International Brotherhood of Teamsters -

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International Brotherhood of Teamsters

Teamsters

Full name International Brotherhood of

TeamstersFounded 1903

Members 1,309,690 (As of 2011)[1]

Country United States and Canada

Affiliation Change to Win Federation and

Canadian Labour Congress

Key

people

James P. Hoffa, General President

Office

location

Washington, D.C.

Website www.teamsters.org(http://w w w .teamsters.org/)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) is a labor union inthe United States and Canada. Formed in 1903 by the merger of severallocal and regional locals of teamsters, the union now represents a diversemembership of blue-collar and professional workers in both the public andprivate sectors. The union had approximately 1.3 million members in

2011.[1] Formerly known as the International Brotherhood of

Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers of America , theIBT is a member of the Change to Win Federation and Canadian LabourCongress.

Contents

1 History

1.1 Early history

1.2 Organizing and growth during the Great Depression

1.3 World War II and the post-war period

1.4 The influence of organized crime1.5 The rise, fall and disappearance of Jimmy Hoffa

1.6 Decentralization, deregulation and drift

1.7 Internal and external challenges

1.8 Recent history

2 Internal Teamsters politics

3 Political donations

4 Organization

4.1 General President

4.2 Membership

4.3 Divisions5 See also

6 Archives

7 Notes

8 References

9 External links

History

Early history

The American Federation of Labor (AFL) had helped form local unions of teamsters since 1887. In November 1898, the

AFL organized the Team Drivers' International Union (TDIU).[2][3] In 1901, a group of Teamsters in Chicago, Illinois, brok

from the TDIU and formed the Teamsters National Union.[2] The new union permitted only employees, teamster helpersand owner-operators owning only a single team to join, unlike the TDIU (which permitted large employers to be

members), and was more aggressive than the TDIU in advocating higher wages and shorter hours. [2] Claiming more tha28,000 members in 47 locals, its president, Albert Young, applied for membership in the AFL. The AFL asked the TDIUto merge with Young's union to form a new, AFL-affiliated union and the two groups did so in 1903, creating the

International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT).[3] Cornelius Shea was elected the new union's first president. [2][3] Shea'selection was a tumultuous one. Shea effectively controlled the convention because the Chicago localsrepresenting

nearly half the IBT's membership[4]were united in their support for his candidacy. Shea was opposed by John
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en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Brotherhood_of_Teamsters 2

Cornelius Shea, first General President of

the Teamsters, circa 1905

Informal portrait of (left to right) Cornelius P.

Shea, John Miller, Fred Mader, and Tim

Murphy s itting in a row in a courtroom in

Chicago, Illinois, during a labor trial. Murphy

w as a politician, union organizer, and

reputed gangster, and he w as murdered in

1928.

Sheridan, president of the Ice Drivers' Union of Chicago. Sheridan and George Innes, president of the TDIU, accused

Shea of embezzlement in an attempt to prevent his election.[5] Shea won election on August 8, 1903, by a vote of 605

480. Edward L. Turley of Chicago was elected secretary-treasurer and Albert Young general organizer. [6][7]

The union, like most unions within the American Federation of Labor (AFL) at the time, was largely decentralized, with number of local unions that governed themselves autonomously and tended to look only after their own interests in the

geographical jurisdiction in which they operated. [8][9][10] The Teamsters were vitally important to the labor movement, foa strike or sympathy strike by the Teamsters could paralyze the movement of goods throughout the city and bring a

strike into nearly every neighborhood.[4] It also meant that Teamsters leaders were able to demand bribes in order to

avoid strikes, and control of a Teamsters local could bring organized crime significant revenues. During Shea'spresidency, the entire Teamsters union was notoriously corrupt. [11][12][13]

Noted labor historian John R. Commons famously concluded that during this

time, the Teamsters were less a union and more a criminal organization.[14]

Several major strikes occupied the union in its first three years. In November1903, Teamsters employed by the Chicago City Railway went out on strike.Shea attempted to stop sympathy strikes by other Teamster locals, butthree locals walked out and eventually disaffiliated over the sympathy strike

issue.[15] A sympathy strike in support of 18,000 striking meat cutters inChicago in July 1904 led to riots before the extensive use of strikebreakersled Shea to force his members back to work (leading to the collapse of the

meat cutters' strike).[11][16][17] In the midst of the strife in 1904, Shea was re-elected by acclamation on August 8, 1904, at the Teamsters convention in

Cincinnati, Ohio.[17] Under his leadership, the union had expanded to nearly50,000 members in 821 locals in 300 cities, making the Teamsters one of

the largest unions in the United States.[11] In 1905, 10,000 Teamsters struckin support of locked out tailors at Montgomery Ward, and eventually more

than 25,000 Teamsters were on the picket line. [18][19][20] But when localnewspapers discovered that Shea was living in a local brothel, kept a 19-year-old waitress as a mistress, and had spent the strike hosting parties,public support for the strike collapsed and the strike ended on August 1,

1905.[18][20][21][22] Despite the revelations, Shea won re-election on August

12, 1905, by a vote of 129 to 121.[23]

Shea was re-elected again in 1905 and 1906, although significant challengesto his presidency occurred each time.[24] Shea's first trial on charges

stemming from the 1905 Montgomery Ward strike ended in a mistrial. [25]

However, during the 1906 re-election Shea had promised that he would resign

the presidency once his trial had ended. [26] But he did not, and most union

members withdrew their support for him.[26] Daniel J. Tobin of Boston was

elected Shea's successor by a vote of 104 to 94 in August 1907. [27] Historicreferences to early freight transportation in the US refer to "teamsters" asthose who drove teams of horses pulling huge wagons. This seems to be anearly origin of the term "teamsters" in the US (see the symbol of theBrotherhood which includes two horse-heads in the info-box).

Organizing and growth during the Great Depression

Tobin was president of the Teamsters from 1907 to 1952. Although he faced opposition in his re-election races in 1908

1909 and 1910, he never faced opposition again until his retirement in 1952.[28]

The Teamsters began to expand dramatically and mature organizationally under Tobin. He pushed for the developmentof "joint councils" to which all local unions were forced to affiliate. Varying in geographical and industrial jurisdiction, theoint councils became important incubators for up-and-coming leadership and negotiating master agreements whichcovered all employers in a given industry. Tobin also actively discouraged strikes in order to bring discipline to the unioand encourage employers to sign contracts, and founded and edited the union magazine, the International

Teamster.[8][9][10][29][30] Under Tobin, the Teamsters also first developed the "regional conference" system (developed

Dave Beck in Seattle), which provided stability, organizing strength, and leadership to the international union. [9]
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Tobin undertook long jurisdictional battles with many unions during this period. Fierce disputes occurred between theTeamsters and the Gasoline State Operators' National Council (an AFL federal union of gas station attendants), theInternational Longshoremen's Association, the Retail Clerks International Union, and the Brotherhood of Railway

Clerks.[9][31] The most significant disagreement, however, was with the United Brewery Workers over the right torepresent beer wagon drivers. While the Teamsters lost this battle in 1913, when the AFL awarded jurisdiction to theBrewers, they won when the issue came before the AFL Executive Board again in 1933, when the Brewers were still

recovering from their near-elimination during Prohibition.[9][28][32][33] The raids and new member organizing in the 1930sled to significant membership increases. Teamster membership stood at just 82,000 in 1932. Tobin took advantage ofthe wave of pro-union sentiment engendered by the passage of the National Industrial Recovery Act, and by 1935 union

membership had increased nearly 65 percent to 135,000. By 1941, Tobin had a dues-paying membership of 530,000making the Teamsters the fastest-growing labor union in the United States. [9]

One of the most significant events in union history occurred in 1934. A group of radicals in Local 574 in Minneapolisled by Farrell Dobbs, Carl Skoglund, and the Dunne brothers (Ray, Miles and Grant), all members of the Trotskyite

Communist League of Americabegan successfully organizing coal truck drivers in the winter of 1933. [34] Tobin, an

ardent anti-communist, [35] opposed their efforts and refused to support their 1933 strike. [34] Local 574 struck again in

1934, leading to several riots over a nine-day period in May. [34] When the employers' association reneged on theagreement, Local 574 resumed the strike, although it ended again after nine days when martial law was declared by

Governor Floyd B. Olson.[34] Although Local 574 won a contract recognizing the union and which broke the back of theanti-union Citizens Alliance in Minneapolis, Tobin expelled Local 574 from the Teamsters. Member outrage was

extensive, and in August 1936 he was forced to recharter the local as 544. [9][31][34][36] Within a year the newly formed

Local 544 had organized 250,000 truckers in the Midwest and formed the Central Conference of Teamsters.

[9][31][34][36

Extensive organizing also occurred in the West. Harry Bridges, radical leader of the International Longshoremen's andWarehousemen's Union (ILWU), was leading "the march inland"an attempt to organize warehouse workers away from

shipping ports.[9][37] Alarmed by Bridges' radical politics and worried that the ILWU would encroach on Teamsterurisdictions, Dave Beck formed a large regional organization (the Western Conference of Teamsters) to engage in fiercorganizing battles and membership raids against the ILWU which led to the establishment of many new locals and the

organization of tens of thousands of new members. [9][38]

But corruption became even more widespread in the Teamsters during the Tobin administration. By 1941, the union waconsidered the most corrupt in the United States, and the most abusive towards its own members. Tobin vigorouslydefended the union against such accusations, but also instituted many constitutional and organizational changes and

practices which made it easier for union officials to engage in criminal offenses.[39]

World War II and the post-war period

By the beginning of World War II, the Teamsters was one of the most powerful unions in the country, and Teamsterleaders influential in the corridors of power. Union membership had risen more than 390 percent between 1935 and 194

to 530,000.[9] In June 1940, President Franklin Roosevelt appointed IBT President Daniel J. Tobin to be the official WhitHouse liaison to organized labor, and later that year chair of the Labor Division of the Democratic National

Committee.[9][40] In 1942, President Roosevelt appointed Tobin special representative to the United Kingdom and

charged him with investigating the state of the labor movement there. [41] Tobin was considered three times for Secreta

of Labor, and twice refused the postin 1943 and 1947. [42] On September 23, 1944, Roosevelt gave his famous "Falaspeech" while campaigning in the 1944 presidential election. Because of Roosevelt's strong relationship with Tobin and

the union's large membership, the President delivered his speech before the Teamster convention. [9]

Nonetheless, Teamsters members were restive. Dissident members of the union accused the leadership of suppressin

democracy in the union, a charge President Tobin angrily denied. [43] Over the next year, Tobin cracked down on

dissidents and trusteed several large locals led by his political opponents.[44]

During World War II, The Teamsters strongly endorsed the American labor movement's no-strike pledge. The Teamsteragreed to cease raiding other unions and not strike for the duration of the national emergency. President Tobin evenordered Teamsters members to cross picket lines put up by other unions. Nevertheless, the national leadershipsanctioned strikes by Midwestern truckers in August 1942, Southern truckers in October 1943, and brewery workers

and milk delivery drivers in January 1945. [30][45] The Teamsters did not, however, participate in the great post-war wave
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of labor strikes. In the two years following the cessation of hostilities, the Teamsters struck only three times: 10,000truckers in New Jersey struck for two weeks; workers at UPS struck nationwide for three weeks; and workers at Railwa

Express Agency struck for almost a month. [46]

Teamsters leaders strongly opposed enactment of the Taft-Hartley Act and repeatedly called for its repeal. President

Tobin, however, was one of the first labor leaders to sign the non-communist affidavit required by the law. [47]

The great wave of organizing which the union engaged in during the Great Depression and the war significantly boostedthe political power of a number of regional Teamsters leaders, and the leadership of the union engaged in a number of

power struggles in the post-war period. By 1949, the union's membership had topped one million. [48] Dave Beck (electean international vice-president in 1940) was increasingly influential in the international union, and Tobin attempted to

check his growing power but failed.[9] In 1946, Beck successfully overcame Tobin's opposition and won approval of anamendment to the union's constitution creating the post of executive vice-president. Beck then won the 1947 election t

fill the position.[29] Beck also successfully opposed in 1947 a Tobin-backed dues increase to fund new organizing. [49]

The following year, Beck was able to demand the ouster of the editor of International Teamstermagazine and install hi

own man in the job.[50]

In 1948, Beck allied with his long-time rival Jimmy Hoffa and effectively seized control of the union. He announced a raion the International Association of Machinists local at Boeing. Although President Dan Tobin publicly repudiated Beckactions, Beck had more than enough support from Hoffa and other members of the executive board to force Tobin to

back down.[51] Five months later, Beck won approval of a plan to dissolve the union's four divisions and replace them

with 16 divisions organized around each of the major job categories in the union's membership.[52] In 1951, Tom Hicke

reformist leader of the Teamsters in New York City, won election to the Teamsters executive board. Tobin neededBeck's support to prevent Hickey's election, and Beck refused to give it. [53]

On September 4, 1952, Tobin announced he would step down as president of the Teamsters at the end of his term. [54]

At the union's 1952 convention, Beck was elected General President and pushed through a number of changes intende

to make it harder for a challenger to build the necessary majority to unseat a president or reject his policies. [55]

The influence of organized crime

Beck was elected to the Executive Council of the AFL on August 13, 1953, but his election generated a tremendouspolitical battle between AFL President George Meany, who supported his election, and federation vice presidents who

felt Beck was corrupt and should not be elected to the post. [56] Beck was the first Teamster president to negotiate a

nationwide master contract and a national grievance arbitration plan, [57] established organizing drives in the DeepSouth[58] and the East,[59] and built the current Teamsters headquarters (the "Marble Palace") in Washington, D.C. on

Louisiana Avenue NW (across a small plaza from the United States Senate). [60] But his intervention in a constructionand a milk strike (both centered on New York City), and refusal to intervene in a Northeastern trucking strike created

major political problems for him.[61] Perceiving Beck to be weak, Jimmy Hoffa began challenging Beck on various uniondecisions and policies in 1956 with an eye to unseating him as General President in the regularly scheduled union

elections in 1957.[62]

Infiltration by organized crime dominated the agenda of the Teamsters throughout the 1950s. The Teamsters had

suffered from extensive corruption since its formation in 1903. [11][12][13] Although the more extreme, public forms ofcorruption had been eliminated after General President Cornelius Shea was removed from office, the extent of corruptio

and control by organized crime increased during General President Tobin's time in office (1907 to 1952). [9][12][22][63] In

1929, the Teamsters and unions in Chicago even approached gangster Roger Touhy and asked for his protection from ACapone and his Chicago Outfit, which were seeking to control the area's unions. [64] Evidence of widespread corruption

within the Teamsters began emerging shortly after Tobin retired. [65] In Kansas City, corrupt Teamsters locals spentyears seeking bribes, embezzling money, and engaging in extensive extortion and labor rackets as well as beatings,

vandalism and even bombings in an attempt to control the construction and trucking industries. [22][66] The problem was

so serious that the U.S. House of Representatives held hearings on the issue.[67]

Hoffa's attempt to challenge Beck caused a major national scandal which led to two Congressional investigations,several indictments for fraud and other crimes against Beck and Hoffa, strict new federal legislation and regulationsregarding labor unions, and even helped launch the political career of Robert F. Kennedy. Believing he needed additionvotes to unseat Beck, in October 1956 mobster Johnny Dio met with Hoffa in New York City and the two men conspire

to create as many as 15 paper locals[68] to boost Hoffa's delegate totals.[69][70] When the paper locals applied for
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charters from the international union, Hoffa's political foes were outraged. [62][71] A major battle broke out within theTeamsters over whether to charter the locals, and the media attention led to inquiries by the U.S. Department of Justic

and the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the U.S. Senate Committee on Government Operations. [72] Bec

and other Teamster leaders challenged the authority of the U.S. Senate to investigate the union, [73] which caused theSenate to establish the Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management a new committee with

broad subpeona and investigative powers.[74] Senator John L. McClellan, chair of the select committee, hired Robert F.

Kennedy as the subcommittee's chief counsel and investigator. [75]

The Select Committee (also known as the McClellan Committee, after its chairman), exposed widespread corruption in

the Teamsters union. Dave Beck fled the country for a month to avoid its subpoenas before returning. [76] Four of thepaper locals were dissolved to avoid committee scrutiny, several Teamster staffers were charged with contempt ofCongress, and union records were lost or destroyed (allegedly on purpose), and wiretaps were played in public before a

national television audience in which Dio and Hoffa discussed the creation of even more paper locals. [77] Evidence wasunearthed of a mob-sponsored plot in which Oregon Teamsters unions would seize control of the state legislature, stat

police, and state attorney general's office through bribery, extortion and blackmail. [78] Initially, members of the union di

not believe the charges, and support for Beck was strong,[79][80] but after three months of continuous allegations of

wrongdoing many rank-and-file Teamsters withdrew their support and openly called for Beck to resign.[81] Beck initially

refused to address the allegations, but broke his silence and denounced the committee's inquiry on March 6. [82] But

even as the committee conducted its investigation, the Teamsters chartered even more paper locals. [83] In mid-March

1957, Jimmy Hoffa was arrested for allegedly trying to bribe a Senate aide. [84] Hoffa denied the charges, but the arrest

triggered additional investigations and more arrests and indictments over the following weeks. [85] A week later, Beckadmitted to receiving an interest-free $300,000 loan from the Teamsters which he had never repaid, and Senateinvestigators claimed that loans to Beck and other union officials (and their businesses) had cost the union more than

$700,000.[86] Beck appeared before the select committee for the first time on March 25, 1957, and invoked his Fifth

Amendment right against self-incrimination 117 times. [87] The McClellan Committee turned its focus to Hoffa and otherTeamsters officials, and presented testimony and evidence alleging widespread corruption in Hoffa-controlled Teamster

units.[70][88]

Several historic legal developments came out of the select committee's investigation. The scandals uncovered by theMcClellan committee, which affected not only the Teamsters but several other unions, led directly to the passage of the

Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (also known as the Landrum-Griffin Act) in 1959.[89] The right of unioofficials to exercise their Fifth Amendment rights was upheld and a significant refinement of constitutional law madewhen the U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed the right of union officials to not divulge the location of union records in Curcio

v. United States, 354 U.S. 118 (1957).[90]

Rank-and-file anger over the McClellan Committee's revelations eventually led Beck to retire from the Teamsters andallowed Jimmy Hoffa to take over. Immediately after his testimony in late March 1957, Beck won approval from theunion's executive board to establish a $1 million fund to defend himself and the union from the committee's

allegations.[91] But member outrage at the expenditure was significant, and permission to establish the fund

rescinded. [92] Member anger continued to grow throughout the spring,[93] and Beck's majority support on the executive

board vanished.[94] Beck was called before the McClellan Committee again in early May 1957, and additional interest-

free loans and other potentially illegal and unethical financial transactions exposed. [95] Based on these revelations,

Beck was indicted for tax evasion on May 2, 1957. [96]

Beck's legal troubles led him to retire and Hoffa to win election to the union presidency. Support for Beck among the

membership evaporated.[97] Beck announced on May 25 he would not run for re-election in October. [98] Theannouncement created chaos among the union leadership, [99] and despite additional indictments Hoffa announced he

would seek the presidency on July 19.[100] Rank-and-file support for Hoffa was strong,[101] although there were some

attempts to organize an opposition candidate.[102] Hoffa's opponents asked a federal judge to postpone the election, buthe request was granted only temporarily and Hoffa was duly elected General President of the union on October 4,

1957.[103] Beck offered to retire early to allow Hoffa to take control of the union in December. [104] A federal district cou

barred Hoffa from taking power unless he was acquitted in his wiretapping trial. [105] The ruling was upheld by a court ofappeals, but the trial ended in a hung jury on December 19, 1957, and Hoffa assumed the presidency on February 1,

1958.[106]
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The worsening corruption scandal led the AFL-CIO to eject the Teamsters. AFL-CIO President George Meany, worriedthat corruption scandals plaguing a number of unions at the time might lead to harsh regulation of unions or even the

withdrawal of federal labor law protection, began an anti-corruption drive in April 1956. [107] New rules were enacted bythe labor federation's executive council that provided for the removal of vice presidents engaged in corruption as well as

the ejection of unions considered corrupt. [108] The McClellan Committee's investigation only worsened the dispute

between the AFL-CIO and the Teamsters. [109] In January 1957, the AFL-CIO proposed a new rule which would barofficers of the federation from continuing to hold office if they exercised their Fifth Amendment rights in a corruption

investigation.[110] Beck opposed the new rule,[111] but the Ethical Practices Committee of AFL-CIO instituted rule on

January 31, 1957.[112] The Teamsters were given 90 days to reform,[113] but Beck retaliated by promising more raids o

AFL-CIO member unions if the union was ousted.[114] Beck's opposition prompted a successful move by Meany toremove Beck from AFL-CIO executive council on grounds of corruption. [115] After extensive hearings and appeals whichlasted from July to September 1957, the AFL-CIO voted on September 25, 1957, to eject the Teamsters if the union did

not institute reforms within 30 days. [116] Beck refused to institute any reforms, and the election of Jimmy Hoffa (whomthe AFL-CIO considered as corrupt as Beck) led the labor federation to suspend the Teamsters union on October 24,

1957.[117] Meany offered to keep the Teamsters within the AFL-CIO if Hoffa resigned as president, but Hoffa refused an

the formal expulsion occurred on December 6, 1957. [118]

The Teamsters were not the only corrupt union in the AFL-CIO by any means. Another was the InternationalLongshoremen's Association (ILA), which represented stevedores in most East Coast ports. The Teamsters had longdesired to bring all shipping and transportation workers into the union, so that no product could be moved anywhere inthe U.S. without it being touched by Teamsters hands. As the ILA came under increasing attack for permitting

corruption in its locals, President Beck sought to bring the ILA into the Teamsters.[119]

The AFL ousted the ILA inSeptember 1953, and formed the International Brotherhood of Longshoremen-AFL (IBL-AFL) to represent longshoremen

on the Great Lakes and East Coast. [120] The Teamsters planned to raid the expelled union, and may even have hoped

seize control of the IBL-AFL.[121] Beck undertook a campaign to bring the ILA back into the AFL in early 1955, [122] butthe election of mob associate Anthony "Tough Tony" Anastasio as an ILA vice president forced Beck to end the

effort.[123] But even as Beck backed away from any ILA deal, Jimmy Hoffa secretly negotiated a major package offinancial and staff aid to the ILA and then went public with the deal forcing Beck to accept it as a fait accompli or risk

embarrassing Hoffa.[124] The AFL-CIO threatened to expel the Teamsters if it aided the ILA. [125] Beck fought Hoffa over

the ILA aid package and won, withdrawing the offer to the ILA in the spring of 1956. [126]

The ILA was not the only union the Teamsters sought to merge with. The union attempted to merge with the Mine, Mill

Smelter Workers in 1955, but the effort failed. [127] The union also sought a merger with the Brewery Workers, but the

smaller union rejected the offer.[128] When the overture failed, the Teamsters raided the Brewery Workers, leading tofierce protests by the CIO.[129]

Raiding by the Teamsters was such a serious issue that it prompted the AFL and CIO, which had attempted to sign a

no-raid agreement for years, to finally negotiate and implement such a pact in December 1953. [130] President Beck

initially refused to sign the agreement, and threatened to take the Teamsters out of the AFL if forced to adhere to it. [13

Three months after the pact was signed, the Teamsters agreed to submit to the terms of the no-raid agreement. [132]

Shortly thereafter, the AFL adopted Article 20 of its constitution, which prevented its member unions from raiding one

another.[133] The union's affection for raiding led it to initially oppose the AFL-CIO merger in January 1955, but it quickly

reversed itself.[134]

The rise, fall and disappearance of Jimmy Hoffa

Hoffa achieved his goal of unifying all freight drivers under a single collective bargaining agreement, the National MasterFreight Agreement, in 1964. Hoffa used the grievance procedures of the agreement, which authorized selective strikesagainst particular employers, to police the agreement or, if Hoffa thought that it served the union's interest, to drivemarginal employers out of the industry. The union won substantial gains for its members, fostering a nostalgic image othe Hoffa era as the golden age for Teamster drivers. Hoffa also succeeded where Tobin had failed, concentrating poweat the international level, dominating the conferences which Beck and Dobbs had helped build.

In addition, Hoffa was instrumental in using the assets of the Teamsters' pension plans, particularly the Central Statesplan, to support Mafia projects, such as the development of Las Vegas in the 1950s and 1960s. Pension funds wereloaned to finance Las Vegas casinos such as the Stardust Resort & Casino, the Fremont Hotel & Casino, the DesertInn, the Dunes (hotel and casino) (which was controlled by Hoffa's attorney, Morris Shenker), the Four Queens, the

Aladdin Hotel & Casino, Circus Circus, and Caesars Palace. The pension fund also made a number of loans to
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caesars_Palacehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Circus_Circushttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aladdin_Hotel_%26_Casinohttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Four_Queenshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Morris_Shenkerhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dunes_(hotel_and_casino)http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Desert_Innhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fremont_Hotel_%26_Casinohttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stardust_Resort_%26_Casinohttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pension_fundhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Western_Federation_of_Minershttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Anastasiohttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/East_Coast_of_the_United_Stateshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stevedorehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Longshoremen%27s_Association


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associates and relatives of high-ranking Teamster officials. A close associate of Hoffa during this period was AllenDorfman. Dorfman owned an insurance agency that provided insurance claims processing to the Teamsters' union, andwhich was the subject of an investigation by the McClellan Committee. Dorfman also had increasing influence over loanmade by the Teamsters' pension fund, and after Hoffa went to prison in 1967, Dorfman had primary control over the fundDorfman was murdered in January 1983, shortly after his conviction, along with Teamsters' president Roy Lee Williams

in a bribery case.[135]

Hoffa was, moreover, defiantly unwilling to reform the union or limit his own power in response to the attacks from RobeF. Kennedy, formerly chief counsel to the McClellan Committee, then Attorney General. Kennedy's Department ofJustice tried to convict Hoffa for a variety of offenses over the 1960s, finally succeeding on a witness tampering charge

1964, with key testimony provided by Teamsters business agent Edward Grady Partin of Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Afteexhausting his appeals, Hoffa entered prison in 1967.

Hoffa installed Frank Fitzsimmons, an associate from his days in Local 299 in Detroit, to hold his place for him while hserved time. Fitzsimmons, however, began to enjoy the exercise of power in Hoffa's absence; in addition, the organizedcrime figures around him found that he was more pliant than Hoffa had been. While President Nixon's pardon barredHoffa from resuming any role in the Teamsters until 1980, Hoffa challenged the legality of that condition and planned torun again for presidency of the union, but disappeared in 1975 under mysterious circumstances. He is presumed dead,although his body has never been found.

Decentralization, deregulation and drift

Under General President Frank Fitzsimmons, authority within the Teamsters was decentralized back into the hands ofregional, joint council, and local leaders. While this helped solidify Fitzsimmons' own political position in the union, italso made it more difficult for the union to act decisively on policy issues. Fitzs immons also moved the union's politicastands slowly to the left, supporting universal health care, an immediate end to the Vietnam War, urban renewal, andcommunity organizing. In 1968, Fitzsimmons and United Auto Workers President Walter Reuther formed the Alliance fLabor Action, a new national trade union center which competed with the AFL-CIO. The Alliance dissolved in 1972 afteReuther's death. While the Teamsters won rich national master contracts in trucking and package delivery in the 1970sit did little to adapt to the changes occurring in the transportation industry.

A major jurisdictional battle with the United Farm Workers (UFW) broke out in 1970, and did not end until 1977. TheTeamsters and UFW had both claimed jurisdiction over farm workers for many years, and in 1967 had signed anagreement settling their differences. But decentralization of power within the union led several Teamster leaders inCalifornia to repudiate this agreement without Fitzsimmons' permission and organize large numbers of field workers. H

hand forced, Fitzsimmons ordered Teamsters contract negotiators to re-open the handful of contracts it had signed witCalifornia growers.[136] The UFW sued, the AFL-CIO condemned the action, and many employers negotiated contracts

with the Teamsters rather than with the UFW.[137] The Teamsters subsequently signed contracts (which many

denounced as sweetheart deals) with more than 375 California growers.[138][139] Although an agreement giving UFWurisidction over field workers and the Teamsters jurisdiction over packing and warehouse workers was reached onSeptember 27, 1973, Fitzsimmons reneged on the agreement within a month and moved ahead with forming a farm

workers regional union in California.[140][141] The organizing battles even became violent at times. [142] By 1975, theUFW had won 24 elections and the Teamsters 14; UFW membership had plummeted to just 6,000 from nearly 70,000

while the Teamsters farmworker division counted 55,000 workers.[138][140] The UFW signed an agreement withFitzsimmons in March 1977 in which the UFW agreed to seek to organize only those workers covered by the California

Agricultural Labor Relations Act, while the Teamsters retained jurisdiction over some agricultural workers, who had bee

covered by Teamsters Local Union contracts prior to the formation of the UFW. [143]

In October 1973, Fitzsimmons ended the long-running jurisdictional dispute with the United Brewery Workers, and the

Brewery Workers merged with the Teamsters.[144]

In 1979 Congress passed legislation that deregulated the freight industry, removing the Interstate CommerceCommission's power to impose detailed regulatory tariffs on interstate carriers. The union tried to fight deregulation byattempting to bribe Senator Howard Cannon of Nevada. That attempt not only failed, but resulted in the conviction in1982 of Roy Williams, the General President who had succeeded Fitzsimmons in 1981. Williams subsequently resignin 1983 as a condition of remaining free on bail while his appeal proceeded.

Deregulation had catastrophic effects on the Teamsters, opening up the industry to competition from non-unioncompanies who sought to cut costs by avoiding unionization and curbing wages. Nearly 200 unionized carriers went ouof business in the first few years of deregulation, leaving thirty percent of Teamsters in the freight division unemployed.
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The remaining unionized carriers demanded concessions in wages, work rules, and hours.

Williams' successor, Jackie Presser, was prepared to grant most of these concessions in the form of a special freightrelief rider that would cut wages by up to 35 percent and establish two-tier wages. Teamsters for a Democratic Unionwhich had grown out of efforts to reject the 1976 freight agreement, launched a successful national campaign to defeatthe relief rider, which was defeated by a vote of 94,086 to 13,082.

The pressure on the freight industry and the national freight agreement continued, however. By the end of the 1990s theNational Master Freight Agreement, which had covered 500,000 drivers in the late 1970s, dropped to less than 200,000with numerous local riders weakening it further in some areas.

Internal and external challenges

The decline in working conditions in the freight industry, combined with long-simmering unhappiness among membersemployed by the United Parcel Service, led to the development of two nationwide dissident groups within the union inthe 1980s: Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU), an assemblage of a number of local efforts, and the ProfessionalDrivers Council, better known as PROD, which began as a public interest group affiliated with Ralph Nader that wasconcerned with worker safety. The two groups merged in 1979.

TDU was able to win some local offices within the union, although the International Union often attempted to make thosvictories meaningless by marginalizing the officer or the union. TDU acquired greater prominence, however, with theelection reforms forced on the union by the consent decree it had entered into in 1989 on the eve of trial on a suitbrought by the federal government under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO).

The decree required the direct election of International officers by the membership, as TDU had been demanding foryears leading up to the decree, to replace the indirect election by delegates at the union's convention. While thedelegates at the union's 1991 convention balked at amending the Constitution, they ultimately capitulated underpressure from the government.

That consent decree might not have been possible, however, if it had not been for the testimony of Roy Williams, whodescribed, in an affidavit he gave the government in return for a delay of his imprisonment, his own dealings withorganized crime as the Secretary-Treasurer of a local union in Kansas City and as an officer of the International Union.The decree also gave the government the power to install an Independent Review Board with the power to expel anymember of the union for "conduct unbecoming to the union", which the IRB proceeded to exercise far more aggressivelythan the Teamsters officials who had agreed to the decree had expected.

While the government was pursuing a civil case against the union as an entity it was also indicting Presser, who hadsucceeded Williams as General President, for embezzling from two different local unions in Cleveland prior to hiselection as President. Presser resigned in 1988, but died before his trial was scheduled to begin. He was succeeded bWilliam J. McCarthy, who came from the same local that Dan Tobin had led eighty years earlier.

The Independent Review Board (IRB) is a three-member panel established to investigate and take appropriate action wirespect to "any allegations of corruption," "any allegations of domination or control or influence" of any part of the Unio

by organized crime, and any failure to cooperate fully with the IRB. [145]

Recent history

Ron Carey won a surprising victory in the first direct election for General President in the union's history, defeating two

"old guard" candidates, R.V. Durham and Walter Shea. Carey's slate, supported by TDU, also won nearly all of theseats on the International Executive Board.

Carey acquired a fair amount of influence within the AFL-CIO, which had readmitted the Teamsters in 1985. Carey wasclose with the new leadership elected in 1995, particularly Richard Trumka of the United Mine Workers of America, whbecame Secretary-Treasurer of the AFL-CIO under John Sweeney. Carey had also swung the Teamsters support behinthe Democratic Party, a change from past administrations that had supported the Republican Party. The newadministration set out to break from the past in other ways, making energetic efforts to head off a vote to oust the unionas representative of Northwest Airlines' flight attendants, negotiating a breakthrough agreement covering carhaulers, ansupporting local strikes, such as the one against Diamond Walnut, to restore the union's strength.
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A Teamsters gathering at the YearlyKos

2007 convention

The Carey administration did not, on the other hand, have much power in thelower reaches of the Teamster hierarchy: all of the large regional conferenceswere run by "old guard" officers, as were most of the locals. Disagreementsbetween those two camps led the old guard to campaign against the Careyadministration's proposed dues increase; the Carey administration retaliatedby dissolving the regional conferences, calling them expensive redundanciesand fiefdoms for old guard union officers. and rearranging the boundaries ofsome joint councils that had fought against the dues increase.

The opposition responded by uniting around a single candidate, James P.

Hoffa, son of James R. Hoffa, to run against Carey in 1996. Hoffa ran a strongcampaign, trading on the myst ique still attached to his late father's name andpromising to restore those days of glory. Carey appeared, however, to havewon a close election.

Shortly afterward in 1997, the union initiated a large and successful strikeagainst UPS. The parcel services department by that time had become the largest division in the union.

Carey was removed from the union's leadership by the IRB shortly thereafter, when evidence that individuals in his officehad arranged for transfer of several thousand dollars to an outside contractor, which then arranged for another entity tomake an equivalent contribution to the Carey campaign. Carey was indicted for lying to investigators about his campaigfunding but was acquitted of all charges in a 2001 trial.

In the 1998 election to succeed Carey, James P. Hoffa was elected handily. He became president of the Teamsters onMarch 19, 1999, and took the union in a more moderate direction, tempering the union's support for Democrats andattempting to come to terms with powerful Republicans in Congress.

The union has merged in recent years with a number of unions from other industries, including the GraphicCommunications International Union, a printing industry union, and the Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employesand Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, both from the railway industry.

On July 25, 2005, the Teamsters disaffiliated from the AFL-CIO and became a founding member of the new national

trade union center, the Change to Win Federation. [146]

In 2009, UPS, many employees of which are members of the Teamsters, lobbied to have language added to the FAAReauthorization Act of 2009 (H.R. 915) to change how UPS and FedEx compete with one another. In response, FedEx

launched a large, online advertising campaign aimed at UPS and the Teamsters, called 'Stop the Brown Bailout'.

Internal Teamsters politics

Prior to the 1970s, no long-lived caucuses existed within the Teamsters union. Challengers for office ran on theirpersonal appeal and individual power base, rather than on caucus or "party" platforms and such challenges wereinfrequent. The Teamster leadership was well-established and somewhat self-perpetuating, and challengers only rarely

achieved victories at the local and (even less frequently) regional levels. [147] This changed in the 1970s. A nationalwildcat strike challenged President Frank Fitzsimmons' control over the union, but failed. After the strike, a reformmovement known as "Teamsters United Rank and File" (TURF) formed to continue to challenge against the union's

national leadership. But TURF collapsed after a few years due to internal dissent. [148] In 1975, two new caucusesformed: Teamsters for a Decent Contract (TDC) and UPSurge. Both groups pushed the national leadership for a vastly

improved contract at the UPS freight and shipping company. [148]

In 1976 a new formal caucus, Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU), formed when TDC and UPSurge merged. Thenew caucus' goal was to make internal Teamster governance more transparent and democratic, which included giving

rank-and-file more of a say in the terms and approval of contracts.[149]

In the 1980s, TDU occasionally won elections for positions on local councils, but it was not until 1983when the TDUforced President Jackie Presser to withdraw and make changes to a concession-laden National Master Freight

Agreementthat TDU had a national impact.[150] TDU publicized the very centralized and not very transparent nationaunion decision-making process, criticized what it said was lack of member input into these decisions, and publishedcontract, salary, membership, and other data critical of the national union leadership. These criticisms led to anothersuccess for TDU, with many TDU proposals finding their way into the 1898 court decree in which the federal governmen

took over of the Teamsters. [149] Although the TDU has never won the presidency of the national union as of mid-2013, i
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Teamsters headquarters located beside

Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C.

strongly supported Ron Carey for the presidency in 1991. Carey, in turn, adopted many of TDU's reform proposals aspart of his platform. Carey ran with nearly a full slate (which included a candidate for secretary-treasurer and 13 vice

presidencies).[151] R.V. Durham, leader of the Teamsters in North Carolina, was considered the "establishment"candidate and front-runner in the campaign (he had the backing of a majority of the union's executive board). A secondcandidate in the race, Walter Shea, was a veteran union staffer from Washington, D.C. Carey won with 48.5 percent ofthe vote to Durham's 33.2 percent and Shea's 18.3 percent. (Turnout was low, only about 32 percent of the union's tota

membership.)[152] Carey's election, sociologist Charlotte Ryan says, was another success for TDU (even though Carey

was not a TDU candidate).[149]

Carey won re-election in 1996 in a corrupt election, defeating James P. Hoffa (son of the former union president). Prior entering the race, Hoffa formed a caucus of his own, the "Hoffa Unity Slate", to counter the grassroots organizing of TD

and Carey.[153] Carey was later ousted as union president by U.S. government officials. A re-run election in 1998 sawHoffa and the Unity Slate easily defeat TDU candidate Tom Leedham 54.5 percent to 39.3 percent (with 28 percent

turnout).[154]

Hoffa was re-elected over Leedham (again running on the TDU platform) in 2001, 64.8 percent to 35.2 percent. [148]

Leedham challenged Hoffa and the Hoffa Unity Slate a third time in 2006, losing 65 percent to 35 percent (with 25

percent turnout).[155] Hoffa faced TDU candidate Sandy Pope, a local union president, in 2011. [156] Also running, with afull slate of officer and vice presidential candidates, was former Hoffa supporter and former national vice president FredGegare. Hoffa again easily won re-election, earning 60 percent of the vote to Gregare's 23 percent and Pope's 17percent. The Hoffa Unity Slate also won all five regional vice presidencies, although the slate's support declined across

the board.[157]

Political donations

The Teamsters Union is one of the largest labor unions in the world, as wellas the 11th largest campaign contributor in the United States. While theysupported Republicans Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush for Presidentin the 1980s, they have begun leaning largely toward the Democrats in recentyears; they have donated 92% of their $24,418,589 in contributions since1990 to the Democratic Party. Though the union opposed former PresidentGeorge W. Bush's agenda to open US highways to Mexican truckers, it didpreviously support Bush's platform for oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife

Refuge.[158] On July 23, 2008, however, Hoffa announced the union's

withdrawal from the coalition favoring drilling there. Speaking beforeenvironmentalists and union leaders assembled to discuss good jobs andclean air, Hoffa said, "We are not going to drill our way out of the energyproblems we are facing -- not here and not in the Arctic National Wildlife

Refuge."[159]

The Teamsters Union endorsed Barack Obama for the 2008 Democratic Nomination on February 20, 2008.[160]

Organization

General President

1903 Cornelius Shea

1907 Daniel J. Tobin

1952 Dave Beck

1957 Jimmy Hoffa

1971 Frank Fitzsimmons

1981 George Mock (interim)

1981 Roy Williams

1983 Jackie Presser

1988 Weldon Mathis (interim)

1989 William J. McCarthy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_J._McCarthyhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Weldon_Mathishttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jackie_Presserhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roy_Lee_Williamshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mockhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Fitzsimmonshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jimmy_Hoffahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dave_Beckhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniel_J._Tobinhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cornelius_Sheahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barack_Obamahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arctic_National_Wildlife_Refugehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W._Bushhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_H.W._Bushhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronald_Reaganhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington,_D.C.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capitol_Hill,_Washington,_D.C.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:International_Brotherhood_of_Teamsters_headquarters.jpg


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1991 Ron Carey

1998 James P. Hoffa

Membership

1933 75,000 (depression era low)

1935 146,000

1949 1 million

1957 1.5 million1976 2 million

1987 1 million

2003 1.7 million

2008 1.4 million

Divisions

Airline Division

Bakery and Laundry Conference

Brewery and Soft Drink Conference

Building Material and Construction Trade Division

Carhaul Division

Dairy Conference

Express Division

Freight Division

Graphic Communications Conference

Amalgamated Lithographers of America

Industrial Trade Division

Motion Picture and Theatrical Trade Division

Newspaper, Magazine and Electronic Media Worker

Parcel and Small Package Division

Port Division

Public Services Trade Division

Rail Conference

Tankhaul Division

Trade Show and Convention Centers Division

Warehouse Division

Waste Division

New York Horse and Carriage Association

See also

2009-2010 Federal Aviation Administration Reauthorization Act

Teamsters Canada

Archives

International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen, and Helpers of America records.

(http://digital.lib.washington.edu/findingaids/view?

docId=InternationalBrotherhoodofTeamstersChauffeursWarehousemenandHelpersofAmerica3235.xml) 1950-197
http://digital.lib.washington.edu/findingaids/view?docId=InternationalBrotherhoodofTeamstersChauffeursWarehousemenandHelpersofAmerica3235.xmlhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teamsters_Canadahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009-2010_Federal_Aviation_Administration_Reauthorization_Acthttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amalgamated_Lithographers_of_Americahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Graphic_Communications_Conferencehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_P._Hoffahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ron_Carey_(labor_leader)


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2.83 cubic feet (4 boxes). At the Labor Archives of Washington, University of Washington Libraries Special

Collections. (http://lib.washington.edu/specialcollections/laws)

Notes

1. ^ ab Office of Labor-Management Standards. Employment Standards Administration. U.S. Department of Labor. Form

LM-2 labor Organization Annual Report. International Brotherhood of Teamsters (Teamsters National Headquarters).

File Number: 000-093. Dated March 30, 2012. (http://kcerds.dol-esa.gov/query/getOrgQryResult.do)

2. ^ abcdSloane, Hoffa, 1991.3. ^ abcTaft, The A.F. of L. in the Time of Gompers, 1957.

4. ^ ab Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Lab or: The Workplace, the State, and American Lab or Activism, 1865-1925

1987.

5. ^ Sheridan and Innes alleged that Shea had billed locals in Mass achusetts $9.61 for services while charging the

national union $19.44 for the same services. "Drivers Bolt Meeting," Chicago Daily Tribune, August 9, 1903.

6. ^ "Drivers Bolt Meeting," Chicago Daily Tribune, August 9, 1903.

7. ^ "Shea Chosen," Boston Daily Globe, August 9, 1903.

8. ^ ab "Daniel Tobin Dies ; Labor Leader, 80; Former President of A. F. L. Teams ters Union Succumbs in Indianapolis

Hospital" (http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F30F14FE3C55107A93C7A8178AD95F418585F9). The Ne

York Times. November 15, 1955.9. ^ abcdefghijklmno Galenson, The CIO Chal lenge to the AFL: A History of the American Lab or Movement, 1960.

10. ^ ab Bernstein, The Lean Years: A History of the American Worker, 1920-1933, 1972.

11. ^ abcdFitch, Solidarity for Sale, 2006.

12. ^ abcWitwer, "Unionized Teams ters and the Struggle over the Streets of the Early-Twentieth-Century City," Social

Science History, Spring 2000.

13. ^ ab Tilman, "John R. Commons , the New Deal and the American Tradition of Empirical Collectivism ," Journal of

Economic Issues, September 2008.

14. ^ Commons , "The Teamsters of Chicago," in Trade Unionism and Labor Problems, 1905.

15. ^ "Teams ters Are For War," Chicago Daily Tribune, November 23, 1903; "Teamsters Split Over Contracts," Chicago

DailyTribune, November 25, 1903; "Labor's Leader Made to Dance," Chicago Daily Tribune, December 18, 1903.16. ^ Barrett, Work and Community in the Jungle: Chicago's Packing-House Workers, 1894-1922, 1990; Halpern, Down o

the Killing Floor: Black and White Workers in Chicago's Packinghouses, 1904-54, 1997; "Strike Spreads," Chicago Da

Tribune, July 27, 1904; "Riots In Streets After Nightfall Involve Drivers," Chicago Daily Tribune, Augus t 10, 1904; "Mob o

4,000 Men Charges Police," Chicago Daily Tribune, Augus t 19, 1904; "Meet in Secret to End Strike," Chicago Daily

Tribune, Augus t 14, 1904; "Meat Supply in Drivers' Power," Chicago Daily Tribune, September 2, 1904.

17. ^ ab "Shea, Head of the Teamsters, Has Risen From A Tip-Cart Man," Boston Daily Globe, December 2, 1906; "Strike

Spreads Among Drivers," Chicago Daily Tribune, August 9, 1904.

18. ^ ab Cohen, The Racketeer's Progress: Chicago and the Struggle for the Modern American Economy, 1900-1940, 200

19. ^ "Gigantic Strike Is In Full Swing," Chicago Daily Tribune, April 28, 1905; "Big Strike Has Small Beginning," Chicago

DailyTribune, May 20, 1905; "To Test Union Sympathy," Chicago Daily Tribune, April 6, 1905.20. ^ ab "History of Great Teams ters' Strike Filled with Sensational Incidents," Chicago Daily Tribune, July 21, 1905.

21. ^ "Women Betray Labor Leaders," Chicago Daily Tribune, June 12, 1905.

22. ^ abcWitwer, Corruption and Reform in the Teamsters Union, 2003.

23. ^ "Teamsters Re-Elect Shea," New York Times, August 13, 1905.

24. ^ "Fight to Defeat Teamster Chief," Chicago Daily Tribune, July 7, 1906; "Teamsters Re-Elect Shea," New York Times,

August 10, 1906.

25. ^ "Jury In Deadlock In the Shea Case," Chicago Daily Tribune, January 20, 1907.

26. ^ ab "Shea's Scepter About to Fall?", Chicago Daily Tribune, March 22, 1907.

27. ^ "Shea Beaten By 10 Votes," Boston Daily Globe, August 10, 1907.
http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F30F14FE3C55107A93C7A8178AD95F418585F9http://kcerds.dol-esa.gov/query/getOrgQryResult.dohttp://lib.washington.edu/specialcollections/laws


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28. ^ abFoner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States: The Policies and Practices of the American Federation

of Labor, 1900-1909, 1964.

29. ^ abFink, Biographical Dictionary of American Lab or, 1984.

30. ^ abPhelan, William Green: Biography of a Labor Leader, 1989.

31. ^ abcBernstein, The Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker, 1933-1941, 1970.

32. ^ Taft,The A.F. of L. From the Death of Gompers to the Merger, 1959.

33. ^ "Craft Unionists Win in Federation," New York Times, October 11, 1933.

34. ^ abcdefKorth, Minneapolis Teamsters Strike of 1934, 1995.

35. ^ Dubofsky and Van Tine, John L. Lewis: A Biography, 1992.

36. ^ abSchlesinger, The Age of Roosevelt: The Com ing of the New Deal, 1933-1935, 1959.

37. ^ Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen and Unionism in the 1930s, 1988.

38. ^ Garnel, The Rise of Teamster Power in the West, 1972.

39. ^ Galenson claims that Tobin's "personal hones ty was never challenged..." See: Galenson, The CIO Challenge to the

AFL:A History of the American Labor Movement, 1960, p. 471. Other historians challenge this conclusion, but conclud

any misdeeds Tobin engaged in are minor compared to those of some Teamsters leaders. See: Garnel, The Rise of

Teamster Power in the West, 1972; Witwer, Corruption and Reform in the Teamsters Union, 2003; Phelan, William

Green: Biography of a Labor Leader, 1989.

40. ^ Stark, "White House Link to Conciliate A.F.L.," New York Times, June 11, 1940; "Tobin, to Aid Flynn, Quits White

House," New York Times, August 27, 1940.

41. ^ "English Labor in War Described By Tobin," New York Times, September 27, 1942.

42. ^ Stark, "Successor Sought for Miss Perkins," New York Times, December 11, 1944; "Tobin Endorsed for Labor Post,"

NewYork Times, January 18, 1945; Hulen, "Successors Named," New York Times, May 24, 1945; "Dan Tobin Refused

2 Cabinet Offers," New York Times, August 12, 1948.

43. ^ Stark, "Dictatorship Issue Stirs Teamsters," New York Times, September 14, 1940.

44. ^ "Teamsters Order 2d Ouster in Jersey,"Associated Press, March 12, 1941; "Seceding Drivers Face Union Strife," New

YorkTimes, June 11, 1941.

45. ^ "President Summons 'Labor War Board'," New York Times, February 5, 1942; "President Meets Joint Labor Group,"

NewYork Times, February 7, 1942; "WLB Demands End of Trucking Strike," New York Times, August 25, 1942; "Tobin

Demands Unions Punish Strikers," New York Times, March 6, 1943; "Tobin Bids Public Insist Work Go On," New York

Times, June 7, 1943; "Truck Tie-Up Halts Freight in South,"Associated Press, October 11, 1943; "3 Breweries Face

Seizure In Strike," New York Times, January 14, 1945; "Deliveries Halted on Certified Milk," New York Times, January 1

1945; "Tobin Tells Union to Ignore Pickets,"Associated Press, May 31, 1945.

46. ^ Raskin, "Union Vote Today," New York Times, September 12, 1946; Raskin, "Situation Is Eased," New York Times,

September 13, 1946; Lissner, "Tobin Bids Union End Parcel Strike," New York Times, September 19, 1946; Raskin,

"Express Strikers Picket Airfield," New York Times, October 10, 1947; "Union Head Scores Express Walkout," New Yor

Times, October 13, 1947; "Tobin Warns Union On Wage Demands ," New York Times, June 4, 1948.

47. ^ Signing the affidavit provided the Teamsters with the protection of the NLRA, which was an important tool in the

Teamsters' fight with the Brewery Workers. "Tobin Opposes Law On Labor Disputes," New York Times, January 19,

1947; "Tobin Signs Affidavit," New York Times, September 16, 1947; Davies, "Tobin Again Heads Teamsters' Union,"

NewYork Times, August 16, 1947.

48. ^ iPad iPhone Android TIME TV Populist The Page (1949-03-28). "Just a Few Polite Questions," Time, March 28, 1949

(http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,799906,00.html). Time.com. Retrieved 2013-01-07.

49. ^ Davies, "Teamsters Defeat Tobin On Tax Rise," New York Times, August 15, 1947.

50. ^ "Union Editor Is Ousted,"Associated Press, September 3, 1948.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,799906,00.html


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51. ^ The NLRB subs equently held an election to determine who should represent the workers at Boeing. The Machinis ts

won the 1949 election by a 2-to-1 margin. See "Beck Said to Top Tobin in Teamsters," New York Times, September 19

1948; McCann, Blood in the Water: A History of District Lodge 751, International Association of Machinists and

Aerospace Workers, 1989; Rodden, The Fighting Machinists: A Century of Struggle, 1984; Raskin, "Union Leader-And

Big Business Man," New York Times, November 15, 1953.

52. ^ "AFL Teamsters Begin Drastic Revamping," New York Times, January 18, 1949.

53. ^ "Hickey In New Union Post,"Associated Press, August 28, 1951.

54. ^ "D.J. Tobin Set to Retire," New York Times, September 5, 1952; "Battle for Control of Union Is Revealed," New York

Times, October 7, 1952.

55. ^ Changes to the union constitution included expanding the number of vice-presidents, expanding the number of seat

on the executive board, expanding the number of delegates, and enhancing the powers and authority of the president.

"Teamsters Raise Tobin's Pay $20,000," New York Times, October 15, 1952; "Teamster Chiefs Defeat Opposi tion," Ne

York Times, October 16, 1952; "Curbs On Officers Rejected By Teamsters," New York Times, October 17, 1952;

"Teamsters Elect Beck As President,"Associated Press, October 18, 1952.

56. ^ Levey, "A. F. L. Elects Beck to Pos t In Council," New York Times, Augus t 14, 1953; Loftus , "Battle for Power Expected

A.F.L.," New York Times, August 19, 1953.

57. ^ "Teamsters to Ask Nation-Wide Pacts," New York Times, September 22, 1953; "Peace Plan Set Up In Truck Industry

NewYork Times, August 18, 1955.

58. ^ Raskin, "Teams ters Set Up Big Union Drives," New York Times, February 11, 1956; "Teamsters Map Southern Drive

Associated Press, April 8, 1956.

59. ^ Raskin, "Teams ters Plan Big Drive In East," New York Times, January 10, 1957.

60. ^ Loftus, "Union Buildings Ris ing in Capital," New York Times, April 3, 1955; "A.F.L. Teamsters ' Union Moves to

$5,000,000 Offices," New York Times, July 6, 1955.

61. ^ Loftus, "Beck Denies Surrender," New York Times, October 22, 1954.

62. ^ ab Katz, "Teamsters' Union in Control Fight," New York Times, January 10, 1956.

63. ^ Garnel, The Rise of Teamster Power in the West, 1972; Phelan, William Green: Biography of a Labor Leader, 1989.

64. ^ Touhy, The Stolen Years, 1959; Touhy, When Capone's Mob Murdered Roger Touhy: The Strange Case of "Jake the

Barber" and the Kidnapping That Never Happened, 2001; "Touhy Accuses Cop in $40,000 Capone Payoff," Chicago

DailyTribune, May 10, 1949; "Touhy Relates How Syndicate Invaded Unions," Chicago Daily Tribune, September 20,

1952; "Cites Gilbert Link to Labor Rackets," Chicago Daily Tribune, August 10, 1954; "Gangster Says Unions Paid to

Fight Capone," United Press International, September 20, 1952.

65. ^ Grutzner, "Racket in Produce By Trucking Union Is Bared At Inquiry," New York Times, January 27, 1953; Raskin,

"A.F.L. Heads Tell Dockers to Clean Union or Get Out," New York Times, February 4, 1953; "5 Teamster Heads

Suspended By Beck," New York Times, October 23, 1953; "Unionists Held for Trial,"Associated Press, October 28, 195

"7 Bound Over for Trial," New York Times, October 29, 1953; Loftus, "Beck Takes Over Westchester Unit," New York

Times, December 11, 1953; "Labor Inquiries Pushed," United Press International, December 27, 1953; "Inquiry Accuse

Teamster Local," United Press International, February 20, 1954; "Monopoly Is Seen In Garment Wear," New York Time

April 19, 1955; Ranzal, "U.S. Will Investigate Teamster Rule Here," New York Times, March 24, 1956.

66. ^ Lee,Farmers Vs. Wage Earners: Organized Lab or in Kansas, 1860-1960, 2005; Hyde, The Mafia and the Machine:

The Story of the Kansas City Mob , 2008; "Witnesses Tell of Union Threats,"Associated Press, June 30, 1953; "Terroris

Laid to Union,"Associated Press, July 3, 1953; "Kansas City Labor Held Gang-Ruled,"Associated Press, July 4, 1953.

67. ^ "House Blas ts Kansas City Tie-Up," New York Times, September 2, 1953.


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68. ^ A "paper local" is a local union, chartered by an international union or self-chartered, established for the purposes of

fraud. It may have no members; the "mem bers" may be relatives or individuals involved in organized crime rather than

workers; or the union may claim to represent workers but in fact no relationship has been established. The holder of th

charter for the paper local charter often enters into a s weetheart contract with an employer, or uses it as extortion

(threatening to unionize the workers unles s he receives a payoff). Paper locals are denounced by the AFL-CIO Code o

Ethical Practices. See: Doherty, Industrial and Lab or Relations Terms: A Glossary, 1989; "The Conglomerate of Crime

Time,Augus t 22, 1969.

69. ^ "NoOrdinary Hoodlum," New York Times, August 30, 1956.

70. ^ abLoftus, "Top Beck Aide Links Hoffa to 'Phony' Teamster Locals," New York Times, August 20, 1957.

71. ^ Raskin, "Teams ter Units Stir New Storm," New York Times, February 4, 1956; Raskin, "Hoffa of the Teamsters Forcin

LaborShowndown," New York Times, March 4, 1956.

72. ^ Ranzal, "7 Teamster Units Face U.S. Inquiry," New York Times, March 30, 1956; Kihss, Peter. "Local Chartered With

No Members," New York Times, April 25, 1956; Kihss, "Teamsters' Rules Appall U.S. Judge," New York Times, April 26

1956; "Racketeer Is Guilty of Contempt," New York Times, May 10, 1956; Levey, "Writ Restores Lacey As Teams ter

Leader," New York Times, May 13, 1956; "Dio Indicted Here In Union Sell-Out," New York Times, June 20, 1956; "Dio's

Locals Face Charter Reviews," New York Times, June 21, 1956; Raskin, "Senators Study Dio Union Tie-In," New York

Times, September 14, 1956; Roth, "Dio and Unionist Named Extorters," New York Times, October 30, 1956; "Teamste

Spurn 'Dio Local ' Order," New York Times, December 5, 1956; "Lacey Will Defy Teamster Chief," New York Times,

December 6, 1956; Raskin, "Dio 'Paper' Unions Offer First Dues ," New York Times, December 13, 1956; Raskin,

"O'Rourke Wins Post," New York Times, January 9, 1957.

73. ^ Loftus, "Teamsters Aide Balks at Inquiry on Union Rackets," New York Times. January 19, 1957; Raskin, "Teamsters

AvoidChallenge to U.S.," New York Times, January 24, 1957; Raskin, "Teamsters Seek Way to Avoid a Showdown," Ne

YorkTimes, January 27, 1957.

74. ^ "New Senate Unit to Widen Inquiry In Labor Rackets," New York Times, January 24, 1957; "Teamster Study Is 3

Months Old," New York Times, May 26, 1957; "Senate Votes Inquiry on Labor Rackets," New York Times, January 31,

1957.

75. ^ "Chapter 18. Records of Senate Select Comm ittees, 1789-1988," in Guide to the Records of the United States Senat

at theNational Archives, 1789-1989: Bicentennial Edition, 1989.

76. ^ "Beck Visi ting in the Bahamas," New York Times, February 6, 1957; "Citation Is Asked for 3 Teamsters," New York

Times, February 7, 1957; "Beck On Airliner Bound for London," New York Times, February 8, 1957; Love, "Beck Denies

Aim to Dodge Inquiry," New York Times, February 9, 1957; "Tourist Beck," New York Times, February 10, 1957; Raskin

"Beck Slips Back to U.S. and Faces Senate Subpoena," New York Times, March 11, 1957.

77. ^ Raskin, "Union Dissolves Four Dio Locals," New York Times, February 15, 1957; Loftus, "Senators Study Two Union

Here,"New York Times, February 16, 1957; "4 Teamsters' Aides Cited for Contempt In Balking Inquiry," New York Time

February 20, 1957; "Records Destroyed, M'Clellan Charges," New York Times, February 22, 1957; "More Data of Union

Reported Miss ing,"Associated Press, February 23, 1957; "Teamster Admits Destroying Data," New York Times, March

14, 1957; "A Teamster Local, Under Fire, Robbed," United Press International, March 17, 1957; "Wiretaps on Dio and

HoffaCited," New York Times, February 23, 1957; "Labor Inquiry Gets Secret Tape Talks ," New York Times, February 2

1957; Mooney, "M'Clellan Hunts Auditor of Union and Son of Beck," New York Times, April 28, 1957.

78. ^ Loftus, "Witness es Link Teams ters Union to Underworld," New York Times, February 27, 1957; Loftus, "Teamsters

Chiefs Tied to Vice Plot and to Gambling," New York Times, February 28, 1957; Loftus, "Teamsters Chiefs Charged W

Plot to Rule Oregon, Sought All Law Enforcement Powers," New York Times, March 2, 1957; Loftus, "Oregon Gambler

Tellsof Pay-Off," New York Times, March 7, 1957; Loftus, "Portland Mayor Accused of Bribe," New York Times, March 8

1957; Loftus, "Portland Called Vice-Ridden Now," New York Times, March 9, 1957; Loftus, "Teams ters Paid Gamblers

Bills," New York Times, March 13, 1957; "Holmes Denies Charge," New York Times, March 14, 1957; Loftus, "Brewste

Denies Teamsters' Plot to Rule Rackets," New York Times, March 16, 1957; "Portland Mayor Seized In Racket,

Prosecutor Held," New York Times, March 29, 1957.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sweetheart_deal


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79. ^ Davies, Lawrence (March 03, 1957). "Teamster Rally on Coast Backs Accused Leaders; 11-State Parley Urges Unity

to Meet Senate Inquiry's 'Anti-Union' Attacks STAR WITNESS ASSAILED Labor Heads Ass ert Hearings Are Being Used

in Drive to Thwart Bargaining" (http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?

res=FA0814F63A5A137A93C1A91788D85F438585F9).The New York Times.

80. ^ "BECK ASKS MEMBERS TO SUPPORT LEADERS" (http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?

res=F70C13F93D5D167B93C2AB1788D85F438585F9). The New York Times. March 20, 1957.

81. ^ Raskin, "Teamsters Stir Against Leaders," New York Times, March 22, 1957; "Protests Rise Among Teamsters

Against Leaders Now Under Fire," New York Times, March 23, 1957; Raskin, "Teams ter Sentiment Grows to Rem ove

Beck and Aides," New York Times, March 28, 1957; "Beck Effigy Hanged By Union In Yakima,"Associated Press, March

29, 1957; "Portland Teamsters Fight Leaders,"Associated Press, March 29, 1957.

82. ^ Raskin, "Teamsters Hear From Their Chief," New York Times, March 7, 1957.

83. ^ Raskin, "More Dio Locals Join Teamsters," New York Times, March 13, 1957; Raskin, "Teamsters Delay Vote on Dio

Units," New York Times, May 10, 1957.

84. ^ Loftus, "F.B.I. Seizes Hoffa In A Plot To Bribe Senate Staff Aide," New York Times, March 14, 1957.

85. ^ Loftus, "Unionist Denies Bribery," New York Times, March 15, 1957; Loftus, "U.S. Jury Indicts 4 Team ster Aides Silen

In Inquiry," New York Times, March 19, 1957; Loftus, "U.S. Jury Indicts Hoffa, Attorney," New York Times, March 20, 195

"8 Hoffa Aides in Detroit Get Subpoenas to Appear Before U.S. Rackets Jury Here," New York Times, March 20, 1957;

"Hoffa, Attorney Plead Not Guilty," New York Times, March 30, 1957; Loftus, "Hoffa Urges Court to Quash Charges," Ne

YorkTimes, April 23, 1957; Ranzal, "Jury Here Indicts Hoffa On Wiretap," New York Times, May 15, 1957.

86. ^ "Beck Says Union Lent Him $300,000 Without Interest," New York Times, March 18, 1957; Drury, "Teamster Loss Pu

At $709,420," New York Times, March 23, 1957; Morris, "Inquiry Tracing Funds Beck Used," New York Times, March 24

1957; "Million Teamster Loan To Tracks Under Study," New York Times, March 30, 1957.

87. ^ Loftus, "Beck Appearance Today Indicated," New York Times, March 26, 1957; Loftus, "Beck Uses 5th Amendment to

Balk Senate Questions About Teamsters' $322,000," New York Times, March 27, 1957; Loftus, "M'Clellan Scores Beck

for 'Theft' of Union's Funds," New York Times, March 28, 1957.

88. ^ "Inquiry to Stress His tory of Hoffa,"Associated Press, Augus t 11, 1957; Drury, "Two Racketeers Tied to O'Rourke," Ne

YorkTimes, Augus t 16, 1957; Mooney, "Inquiry Set to Press Hoffa on Role Here," New York Times, August 18, 1957;

Loftus, "Hoffa Says He Got $120,000 In Loans Without Security," New York Times, August 21, 1957; Loftus, "Senators

Reveal Hoffa Bid to Get Dio In Teamsters," New York Times, August 22, 1957; Loftus, "Hoffa Is Accused of Using Dio in

Bid for Control Here," New York Times, Augus t 23, 1957; "M'Clellan Seeks A Perjury Check On Hoffa Replies ," New Yo

Times, August 25, 1957; Drury, "New Fund Abuses Charged to Hoffa," New York Times, September 24, 1957; Drury,

"M'Clellan Seeks Teamsters' Files," New York Times, October 11, 1957; "Hoffa Called Ruler of Hoodlum Empire," New

YorkTimes, March 26, 1958.

89. ^ "Union Curbs Foreseen," New York Times, May 13, 1957; "M'Clellan Sees Stiff Labor Law," New York Times, May 18,

1957; Loftus, "Congress Dis closures Forecast New Labor Legis lation," New York Times, June 2, 1957; Raskin, "White

House Gives Program to Curb Abuses in Unions ," New York Times, December 6, 1957; Higgins and Janus, The

Developing Lab or Law: The Board, the Courts, and the National Lab or Relations Act,2006; Wilson, "Conquering the

Enemy Within: The Case for Reform of the Landrum-Griffin Act," Journal of Labor Research, December 2005; Lee,

Eisenhower & Landrum-Griffin: A Study in Labor-Management Politics, 1990; Jacobs, Mobsters, Unions, and Feds: The

Mafia and the American Lab or Movement, 2006.

90. ^ "Teamster Wins Contempt Test," New York Times, June 11, 1957.

91. ^ "Beck To Use Fund To Tell His Story," New York Times, March 29, 1957; "Beck Insists Board Approve Publicity," New

YorkTimes, March 30, 1957.

92. ^ Loftus, "Union Said to Bar 5-Year Beck Plan," New York Times, April 2, 1957; Loftus, "Union Curbs Beck in Publicity

Plan," New York Times, April 3, 1957; "Collusion Check Set By Senators," New York Times, April 7, 1957.
http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F70C13F93D5D167B93C2AB1788D85F438585F9http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0814F63A5A137A93C1A91788D85F438585F9


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93. ^ "Beck Asked to Resign," New York Times, March 30, 1957; Raskin, "Teamster Leadership Strongly Entrenched," New

Yor

Documents

International Brotherhood of Teamsters -