossed by the Bush administration and he then made arrangementor all the microfiche files with the documents on the chemical weapons transfers from the United States, Britain, France, Germany, and other westernountries to be gathered up in a central repository in Baghdad and be transferred to a neutral party to disseminate to the world's media.

n late 2002, this editor received an offer through a British intermediary close to the Saddam Hussein government to collect copies of the weapons of ass destruction files in Baghdad and transport them by land to Jordan and then back to the United States to make them public. Because of the danger volved in the proposed file transfer, I did not take up the offer because of the tremendous personal risk involved. The files, which included purchase

rders, canceled checks, bank statements, bills of lading, customs documents, and other files showed the involvement of Phillips Petroleum, whicherged with Conoco in August 2002; a Spanish and French firm in which the Carlyle Group was heavily invested; Halliburton; and U.S. banks incilitating the sale of VX, pre-cursor materials, and storage and mixing equipment for chemical weapons development to Iraq.

When Saddam and the Mukhabarat realized that Iraq had been double crossed by the Bush administration and they were unable to trasnfer the weaponsles to the Western media, they sank the original files in Lake Tharthar, which is 75 miles north of Baghdad. The operation was code-named the "Allma Project." Later attempts by the U.S. military, CIA, and FBI to recover the files proved unsuccessful.

he 120,000-page weapons declaration submitted to the United Nations on December 7, 2002, did not contain the "smoking gun" documents linking theaqi weapons program to the United States, Britain, and France because the three countries, which received unedited copies of the declaration asermanent members of the Security Council, were not trusted by Iraq to release the files in full. The other two permanent members that received thenedited declaration, Russia and China, were concerned that their own weapons exports to Iraq would be made public. Russia was especially concerned at the files contained evidence of the Soviet Communist Party's total bankrolling of the Iraqi Communist Party in the 1980s. For Saddam, the solutionas simple: he had the entire WMD files cache sunk in the lake in the hope that it might be recovered intact by a trusted party at a later date and be

xposed to the world.

aq maintained that the United States would tamper with the weapons declaration, titled "A Currently Accurate, Full and Complete Declaration plusupporting documents." On December 14, 2002, The Economist reported on another set of Iraqi weapons documents when it stated that the Iraqis wereot concerned about American document tampering because "another full set exists."

omewhere under Iraq's Lake Tharthar exist microfiche records that implicate the Bush and Obama administrations in covering up illegal smuggling of hemical weapons Iraq and, subsequently, into Syria.

yria, a member of the Security Council, voted for UN Security Council resolution 1441, which demanded that Iraq turn over to the United NationsMonitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC), headed by Hans Blix, all documents on Iraq's WMD program. Syria's vote for the

solution provided cover for its physical possession of the Iraqi chemical WMDs in Syria. In a March 7, 2003 report to the UN Security Council, Blix

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ppeared to have discovered that a large number of documents were not handed over by Saddam to his UNMOVIC team. Blix wrote, "Iraq, with aghly developed administrative system, should be able to provide more documentary evidence about its proscribed weapons programmes. Only a few

ew such documents have come to light so far and been handed over since we began inspections." Blix's statement came only 13 days before the U.S.vasion and the entire WMD files cache had already been sunk in Lake Tharthar.

addam Hussein's chief procurement official and banker, Sa'ad Hassan Ali, also known as Abu Seger, confirmed the Al Alma Project to U.S. militarytelligence officers after the invasion of Iraq and his detention. As WMR reported in November 2005, Abu Seger, who suffered from repeated beatings

y U.S. torturers, died in captivity the day after his wife delivered his blood pressure medicine to the black marble palace where he was being held inikrit. U.S. interrogators were unable to get Abu Seger to provide the exact coordinates where the WMD files cache was sunk in Lake Tharthar.

lthough the WMD data files have not been recovered by the United States, the physical evidence remains in the Al-Safir facility southeast of Aleppo.he U.S. troops who will be deployed into Syria in two weeks will have the job of recovering the physical evidence in what represents a second doubleoss, this time against Bashar al-Assad. Just as in Iraq, U.S. troops in Syria, will, once again, risk their lives to cover up the involvement of the United tates in providing chemical weapons to Saddam Hussein. The planned U.S. military operation in Syria will have the primary focus of protecting thelegal activities of the Bush family, Carlyle Group, the CIA, and Dick Cheney's Halliburton in providing chemical weapons, pre-cursor chemicals, and quipment for Saddam Hussein's WMD armory.

l Monitor Sinan al-Shabibiesterday Oct.16], sources in the Central Bank of Iraq said that the Iranian lobby in Iraq has finally managed to persuade Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki suspend the bank’s governor, Sinan al-Shabibi, and his deputy, Mudher Mohammad Saleh, from their posts. About this Article Summary: Iraqi Prime

Minister Nouri al-Maliki has suspended the Central Bank of Iraq's governor, as well as his deputy and several others, reports Ali Latif. The Iraqiarliament's Integrity Committee said that the issue concerned procedures and instructions that led to the increase of the price of the dollar against theaqi dinar and the decrease of the price of the dinar. Publisher: Azzaman (Iraq) Original Title: Iranian Lobby Topples Iraqi Central Bank Governoruthor: Ali Latif Published on: Wed, Oct 17, 2012 Translated on: Wed, Oct 17, 2012 Translated by: Sahar Ghoussoub and Naria Tanoukhi CategoriesIraq It must be noted that Shabibi and his deputy were able to reduce the smuggling of hundreds of millions of dollars from Iraq to Iran. According to

ources in Baghdad, Shabibi, who was representing Iraq at a conference in Tokyo, has yet to return to Baghdad and is likely to head to Switzerland,here he used to reside. However, he was seen on London’s Oxford Street yesterday Oct.16], a reliable source in London said. Sources speaking on the

ondition of anonymity told Azzaman that Shabibi and Mudher have launched a series of measures binding those who wish to exchange Iranian rialS dollars to submit their applications to the bank. The applications must include an account number from an Iraqi bank, in addition to the purpose of e currency exchange, in order to ensure that that the amounts are used for commercial transactions and are not being smuggled into Iran, which suffersom a significant lack of hard currency, among other hardships, due to the impact of sanctions. The sources added that the relationship with the

anctioned regime of Bashar al-Assad has become Maliki’s first priority in terms of coordination, financial and commercial support. Moreover, it haseen reported that following these measures, requests for exchanging currency have declined from $80–$100 million to $1 million per day. Sourcesdded that under the free economy, the bank used to exchange rials for dollars without requiring any documents. However, the bank discovered that moste of those applying for currency exchanges were not traders and were submitting their applications under pseudonyms for fear of being exposed. Theseeasures, which were taken by Shabibi and which the government is using as evidence against the governor and his deputy, have limited the smuggling

f US dollars from Iraq to Iran, helped stabilize the Iraqi currency and protected Iraq’s cash reserves. Yesterday Oct. 16], the Iraqi government named bdel-Basit Turki, head of the Supreme Audit Board, as interim Central Bank governor to replace Shabibi. The bank has also endorsed the principles of

oordination, consultation and information exchange regarding fiscal and monetary policies between the bank and the Iraqi cabinet, according to the

onstitution. Also, the bank has examined the methods used to deliver foreign currency to the local market and to allocate Iraqi banks greater roles. Ate beginning of the year, the demand for dollars increased by 40–50%. This is when the bank announced, in February, the launch of new measuresgarding its purchase of dollars. Shabibi is credited with rebuilding the bank after war. Under his management, the bank has managed to raise Iraqi

urrency reserves from zero to $65 billion. Shabibi used to work for the World Trade Organization in Geneva before assuming management at the bank.e is also an expert in international economics and public finance. Legal and parliamentary sources told Azzaman that suspending Shabibi is not thererogative of the government; rather, it is the parliament’s decision, as the bank constitutes an independent body that is affiliated to it. According to theame sources, the suspension of Shabibi —as well as Turki’s appointment — both violate the constitution. Appointing a new governor for the bank alsolls under the duties of the parliament, not the government. Shabibi rejected Maliki’s decision to put the bank under his jurisdiction because it is andependent body belonging to parliament. The Iraqi parliament backed Shabibi’s position, forcing Maliki to back down. The bank had limited Iran's

bility to draw hundreds of millions of dollars from the Iraqi market to support its economy — which is suffering under the impact of sanctions — xpense of the value of the Iraqi dinar. Shabibi rejected the government's desire to withdraw from Iraqi currency reserves, as it would decrease thef the Iraqi currency . The decision by Iraq’s anti-corruption commission was issued against Shabibi while he was representing Iraq in a globalonference in Tokyo. Ali al-Moussawi, a media adviser for the prime minister, said that the Council of Ministers voted in favor of appointing Turki toun the bank until further notice. He added that the judiciary decided to suspend Shabibi, current governor of the bank, from his post. Moussawi said thatfter the fluctuation of the exchange rate of the dinar, a parliamentary investigation committee was formed — headed by deputy speaker Qusay al-Suhail

— adding that extensive investigations revealed shortcomings by the bank governor and others. He said that the committee submitted its report to thefficial Integrity Commission responsible for fighting corruption in government departments, which in turn decided to suspend Shabibi and others. Hedded that when the government decided to appoint Turki, the decision received nearly unanimous support. Spokesman for the Integrity Commissionassan Aati said yesterday Oct. 15] that the commission received the bank dossier from the parliamentary Integrity Committee, noting that it is currentlynder investigation. Bahaa al-Araji, head of the parliamentary Integrity Committee, said that arrest warrants were issued, but not travel bans. He added at 30 arrest warrants have been issued, including those against the bank governor and his deputy. An official at the Ministry of Justice said that theupreme Judicial Council was responsible for issuing such arrest warrants. Araji said that the issue is not about money, but about procedures and structions that led to the increase of the price of the dollar against the Iraqi dinar and the decrease of the price of the dinar. Central Bank Governor habibi, who has been in office since 2003, told AFP from Tokyo two days ago Oct. 14] that “I know nothing about this issue and, God willing, thereill be no arrest warrants.” In April, the exchange rate of the dollar was at its highest level against the dinar in local markets in close to four years,aching 1,320 dinars per dollar following a stable period at 1,230 dinars per dollar. Shabibi had told AFP that the relatively unstable political situation Iraq and the region — particularly referring to Iran and Syria and the sanctions imposed on both countries — has created greater demand for the

ollar, which has recently led to a higher exchange rate. It is noteworthy that the Federal Supreme Court issued a decision on January 18, 2011 to link theank to the cabinet, attributing the ruling to the predominantly executive nature of the bank’s work and its activities. Following the issuance of the

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o closely on the heels of the ouster of the U.S. from its K2 base in neighboring Uzbekistan, the timing of the leaking of the document is intriguing.efense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is busy looking for replacements for K2 and officially neutral Turkmenistan, which borders Afghanistan and Iran, istempting alternative. The only problem is that Niyazov refuses to allow US basing rights in his draconian state, merely overflight privileges.

What is very interesting in the Northbridge proposal is the reference to its Michigan-based headquarters and a reference to a Defense Logistics Agencyontract (CAGE) code:Company Registered Offices and ContactsS Defense Logistics Agency CAGE Code Number: 1XKW0orthbridge Services Group Ltd – USA Corporate Headquarters,1194 Romeo Plank Rd # 214, Macomb, MI 48042."orthbridge has been at the center of controversy before. In the aftermath of an aborted coup against Equatorial Guinea's dictator Teodoro Obiang in004 that involved British and South African mercenaries tied to Mark Thatcher, the son of Margaret Thatcher, Northbridge came up as one of thentities involved. Reuters reported that the British and South African mercenary coup plotters' used Equatorial Guinea as a jumping off point to captureormer Liberian President Charles Taylor from exile in Calabar, Nigeria and deliver him to the UN War Crimes Tribunal for Africa. The Bushdministration had posted a $2 million reward for the capture of Taylor. Northbridge’s president, Bob Kovacic claimed that his representative in thenited States, Pasquale Dipofi, “did know a couple of the guys on the plane the coup plotters's plane captured in Harare, Zimbabwe] and one or two ine target country Nigeria], but we had nothing to do with the mission.” Interestingly, Kovacic revealed the Liberian connection to the attempted quatorial Guinea coup from Kuwait, where he was seeking security contracts in Iraq. This points to the problem with private actors playing on theternational foreign policy stage. If a group of mercenary companies connected to security work in U.S.-occupied Iraq were trying to capture a deposed ader in Nigeria, without that country’s approval, or they were trying to launch a coup d’état in Equatorial Guinea, the ramifications of such freelancers

cting independently or with a “wink and a nod” from government interlocutors are chilling.erghana story at: http://enews.ferghana.ru/detail.php?id=136036036036.03,306,12097687he Northbridge proposal cited in the report:ROPOSAL TO PROVIDE THEURKMENISTAN LIBERATION ORGANISATION

WITH CONSTABULARY FORCEOR THE ARREST AND (OR) EXECUTION OFAPARMURAT NIYASOV

ebruary 2005

REPARED BYORTHBRIDGE SERVICES GROUP, LTDIVERBANK HOUSEPUTNEY BRIDGE APPROACHONDON, SW6 3JDFFICE +44 (0) 20 737 10066IRECTOR UK MOBILE ANDREW WILLIAMS +44 (0) 7732312066IRECTOR US MOBILE PASQUALE DIPOFI 1 (586) 883 3572

REPARED FOR

URKMENISTAN LIBERATION ORGANISATIONroposal to provide the Turkmenistan Liberation Organisation with a Constabulary force for the arrest and (or) execution of Saparmurat Niyasovlient: Turkmenistan Liberation Organisation (TLO)rovider: Northbridge Services Group Ltd. (NSG)

ntroduction:

otice is hereby given that Northbridge Services Group Ltd. (NSG) puts forward a proposal to provide a cost effective solution to enforce the TLOotential to execute arrest and capital punishment.

ackground:

n January 5, 2005, the TLO issued an indictment and warrant for the arrest and capital punishment of President of Turkmenistan for his crimes againstumanity. The document was approved before February 2005. Such a step was taken on the grounds of human rights violation by S.Niyasov and hisfusal to implement agreements on human rights as a state leader and a full member of the international community. The agreements ( the Genocideonvention of 1948 and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, as well as the new Optional Protocol to the UN Convention againstorture of 1984) have not been ratified yet. Niyasov declines to break off all statements and activities on forced resettlement of people (particularlyational minorities and political opponents), to terminate the practice based on the «national purity» concept, which contravenes all international norms.he present dictatorship and personal cult of Niyasov, as well as his blatant disregard for the international law and his fellow countrymen along with thebsence of constabulary force in Turkmenistan, which could guarantee the proper execution of the warrant issued, forms a deep gap in the legal systemf the state. The current situation has resulted in profound concern within the TLO and other organization.

orthbridge Services Group has designed a viable and cost effective option to act as constabulary body of the Turkmenistan Liberation Organisation.hrough this proposal we are aiming to enforce the arrest and (or) execution of S.Niyasov. We are determined to carry on an efficient campaign under e direction and in accordance with the guidelines of the Turkmenistan Liberation Organisation. Consistency of acts shall prevent other organizationsom uncoordinated activities, which are unlikely to accord with the international norms and score a success.

orthbridge Services Group

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orthbridge Services Group`s corporate headquarters are located in the United States. Besides affiliate agencies in the UK, Italy, and South Africa, NSGas a partner company - EHC Group - based in France. NSG’s CAGE Code number according to US Defense Logistics Agency is 1XKW0. Owing toat NSG suits perfectly to meet the requirements of our clients throughout Europe and Africa. NSG’s expertise in international relations is quite equal to

ffer a wide range of responsive and adaptable services.

t NSG we pride ourselves on the caliber of our personnel, hand-picked from governmental, military and private organizations, including CIA, MI6,ritish Forces PARAS, US Navy and Royal Marine commandos.

roposal Summary

orthbridge Services Group, Ltd., proposes to act as the constabulary body of the Turkmenistan Liberation Organisation. In accordance with the valid arrant of the arrest and (or) execution of President S.Niyasov, Northbridge Services Group, Ltd., suggests a multiphase operation aiming at the arrest

nd surrender of S.Niyasov to the International Criminal Court or his execution on the spot.

orthbridge Services Group, Ltd., is aware that the current situation is unsteady. The present proposal is based upon the knowledge of the currentvents.

orthbridge Services Group, Ltd., and the Client should both realize that the situation might change and the calculations have been performed roceeding from the developments at hand at hand.

We, however, think that the steps following Phase 1 present the best possible operation plan.

xtended services are also available.

hase 1 - Consultation

hould time permit, Phase 1 shall include a meeting of an advisory team with TLO delegation.

ur initial advisory team shall travel to a third country (Afghanistan, Sweden, etc.) to discuss the following:

Viability of the overall operation planned

In-depth consultation with key level decision-makers

Time line for the operation

Development of rules for the operation in compliance with the Geneva Convention articles

Prior intelligence data organisationRestriction and limitation

Definition of the mission success

Jurisdiction, authority and sanctions

Post-Niyasov government and stability should also be viewed.

osting Phase 1

We have attempted to estimate the costing of the operation, and arrange consultation with key decision-makers. A detailed plan of the operation willomplete calculation of expenses will be submitted at the end of our preliminary conference. All data pertaining to the operation are to be kept strictlyonfidential.

he advisory team of 4-5 high ranking consultation shall go to third country. Travel arrangements shall be made immediately upon receipt of thetaining fee.

We would like to ask the Client to cover costs for a 5-7 day consultation, including

ir fare: $15.000 - $20.000 (depending on the third country selected)

odging and food: $ 9,000 USD

ersonnel cost: $12,000 USD

onsultation, planning, travel time and preparation)

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Miscellaneous costs: $ 2,000 USD

otal costing Phase 1 $ 50,000 USD approx.

hase 2 – Intelligence Data Organisation

SG plans the intelligence team landing in required regions to carry on situation assessment and

btain information data in real time. It may help us detect S.Niyasov’s location (whether he is at his residence place, in the office or at trip) to arrestnd/or execute) him. NSG’s secret agents will also be able to determine the best way to detain him without causing serious consequences to the local

eople. We recommend using five (5) agents in the phase

osting Phase 2

stimated costing and budget requirement for Phase 2 - $400,000 USDemaining balances will be applied to Phases 3 and 4.

hase 3 – Arrest and (or) Execution

he phase includes necessary outfit and equipment acquisition, required certificates getting, possible last minute changes planning.

osting Phase 3

We estimate preparatory work to proceed to Phase 4 amounts to $1 million. The funds shall be used to reimburse monthly expenses, initial outfit,aritime and air logistics.

hase 4 - Arrest and (or) Execution

We wish that the TLO would appoint a special prosecutor and (or) executioner to work with us in the proceedings of arrest (execution). This prosecutor nd (or) executioner shall observe proper

mplementation of the proceedings. As an extra service NSG can deliver an executioner at the disposal of the Client.

n the event S.Niyasov is detained prior to Phase 4 operation, NSG can then offer a 15-20 men convoy team to take the arrestee to a designated point.

he TLO is to authorize Northbridge Services Group, Ltd., to utilize a specially chartered ship as a vanguard operation base in the Caspian Sea.

aking into account preliminary costing and the current situation we may assume that the local budget will not exceed $4 Million. This total sum shalle enough to carry out the operation on the territory of the country within 90 days.

he total amount is calculated to pay expenses of 60 men constabulary force (arresting officers, executioner, and security agents inclusive). NSG shallso utilize local people in the operation should the need arise. The people attracted shall have similar authorities to make an arrest. On receipt of extratelligence data we may be able to speed up the operation und utilize fewer participants. Any savings shall be split between the Client and NSG.

he overall operation is expected to cost $1,000,000 per 30 day period.

Maximum budget for the operation - $4,000,000

irborne Support

he airborne support price is dependent on the client’s ability to provide the air support. This shall be determined in Phase 1 planning. NSG shall requestat the TLO provides a helicopter to deliver the indicted to the point designated by the TLO.

Maritime support price

rice for the vessel chartered: is fixed by a contractor

rice for a Zodiac boat depends on the vessel type and terms of purchase

Mark IV $11,000 – 17,000 USDMark V $14,000 – 21,600 USD

SG may try to purchase secondhand boats and charter a vessel for this operation independently.

The Client is under obligation to pay freight charges and charter a ship large enough to transport Zodiac boats o the coast and serve as a vanguard perating base.

he Client also agrees to cover all and any repatriation and medical costs should they be required.

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ompany Background

ompany Registered Offices and ContactsS Defense Logistics Agency CAGE Code Number: 1XKW0orthbridge Services Group Ltd – USA Corporate Headquarters1194 Romeo Plank Rd # 214

Macomb, MI 48042nited States of Americael: (001) 586 493 7989el: (001) 703 997 8942ax: (001) 703 997 8943

Web: http://www.northbridgeservices.com/

orthbridge Services Group Ltd – UK iverside HousePutney Bridge Approachulhamondonnited kingdomW6 3JD

el: +44 (0) 73710066Web: http://www.northbridgeservices.com/

ropriety Notice

his proposal contains confidential information of Northbridge Services Group, Ltd., which is furnished for the sole purpose to enable the receipt tovaluate the proposal submitted hereby.

n receipt of this document, the recipient agrees to maintain confidentiality and not to disclose the information to a third party beyond the groupeculiarly responsible for its contents evaluation.

here is no confidentiality obligation on any information which has become known to the recipient prior to the receipt of the information fromorthbridge Services Group, Ltd., or has becom publicly known through no fault of the recipient, or has been received without obligation of

onfidentiality from a third party.pril 13-14, 2009 -- Private military contractors plagued by threats, fraud, and the abetting of terrorismormer private military contractor (PMC) sources who served in Iraq and Afghanistan have informed WMR that the United States military commands inaq and Afghanistan have aided and abetted in the carrying out of terrorist attacks against civilians and have suppressed critical intelligence on terroristtacks that killed U.S. troops.

he award of a major State Department security contract to the one-time Chicago-based firm Triple Canopy, which has wrested the lucrative contractom Blackwater, now called Xe, signals not only that a number of Blackwater employees and sub-cobtractors will simply switch from Blackwater toriple Canopy employment but that the contract fraud, waste, abuse and knowledge and abetting of acts of terrorism directed against Iraqi civilians,olice, and U.S. military forces will continue to be covered up by the Obama administration.e (Blackwater) is no longer permitted to operate in Iraq as a result of several cases in wich its security personnel indiscriminately murdered Iraqivilians. Triple Canopy and Dyncorp will continue to operate in Iraq under State Department contracts. Even though its contract was cancelled, Xe

Blackwater) will continue to work for the State Department in Iraq until September of this year.riple Canopy's chief lobbyist firm in Washington, DC is Dickstein Shapiro , the same firm that has hired former House Speaker Dennis Hastert as itshief lobbyist for Turkey and the firm whose white collar criminal team leader is Ira Sorkin, f ormerly with the Securities and Exchange Commission ae U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York and the attorney for Bernard Madoff, the Ponzi scammer who is now in prison awaiting

entencing.Matt Mann, co-chairman of the board of Triple Canopy is a retired Army Special Operations Delta Force master sergeant. His fellow co-chairman,

homas Katis, is also a veteran of the Special Operations forces. The two started Triple Canopy in 2003. Lee Van Arsdale, a former Delta Force officer nd Bechtel official, is the chief executive officer. The former chief executive officer and a current director is Ignacio "Iggy" Balderas, also a Delta Forceeteran and the person who supervised the building of the first military compound at the infamous Bagram Airbase, which also served as a detentioncility for U.S. detainees apprehended in Afghanistan and other countries around the world.

While Blackwater/Xe's training facility is headquartered in Moyock, North Carolina, Triple Canopy, which has its headquarters in Herndon,irginia, chose Wallace, South Carolina as the headquarters for its training center. Triple Canopy has a subsidiary, Clayton Consultants, which, amongther services, specializes in the resolution of kidnaps-for-ransom. Triple Canopy's strategic advisory board includes Catherine Yoran, a former assistanteneral counsel of the CIA. The firm's Chief Operating Officer, Kelvin Kai, is a Special Operations Forces veteran who also formerly worked for ellogg, Brown and Root in the Balkans and Freeport McMoRan Copper and Gold in Indonesia.lthough the reason for Iraqi pressure on the United States to expel Blackwater from Iraq came as the result of the massacre of 17 Iraqi civilians inisoor Square in Baghdad on September 16, 2007, Triple Canopy had also been involved in the killing of innocent Iraqis in 2004. A Triple Canopyrotective security detail (PSD) was accused by U.S. military forces of the homicide of two Iraqi civilian truck drivers on the Amman-Baghdad ighway, near the Jordanian border.RGENT52300Z JAN 2005ROM: SEC DIRINTEL TAMPA FL US TO: //DERVISH// BAGHDAD IZNFO: //SCORPION SEVEN ONE// BAGHDAD IZ SEC OPS TAMPA FL US C O N F I D E N T I A L PROPIN

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OUNTRY: (U) IRAQ (IZ)UBJ: (C/PR) REPORT OF DOUBLE HOMICIDE BY PMC PSD TEAM DEC 2004R 00 8 004 0105 1500 05OI: (C/PR) 050105] SOURCE: (C/PR) //MAKIDJ//

NSTR: (C/PR) PRIORITY INVESTIGATION DIRECTED.EPORT TO DIRINTEL VIA OPSO //SCORPION SEVEN ONE// SUMMARY: (C/PR) //MAKIDJ// FORWARDS INFO REPORTING POSSIBLEOUBLE HOMICIDE OF UNARMED IRAQI TRUCK DRIVERS BY PMC PSD TEAM OPERATING IRAQ EARLY DEC 2004 WEST-BOUNDN AMMAN- BAGHDAD HIGHWAY NEAR JORDANIAN BORDER.EXT: 1. (C/PR) MAKIDJ REPORTS A PSD TEAM WORKING FOR TRIPLE CANOPY, INC. DEPARTED RAMADI EARLY DECEMBER VIA

MAIN HIGHWAY TO JORDAN. TEAM CHOSE OVERLAND DEPARTURE DUE TO BIA CLOSURE AT THE TIME. A FEW MILES FROMORDER CROSSING TEAM ENCOUNTERED TWO IRAQI TRUCKS (W/DRIVERS) ACTING "ERRATIC". PSD TEAM DECIDED DA WAS

EEDED AND ENGAGED THE TWO VEHICLES WITH OVER 200 ROUNDS OF 5.56, KILLING TWO UNARMED IRAQI MALES. TEAMTOPPED AND TOOK PHOTOGRAPHS, THEN CONTINUED ENROUTE JORDAN BORDER.(C/PR) TEAM WAS STOPPED ON IRAQI SIDE OF BORDER BY ENGLISH-SPEAKING IRAQI CUSTOMS OFFICER. CUSTOMS OFFICER

SKED IF THE TEAM HAD ENCOUNTERED ANY TROUBLE ON THE HIGHWAY. TEAM MEMBERS RESPONDED IN THE NEGATIVE,NDICATING THEY HAD ENCOUNTERED NO PROBLEMS. CUSTOMS OFFICER FURTHER INQUIRED AS TO WHY THERE WAS OVER 00 ROUNDS EXPENDED 5.56 BRASS FOUND AT THE SITE OF A REPORTED "INCIDENT" WHERE TWO IRAQI TRUCK DRIVERS WEREOUND SPRAWLED ON THE GROUND WITH THEIR HEADS "BLOWN OFF" BY WHAT IS DESCRIBED AS CONTACT WOUNDS TO THEACE.

(U) TEAM WAS HELD AT THE BORDER FOR 9 HOURS WHILE VEHICLES AND GEAR WERE FULLY SEARCHED. NO FURTHER ETAILS ARE AVAILABLE ON WHAT ELSE TRANSPIRED DURING THE SEARCH. APPARENTLY IT WAS RESOLVED IN SOME

MANNER AND THE TEAM WAS ALLOWED TO PROCEED ON ITS WAY.OMMENTS: 1. (C/PR) MAKIDJ DESCRIBES AT LEAST ONE TRIPLE CANOPY, INC. PSD TEAM MEMBER AS "AN INDIVIDUAL WHOAD A SHORT 3 YEAR TOUR IN CONVENTIONAL ARMY AND THEN WENT INTO LAW ENFORCEMENT, UNTIL THIS BIG COWBOYONTRACTOR OPPORTUNITY CAME ABOUT."(C) MAKIDJ EXPRESSES GRAVE CONCERN THAT "THESE GUYS WERE ON THE WAY HOME AND DECIDED THAT THEY NEEDED

O KILL A FEW IRAQIS JUST FOR THE HELL OF IT ---COWBOYS AND MURDERERS LIKE THESE EXPLETIVE DELETED] ARE GOINGO UNDERMINE THE ENTIRE EFFORT IN IRAQ. THEY HAVE STAINED THE NAMES OF THE US MILITARY PERSONNEL WHO HAVEEEN KIA OR WIA IN IRAQ. IF I WAS IRAQI] I'D BE TRYING TO KILL THESE EXPLETIVE DELETED] 'CONTRACTORS',OO!"fter the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Triple Canopy became a top private military contractor with a force of mostly foreign nationals and a minority of mericans. Its employees in Iraq included dodgy ex-military and security forces personnel from apartheid-era South Africa, an ironic fact consideringarack Obama is the first African-American President of the United States, Augusto Pinochet's Chile, Ukrainians, Fijians, Romanians, Hondurans,icaraguans, Peruvians, and Iraqis.riple Canopy is but one of over 100 private security companies operating in Iraq.ome of the companies have been linked by WMR's sources in the private military contractor community to terrorist operations involving Muqtada aladr's Mehdi Army in Iraq as well as to alleged terrorist operations involving Al Qaeda, including the 9/11 attacks on New York and the Pentagon.

WMR has learned that Qatar's Interior Minister Abdullah Bin Khalid Al-Thani, who was accused of harboring 9/11 mastermind Khalid Shaik Mohammed and other top "Al Qaeda" leaders, including Ayman al Zawahiri, after their roles in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, was closely

volved with one of the U.K. private security companies in Iraq, Northbridge Services Group Ltd. Al-Thani was also accused of harboring Khalid

haikh Mohammed for two weeks after the 9/11 attacks. WMR has learned that Al-Thani was shot twice in the back while with Osama bin Laden infghanistan. However, Al-Thani's Interior Ministry also had a lucrative security contract with Giuliani Security and Safety, the firm of the former Mayor f New York and 2008 GOP presidential candidate Rudolph Giuliani. Giuliani reportedly provided security services to Al Thani and the Interior

Ministry using ex-FBI agents running Giuliani's security branch in Doha, including the time period when Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who later headed theo-called "Al Qaeda in Iraq," was reportedly receiving sanctuary in Qatar from Al-Thani. Al-Thani, according to the New York Times, provided Alaeda figures with Qatari passports and cash drawn from a secret bank account.l-Thani was involved in recruiting personnel for Northbridge in Abu Dhabi, WMR was told by a former Northbridge employee who met with theatari Interior Minister in 2005. Recruits were then flown from Abu Dhabi to Doha, Qatar where they were given Department of Defense identification

ards and arrangements made for their travel to Iraq.n August 6, 2005, WMR reported on Northbridge:

According to the Ferghana News Agency, a British mercenary group, Northbridge Services Group, Ltd., of London, which is active in Iraq and Africa,the subject of a document, purportedly a proposal from Northbridge to an entity called the Turkmenistan Liberation Organization (TLO), to capture or

xecute Turkmenistan's dictatorial President 'Turkmenbashi' Saparmurat Niyazov. Coming so closely on the heels of the ouster of the U.S. from its K2ase in neighboring Uzbekistan, the timing of the leaking of the document is intriguing. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is busy looking for placements for K2 and officially neutral Turkmenistan, which borders Afghanistan and Iran, is a tempting alternative. The only problem is thatiyazov refuses to allow US basing rights in his draconian state, merely overflight privileges.

What is very interesting in the Northbridge proposal is the reference to its Michigan-based headquarters and a reference to a Defense Logistics Agencyontract (CAGE) code:

Company Registered Offices and ContactsS Defense Logistics Agency CAGE Code Number: 1XKW0orthbridge Services Group Ltd – USA Corporate Headquarters,1194 Romeo Plank Rd # 214, Macomb, MI 48042.'orthbridge has been at the center of controversy before. In the aftermath of an aborted coup against Equatorial Guinea's dictator Teodoro Obiang in004 that involved British and South African mercenaries tied to Mark Thatcher, the son of Margaret Thatcher, Northbridge came up as one of thentities involved. Reuters reported that the British and South African mercenary coup plotters' used Equatorial Guinea as a jumping off point to captureormer Liberian President Charles Taylor from exile in Calabar, Nigeria and deliver him to the UN War Crimes Tribunal for Africa. The Bushdministration had posted a $2 million reward for the capture of Taylor. Northbridge’s president, Bob Kovacic claimed that his representative in thenited States, Pasquale Di Pofi, 'did know a couple of the guys on the plane the coup plotters's plane captured in Harare, Zimbabwe] and one or two ine target country Nigeria], but we had nothing to do with the mission.' Interestingly, Kovacic revealed the Liberian connection to the attempted

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quatorial Guinea coup from Kuwait, where he was seeking security contracts in Iraq. This points to the problem with private actors playing on theternational foreign policy stage. If a group of mercenary companies connected to security work in U.S.-occupied Iraq were trying to capture a deposed ader in Nigeria, without that country’s approval, or they were trying to launch a coup d’état in Equatorial Guinea, the ramifications of such freelancers

cting independently or with a 'wink and a nod' from government interlocutors are chilling.WMR was informed by an ex-Northbridge source that Kovacic, a retired U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel, maintained another office at 3070 Lake Crest

ircle Suite 400, Lexington, Kentucky. His U.S. representative, Di Pofi, a former Navy SEAL, was indicted in September 2004 for trying to trick theovernment of Sierra Leone into paying his firm, Executive Outcomes of Mount Clemens, Michigan, $23 million for security work done in Sierra Leone.British firm, Audax Trading Ltd., thought Di Pofi's firm was the Executive Outcomes firm that did the work for Sierra Leone, mistaking it for the

outh African firm of the same name, and tried to collect a payment from Sierra Leone. However, WMR has learned that the U.S. Attorney's Office inetroit suppressed critical evidence in its prosecution of DiPofi and Eastpointe police officer Christopher Belan. A source who worked with DiPofi atorthbridge said that DiPofi, had, in fact, worked with South African Executive Outcomes personnel in Equatorial Guinea some years before. In 2007,iPofi was sentenced to 40 months in prison after being found guilty of defrauding the government of Sierra Leone. Between the time of his indictment

nd trial, DiPofi was working for Northbridge in Iraq, according to ex-Northbridge sources.resident Obama and Secretary of State Clinton had a chance to wipe the slate clean by curtailing private contractors' activities in Iraq and Afghanistan.nstead, they have chosen to replace one corrupt contractor, Blackwater/Xe, with another, Triple Canopy. For the brigands and mercenaries, the "system"f fraud and abuse created by the United States and nurtured by both local Iraqi and foreign contractors and their sub-contractors will continue toourish. For Iraq, Obama's "change" will equate to millions, if not billions, of more ill-gotten dollars for unscrupulous contractors.orthcoming: How the knowledge of the identities of remote bombers in Iraq was ignored by U.S. military and CIA officials, resulting in the deaths of .S. military personnel and Iraqi civilians. There was a conscious U.S. effort to keep the terrorist bombings at "surge" levels. This occurred duringeneral David Petraeus' watch as the senior U.S. military commander in Iraq

IGIR Learning From Iraq: A Final Report From the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstructionearning From Iraq: A Final Report From the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction culminates SIGIR’s nine-year mission overseeing Iraq’sconstruction. It serves as a follow-up to our previous comprehensive review of the rebuilding effort, Hard Lessons: The Iraq Reconstructionxperience. This study provides much more than a recapitulation of what the reconstruction program accomplished and what my office found in theterstices. While examining both of these issues and many more, Learning From Iraq importantly captures the effects of the rebuilding program as

erived from 44 interviews with the recipients (the Iraqi leadership), the executors (U.S. senior leaders), and the providers (congressional members).hese interviews piece together an instructive picture of what was the largest stabilization and reconstruction operation ever undertaken by the United tates (until recently overtaken by Afghanistan). The body of this report reveals countless details about the use of more than $60 billion in taxpayer ollars to support programs and projects in Iraq. It articulates numerous lessons derived from SIGIR’s 220 audits and 170 inspections, and it lists thearying consequences meted out from the 82 convictions achieved through our investigations. It urges and substantiates necessary reforms that could mprove stabilization and reconstruction operations, and it highlights the financial benefits accomplished by SIGIR’s work: more than $1.61 billion fromudits and over $191 million from investigations. My office carried out an unprecedented mission under extraordinarily adverse circumstances.undreds of auditors, inspectors, and investigators served with SIGIR during that span, traveling across Iraq to answer a deceptively facile question:hat happened to the billions of dollars expended to rebuild that country? Our work became increasingly more difficult as the security situationeteriorated, the effect of which forced our mission to become quite literally oversight under fire. The collapse of order in Iraq caused an unacceptablygh human toll: at least 719 people lost their lives while working on reconstruction-related activities. SIGIR suffered from this toll, with one auditor lled by indirect fire in 2008 and five others wounded the year before. In late 2003, the burgeoning rebuilding program required more oversight: thatas the Congress’ s view. Thanks to the vigilant efforts LEARNING FROM IRAQ: A FINAL REPORT FROM THE SPECIAL INSPECTOR ENERAL FOR IRAQ RECONSTRUCTION x of Senator Russ Feingold of Wisconsin, Senator Susan Collins of Maine, and many others, theongress created and undergirded an unprecedented inspector general office—the Coalition Provisional Authority Inspector General (later SIGIR)—withe power and resources sufficient to provide independent, cross-jurisdictional oversight. The CPA-IG came into being through a November 2003

ongressional act that also provided over $18.4 billion in taxpayer dollars for Iraq’s reconstruction. Total appropriations for the rebuilding of Iraq ventually would crest $60 billion. In late January 2004, the Secretaries of Defense and State appointed me to lead the mission of auditing and vestigating the CPA’s programs and projects. During my initial visit to Baghdad in early February 2004, I quickly became aware of the immense task

efore me. Walking the halls of the Republican Palace, a sprawling structure on the Tigris River constructed by Saddam Hussein and now housing thePA, I overheard someone say: “We can’t do that anymore. There’s a new inspector general here.” That offhand remark augured an oversight mission

mbued with challenges of a scope well beyond what anyone then could have imagined. I made several more trips to Iraq that year—the total would ventually tally to 34—deploying teams of auditors and investigators and engaging with leadership to address the fraud, waste, and abuse that we werencovering. Pursuant to a presidential decision, the CPA closed its doors in late June 2004, with the Department of State assuming formal control of thebuilding program. Although sovereignty passed back to the Iraqis, the U.S.-led reconstruction effort was just ramping up. The delays inherent in

ontracting out a sum as large as $18.4 billion meant that the CPA actually spent very little of it. In mid-2004, the new U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, Johnegroponte, assessed the troubled situation. He determined that about $3 billion should be reprogrammed to address the rapidly declining securitytuation. Thus began a stark shift away from the CPA’s large civic infrastructure strategy to a course aimed at improving the country’s military and olice forces. This sea change in spending stemmed from the well- founded belief that Iraq’s rule-of-law system required immediate and substantial aid.

reating the Multi-National Security Transition Command-Iraq bolstered the new approach, bringing Lieutenant General David Petraeus back to Iraq toad it. Over the next eight years, MNSTC-I and its successors would oversee expenditures in excess of $24 billion to train, equip, and employ Iraq’security forces. The earlier-than-expected end of the CPA triggered a statutory provision requiring my office to close by December 2004. Though barelyaving stood up, I now started to stand down. By October, my staff had dropped to 15, when the Congress acted again, passing a bill transforming thePA-IG into SIGIR and expanding our mission to reach more of the rebuilding money. We reversed course and moved into an accelerated expansionode. In January 2005, SIGIR released a major audit exposing the vulnerabilities inherent in managing a multibillion-dollar rebuilding program in an

nstable environment. The audit documented the poor controls over billions disbursed from the Development Fund for Iraq, which left that Iraqi moneyubject to fraud, waste, and abuse. Future SIGIR investigations revealed fraud in the use of the DFI, and people went to prison for it, but our subsequentudits showed that waste was the paramount problem. Ultimately, we estimate that the Iraq program wasted at least $8 billion. In mid-2005, Ambassador almay Khalilzad arrived to replace Ambassador Negroponte, who left to serve as the first Director of National Intelligence. Ambassador Khalilzad mbraced SIGIR’s oversight work, partnering with us in a way that would generally continue for the remainder of our mission. He agreed with our viewat the cost-plus design-build contracts then in place were inappropriate for the mission and too wasteful. Ambassador Khalilzad asked the Department

f Defense, which controlled those contracts, to terminate them and implement fixed-cost vehicles in their place. The challenges encountered in pushingis policy exposed interagency weaknesses within the Iraq program’s ad hoc structure. Pursuant to a May 2004 presidential order, Defense managed the

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ontracts, while State managed rebuilding policy. Given that the operators within these respective “stove-pipes” answered to different masters withfferent agendas, program and project discontinuities and disconnects became de rigueur. Seeking to remedy these palpable weaknesses, Ambassador halilzad created the Provincial Reconstruction Team program, similar to one he developed in Afghanistan, where he previously served as PREFACE ximbassador. Though desultory at inception, the PRT program picked up speed in 2006 and, along with the Commander’s Emergency Responserogram, eventually became a significant innovative effort. SIGIR’s audits of the PRTs and the CERP exposed unsurprising weaknesses, but they alsopotted effective progress achieved by both programs. We found that PRT success depended chiefly on the performance of the PRT leader, while CERPuccess required limited project scopes and continuity of oversight. Worsening security problems ultimately swamped Ambassador Khalilzad’s plans. Oilnd electricity outputs sagged, while al-Qaeda in Iraq expanded, fomenting Sunni-Shia conflicts. By the spring of 2007, when Ambassador Ryan Crocker rived as the new Chief of Mission, Iraq was in the throes of a virtual civil war. Foreign fighters flooded the country, and improvised explosive devicesreaked daily death and havoc. As Ambassador Crocker put it, we very nearly lost Iraq. General Petraeus returned again to Iraq in early 2007 asommanding General, Multi-National Force-Iraq, to implement a new strategy called the “surge.” This comprehensive, multilayered approach entailed,mong other things, a deeper engagement with restive Sunnis through reconciliation initiatives and the “Sons of Iraq” program, a stronger emphasis onERP-funded local rebuilding projects that better met Iraqi needs, and the deployment of over 25,000 more troops into the country. While attacks and eaths initially spiked, the strategy succeeded in significantly suppressing violence. Importantly, both General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker, likembassador Khalilzad before them, believed in the value of SIGIR’s oversight and teamed with us to target areas that most crucially needed it. SIGIR’s-country presence rose to more than 40 auditors and inspectors and more than 10 investigators. They worked out of the Republican Palace, which was

ubject to weekly, if not daily, rocket attacks. By the fall of 2007, efforts to secure the Iraqi people, pursue extremists, and foster reconciliation had ombined to improve conditions substantially. Expanding the “Awakening” movement to all of Anbar province, and then to wherever Sunni insurgentsr Shia militia existed, catalyzed reconciliation efforts across the country. The Sons of Iraq program expended about $370 million in CERP funds tomploy about 100,000 Sunni insurgents and some Shia militia, effectively removing them from the battlespace. A revised Iraqioriented reconstructionrogram, reflected in the Joint Contracting Command-Iraq’s “Iraqi First” policy, fed economic potential into local towns and villages. CERP spendingn reconstruction markedly increased, supporting a renewed “clear, hold, and build” program. The Embassy extended the reach of the PRT effort,mplementing an “embedded PRT” initiative, which doubled the program’s capacity. All of these infusions, expansions, and innovations strategicallyoalesced to roll back the deadly tide that had submerged Iraq. Throughout this period, SIGIR produced an average of six audits and at least sixspections per quarter. My Assistant Inspector General for Inspections implemented innovative practices to good effect. Each of his teams included

uditors and engineers, with every report examining a project’s financial and structural aspects. This produced propitious results, including the discoveryy SIGIR engineers of project defects, the correction of which yielded savings of taxpayer dollars. Our audit teams addressed issues crucial to theaturing program such as how to transfer projects to Iraqi control and how Iraq should sustain them thereafter. In 2008, SIGIR’s investigative branch

oosted production. Thanks to the leadership of a new and highly experienced Assistant Inspector General for Investigations, our case inventoryurgeoned, with indictments and convictions increasing. These positive results came about through several new programs, including coordinated efforts trace funds through special means and the building of better partnerships with domestic and international law-enforcement agencies. In 2009, we

artnered with the Department of Justice to implement an unprecedented program dubbed the SIGIR Prosecutorial Initiative, or SIGPRO. It involved ring our own prosecutors and placing them within DoJ’s fraud section where they aggressively pursued SIGIR cases. SIGPRO proved great success,elding a rapid rise in prosecutions and many more convictions. SIGIR’s Investigations Directorate more than doubled its financial results, indictments,

nd convictions in just over two years. Transition was the theme of 2010 and 2011. U.S. and Iraqi authorities focused on implementing the Securitygreement and the Security Framework Agreement. The former laid out a timeline for U.S. troop withdrawal, while the latter established a process for

ontinuing bilateral cooperation on Iraq’s reconstruction and LEARNING FROM IRAQ: A FINAL REPORT FROM THE SPECIAL INSPECTOR ENERAL FOR IRAQ RECONSTRUCTION xii SIGIR most succeeded when it helped the relief and reconstruction mission improve. Our audits,spections, and lessons-learned reports did that by identifying program challenges and offering recommendations for positive change. SIGIR’s reporting

oints to a crucial bottom line: the United States must reform its approach to planning, executing, and overseeing stabilization and reconstruction

perations. Respectfully submitted, Stuart W. Bowen, Jr. Inspector General SIGIR’s Average Quarterly Statistics, 2004–2013 Published Reports 12.2ndictments and Convictions 5.2 Congressional Testimonies 1.0 Agency Costs $6.8 Million Financial Benefits $50.1 Million recovery needs. Theverarching challenge at this juncture involved transmogrifying a support system largely sustained by Defense to one handled exclusively by State.IGIR played a role in this process through audits of the Police Development Program, which revealed weaknesses in planning and coordination. From axpayer perspective, these reviews had good effect. State downsized the program to levels the Iraqis wanted, saving hundreds of millions of taxpayer ollars. Taken together, the following seven chapters of Learning From Iraq provide the most comprehensive picture of the reconstruction program yetroduced. Chapter 1 synopsizes the prodigious work SIGIR’s auditors, investigators, and inspectors accomplished over the past nine years, providing bestractices each directorate developed. The second chapter presents key primary source material on the effects of the rebuilding program drawn fromterviews with Iraqis, U.S. senior leaders, and congressional members. They paint a telling tableau of a program fraught with challenge. Chapters 3 and describe the many ad hoc entities that managed the Iraq rebuilding program, denoting who did the actual work and detailing the varying fundingreams that supported thousands of programs and projects. Chapter 5, the report’s lengthiest, thoroughly lays out where the $60 billion in U.S. funds for aq went, with extensive explications of how the money was used to rebuild the country’s infrastructure, security system, governance capacity, and conomy, punctuated by project vignettes that provide brief but piquant looks into the program’s wide scope. The penultimate chapter frames a shortstory of attempted reforms that sought to respond to management problems encountered during the Iraq program. Learning From Iraq concludes with

even final lessons that SIGIR’s collective work points to and supports. These seven lessons and our substantial body of work stand as our legacy. Weaved money through audits, improved construction through inspections, and punished criminals through investigations. As pleased as I am with theIGIR teams that achieved these important results, I view our lessons-learned reports, of which this is the last, as equally important.

Message to George W. Bush and Dick Cheney From a Dying Veterano: George W. Bush and Dick Cheney

rom: Tomas Younghe Last Letterwrite this letter on the 10th anniversary of the Iraq War on behalf of my fellow Iraq War veterans. I write this letter on behalf of the 4,488 soldiers and

Marines who died in Iraq. I write this letter on behalf of the hundreds of thousands of veterans who have been wounded and on behalf of those whoseounds, physical and psychological, have destroyed their lives. I am one of those gravely wounded. I was paralyzed in an insurgent ambush in 2004 inadr City. My life is coming to an end. I am living under hospice care.

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write this letter on behalf of husbands and wives who have lost spouses, on behalf of children who have lost a parent, on behalf of the fathers and others who have lost sons and daughters and on behalf of those who care for the many thousands of my fellow veterans who have brain injuries. I writeis letter on behalf of those veterans whose trauma and self-revulsion for what they have witnessed, endured and done in Iraq have led to suicide and on

ehalf of the active- duty soldiers and Marines who commit, on average, a suicide a day. I write this letter on behalf of the some 1 million Iraqi dead and n behalf of the countless Iraqi wounded. I write this letter on behalf of us all—the human detritus your war has left behind, those who will spend their ves in unending pain and grief.ou may evade justice but in our eyes you are each guilty of egregious war crimes, of plunder and, finally, of murder, including the murder of thousandsf young Americans—my fellow veterans—whose future you stole.write this letter, my last letter, to you, Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney. I write not because I think you grasp the terrible human and moral consequences of our lies, manipulation and thirst for wealth and power. I write this letter because, before my own death, I want to make it clear that I, and hundreds of ousands of my fellow veterans, along with millions of my fellow citizens, along with hundreds of millions more in Iraq and the Middle East, know

ully who you are and what you have done. You may evade justice but in our eyes you are each guilty of egregious war crimes, of plunder and, finally,f murder, including the murder of thousands of young Americans—my fellow veterans—whose future you stole.our positions of authority, your millions of dollars of personal wealth, your public relations consultants, your privilege and your power cannot mask theollowness of your character. You sent us to fight and die in Iraq after you, Mr. Cheney, dodged the draft in Vietnam, and you, Mr. Bush, went AWOLom your National Guard unit. Your cowardice and selfishness were established decades ago. You were not willing to risk yourselves for our nation butou sent hundreds of thousands of young men and women to be sacrificed in a senseless war with no more thought than it takes to put out the garbage.joined the Army two days after the 9/11 attacks. I joined the Army because our country had been attacked. I wanted to strike back at those who had lled some 3,000 of my fellow citizens. I did not join the Army to go to Iraq, a country that had no part in the September 2001 attacks and did not posethreat to its neighbors, much less to the United States. I did not join the Army to “liberate” Iraqis or to shut down mythical weapons-of-mass-estruction facilities or to implant what you cynically called “democracy” in Baghdad and the Middle East. I did not join the Army to rebuild Iraq,hich at the time you told us could be paid for by Iraq’s oil revenues. Instead, this war has cost the United States over $3 trillion. I especially did notin the Army to carry out pre-emptive war. Pre-emptive war is illegal under international law. And as a soldier in Iraq I was, I now know, abetting your iocy and your crimes. The Iraq War is the largest strategic blunder in U.S. history. It obliterated the balance of power in the Middle East. It installed a

orrupt and brutal pro-Iranian government in Baghdad, one cemented in power through the use of torture, death squads and terror. And it has left Iran ase dominant force in the region. On every level—moral, strategic, military and economic—Iraq was a failure. And it was you, Mr. Bush and Mr.heney, who started this war. It is you who should pay the consequences.o read Chris Hedges’ recent interview with Tomas Young, click here .would not be writing this letter if I had been wounded fighting in Afghanistan against those forces that carried out the attacks of 9/11. Had I beenounded there I would still be miserable because of my physical deterioration and imminent death, but I would at least have the comfort of knowing thaty injuries were a consequence of my own decision to defend the country I love. I would not have to lie in my bed, my body filled with painkillers, myfe ebbing away, and deal with the fact that hundreds of thousands of human beings, including children, including myself, were sacrificed by you for ttle more than the greed of oil companies, for your alliance with the oil sheiks in Saudi Arabia, and your insane visions of empire.have, like many other disabled veterans, suffered from the inadequate and often inept care provided by the Veterans Administration. I have, like manyther disabled veterans, come to realize that our mental and physical wounds are of no interest to you, perhaps of no interest to any politician. We weresed. We were betrayed. And we have been abandoned. You, Mr. Bush, make much pretense of being a Christian. But isn’t lying a sin? Isn’t murder an? Aren’t theft and selfish ambition sins? I am not a Christian. But I believe in the Christian ideal. I believe that what you do to the least of your rothers you finally do to yourself, to your own soul.

My day of reckoning is upon me. Yours will come. I hope you will be put on trial. But mostly I hope, for your sakes, that you find the moral courage toce what you have done to me and to many, many others who deserved to live. I hope that before your time on earth ends, as mine is now ending, you

ill find the strength of character to stand before the American public and the world, and in particular the Iraqi people, and beg for forgiveness.

T 'US manipulated public opinion before Iraq war'

Published time: March 22, 2013 11:51 Iraqi soldiers inspect the wreckage of an old Iraqi tank destroyed during the 2003 US-led invasion in theouthern city of Basra.(AFP Photo / Essam Al-Sudani) Share on Tumblr agsIA , Conflict , Corruption , Iraq , Mass media , Politics , USA , War he US used every possibility to prove that Iraq was reluctant to cooperate in the war against terror, while it wasn’t, argues Salim Khalaf al-Jumayli, a

ormer Iraqi intelligence officer, who made the revelation to RT.en years after Iraq was occupied by the US, RT Arabic channel Rusiya Al-Yaum talked with a man who played a key role in getting intelligence to theaqi government right before the invasion. Their guest was General Salim Khalaf al-Jumayli, an Iraqi intelligence officer, former chief of the American

esk of the Iraqi Intelligence Service.T: Mr. Salim, as an officer you destroyed all documents after the war was over. You burned them in a safe house near Baghdad. But I am sure there isill a lot of information that you committed to memory. Let’s start with the pretext that the US used to justify the invasion. They claimed that Iraq had es with Al-Qaeda. Is it true or was it just a pretext?alim Khalaf al-Jumayli: Of course, America did everything to prepare public opinion inside the US and internationally for the war against Iraq. Thereere two major parts to this work: the US tried to convince everyone that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and that it had close ties with Al-Qaeda

nd terrorists in general. In the 1980s, we did have certain relations with some organizations. But in the 1990s, we received orders to stop all contactith any organization that had terrorist connections. Talking about ties with Al-Qaeda, George Bush said that President Saddam Hussein had sent his

nvoys to meet with Osama bin Laden, but he never mentioned what the result of that meeting was. In 1992, after the war with Kuwait, Iraq was trying restore relations with Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia. At that moment, Saudi Arabia was very anti-Iraq, and the President ordered to put all

ur efforts into changing that situation. We had to gather intelligence that could help us reach that goal. So we put more personnel in the Gulf countriesepartment, and focused on Saudi Arabia. I was responsible for Syria at the time. We had connections with the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria, Adnanqla’s group. They had connections with Osama Bin Laden who was in Sudan at the time. That group offered to establish contacts with Bin Laden inrder to work against Saudi Arabia. We got permission to establish that contact through the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, namely through a brother of

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dnan Uqla, who was in an Arab country bordering with Iraq. We invited him to Baghdad, and I met with him at the Mansour Milia Hotel. I told him toet our message to Osama bin Laden. We all were against the American presence in Saudi Arabia. We had the same enemy, therefore we could work gether undermining the Saudi regime and pressuring it to remove Americans from the Arabian Peninsula. This person went to Sudan with our message,ere he met with Osama bin Laden. Then we got a reply from bin Laden – he said the Ba’ath regime in Iraq was apostate, and that it was because of theaqi regime that the Americans came to the Middle East, therefore he couldn’t have any contacts with this regime. There were other attempts tostablish a connection, through Hassan al-Turabi for example. But Osama bin Laden’s position never changed. All of this happened before 1995, whene moved to Afghanistan and began to work against the Russian presence.T: Against the Najibullah regime…HJ: Americans also contacted bin Laden, they were the ones who transferred him to Afghanistan to fight against the Russians.T: If bin Laden refused to work with Saddam Hussein, does it then mean that it was the US who cooperated with al-Qaeda and not Iraq?HJ: I would not define it as cooperation though as it was later revealed they did have contacts. They coordinated their actions and supported al-Qaeda’sght against the Russians in the Soviet Union. When Bush said that Saddam Hussein sent an envoy to bin Laden, he didn’t talk of the results of thatission. So formally his statement was true but in terms of the meaning he was wrong.T: So that’s about Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda. Now let’s talk a little bit about the weapons of mass destruction. Did Iraq really have theseeapons as America claimed when it invaded the country?HJ: One more thing about Al-Qaeda. Before the war against Iraq, the US media talked a lot about Abu Musab al-Zarqawi who allegedly was in Iraq nd had connections with the Iraqi regime. I didn’t have any information about that. And since al-Zarqawi was from Jordan, I asked my colleague at theordan desk about that. He said that they had received reports from Jordan’s intelligence about Musab al-Zarqawi being sick and getting treatment at aospital in Baghdad. He even told me that this hospital was in Bataween. We searched the area, but didn’t find Musab al-Zarqawi. So we had noonnections with Musab al-Zarqawi or Al-Qaeda. There was an attempt to establish a connection with the Taliban through one of the ministers, who was Pakistan. Iraqi intelligence proposed this, but Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz said that it was an unstable regime and it wouldn’t benefit Iraq to havelations with it.S soldiers from the 1st Battalion, 22nd Regiment of the 4th Infantry Division, ride on a military vehicle as they leave their base on a mission in Tikrit,80 Kilometers (110 miles) north of Iraqi capital Baghdad.(AFP Photo / Jewel Samad)T: What about weapons of mass destruction? Did Iraq actually have WMD that could threaten the entire world or the region?HJ: They fabricated a certain problem, analyzed it and drew their conclusions based on that. The data they received from various sources wasn’t true.his was their attempt of swaying public opinion. In terms of the intelligence operation, Iraq was a closed country, and they obviously had no sourcesithin the country that would’ve told them the truth. So they relied on other sources that fed them lies such as, for instance, photos of trucks, portablebs which according to their allegations were used for producing chemical weapons. They were actually used for checking food products supplied for e government. But they took photos of those labs and presented them as units for producing WMD.T: Mr. Salim, could you tell us as a counter-intelligence agent whether Iraq actually benefited from this powerful secrecy wall around it? Perhaps, had ere been more transparency, and had the opponents known more about it and drew their conclusions based on that, there would not be such a

erception of Iraq as an unknown power, like a dreadful black box?HJ: Certainly, a counter-intelligence agent’s work implies providing certain data to the opponents but you’re the one who should have it under control.rom my experience, I am absolutely convinced, had the Americans had an Iraqi source that was telling them truth they wouldn’t have done what theyd, in spite of having problems between the CIA and the National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice], who wanted to impose her opinion by making

ertain changes in the CIA reports. If only the CIA had a trustworthy and truthful information source within Iraq. So I’d like to stress again that in theounter-intelligence operation you should let the opponent have its sources inside your country, who you keep under control. You should ensure there’s aertain information leak to the extent you want to have it. Even if this source gets certain information, as it happened in our case, it’s better to let themarn it as the real situation meets our statements. We’ve always insisted that we didn’t have WMD.

ndeed, the Inspection Commissions lost their trust after particular documents were discovered at a fowl farm in a small area called Salman. They weree only ones we had but they didn’t believe it. Before the war, in our secret communication we confirmed that: they convinced the world in the need of ntering Iraq in order to resolve two major issues, WMD and ties with Al-Qaeda. But what would they tell the world if they invaded Iraq and didn’t find

WMD or ties with Al-Qaeda? You may have noticed that the entire talk was held in a different key. After a while, they changed the entire plan and said ey were pursuing democratic goals in Iraq. And once chaos began in Iraq they called it ‘constructive’. Chaos seized the entire Arabic region. In their rategy they believed that America would rule this whole area once they overthrew Saddam Hussein; but it actually worked out the opposite way whenhaos seized the entire area.T: As I understand, you had contacts or cooperation with the US political bodies or Intelligence?HJ: No, we had contacts in the US Administration via American intermediaries of Lebanese origin. We exchanged letters. So we had no contacts withe US political bodies or intelligence services. We wanted to have a meeting with the CIA or anyone in the US administration to explain the situation toem explicitly but we never succeeded.T: Were you prepared for cooperation with the international community, for instance, with Europe or the US in then counter-terrorism area?HJ: We were, and we sent a number of letters on that matter. In 1993, a truck full of explosives drove into the World Trade Center. That attack waseveloped and executed by an Iraqi American who came from Samarra, Iraq. This man fled back to Iraq following the attack. The US intelligenceollowed him and reported that he arrived at Iraq so we started looking for him. It took us six months before we found him working at a car workshop.he Iraqi intelligence detained him and put him to jail. We delivered a letter saying that we had crucial information on the executor of the WTC attack,nd Iraqi American, and that we were willing to cooperate in order to pass this information over to them. Their reply was that we should pass thisformation to them in writing, and refused to meet with us. At the same time, they promised a $25mln reward to anyone who’d inform them of thatdividual or his whereabouts. They realized we had him, and that we informed them about it.ollowing the 9/11 attack, they tried to act as intermediaries between us and the US intelligence via the Egyptian intelligence in order to arrange for thisan’s extradition. The Egyptians and the relevant US forces had a number of meetings. We were willing to extradite him. He was an American and we

ad no right to keep him. But we wanted to have guarantees that the extradition would take place within the official framework. The US intelligenceanted to fly over for him on a special aircraft, however, our President didn’t approve it. He said it would be unacceptable to come over and pick up thatan, as we had our own aircraft and we could send him over in an Iraqi aircraft. The Americans didn’t’ agree to that. Just imagine how persistent theyere in this matter. They didn’t want Iraq to prove that it was against terrorism and that it was willing to cooperate in this matter. Following that thetelligence authorities persuaded our President to fly this man over by an Egyptian aircraft. When handing such a man over both sides were supposed togn statements of transfer and acceptance, in presence of an intermediary. We drew up those statements which were very explicit, and the Americansfused to sign the acceptance statement.T: And the only reason they did that was to claim that Iraq was reluctant to cooperate in the war with terror?

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HJ: That’s right.T: So what happened to that person?HJ: He stayed behind bars until the day the intervention started, and the prisoners were set free. He walked off and to date, no one knows where he is.he only reason why the Americans declined the deal was that they wanted to avoid confirming officially that they had got the guy. And we needed ome guarantees! We kept this guy detained after his arrest in 1992, but we held those talks with the US in 2002. We had held him under arrest for tenears.T: Do you remember his name?HJ: We gave him an alias and used it all the way. We called him Aboud – at least, that was his name in our database. Even in his personal file he isgistered as “Aboud”. But I think I remember his original name: it was Saied, I believe. Saied from Samarra.T: Was he one of the Islamic fundamentalists? I’m talking of Al-Qaeda, for instance…HJ: He had nothing to do with Al-Qaeda. He had perpetrated that attack as an act of revenge for the First Gulf War. He had two accomplices: oneom Egypt, the other from Pakistan.hree Iraqi detainees await inside a Humvee military vehicle during a raid in the area by US troops, on outskirts of Tikrit, 180 kms (110 miles) north of aq's capital Baghdad.(AFP Photo / Mauricio Lima)T: You’ve mentioned a “security belt” in Iraq. In this regard I recall my conversation with the late head of the Soviet intelligence Leonid Shebarshin,ho died a year ago. When talking about capturing Kuwait, he told me that US intelligence had failed to penetrate into Iraq and gain information frome inside of the country. They tried recruiting officers of the Soviet intelligence service who were dealing with Iraq. Soviet counter-intelligence revealed eir intentions and disrupted the plan. What lessons did Soviet counter-intelligence teach the Iraqi security services?HJ: Our counter-intelligence is based on principles borrowed from Russia. The beginning of our work dates back to 1975 – the days of the late Barzan-Tikriti, an early golden age of intelligence apparatus, which started growing stronger at the time. During the period of Fadhil al-Barak as the head of aqi intelligence, from 1984 to 1989, the development of the apparatus was making great strides: the procedure of information processing was formed,e structure of state security and procedure of contacting secret services and sources were shaped. Overall, all our procedures have been adopted fromussia, and all our counter-intelligence “pundits” have been educated in Russia.hey were our first highly qualified specialists. Then we organized training within the state security apparatus, supplementing the process of educationith the experience of Germany and Greece. The Russian method of approaching your goal is multi-step, thus the process is long and successive. In thete 90’s we decided to change this strategy of work and began to reduce the number of stages in the recruiting process. The reason for this was that wead to work under huge pressure, which required great commitment and efforts from us. Moreover, the aggression towards Iraq was really serious. Weere short of time and couldn’t afford to spend a whole year recruiting a person, so we had to make our decision within one month. Still we stayed

ubtle and tried not to come out too soon, just in case the person was not inclined to cooperate with us.T: You’ve recruited a number of people. It is said that you’ve even penetrated into the US Department of Defense!HJ: Our penetrating into the US Department of Defense was something that even Russia failed to implement. We have recruited a high-ranking officer om the National Security Agency of the United States Department of Defense. We managed to leak a great deal of information, and I studied thisformation twice. However, not all of this information was genuine – a part of it was supposed to mislead us. This officer even unveiled the general

cenario of the war with Iraq, the US military strength in Turkey, information about troops and counter-intelligence in countries neighboring Iraq such asaudi Arabia and the Gulf Arab states. He was the one who confirmed there would be no attacking from Turkey. Guided by this information welocated the Adnan division from the Mosul region closer to Baghdad, thus fortifying positions of the troops around the city. The US counter-telligence suspected we had a source in the Department of Defense and was deliberately exposing tons of all sorts of information. But we knew which

f the information was true.T: So the information was selected, right?HJ: Yes, misleading information was easy to identify, and so was the true. We knew everything.

T: So you had reasons to be certain that an invasion was imminent. Did you share these findings with the leadership of Iraq, particularly Presidentaddam Hussein?HJ: Our job was to gather information on American presence in the region, and locate CIA presence in Iraq, identifying their strategy and plans, thergets they might be looking for in Iraq, and their proxies in our country. Most CIA lairs in Iraq were located in the north. We had information that themericans would invade as soon as they amassed 75,000 troops in the Gulf. On February 24, which was about a month ahead of the invasion, we sent aport to the command staff, informing them that the American forces stationed in the Gulf had swollen to 73,000 in strength, coming close to the

enchmark for launching an invasion. At the same time, the Americans were feinting leaks to make us believe the invasion would start somewhere inpril or May. But we were certain that it would kick off any day now.T: Does that mean that the leaders of Iraq actually had a chance of avoiding the war? Or was the war predetermined, and the United States was going tovade Iraq regardless of whether it did or didn’t have weapons of mass destruction and links to Al Qaeda?HJ: We were positive that there would be war. The American media propaganda machine had been blatantly manipulating public opinionternationally and inside the United States. It was already too late for them to call off the war effort. And for us, it was difficult to sway public opinion

fter 9/11. There was a missed opportunity here: prior to the 9/11 attacks, it was still possible for us to come to terms with Washington by making someerious concessions. But after 9/11, with the US administration, and especially the Department of Defense, becoming dominated by hardliners, we found increasingly difficult to deal with the Americans. We had the American Jewish lobby to thank for that, as they were investing serious efforts inppling “the Iraqi regime.” For your information, all five of the senior policy advisers in the US Department of Defense at the time were Jewish. Allose people who masterminded this war were Jewish. They all subsequently went below the radar, and today, it’s impossible to trace them.n Iraqi Kurdish boy holds up a green flag behind US soldiers during a demonstration in Kirkuk, 255 kilometres (155 miles) north of Baghdad.(AFPhoto / Abdelhak Senna)T: What about the high-profile decision makers – the group of neo-conservative decision makers who are responsible for starting this war?HJ: I have already mentioned those who were officially in charge of the war: Colin Powell, Donald Rumsfeld, and on top of them all, Dick Cheneynd President Bush. But the policy advisers I’m referring to were a group within the DoD, who effectively assumed the role of intelligence, nationalecurity community, the State Department, and so on. Throughout history, decision making powers are normally shared rather than concentrated in angle office. In the United States, the national security agenda is usually shaped collectively by the CIA, the National Security Council, presidentialdvisors, foreign policy think tanks, mass media, etc. And the Pentagon certainly has a say, too. But during the period in question, strategic decisionere made exclusively by a single institution: the Department of Defense. The Department of State objected to their war plan, and so did the CIA.he CIA told the Pentagon, “Toppling the Iraqi regime is the easy part, but what are your scenarios for Iraq once you remove Saddam Hussein?” TheoD replied, “Just let us overthrow him, and then everything will stabilize.”hat’s the kind of mind frame that dominated the American war effort. There was no sustainable, long-term strategy, and that’s why it all ended in

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haos. Of course, any sensible individual who would care to take a good look at the situation in Iraq back then would have realized that “the regime” wasctually a secular government that opposed religious extremism. Up until 2003, there wasn’t a single Iraqi citizen who would be a member of Al Qaeda.here was one report – just one report that we received – fingering an individual named Ali al-Jaburi as an operative with Al Qaeda’s financial arm. Wed a search and came up with thousands of Iraqis by that name, but we never found the al-Jaburi we were looking for.ow look what happened to Iraq after 2003. We had warned the Americans that if the regime would fall, Iraq would devolve into a jihadist stronghold,

nd Iran would expand its area of influence across the Gulf region. It was us who had checked terrorist activity and contained Iran’s quest for regionalomination. I am sure that all of our messages and information did reach US decision makers, up to the very top.T: Did the Iraqi leadership believe that America would stop short of starting the war because of its pragmatic policy and little interest in wreakingavoc and endangering its allies in the Persian Gulf?

HJ: I think our leadership believed that the US administration could foresee the implications of toppling the Iraq regime, that they knew this could tear e country apart under the influence of sectarian extremists, and enable Iran’s influence to reach the Gulf. That the American administration would do

omething as stupid as letting the Iraq regime fall and allowing Al-Qaeda and Iran to spread their influence across the region was totally inconceivable.ur authorities thought that the war wouldn’t last long and that afterwards the US would put forward certain conditions and we would say yes. But none had expected Americans not only to crush the regime but the whole country as well in such a brutal manner. They even went as far as damagingeir own country! They lost people and money. It’s those wars that sparked the economic crisis they are going through now. No one had thought thatmericans would act so irrationally.T: What happened to your sources in the US?HJ: We had three types of sources. Two of them can be characterized as military sources. One at the Incirlik Air Base in Turkey, another in the Gulf,ne more in the Pentagon. Those were the military sources. Besides, we had our informants in the Congress and the National Security Council. Another ategory is the so-called “hostile diaspora” or the Iraqi opposition activists abroad who worked to knock down the ruling regime in Iraq. These includeeople who live in the US and who cooperate with our special department. This department is responsible for our connections in the White House, thetate Department, the Pentagon, and the UN. In order to be able to accuse somebody of being our informant in the States, there must be proof that theyooperated with the Iraqi intelligence and were paid for that. The Prosecutor General’s Office should have enough grounds to press charges – in other ords, a case should be started either in the FBI or here in Iraq. But we have destroyed all our files on the US, and Americans have failed to submit

ufficient proof to take any of those people to court. As for our sources on the American side – they are gone and that’s all we know about them.T: You may refuse to answer this question, but I will still try and ask it. A few days after the attack, you were arrested by American soldiers. Did theyy to make you speak or find out about your sources in the US?HJ: On April 9, Baghdad fell. On April 12, I set on fire all the archives we kept on the US, Western Europe and Asian countries.T: How long did it take you to burn them?HJ: A total of four days after I took the decision and ordered to burn these files – there were tons of documents. But I made sure they were allestroyed. On April 22, I was arrested. Those guys wanted to make me speak. (In his book, the CIA director wrote that they had successfully located anmportant informant in the intelligence. The pilots were told to get ready for an air strike. We insisted that we needed him alive. That was important for s….) They broke into my house at five in the evening.T: Did you consider attempting an escape?HJ: No. I was sure I would get caught no matter where I go. I was responsible for the archive on the US, I had all the information. I wasn’t worried,ecause the archive had been burned. And words are just words. Then they started investigating me. About 37 investigation teams were assigned to myase. The FBI wanted to know about our sources in the US. The CIA tried to find out the identities of double agents who worked for both Iraq and theS and whether or not we controlled “Sureyya”. I was investigated for 9 months. And a special team from the Pentagon assigned to the Ministry of efence case also opened a criminal case against me and investigated me for a week, for 8 hours daily. Just in connection with that case.

T: With no results?HJ: No. They asked me about our source in the Pentagon.T: Did you try not to reveal your sources?HJ: As much as I could, but I couldn’t deny everything. They had some information of their own as for our contacts and sources among theopulation. The important thing is that none of them talked.T: Let’s talk about a sensitive subject – did you really try to bribe Mr El Baradei?HJ: I work for intelligence, and 90% of intelligence work is illegal! It’s true for all intelligence services around the world. If you always observe thew, you won’t be able to work for intelligence. We encouraged El Baradei to tell the truth, in which case the Americans would have tried to get rid of m. If they had tried to do that, we were ready to take his side and support him. All he had to do is tell the truth, and there would have been no need toorry about his position or financial security. He started to waver at the meeting that took place on January, 19th, but he didn’t voice support for the usef force against Iraq. We didn’t have a way to contact him directly, only through intermediaries. There were two of them, both Egyptians. One hascently passed away, and the other is in good health. The money was to be delivered to the Egyptian ambassador in Vienna or Geneva, I can’t recallhich. My Schengen visa was ready. The person who was in charge of transporting the money is still alive, by the way. I was carrying a letter that I was deliver to Mr El Baradei. We weren’t going to ask him to sign for the delivery or anything of the sort, of course. I couldn’t say that this money was

or him. The deal was to take place in a park on the territory of the Egyptian Embassy, without a word spoken in the process. Eventually this plan wasscarded. We wanted to deliver the money before January, 19th, since that was when the decisive meeting was to take place. After that there was no

oint in going through with the plan.S soldiers of the 82nd Airborne division take position during a search for a weapons cache in Fallujah, 50 kms (30 miles) west of Baghdad.(AFP PhotoPatrick Baz)T: So you’re not even sure whether Mr El Baradei knew about this deal?HJ: No, I don’t know that for sure.T: And where did all the experienced, skilled staff of the intelligence service go? It’s like it disappeared after the occupation.HJ: After the occupation 600 experienced officers made up the core of a new intelligence service. Neither the head of the intelligence service nor thep officials came back to work there, except maybe one or two. The people who returned were heads of the departments and such. And so the newtelligence service was created. Then the government turned against these people, fired them and made their names public. Their families were banished om the Sunni regions they lived in because they returned to work in the intelligence service. Most of them left Iraq and moved to Dubai, Jordan, Syria,gypt, Lebanon, Turkey and other countries.T: And my last question. Were there any cases of treason within senior military command?HJ: As far as I know, there were no such cases. I am absolutely sure of it. The military command remained united. But last-minute changes to our

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attle plans led to the destruction of three Republican Guard divisions that were moving to cut into the rolling American columns as they stretched alonge western bank of the Euphrates. Of course, we had no support from the air.hey were able to tap into our communications, so they focused on that. They managed to recruit a communications expert from special services whonew how the communications system of the President’s backup residencies worked.T: Was he an Iraqi?HJ: Yes, he was an Iraqi. When the Dora neighborhood in Baghdad got hit this person vanished without a trace.o, the country was occupied. After that the resistance started. I sincerely hope that Iraq will see stability once again.

T 'US-trained death squads' organized torture sites across Iraq

et short URL Published time: April 08, 2013 23:25 AFP Photo / Ahmad Al-Rubaye Share on Tumblr agsuman rights , Military , USA , War ,WikiLeaksfter one year in Iraq the US government secretly enlisted retired Special Forces operatives to train Shia militia in the art of torture and other war crimesat fueled the Iraqi civil war, according to a new report.

ust over year into the Iraq War a desperate US government secretly organized and funded small militia groups to set up torture camps across the Middleastern country under the direction of a retired US Special Forces commander, according to a new report.

ames Steele, who came out of retirement in 2003 after guiding US-backed commandos in El Salvador in the 1980s, was deployed to Iraq as an “energyonsultant” not long after the invasion began. A member of General David Petraeus’ inner circle, Steele quietly trained a Iraqi paramilitary forceumbering in the thousands. With the help of Col. James Coffman, another Special Forces operative, he freely dispatched Shia militias to torture Saddamussein’s Sunni soldiers in order to learn the details of the insurgency.

he subject is the focus of a new documentary by The Guardian in collaboration with BBC Arabic entitled “James Steele: America’s Mystery Man inaq,” which is viewable online. The Pentagon has denied participation in any war crimes but, upon being questioned, said the military would nvestigate” the matter. Steele has rebuffed interview requests from his home in Texas.

This is one of the great untold stories of the Iraq War, how just over a year after the invasion, the United States funded a sectarian police commandoorce that set up a network of torture centers to fight the Sunni] insurgency,” the film begins.

This is also the story of James Steele, the veteran of America’s dirty war in El Salvador. He was in charge of the US advisers who trained notoriousalvadorian paramilitary units to fight left-wing guerrillas. In the course of that civil war, 75,000 people died, and over a million people becamefugees.”

teele’s role in the Middle East has been blamed with fueling the Iraqi civil war between Sunnis and Shias, the peak of which saw 3,000 people killed very month. At the behest of Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Steele and Coffman committed various human rights violations but were never

mplicated by subordinates, in part because they never tortured prisoners themselves.

They worked hand in hand,” Gen. Muntadher al-Samari, who worked with Steele and Coffman for over a year, told The Guardian in March. “I never aw them apart in the 40 or 50 times I saw them inside the detention centers. They knew everything that was going on there…the torture, the mostorrible kinds of torture.”

he new report is the first time Gen. Petraeus has been mentioned in connection with US-sanctioned torture sites in Iraq. Both Steele and Coffmanorked directly under Petraeus during the counter-insurgency in the initial years of the Iraq conflict.

he Guardian/BBC Arabic report describes how, during that time, each torture site was under the bureaucratic command of its own interrogationommittee.

Each one was made up of an intelligence officer and eight interrogators,” Samari said. “This committee will use all means of torture to make theetainees confess, like using electricity or hanging him upside down, pulling out their nails, and beating them on sensitive parts.”

he hour-long documentary about Steele is the result of a 15-month investigation by the British media giants sparked by the release of the sameassified military documents leaked by Private Bradley Manning. Manning, 25, could be sentenced to 20 years in prison if convicted of exposing therture routines.

Maggie O’Kane, a multimedia editor and director of investigations at The Guardian, told Democracy Now why the report on Steele needed to beleased.

When the WikiLeaks documents came out in December of 2011…there was a reference to Frago 242, which was a US military order instructing USoldiers to ignore Iraqi-on-Iraqi torture,” she said. “This incidence, this Frago 242, came up over 1,000 times in the documents as we looked at it and weondered why this order was issued and what was the story behind it…The Wikileaks documents, because they were the actual documents and what thetate Department was sending back to Washington about what was going on, that this was a real treasure trove that we should explore.”

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