Notes

Introduction

1. Although it is commonly known as “Spanish–American War” in English,the title does not involve the other two countries closely associated withthe war, Cuba and the Philippines. In the Spanish-speaking world, it isoften called “War in Cuba” (“Guerra de Cuba”), “War of Independence”(“Guerra de la Independencia”), or “War of 98” (“Guerra del 98”).

2. In fact, Havana and Manila can be called “twin cities” that sharedthe history of colonial administration not only under Spain and theUnited States but also during a brief British occupation in the eighteenthcentury.

3. For previous allusions to the links between Martí and Rizal, seeZea (1981), Anderson (1983, 2005), Blanco (2004), Kim (2004), andLifshey (2008, 2012).

4. Zea writes that

[Rizal] can and should be alongside the great Latin Americans, alongsidethe liberators and teachers of our America. Together with Bolívar, Morelos,Juárez, Mora and Justo Sierra; with José Martí, his twin brother, and withAmerica; with Bilbao, Lastrarria, Montalvo, González Prada and manyothers who made Spanish an instrument for liberation. (175)

While Zea’s comparison points to a necessarily expansive Latinoamerica-nism that seeks to include the Philippines, it ultimately eschews thecomplex historical context of each figure.

5. The term indio was used differently in the Philippines than in SpanishAmerica during colonial times. In the Philippines, indios referred to thepeople of indigenous ancestry who were “inside” Catholic evangeliza-tion and “unmixed” in blood, representing the masses of lowland peoples(Kramer 39).

6. Martí studied law and philosophy in Madrid and Zaragoza between1871 and 1874, and Rizal studied medicine and philosophy in Madridfrom 1882 to 1885; both enrolled in the Universidad Central deMadrid.

158 ● Notes

7. Although Rizal is generally known as a “reformist,” some critics haveargued that a close reading of his work illustrates his belief that reformwas only a necessary step toward the ultimate goal, independence fromSpain. Schumacher points out, for instance, that “Rizal had been a sepa-ratist from early in his career, but one who understood quite clearly thepreconditions by which that independence from Spain would mean truefreedom and justice” (1991, 99). See also Ambeth Ocampo’s essay “Mem-ory and amnesia: Rizal on the eve of his centenary” in his Meaning andHistory: The Rizal Lectures (2001).

8. It is worth recalling that the images of Martí and Rizal have been frequentlyused and even manipulated by their countries’ politicians as well as by theUS government.

9. Blanco’s term also seems to echo with Benedict Anderson’s “spectre ofcomparisons,” which is a translation of Rizal’s words “demonio de lascomparaciones” in his novel Noli me tangere (Anderson, 1998, 2).

10. Alfred J. López examines different ways in which people in Havana andMiami attempt to define national identities through their own interpreta-tions of Martí. See López (2006), especially chapters 1 and 2.

11. In this book, all translations are my own, unless otherwise noted. For cita-tions by Martí and Rizal, my translations are accompanied by original textsin Spanish. For other citations (e.g. secondary sources), I only providetranslations in English. Unless otherwise noted, all references to Martí’sworks are from Obras completas de José Martí (Complete Works of JoséMartí), and I indicate parenthetically the volume and the page number foreach citation.

12. Recent scholarships on Martí include, for example, Ramos (1989), Belnapand Fernández (1998), Rotker (2000), Montero (2004), López (2006),Lomas (2008), and Bejel (2012). For Rizal, see Anderson (1983, 1998,2005), Rafael (1988, 2005), Ileto (1998), Quibuyen (1999), Ocampo(2001, 2008 [1990]), Blanco (2004), and Nery (2011).

13. Related to Anderson’s discussion, see also Manuel Sarkisyanz’s Rizal andRepublican Spain and Other Rizalist Essays (1995).

14. Notable studies on the literary and cultural relations between LatinAmerica and Asia include Kushigian (1991), Tinajero (2003), López-Calvo (2008, 2013), Pierce and Otsuka (2009), Lifshey (2012), andTsurumi (2012).

15. Some important publications on the history of nineteenth-century Cubainclude Corwin (1967), Pérez (1983, 2011 [1988]), Ferrer (1999),and Schmidt-Nowara (1998, 2006). For studies on the Filipino historyduring the same period, see Schumacher (1973, 1991), Ileto (1979),Anderson (1983, 2005), and Francia (2010).

16. For discussions on the historiography of European empires andimperialisms, see Hobson (1902), Lenin (1916), Arendt (1951), andHobsbawm (1987).

Notes ● 159

17. Hobson studies the economic aspect of modern imperialism through adiscourse of Western “parasitism” in the late 1890s. His idea of “para-sitism” refers to the situation in which a few global industrial countriesin Europe exercised dominant power in the world. Imperialism, whichhe calls “a depraved choice of national life” (125), fundamentally endan-gers the future of world civilization because it “parasitically” exploits thepoor in underdeveloped countries in order to enhance economic progressand create industrial foundations for dominant nations. Hannah Arendtwould famously advance and complicate Hobson’s model in The Origins ofTotalitarianism.

18. Throughout the nineteenth century, Spain witnessed disputes betweenprogressives, liberals, and conservatives within the country. Following theliberal revolution of 1868, numerous incidents intensified the pace ofpolitical instability in the metropolis, such as the restoration of a constitu-tional monarchy under Amadeo de Saboya (1870), the Carlist war (1872),the declaration of the First Republic (1873) and its fall (1874), and thereestablishment of the Bourbon Monarchy (1874).

19. Some nineteenth-century authors in Latin America incorporated the his-tory of the Manila Galleons into their literature as they discovered newinterest in Asian symbols and imagery. One of the examples is the represen-tation of Asia in José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi’s El Periquillo Sarniento(1816). See my analysis of the novel in Hagimoto (2012).

20. Unlike Filipinos, Cubans enjoyed certain privileges within the Spanishempire. For example, they had the right to send representatives to theSpanish Parliament, the political domination of the Church was relativelylittle, and there was a similar kind of legal system as in the metropolis,together with a secular and state-provided educational system.

21. Ferrer argues that the most intense conflict in Cuba’s independence move-ment was the one between racism and antiracism. For her, the legacy of theTen Years’ War was “the impossibility of racial conflict,” which would laterbe articulated by Martí through his discourse of nationalism (124).

22. The category of “Filipino” did not have the connotation that we associatetoday with the native population in the archipelago. From the sixteenthcentury to the nineteenth century, “Filipinos” referred to the Spaniardsborn in the Philippines (i.e. those who would be considered “Creoles”in Spanish America), as opposed to more privileged “peninsulares” (theSpaniards born in Spain). In other words, the “Filipino” identity, at leastuntil the 1890s, was associated with both an ancestral link to Spain andthe ability to speak the imperial language. Often overlooked is the fact thatit was Rizal and his generation that first appropriated the term “Filipino”to refer to themselves and, by doing so, started looking at the Philippinesas their mother country rather than Spain. León Ma. Guerrero rightfullycalled Rizal the “first Filipino” because there was no clear definition ofthe “Filipino” before him (Ocampo, 2001, 12). In fact, the notion of the

160 ● Notes

“Filipino” already appeared in Rizal’s earlier poem, “A la juventud filipina”(To the Filipino Youth), which he wrote at the age of 18 while studying atthe University of Santo Tomas.

23. For a comparative analysis of the impacts of the Spanish colonial enterprisein the Philippines and in the New World, see Phelan (1967), especiallychapters 8 and 11.

24. As the presence of these native languages suggests, there is rich ethno-linguistic diversity in the Philippines. Historically, the most importantlanguage has been Tagalog, used by the ethnic group residing in theregion of Luzon. When a revolutionary organization against the Spanishempire was established in 1892, Tagalog played an important role as themovement’s lingua franca. As I discuss in Chapters 1 and 3, Rizal alsoconsidered the native language crucial for his works. His mother tonguewas Tagalog, and he characterized his first novel as a “Tagalog novel.”Toward the end of his life, Rizal even began to write his third novelin Tagalog, entitled Makamisa, but it was never finished. See Ocampo(1992).

25. The figure of the Spanish-speaking population in the nineteenthPhilippines varies depending on interpretations. Whereas Phelan claimsthat Spanish was understood by 10 percent of the total population (131),Anderson suggests that it was less than 5 percent (2005, 5).

26. Nevertheless, the evangelization of the Philippines did not mean that thenon-Christian beliefs and rituals had disappeared completely. In fact, therewas strong resistance against Spanish colonization in some parts of thearchipelago, especially in Muslim Mindanao (Francia 90–95).

27. In Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian Conversion in TagalogSociety under Early Spanish Rule, Vicente Rafael examines how the imperiallanguage influences both the dominant power of clerical orders and thenatives’ response to Christianity. For him, evengelization and anticolonialresistance during the early colonial period essentially depended on thepractice of translation.

28. Ileto studies the history of Apolinario de la Cruz, whom he considers aChrist-like figure. See Ileto (1979), especially Chapter 2.

29. For a historical overview of the Propaganda Movement, see Schumacher(1973).

30. The United States’ imperial ambitions were of course nothing new. Afterthe massacre of Native Americans, the country bought Louisiana fromFrance in 1803 and conquered almost half of the Mexican territory afterthe Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848.

31. In her recent work, God’s Arbiters: Americans and the Philippines, 1899–1902, Susan Harris studies the way in which the idea of American excep-tionalism was constructed through the events and discourses surroundingthe Philippine–American War.

Notes ● 161

32. Currently, there are over 170 languages in the Philippines. Among them,the two official languages are English and Filipino, which is the de factostandard version of Tagalog.

33. The notion comes from Fradera’s book Filipinas, la colonia más peculiar:Las finanzas públicas en la determinación de la política colonial, 1762–1868 (Philippines, the Most Peculiar Colony: The Public Finances inthe Determination of the Colonial Policy, 1762–1868), which examinesthe complex interplay of the economic and political system between themetropolis and its Asian colony. Fradera attributes the Filipino “pecu-liarity” to the unique characteristic of economic development in thePhilippines. During the early nineteenth century, the most important com-ponent of the Filipino economy was the state sector. It was the fiscalmonopolies of the state sustained by the tobacco and alcohol industriesthat allowed the Spanish empire to maintain its power. In other words,while the colonial system in Cuba and Puerto Rico economically dependedon the external trade of sugar and coffee, the economy in the Philippineswas principally based on the profits provided by the internal monopoly oftobacco and alcohol products.

34. In this sense, the Philippines could form a productive part of the“Latinamericanism” that Román de la Campa identifies with a “transna-tional discursive community” (1). De la Campa’s concept defies readilyapparent geographical boundaries and suggests an alternative way tounderstand the idea of “Latin America.”

35. In his often-cited letter to Manuel Mercado written the day before hisdeath, Martí stated that “I lived in the monster, and I understand his innerworkings” (“Viví en el monstruo, y le conozco las entrañas”) (4:168).

Chapter 1

1. I employ the term “melodrama” in the sense used by Peter Brooks, whoargues that “the melodramatic mode of conception and representation mayappear to be the very process of reaching a fundamental drama of the morallife and finding the terms to express it” (12). According to Brooks, themelodrama, as a concept derived from romanticism and opposed to natu-ralism, represents a modern form that “starts from and expresses the anxietybrought by a frightening new world in which the traditional patterns ofmoral order no longer provide the necessary social glue” (20).

2. As mentioned earlier, he attempted to write a third novel Makamisa inTagalog but never finished it.

3. It is important to clarify that Rizal was not against revolution per se butits timing. As I show in Chapter 2, he actually refers to the possibility ofviolence in “Filipinas dentro de cien años,” which indicates that he did notreject the idea of revolution as a last resort.

162 ● Notes

4. When Rizal wrote the Noli in the late nineteenth century, the novel wasa relatively new genre in the Philippines. For the history of the Filipinonovel, see Mojares (1983).

5. Both terms—denationalization and denaturalization—may invoke GiorgioAgamben’s theory concerning the European history of ethnic cleansingsduring the first half of the twentieth century. As Agamben argues in Homosacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, these concepts symbolize a state-sponsored project of mass destruction, which produced a large number ofrefugees in various European nation-states. While he refers to the notionsin order to highlight the “exceptional” nature of those stripped of theirnational status, I employ the terms in order to show the process in which anindividual seeks to disassociate himself or herself from the organic, natural,and national subjectivity.

6. For the separation between Martí and Zayas Bazán, see Vitier (2004,110–111).

7. See, for example, González, P. M. (1969), Morales (1994), Martínez-SanMiguel (1996), and Schulman (2005).

8. The only exception I have found is David Luis-Brown’s reading of thenovel. I am following his assessment that “[n]o critic of the novel has readLucía Jerez as an allegorical figure of the greed of Spanish colonialism”(264, n.77).

9. Martí’s criticism against the artificiality of the novel seems to contradict hisown affirmation that he has actually met some of the characters in LucíaJerez in his real life:

The author has never met either Sol or Lucía. Mr. Manuel, yes, andManuellillo, Ms. Andrea as well as the Director.

ni a Sol ni a Lucía, ha conocido de cerca el autor. A don Manuel, sí. Y aManuelillo, y a doña Andrea, así como a la propia Directora. (47)

10. Martí’s admiration for Hugo is evidenced in many of his writings,including his translation of Hugo’s Mes Fils (24:15–18).

11. In Colonialism and Culture: Hispanic Modernisms and the Social Imag-inary (1992), Iris Zavala offers a political reading of Latin Americanmodernismo, arguing that this movement calls for “the inscription of a ‘mas-ter narrative’ or ‘master plot’ of decolonization and anti-imperialism” (8).For her, Martí is “an exemplary illustration of modernism’s anti-colonialnarrative” (26).

12. According to Morales, “although our writer does not allude to any partic-ular country, the abundance of details and the consistency of the fictionalspace make us think of a Hispanic American country, which the authorknew well and which had provoked admired and memorable fascinationin him” (65).

Notes ● 163

13. In this passage, the way Pedro reads Amalia and María to Sol is sim-ilar to how Efraín studies Chateaubriand with María in Isaacs’s novel(Zanetti 191).

14. In Foundational Fictions, the only time Sommer makes reference toMartí is when she mentions his general admiration for Europeanromantic novels and the way in which he celebrates Manuel deJesús Galván’s novel Enriquillo (1882) as a model for Latin Americanwriters (9).

15. Paulette Silva Beauregard maintains that the feminine aspect of Juan’s char-acter represents “the new representations of the hero” in Latin Americanliterature (138).

16. Aníbal González interprets Lucía’s figure as a metaphor for artificiality.In his study, he analyzes Lucía’s artificial aspect based on three levels: thereferential, the symbolic, and the allegorical (68–70).

Chapter 2

1. Because of the nature of my study, I focus on the political aspect of themanifesto genre rather than its aesthetic quality. However, it is importantto acknowledge that the manifesto has also been used for an artistic pur-pose around the world. In Latin America, many vanguardistas from theearly twentieth century incorporated the manifesto form for their cul-tural production, creating an innovative style of art in such countries asChile, Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil. Some of the most notable exam-ples include Vicene Huidobro’s “Non serviam” (I Will Not Serve, 1914),Jorge Luis Borges’s “Manifiesto del Ultra” (Ultraist Manifesto, 1921),and Oswald de Andrade’s “Manifiesto antropófago” (Cannibal Manifesto,1928).

2. The text is found in Obras completas de José Martí, 4:93–101. Forsubsequent citations from this article, I will only indicate the page number.

3. The article is divided into four parts: I (September 30, 1889);II (October 31, 1889); III (December 15, 1889); and IV (February 1,1890).

4. My emphasis on the “againstness” of the manifesto form follows Mary AnnCaws’ study, which suggests that “as if by defining a moment of crisis, themanifesto generally proclaims what it wants to oppose, to leave, to defend,to change. Its oppositional tone is constructed of againstness and generallyin a spirit of a one time only moment” (xxiii).

5. The manifesto has been one of the least studied fields. It is only in thelast decades that this genre began to attract serious attention from critics.Two books stand out as key texts in the field of manifesto studies: JanetLyon’s Manifestoes: Provocations of the Modern (1999) and Mary Ann Caws’Manifesto: A Century of Isms (2001).

164 ● Notes

6. For Althusser’s discussion of “interpellation” as a mode of subjectification,see his “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes Toward andInvestigation)” (1970).

7. Based on her analysis of Derrida’s attention to the Declaration’s “indeter-minacy of performativity,” Lyon makes a step further and concludes that“the manifesto is, after all, a text of radicalism which forges an audiencethrough its efforts at affective and experiential intelligibility” (28).

8. Puri examines the effect of the author’s confidence in the manifesto fromthe viewpoint of hyperbole. For her, hyperbole not only produces “theappearance of confidence, whether that confidence is genuine or a mas-querade” but also “seeks to inspire in the reader a similar confidence so asto expand the collective projected by the manifesto” (91).

9. See, for example, Ortiz (1953), Martínez-Echazábal (1991), Helg (1995),Ferrer (1999), Rojas (2000), and Montero (2004).

10. His emphasis on “faith” reflects the nature of the manifesto form that isoften used for religious discourses. The theological use of the term “man-ifesto” refers to the concept of divine revelation and can be found inseventeenth-century England as well as nineteenth-century America (Lyon12–16).

11. As Enrico Mario Santí notes, Martí’s critique of Latin America has notbeen fully explored by critics who tend to overemphasize Martí’s defenseof “Our America” against US imperialism (180).

12. In Caribbean Discourse, Glissant explains that the exploration of history is“related neither to a schematic chronology nor to a nostalgic lament. Itleads to the identification of a painful notion of time and its full projectionforward into the future, without the help of those plateaus in time fromwhich the West has benefited, without the help of that collective densitythat is the primary value of an ancestral cultural heartland. That is whatI call a prophetic vision of the past” (emphasis in original, 64).

13. In his study, Puchner focuses on the performativity of the manifesto genre,which he calls “futurist performativity.” According to him, the mani-festo is “a genre geared towards successfully accomplishing the act that isto create a zero point in history, a revolutionary overturn. All previoushistory becomes a preparation for this point zero, which itself is preg-nant with futurity; the present act of revolt is the beginning of a newfuture” (452).

14. Rizal’s conceptualization of “race” is also against the derogatory interpreta-tion of the Filipino race that was articulated by such Spanish historians asW.E. Retana and Víctor Balaguer at that time. In an article published inLa política de España en Filipinas (The Politics of Spain in the Philippines,1891), Retana states, “Why should it cause offense that I conceive of theMalay race as inferior to the European races? This is a purely scientific

Notes ● 165

opinion that I do not sustain by myself but in agreement with manylearned anthropologists” (quoted in Schmidt-Nowara, 2006, 176).

Chapter 3

1. I employ the term “nature” to indicate the natural world or environmentthat is not created by humans. My definition involves both objects (plants,animals, landscape, etc.) and phenomena (snow, flood, earthquakes, etc.).The assumption is that in Martí’s conceptualization, there is an ontolog-ical premise of the world, the premise that underlines the existence of analternative reality independent of the human experience.

2. Rizal’s confidence in the United States was later shared by EmilioAguinaldo who, in his True Version of the Philippine Revolution (1899),expressed his positive feeling (at least initially) that the United States wouldremain fair to the deal concerning the future of the Philippines. In listinghis reasons for trusting Admiral Dewey, acting for the US government,he evoked the American Founding Fathers: “I trust in the rectitude of thegreat of the United States of America where, if there are ambitious Imperi-alists, there are defenders of the humane doctrine of the immoral Monroe,Franklin, and Washington” (quoted in Harris 187).

3. Two of the most infamous phenomena related to this history are the cre-ation of the Chinese Exclusion Act (1882) and the massacre of 20 Chinesein Rock Springs, Wyoming (1885).

4. Laura Lomas goes so far as to suggest that Martí draws his fundamen-tal concept of “Our America” from Emerson’s late essay “Fate” written in1860. Her argument is based on Emerson’s following words: “Our Americahas a bad name for superficialness. Great men, great nations, have not beenboasters and buffoons, but perceivers of the terror of life, and have mannedthemselves to face it” (quoted in Lomas, 2008, 16).

5. José Ballón calls this moment “Martí’s intellectual encounter withEmerson” (1995, 3). According to him, it is “a spiritually intense moment,the highest point of self-consciousness, whereby the angle of vision wasframed within an Emersonian perspective. In these moments of interiorconstruction, we see a young Cuban readjusting his intellectual frameworkthrough which he finds himself consistently in the world” (1986, 30).

6. The essay can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 13:17–30. For thesubsequent citations from this article, I will indicate only the page number.

7. For Martí, an individual would not be “complete” without his or her closeconnection to the environment:

a man is not complete, is not revealed to himself, and does not see theinvisible, if not by his intimate relationship with nature.

166 ● Notes

Y el hombre no se halla completo, ni se revela a sí mismo, ni ve lo invisible,sino en su íntima relación con la naturaleza. (13:26)

8. Analogy is an important concept in many of Martí’s writings, especially asit creates a political nuance to his conceptualization of “our” America. Hestates that

[e]verything is analogous to the earth, and every existing order is relatedto another order. Harmony was the law of birth, and it will forever be thebeautiful, logical law of relationship.

todo es análogo en la tierra, y cada orden existente tiene relación con otroorden. La armonía fue la ley del nacimiento, y será perpetuamente la bellay lógica ley de relación. (14: 20)

Regarding the meaning of analogy in Martí, Ivan Schulman argues that“the analogy as the basis of the image is perhaps the most significant andconsistently articulated principle used by Martí in his theory of symbol-ism” (1960, 34). For Julio Ramos, Martí’s analogical proceeding representsa powerful enunciation of universal harmony on the one hand, and a figu-rative process against the divisive force of modernity on the other (172).

9. The comparison between Martí and Emerson in terms of their sharedanalogical impulse is discussed by Ivan Schulman (1960, 35–36,52–64).

10. Some of his other chronicles that directly deal with the representation ofnature are “Nueva York bajo la nieve” (New York Under the Snow, 1888)and “Johnstown” (1889).

11. The article can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 11:65–76. Forthe subsequent citations from this article, I will indicate only the pagenumber.

12. The article can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 6:15–23. For thefollowing citations, I will indicate only the page number.

13. Here I am indebted to Homi Bhabha’s idea that “the question of repre-sentation of difference is therefore always also a question of authority”(89), although I invoke it in a different register. While Bhabha discussesa kind of authoritarianism (the maintenance colonial difference), I employthe idea in the context of anticolonialism (the declaration of a colonizeddifference).

14. A similar notion can be seen in his other chronicle, “La verdad sobre losEstados Unidos” (The Truth about the United States, 1894), in which hestates that “ideas, like trees, must come from deep roots and compatiblesoil in order to develop a firm footing and prosper” (“las ideas, como losárboles, han de venir de larga raíz, y ser de suelo afín, para que prendan yprosperen”) (28:293).

Notes ● 167

15. According to Cintio Vitier, “the seven-league giant” alludes to “a fab-ulous character in children’s stories (like Charles Perrault’s ‘Little TomThumb’),” which Martí uses to “symbolize the disproportion and the dan-ger of the most powerful countries (whose development is ‘seven times’faster)” (2005, 33).

16. In his well-known work Calibán: Apuntes sobre la cultura en nuestra América(Caliban: Notes Toward a Discussion of Culture in Our America, 1971),Fernández Retamar employs the term calibán to portray Martí as a proto-Marxist Pan-American revolutionary. His discussion points to a particulargesture of Latin America’s resistance to US imperialism in which the col-onized subject seeks to appropriate and harness the power of his or hercolonizer. After its publication, the book became an important manifestofor many Latin American and Caribbean writers working against Europeanand US (neo)colonial discourses. See also Jáuregui (2008).

17. Allusion to the romantic style of Spanish poet José Zorrilla (1817–1893).18. Besides his visit to the United States, his view on the country was also influ-

enced by his reading of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852)and Evert Duyckinck’s Lives and Portraits of the Presidents of the UnitedStates, from Washington to Johnson (1865).

19. David Haekwon Kim mentions a parallel between Rizal’s Liga Filipina andMartí’s organization La Liga, which he created in 1890 with the goal ofpromoting nationalist causes for Cuba and Puerto Rico (86, n. 35).

20. The term “indio bravo” also existed in the history of Cuba but was used ina different context, referring to a ferocious bandit from Puerto Príncipe inthe beginning of the nineteenth century. It is said that he provoked terrorin the community because people believed that he attacked travelers on thestreet, especially children, and ate human flesh. See Marrero Companioni(1960).

21. Oxford English Dictionary offers three primary meanings for the word “fili-buster”: (1) one of a class of piratical adventurers who pillaged the Spanishcolonies in the seventeenth-century West Indies; (2) in a wider sense, onewho engages in unauthorized and irregular warfare against foreign states;(3) in the United States, one who practices obstruction in a legislativeassembly.

22. For a critical analysis of the relationship between Simoun and Bolívar, seeBlanco (2004) and Lifshey (2008).

Chapter 4

1. For the history of Spanish Freemasonry and its relation to colonialism,see Ferrer Benimeli (1999). For a discussion on the influence of Masonicwritings in the construction of Caribbean cultural and literary discourses,see Jossiana Arroyo-Martínez’s recent book (2013).

168 ● Notes

2. As Arroyo-Martínez points out, Masonic lodges were important meet-ing sites for Creole intellectuals in nineteenth-century Cuba and PuertoRico where they discussed radical ideas, organized various insurgents, anddeveloped a shared agenda for the abolitionist movement (2008, 147).

3. Rizal’s Masonic name was Dimasalang, which was his pseudonym and alsothe Tagalog version of the title of his novel Noli me tangere (Francia 126).

4. For the Filipino ilustrados, the function of “Solidaridad” was twofold.On the one hand, they used it to seek assistance from Spanish Masonsfor their reformist agenda, including the Filipino representation in theCortes, the teaching of Spanish to the majority of the population in thearchipelago, and the greater involvement of native friars in the religiousorders. On the other hand, the Masonic lodge was also a central place forthe elaboration of nationalist aspirations among the Filipino expatriates inSpain.

5. For instance, another Masonic lodge named “Revolución” was establishedin 1889 by three Filipinos and two Cubans.

6. The anticlerical characteristic of Freemasonry has long been a sub-ject of debate. While the Catholic Church has always been critical ofMasonic societies, many Masons have claimed that their principles arenot against any particular religious faith. See Payne (1984) and Clark andKaiser (2003).

7. For Labra’s contribution to the collective antislavery campaign in theSpanish Caribbean, see Corwin (1967) and Schmidt-Nowara (1999).

8. Both Estrade (1999) and Anderson (2005) make references to the connec-tion between Ponce and Izquierdo, but they never discuss this importantrelationship in depth in their studies.

9. Ponce also had an epistolary communication with Labra. In his letter(February 25, 1898), he called the Cuban reformist “our teacher” and askedhim to share his political writing:

You have always been our teacher. Now that the Filipino matter is enteringa new period, it is essential that we take as a basis the doctrines that youteach and have taught.

Usted ha sido siempre nuestro maestro, y ahora que entra en un nuevoperíodo la cuestión filipina nos es de imprescindible necesidad tomar porbase las doctrinas que predica y ha predicado. (111–112)

Here, the “doctrines” refer to Labra’s La república y las libertades en ultramar(The Republic and the Freedoms Overseas, 1897).

10. To this day, I have not been able to locate the correspondences betweenPonce and Martí implied in these words.

11. Ponce acknowledges that one of the documents he received from Izquierdowas “Álbum de José Martí” (59).

Notes ● 169

12. It may be worth recalling that Martí briefly talks about the Philippinesin some of his articles. Although his reference to the problem of Spanishimperialism in the Philippines is sporadic, he mentions the colony inAsia in at least four articles. By calling Filipinos “the unfortunate onesfrom Manila” (“los desgraciados de Manila”) (5:85), he recognizes thatthe Filipinos are also enduring the colonial experience like his fellowCubans. When comparing the sociopolitical situations of Cuba, PuertoRico, and the Philippines, he analyzes a function of Spain’s imperial projectthat entails an unfair commercialization of the three colonies’ products inMadrid (14:186).

13. Ponce makes numerous references to Betances in his letters. Besides hisdirect correspondence to Betances, see his letter to Izquierdo (7, 31, 238)and to Gonzalo de Quesada (167).

14. On the relationship between Betances and Martí, see Betances (1975,1985), Ojeda Reyes (1984, 2001), and Estrade (2001).

15. Three articles entitled “España en Filipinas” (Spain in the Philippines)appeared in Patria on June 23, 1894, December 8, 1894, and January 26,1895.

16. Once again, Betances played a key role in the transmission of these news-papers across the Pacific. He wrote to the editor of La República Cubana,expressing his desire to send articles to Hong Kong (Estrade, 1999, 78).Some of Ponce’s letters to Izquierdo show his knowledge of the Cubanorganization in Paris and its journal (Ponce, 59, 239).

17. Both articles seem to be written by a group of editors, including DomingoFigarola-Caneda, Ramón Emeterio Betances, Vicente Mestre Amábile, andAlberto Ruz.

18. La Solidaridad followed the nationalist path initiated by the earlier news-paper known as Diariong Tagalog, which was founded by Marcelo H. delPilar in 1882.

19. The article is signed by “Juan,” which most likely refers to Cañarte.

Afterword

1. The so-called “People Power Revolution” was a three-day series of nonvi-olent protests against the authoritarian government of Ferdinand Marcosthat took place in 1986. More than two million civilians participated inthe demonstrations, and the revolution later inspired numerous nonviolentmovements around the globe.

2. The English translation comes from Benítez-Rojo (1996).3. Some recent scholarship on the Asian–Caribbean relationship include

Sanjek (1990), Birbalsingh and Samaroo (1999), Wilson (2004), López-Calvo (2008), Peguero (2008), and Yun (2008).

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Zea, Leopoldo. Latinoamérica en la encrucijada de la historia. México:Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1981.

Index

Note: Letter ‘n’ followed by locators refers to notes

Agamben, Giorgio, 52, 162 n5Agoncillo, Felipe, 134–5Aguinaldo, Emilio, 20, 165 n2Althusser, Louis, 66, 67, 164 n6Anderson, Benedict, 6–7, 22, 28,

129–30, 158 n9, 158 n13Aquino, Corazon, 153, 154

Balibar, Etienne, 70–1, 75, 87–8Benítez-Rojo, Antonio, 155–6Betances, Ramón Emeterio, 141–4,

146, 155, 169 n16see also El Comité Cubano

Bhabha, Homi, 166 n13Blanco, John, ix, 3, 17, 80–1, 93,

158 n9Blumentritt, Ferdinand, 64,

88, 116Bolívar, Simón, 10, 122, 131, 141Bonifacio, Andrés, 17, 27, 111, 123,

131, 153Buffalo Bill’s Wild West, 19, 92,

110–11Burgos, José, 16, 115, 116

Caribbeanand Asia, 143, 156, 169 n3and Freemasonry, 167 n1see also Benítez-Rojo, Antonio;

Betances, Ramón Emeterio;Cuba; Fernández Retamar,Roberto; Glissant, Édouard;

Hostos, Eugenio María de;Puerto Rico

Cuba, 1–5, 9–18, 61, 158 n15,159 n20

as model for Filipino nationalism,20, 126, 136, 142

see also Havana; Martí, JoséCastro, Fidel, 3, 4, 154Cavite mutiny, 16Céspedes, Carlos Manuel de, 13, 61Chatterjee, Partha, 129–30Chinese Exclusion Act, 95, 165 n3El Comité Cubano, 143–6

see also La República CubanaComité Revolucionario Filipino

(Philippine RevolutionaryCommittee), 125, 133, 145

Constantino, Renato, 85–6, 110

Darío, Rubén, 43“Declaration of

Independence,” 67–9, 73Decolonization, 6Del Pilar, Marcelo H., 16, 131,

169 n18Denationalization/Denaturalization,

31, 37, 51, 162 n5Derrida, Jacques, 67–8

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 92, 97, 98–9,165 n5

see also “Emerson” (essay);Martí, José

184 ● Index

“Emerson” (essay), 19, 92, 96, 97,100–3, 105, 109

Escenas norteamericanas (NorthAmerican Scenes), 19, 92, 96–7,103, 123

see also “Emerson”; “NuestraAmérica”; “El terremoto deCharleston”

Fernández Retamar, Roberto, 11Calibán: Apuntes sobre la cultura en

nuestra América (Notes Towarda Discussion of Culture in OurAmerica), 108–9, 112, 167 n16

Ferrer, Ada, 13–14, 73, 159 n21Flag

of Cuba and of the Philippines, 1,19–20

El filibusterismo (The Subversion),19, 92, 115–23, 126

epigraph of, 116–17history of the term “filibustero,”

115–16plot of, 117–19see also Simoun (character)

“Filipinas dentro de cien años”(Philippines Within OneHundred Years), 5, 18–19, 59–60,62–5, 79–89, 93, 126, 163 n3

background of, 62–3futurity in, 79, 87idea of “race” in, 60, 79–87, 148,

164 n14nationalism in, 81–9possibility of armed revolution in,

65, 161 n3rewriting of Filipino history in,

63–4, 86–7Foucault, Michel, 22, 84, 85Freemasonry, 131–2, 167 n1,

168 n6see also Solidaridad

Gaze, 39, 48, 49, 53Gender, 18, 21, 22, 40, 47–9, 57–8

see also Lucía Jerez; Noli me tangereGlissant, Édouard, 79, 87, 164 n12

Gómez, Mariano, 16, 115, 116Gómez, Máximo, 41, 61, 143González, Aníbal, ix, 44, 163 n16Guerrero, León María, 15, 28, 159 n22

Havana, 121, 140–1, 157 n2as cosmopolitan port city, 12–13Martí’s monuments in, ix, 4

Hegel, G.W.F., 8–9“hombre natural” (natural man), 19,

92, 107–9, 112, 118–19see also “Indios Bravos”; “Nuestra

América”Hostos, Eugenio María de, 74–5,

142, 155Hugo, Victor, 43, 162 n10

Ileto, Reynaldo, 64, 160 n28Imperialism

European, 9–10, 158 n16, 159 n17as represented in the figure of Lucía,

47–57see also Spain; United States

“Indios Bravos” (fierce Indians), 19, 92,111–13, 116, 123, 167 n20

see also “hombre natural”Intercolonial alliance, 5–9, 18, 20, 21,

57, 60, 127, 136, 139–40, 143,152, 154

definition of, 5–6as critique of Hegel’s Eurocentrism,

7–9see also Anderson, Benedict; Martí,

José; Martí, Rizal; Ponce,Mariano

Isaacs, JorgeMaría, 45–6, 163 n13

Izquierdo, José Alberto, 125, 126,133–41

jíbaro, 74Joaquín, Nick, 35, 121–2

Katipunan, 17, 27, 123, 153

Labra, Rafael María de, 132–3, 138,168 n7, 168 n9

Index ● 185

El Latino-Americano, 45La Liga Filipina, 16, 111, 167 n19Letter-writing, 136López Jaena, Graciano, 16, 136Lucía Jerez, 18, 21–3, 41–58

Ana (character), 50, 55–7art in, 55–7background of, 41–3as compared to María, 45–6Latin American aspect of, 45,

162 n12Lucía (character), 47–57and modernismo, 41, 43, 57,

162 n7plot of, 44–5Sol (character), 50–5

Maceo, Antonio, 41Madrid, 16, 128, 131, 132, 133, 149,

157 n6“manifest destiny,” 17, 149Manifesto

definition of, 65–6, 163 n1, 163 n4,163 n5

theatricality of, 19, 60–1, 66–8,164 n13

see also “Filipinas dentro de cienaños”; “Manifiesto deMontecristi”

“Manifiesto a algunos filipinos”(Manifesto to Some Filipinos),27–8, 123, 153

“Manifiesto de Montecristi”(Montecristi Manifesto), 18–19,59–62, 69–79, 125, 139

background of, 61–2implication of violence in,

62, 65idea of “people” in, 60, 69–79, 83,

89, 148performative confidence in,

71–2race in, 73–4

Manila Galleon, 11–12, 159 n19Martí, José, 157 n3, 158 n12

on analogy, 97–8, 102–3,166 n8

on Betances, 143, 169 n14biography of, 2–3and Cuban independence

movement, 2, 13–14, 61, 91death of, 3, 153as Freemason, 131as historical memory for Filipinos,

138–40Ismaelillo, 41monuments of, ix, 4as national icon, 3–4, 158 n8,

158 n10on nature, 100–1, 165 n1, 165 n7,

166 n11on the Philippines, 169 n12on race, 73, 164 n9Versos sencillos (Simple Verses), 153see also Cuba; “Emerson”; Lucía

Jerez; “Manifiesto deMontecristi”; “NuestraAmérica”; “El terremoto deCharleston”

Martí, José Francisco, 41Melodrama, 21, 22, 161 n1

see also Lucía Jerez; Noli me tangereMercado, Manuel, 156, 161 n35mestizaje, 14, 107Modernismo, 41, 43–4, 57, 103,

162 n11Monroe Doctrine, 17Morga, Antonio de

Sucesos de las islas Filipinas (Eventson the Philippine Islands), 64,80, 85

Nationalism, 2, 3, 10, 16, 25, 28, 60,73, 82, 83, 86, 112, 126, 129–30,131, 136, 141

see also Anderson, Benedict; Cuba;Denationalization/Denaturalization, “Filipinasdentro de cien años”;Imperialism; “Manifiesto deMontecristi”; Noli me tangere;Philippines

New York, 62, 91, 95, 134–5, 144

186 ● Index

Noli me tangere, 4, 18, 21–40, 92, 111,123, 162 n4

conflict between Ibarra andElias, 24–6

dedication of, 26Doña Consolación (character),

30–1, 36–40, 49Doña Victorina (character),

30–6, 49María Clara (character), 29–30, 39as national literature, 28–9plot of, 23–4Sisa (character), 39–40

“Nuestra América” (Our America), 19,92, 106–9

see also “hombre natural”

Ocampo, Ambeth, ix, 64, 110, 127,158 n7

Partido Revolucionario Cubano(Cuban Revolutionary Party), 91,97, 134, 143

Patria, 139, 144, 169 n15People Power Revolution, 154,

169 n1Philippines, 1–5, 9–18, 62–5, 157 n5,

160 n26, 161 n33category of “Filipino” in, 14, 85–6,

159 n22Hispanization of, 14, 17, 160 n23as part of “Latin America,” 17–18,

148–9, 157 n4, 161 n34Spanish friars in, 14–16see also “Indios Bravos”; Propaganda

Movement; Rizal, José; Tagalog(language)

Philippine-American War, 17, 160 n31Platt Amendment, 17Ponce, Mariano, 16, 125–7, 142, 143,

147, 152Cartas sobre la revolución (Letters on

the Revolution), 20, 133–41Postcolonial discourse, 9, 18, 40,

155, 156

Propaganda Movement, 16, 62, 126,139, 160 n29

see also La SolidaridadPuerto Rico, 17, 74–5, 131–2,

143, 155see also Betances, Ramón Emeterio;

Hostos, Eugenio María de

Quesada, Gonzalo de, 134, 139, 143

Race, 60, 73–4, 75, 79–89, 164 n14Rafael, Vicente, 15, 30, 114, 116,

160 n27Ramos, Julio, 106, 166 n8La República Cubana (The Cuban

Republic), 20, 144–5, 151–2“¿Qué quiere Filipinas?” (What Does

the Philippines Want?), 147–9“¡Viva Filipinas Libre!” (Long Live

Free Philippines!), 145–7Revaloración de la historia de Cuba por

los congresos nacionales de historia(Reevaluation of the History ofCuba by the National Congressesof History), 78

Rizal Day, 4Rizal, José, 157 n3, 158 n12

biography of, 2–3on Cuba, 126–7death of, 3–4, 17, 110, 153Diarios y memorias (Diaries and

Memories), 93–5on Filipino independence, 2–3,

26–8, 122–3and the Katipunan, 17, 27, 123as national icon, 3–4, 158 n8and Ponce, 126as reformist, 2–3, 16, 110, 158 n7rewriting of Filipino history by,

63–4, 80, 85–7as Tagalog Christ, 4“Último adiós” (Last Farewell), 153as U.S.-sponsored hero, 110see also El filibusterismo; “Filipinas

dentro de cien años”; “IndiosBravos”; “Manifiesto a algunos

Index ● 187

filipinos”; Philippines; Noli metangere

Rizal Park or Luneta Park, 3, 110, 154

Saco, José Antonio, 61as compared to Rizal, 64

San Martín, José de, 10, 131Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, 43,

74, 101Schumacher, John, 16, 28, 131, 158

n7, 160 n29Simoun (character)

as compared to Bolívar, 121–2,167 n22

and Cuba, 121and the United States, 120–1see also El filibusterismo

Slavery, 13, 132Hegel’s view on, 8as historical memory, 137–8

Smith, Paul, 35–6Solidaridad (Masonic lodge), 131–2,

168 n4La Solidaridad, 20, 139, 149, 169 n18

“¿Se vende Cuba?” (Is Cuba forSale?), 149–51

Sommer, Doris, 22–3, 29, 31, 36,46–7, 163 n14

Spain, 10–11, 128, 159 n18see also Freemasonry; Madrid;

Spanish (language)Spanish (language)

in the Philippines, 14, 160 n25,160 n27

in Noli me tangere, 23, 37–9Spanish–American War, 1, 17, 152,

157 n1

Tagalog (language)as compared to Nahuatl, 12as national language, 14, 161 n32Rizal’s use of, 126, 160 n24, 168 n3

“El terremoto de Charleston” (TheCharleston Earthquake), 19, 92,103–5, 109

Trans-Pacific studies, 9, 158 n14Treaty of Paris, 17, 135

United States, 1, 10, 17, 149, 155,160 n30

Martí’s view on, 4–5, 91–2, 95–6,166 n14

Rizal’s view on, 5, 63, 91–5, 110,167 n18

see also Buffalo Bill’s Wild West;New York

Valenzuela, Pío, 127Vitier, Cintio, 154, 162 n6, 167 n15

Weyler, Valeriano, 128

Zamora, Jacinto, 16, 115, 116Zayas Bazán, Carmen, 41, 162 n6Zea, Leopoldo, 2, 157 n4