Inter-Religio Bulletin No 32irbulletin.0catch.com/pdf/ir32.pdfprophecies of Nostradamus and their popularization in Japan since the ... the next several years Nostradamus was to complete

INTER-RELIGIOA NETWORK OF CHRISTIAN ORGANIZATIONS FOR INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER IN EAST ASIA

BULLETINNo. 32

Winter 1997 45 FOREWORD

FEATURE ARTICLES

47 Nostradamus and the Apocalypse in Japan—Robert Kisala

63 Religions in Taiwan: Between Mercantilismand Millenarianism—Benoit Vermander

76 NETWORK REPORTS

HONG KONG

Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion & Culture

JAPAN

Institute of Christian Culture/Oriental ReligionsNCC Center for the Study of Japanese Religions

Nanzan Institute for Religion and CultureOriens Institute for Religious Research

KOREA

Seton Interreligious Research and Spirituality CenterInstitute of Religion and Theology

PHILIPPINES

Gowing Memorial Research CenterEast Asian Pastoral Institute

TAIWAN

Ricci Institute for Chinese Studies

THAILAND

FABC Office of Ecumenical & Interreligious Affairs

INTER-RELIGIO 32 / Winter 1997 1

Foreword

In this issue a further two papers from the January 1996 Inter-Religio confer-ence in Kyoto are presented. Bob Kisala looks at the role of the Nostradamusprophecies in Japanese religions, and Benoit Vermander in his presentationlooks at millenarian tendencies in Taiwan’s religious landscape. Searching fora connection between the two, I noted that the prophecies of Nostradamus onone hand and mercantilism on the other, both date from the sixteenth century.Despite the best efforts of the Enlightenment on one hand and Adam Smith onthe other, both seem destined to survive into the 21st. century.

Simple answers and quick solutions to the complex problems and uncertaintiesof today’s society can prove very attractive, especially if they are presented in anattractive package and given the right ‘spin’. Human gullability has not dimin-ished significantly since Eve fell for the serpent’s ‘slick presentation’ and bit intothe forbidden fruit.

In an age when just about everything else on the planet has been ‘merchan-dized’, it should come as no surprise that religion now finds itself packaged andsold. Signs and wonders have great selling power and the promise of instantenlightenment is extremely attractve. The potential for profit is enormous, as isthe potential for deception, and in extreme cases, outright harm.

Given the Aum Shinrikyõ affair in Japan and the list of religious scandalswhich have been disclosed in Taiwan of late, a high level of cynicism or even arejection of everything religious might be expected. While these cases do result incloser scrutiny of dubious organizations with dubious claims, it would seemthat the thirst for the spiritual and mysterious is strong enough to overcome anygeneral scepticism engendered by the abuses.

As we move closer to the turn of the century, the ‘merchandizing’ of the millen-nium is sure to pick up pace. Glossy packages empty of contents, or worse still,“deadly concktails” are an ever-present danger. As Benoit Vermander pointsout, the future is very much determined by the choices we make in the present.

Brian Lawless


Nostradamus and the Apocalypse in Japan

Robert KisalaNanzan Institute for Religion and Culture

Apocalyptic ideas incorporated in the beliefs of some of the Japanese NewReligions became a focus of attention following the sarin poison gas attackby Aum Shinrikyõ on the Tokyo subways in March 1995. Some reportssuggested that through this and other attacks on society Aum was making aconscious effort to bring about the apocalypse—in fulfillment of thefounder’s prophecy—and this led to increased concern regarding apocalyp-tic ideas propounded by other religious groups as well. The fact that Asa-hara Shõkõ developed his prophecies in several volumes purporting to bean interpretation of the Apocalypse of John in the Christian New Testa-ment, and the widespread use of the term “Armageddon”, led many to theconclusion that this apocalyptic strain was due to some Christian influenceon the founder and his religion—an influence perhaps seen more broadlyin all of these apocalyptic groups.

Rather than a specifically Christian biblical influence, however, theprophecies of Nostradamus and their popularization in Japan since the1970s may be the key to understanding the apocalyptic interest seen inAum and other recent new religious movements. Furthermore, some com-mon strategies used in interpreting these prophecies help to explain the va-riety of reactions to apocalyptic beliefs modeled by these groups.

Following a brief explanation of the Nostradamus prophecies and theirintroduction to Japan, an attempt will be made to indicate some of the com-mon lines of influence revealed in the writings of groups such as Aum,Agonshû, Kõ fuku no Kagaku and Tenshõ kyõ. The latter half of the paperwill focus on a comparison of the apocalyptic ideas propounded by thesegroups, in an effort to propose a typology of interpretation and motivationthat could be helpful in understanding the different approaches taken bythese groups.

THE NOSTRADAMUS BOOM

By all accounts Nostradamus was a historical figure in sixteenth centuryFrance. He was reportedly born in St. Remi of Jewish parents—who were

48 INTER-RELIGIO 32 / Winter 1997

forced by the Inquisition to convert to Catholicism—on 14 December1503. It would appear that he had a broad liberal education, being in-structed in languages, mathematics, astronomy, and astrology by his grand-father, studying liberal arts at the University of Avignon and medicine atMontpellier. He is said to have married around 1534 and fathered two chil-dren by his first wife. Biographies report that he had a great deal of successin treating plague victims in Montpellier and surrounding areas, but despitehis expertise his wife and children fell victim to the plague. Despondent, hetraveled throughout France and Italy for several years before settling downin Salon, France in 1554, where he married a second wife and fathered sixmore children. It was also in Salon that he began to write his prophecies inthe form of quatrains, or four-line poems. His first collection of one hun-dred quatrains, called a Century, was reportedly written in 1555, and overthe next several years Nostradamus was to complete a total of ten Centuries.In 1564 he was appointed Royal Physician to the court of King Charles IX,an appointment that modern–day biographers attribute as much to hisfame as a prophet as to his skill as a physician. Nostradamus died on 1 July1566, in fulfillment, it is said, of a prophecy regarding his own death.

Nostradamus’ rhyming quatrains are written mainly in French, andincorporate some Italian, Greek, and Latin words. The meaning is ob-scured through the use of symbolism and metaphor, a common characteris-tic of poetry that in this case is attributed to a deliberate attempt to avoidtrial as a magician before the Inquisition. Interpreters of Nostradamus areapt to see changes made to proper nouns through swapping, adding or re-moving letters, as a further effort to obscure the meaning of the quatrainsin line with the above motivation. The attribution of these strategies to theauthor of the quatrains allows for exceedingly malleable interpretations,and indeed prophecies concerning anything from the rise of Adolf Hitler tothe faulty Pentium chip have been found in the Centuries. It has also givenrise to a major industry specializing in the publication of these various inter-pretations.

Nostradamus and his prophecies were introduced to Japan in 1973 byGoto Ben in his book The Prophecies of Nostradamus. Goto is a journalist bornin 1929 on the northern island of Hokkaido. Early in his career he pub-lished books dealing with issues of the Second World War as well as severalbooks supportive of Soka Gakkai and its controversial leader, IkedaTaisaku, but later he seems to have found his niche as a science fiction andNew Age writer. Since his first book on Nostradamus became a runawaybestseller—going through almost 150 printings in only three months—hehas written over ten more volumes specifically on Nostradamus as well as


dozens of other works on UFOs and extraterrestrials, the polar shift, John’sApocalypse, the secrets of Fatima, and various other prophecies.

The publication of Goto’s book in 1973, and its success as a bestseller,touched off a Nostradamus boom in Japan. An incomplete search revealsthat since 1979 over fifty volumes with the word “Nostradamus” in the titlehave been published, with several times that number of related works. In-deed, this interest in Nostradamus is cited as one of the indications of apopular cultural turn towards the spiritual and mysterious in post–oil–shockJapan, a trend mirrored by the rise of New Age phenomena in the UnitedStates and Europe.1 Agonshû, founded by Kiriyama Seiyû in 1978, was thefirst group to respond to this boom with a book called Escape From HarmfulSpirits and the Karma of 1999 published in 1981. Others that have picked upon the theme include Aum Shinrikyõ — whose founder was briefly a mem-ber of Agonshû, Aum’s rival Kõ fuku no Kagaku — and a relatively smallreligious group centered in Hokkaido named Tenshõ kyõ. Following an ex-planation of the interpretive strategies commonly employed by the popular-izers of Nostradamus, we will take a look at the use of his prophecies byeach of these groups in turn.

STRATEGIES OF INTERPRETATION

There are three areas that lend themselves to interpretation in the Nos-tradamus prophecies, and the various strategies employed in thishermeneutic can be used to delineate several typologies of apocalypticthought. These areas are: explanations of the origin of the prophecy, thesearch for the meaning of the quatrains, and the possibility that events fore-told might yet be avoided.

Nostradamus himself is purported to have given some guidance in rela-tion to the first two areas, that is, the origin of his prophecies and theirinterpretation. A letter addressed his son Cesar is included as a preface toan edition of the Centuries published in 1605 in Lyon. This edition is suppos-edly an accurate reproduction of an earlier work published in 1568 (LyonBenoit Rigaud edition) that corrected mistakes made in versions of the qua-trains published in 1555 and 1557. However, there are apparently noknown copies of the 1568 edition, so this preface can be reliably traced backonly to 1605, forty years after Nostradamus’ death.

In the rather long and rambling letter Nostradamus bequeaths thequatrains as his legacy to his son. He attributes his prophecies primarily tohis knowledge of astrology and his “continual calculations” of the planetarymovements.2 He also reveals that he was privy to “several books which had


lain hidden for long centuries,” books that he burned after reading them forfear that they might be discovered and their occult philosophy condemned.Nostradamus’ astrological calculations were confirmed, however, “with thehelp of inspiration and divine revelation,” a claim, as we shall see shortly,his modern admirers often make for themselves as well. This inspiration isfurther specified as “that power in whose presence the three times (past,present, and future) are understood as Eternity whose unfolding containsthem all,” and Nostradamus thus claims to be “a mortal man whose percep-tion is no further from heaven than the feet are from the earth.”

Concerning the meaning of the quatrains, Nostradamus claims thatthey have deliberately been “written in a nebulous rather than plainlyprophetic form,” so as to not “unduly scandalize delicate sensibilities.” Hismeaning is further clarified as follows:

I have wished to remain silent and abandon my work because of the injus-tice not only of the present time [the Inquisition] but also for most of thefuture. I will not commit to writing, since governments, sects and countrieswill undergo such sweeping changes, diametrically opposed to what nowobtains, that were I to relate events to come, those in power now — monar-chs, leaders of sects and religions — would find these so different from theirown imaginings that they would be led to condemn what later centuries willlearn how to see and understand.

It is thus a combination of the fear of personal condemnation and therealization of the consternation that his dire predictions will cause that leadsNostradamus to “condense somewhat obscurely” the results of his astrologi-cal inquiries. Concretely, he claims that the quatrains are “not in a chrono-logical sequence,” and that the “places and times and exact dates” men-tioned in the prophecies have been obscured.

More than anything else, it is this preface attributed to Nostradamusthat has spawned the vast enterprise devoted to the explication of the mean-ings contained in his quatrains. There are several typical hermeneutic toolsemployed in this task, and their combinations increase geometrically. Onecommon device, directly dependent on the information given in the pref-ace, is to attempt to discover the original sequence of the quatrains. Oftena literary analysis of themes is used here to uncover some natural sequenc-ing destroyed by Nostradamus’ efforts to confound his readers. Occasion-ally this effort is combined with the search for the meaning of specific qua-trains, that by placing in their proper order those referring to events thathave already come to pass some underlining pattern to Nostradamus’ shuf-fling might be revealed.


The effort to crack the meaning of the quatrains often relies on theaddition, subtraction, or transposition of letters in key words. For example,in the quatrain that is commonly understood as referring to the rise ofHitler (CII–24), the name is originally rendered as “Hister”. More ob-scurely, semiotic analysis will be used in an effort to unlock hidden mean-ings. For example, a reference to snakes covering the sky and causing nu-merous deaths (QI–19) is interpreted as a vision of the skies being filled withbombers, and thus a prophecy of the Vietnam War is attributed to Nos-tradamus. Numerological calculations are also occasionally employed inthis interpretive effort. As an example of this particular strategy we can lookat Goro Adachi’s efforts to find a prediction of the arrival of the Hale-BoppComet in quatrain CII–96.3 The Hale-Bopp Comet was visible in theNorthern Hemisphere in March 1997. Since the quatrain number approxi-mates that date, this is taken as the first indication of a correlation. Further-more, the quatrain makes reference to the Rhone, a river that runs inFrance between 43° and 47° latitude. Since the comet’s course will take itdirectly above 45° latitude, Adachi argues that this seals the case for hisinterpretation.

Finally, many interpreters will claim some outside source of validationfor their interpretations. In the case of the religious groups we will analyzehere, this often amounts to the claim of some personal inspiration or revela-tion that offers the key to interpretation, echoing the claim attributed toNostradamus in the preface to the 1605 edition. New Age interpreters suchas Dolores Cannon4 claim original insights through the use of hypnosis orregression, employed as a tool to contact the reincarnation of Nostradamushimself.

In his pioneering work on Nostradamus in Japanese, Goto Ben reliesheavily on this hermeneutic tradition. Nostradamus’ insight into the futureis attributed to a combination of astrological technique and inspiration, ex-plained most memorably through the metaphor of a train passing throughthe countryside: someone in a forward car will see what lies in the “future”for those occupying latter cars (Goto 1973, p. 218). Goto gives a summaryof some of the more famous prophecies attributed to the Centuries, includingthe rise of Hitler, the invention of the automobile, and the Kennedy assassi-nation. His focus, however, is on CX–72, a quatrain concerning an eventthat is to occur in July 1999. An English translation renders the quatrain asfollows:

The year 1999, seventh month,From the sky will come a great King of Terror:To bring back to life the great King of the Mongols,Before and after Mars to reign by good luck.


In his interpretation, Goto concentrates first on the prophecy of a Kingof Terror coming from the sky, pointing out that previous interpreters havefound here a reference to a bomb attack, the launching of ICBMs, the crash-ing of an artificial satellite, the collision of a comet with the earth, the ar-rival of aliens from outer space, or massive deaths due to smog. Goto doesnot limit himself to any one of these options, although a scenario involvingthe post-cataclysmic use of atomic weapons seems to be favored.

Ultimately, however, Goto states that his interest lies not in a fatalisticcondemnation of the world, but rather in exploring how the world mightyet avoid the catastrophe prophesied for the end of this century, and it ishere that we come to our third area of interpretation, namely explanationsconcerning the possibility of avoiding this fate. Here the interpreter mustwalk a fine line, for if fate can be easily changed then the whole propheticenterprise, as it is commonly understood, is called into question. Goto re-solves the problem by arguing that Nostradamus’ prophecies were made ina Western Christian context and their validity relies on the supposition thatthis world order will continue. Salvation is thus offered to the human raceby the Eastern traditions, especially Buddhist (Goto 1973, pp. 230–231)—aview of salvation through the spread of civilization that is neither original toGoto nor, as we shall see, limited to him among the interpreters dealt withhere.5

Having delineated some of the strategies used in the three areas of in-terpretation and the view of Nostradamus’ prophecies presented by GotoBen, let us now see how this is worked out in some of the newer religiousgroups in Japan.

AGONSHÛ AND THE APOCALYPSE

Agonshû is typically considered a representative of the so-called ‘New NewReligions’, the latest wave of new religious movements in Japan that havebecome popular since the 1970s. The religious situation of this period inJapan can be compared to that in other industrialized countries; it is char-acterized by a movement away from organized or established religions anda resurgence of interest in the occult and mystical—an interest both re-flected in and fueled by the publishing industry.

Although Agonshû was founded in 1978, it has its roots in a groupcalled Kannon Jikeikai, also founded by Kiriyama Seiyû in 1954. Kiriyamawas born Tsutsumi Masao in 1921, and came to religion after failing inbusiness and an arrest for violation of alcohol tax laws. He was ordained aShingon-sect priest in 1955 and practiced a religion based on fasting and


cold-water austerities, common to mountain ascetics in Japan. Around1970 he abandoned these austerities and instead adopted the goma fire cere-mony of Shingon Buddhism as his group’s primary rite. He began to pub-lish on spiritist and esoteric themes at about this time, and some of his bookson the development of psychic powers became bestsellers. In late 1978 hecame upon the Ãgama Sutra, purportedly predating both Mahayana andesoteric Buddhism, and this became the basis of faith in Agonshû, as herenamed his religious group.

Kiriyama has consistently shown a sensitivity to popular culture, mov-ing from esoteric Buddhism through an interest in psychic powers to thediscovery of early Buddhism as religious tastes changed through the 1970s.It is little wonder, then, that he was also the first religious leader to take upthe prophecies of Nostradamus. In his book on the prophecies, published in1981, Kiriyama claims an acquaintance with the prophecies since youth,but his specific reference is Goto’s third volume on Nostradamus, publishedearlier that year. Much of Kiriyama’s book is devoted to describing a pri-vate revelation that he claims to have received, and it is clear from the ex-planation of Nostradamus’ prophecy provided that these prophecies aremeant to serve as a validation for Kiriyama’s own revelation. For example,Kiriyama describes the providential fashion in which he came across Goto’sbook and how it confirmed in his own mind the revelatory experience. Fur-thermore, in interpreting the quatrains Kiriyama concentrates on prophe-cies concerning the planetary convergence and the shift in the earth’spole—also found in Goto’s third volume—and describes these as phenom-ena that are scientifically verifiable, thus raising the level of validation of-fered by Nostradamus.

Turning to the prophecy concerning 1999, Kiriyama employs some ofthe interpretative strategies described above, engaging particularly in arather elaborate transposition of letters in the word normally translated“Mongol” in order to show that it is in fact Agonshû that is referred to hereas the means of salvation that will preserve human life. Finally, in describ-ing how the cataclysm can be avoided, Kiriyama borrows Goto’s civiliza-tional schema, defining Western Christian civilization as a “material civi-lization” doomed to destruction and offering Buddhism, especially as prac-ticed by Agonshû, as humankind’s way to salvation.

Early in 1995 Kiriyama published a further volume on Nostradamusentitled July 1999 is Coming. This particular book was obviously written inresponse to the Kobe Earthquake on 17 January of that year, claiming thatKiriyama himself had predicted an earthquake in his New Year’s messageto Agonshû believers, but that he had missed both the timing and location,


assuming that it would occur in May and hit Tokyo rather than Kobe. De-spite this earthquake theme—the 1999 cataclysm is pinpointed as anotherearthquake that will destroy a nuclear-power generator and thus cause nu-clear ash to rain down on the earth—the volume is essentially a repeat ofKiriyama’s earlier work. It perhaps received more attention than it other-wise might have by being published just as media reports began to surfaceconcerning Aum Shinrikyõ’s alleged attempts to hurry the arrival of Ar-mageddon.

NOSTRADAMUS IN AUM SHINRIKYÕ

Although Asahara Shõ kõ, the founder of Aum Shinrikyõ, did not publish abook on Nostradamus until 1991, we can assume that he had some knowl-edge of the prophecies through his contact with Agonshû in the early1980s—just when Kiriyama took up the subject—if not through thebroader popular culture. Indeed, his earliest book, A Secret Method to the De-velopment of Psychic Power, published in 1986, contains a chapter on prophecythat specifically mentions Nostradamus’ prediction concerning 1999, andthis date reoccurs in subsequent predictions regarding Armageddon, a cen-tral tenet of Aum’s evolving universe of belief.

The motivation for Asahara’s volume on Nostradamus (1991) appearsto be the same as Kiriyama’s, namely validation of his own prophecies.Asahara’s volume is largely an account of a trip made to France early in1989, purportedly for the purpose of researching original texts of Nos-tradamus’ Centuries with the aim of publishing a definitive translation of thework. This avowed purpose of the trip serves to underline the scientific im-age Aum tried to cultivate. However, this was not meant to be pure re-search, rather this translation was to ultimately validate Asahara’s ownprophecies, received through conversations with the god Shiva in his tripsto the astral world. As he recounts in a conversation with a Nostradamusresearcher in France:

“Are you researching Nostradamus’ prophecies in order to prophesy onyour own, perhaps regarding 1999?”

“No, rather it’s one way to prove objectively my prophecy. There might besome discrepancies in the time or other details in the visions of the futureseen in the astral world. Therefore I want to compare my own prophecywith that of other prophets, in order to identify the common elements. Forthe moment I’m concentrating on John [the Evangelist] and Nos-tradamus.” (Asahara 1991, pp. 131-132)

Asahara attributes Nostradamus’ prophecies to meditation–inducedflights to the astral world, the same mechanism that Asahara claims for his


own prophecies. Although the volume introduces some of the more wellknown quatrains and their commonly accepted interpretations, signifi-cantly Asahara claims to have discovered that the central prophecy con-cerning events in 1999 is probably a later addition to the Nostradamus cor-pus and thus unreliable. Asahara replaces this prophecy with his own pre-diction that something cataclysmic will occur on 1 August 1999, but thatthis will only be a harbinger of a later, more comprehensive destruction(Asahara 1991, p. 108). Finally, Asahara allows for the avoidance of thiscatastrophe by proclaiming that fate is not determined but can yet bechanged by erasing bad karma (pp. 159–161). Subsequently, however, Asa-hara abandons this optimistic view and his predictions regarding the avoid-ance of Armageddon—or even the numbers that might survive the cata-clysm—not only become increasingly pessimistic, the date of the approach-ing catastrophe is brought increasingly closer. This is an important point,to which I will return in my concluding remarks.

ÕKAWA RYUHÕ’S CONVERSATIONS WITH NOSTRADAMUS

Kõ fuku no Kagaku is contemporaneous with Aum Shinrikyõ, having beenfounded in 1986 by Õkawa Ryûhõ. Unlike Kiriyama and Asahara, Õkawawas rather successful by all common standards of Japanese society, havinggraduated from the University of Tokyo and being employed by a majortrading company before founding his religion. Born Nakagawa Takashi in1956 on the island of Shikoku, Õkawa was influenced religiously by hisfather from an early age. The elder Nakagawa was a member of GLA, a newreligious group founded in 1969 that preaches an elaborate cosmology in-corporating various levels of spiritual existence. Õkawa claims that he be-gan to channel messages from the spirit world in 1981, and indeed it wasfrom the spirit of Takahashi Shinji, the founder of GLA, that Õkawa firstreceived his vocation to found his own religious group.

Kõfuku no Kagaku is perhaps the clearest example of the empha-sis—seen broadly in contemporary religious movements—placed on thespread of religious ideas through popular publications. Early on the crite-rion for membership was a test based on Õkawa’s writings, and althoughmembership requirements have been loosened considerably in recent yearsthe emphasis placed on the founder’s works remains high. Õkawa has pub-lished at a prodigious rate, producing over two hundred titles. His earlywork on the Nostradamus prophecies, titled The New Prophecies of Nos-tradamus, was published in 1987 and was part of a series of “spiritual mes-sages” channeled from various religious personalities, including Nichiren,Kûkai, Shinran, Confucius, and Jesus Christ. The format is thus similar to


Dolores Cannon’s Conversations With Nostradamus, and allows for a great dealof original interpretation, claiming recourse to the master himself ratherthan relying on the various hermeneutic strategies employed by other Nos-tradamus experts.

However, this work of Õkawa shows evidence of extensive borrowingfrom Goto’s original volume on Nostradamus, concentrating on the sameprophecies that Goto highlights and even employing the same trainmetaphor to explain Nostradamus’ prophetic abilities (pp. 56–57). Õkawadeviates from Goto’s interpretation in presenting a much more optimisticview of the possibilities of avoiding the impending catastrophe, proclaimingthat it can yet be stopped by higher spiritual powers and presenting, at anyrate, a bright post-apocalyptic future. In speaking of the chances of prevent-ing or limiting the disaster he also echoes, and amplifies, the cultural impe-rialism seen in Goto’s work.

Another book titled The Terrifying Revelations of Nostradamus was pub-lished early in 1991, coinciding with the Persian Gulf War. Also purportingto be a series of messages channeled from the spirit of Nostradamus, thebook is largely an extended critique of American civilization, with specialemphasis given to American support of the state of Israel. The work is con-siderably more pessimistic in tone than Õkawa’s earlier volume, beginningwith the admonition to “Be afraid!” and proclaiming that for a large por-tion of humanity there is no future (p. 98). Indeed, the last chapter of thebook describes in some detail how Japan will re-emerge as a military powerin the last decade of the twentieth century, and conquer the world by forcesometime between 2010 and 2020, ushering in a new golden age for hu-manity. The force of these predictions is somewhat mitigated, however, bythe qualification offered in the epilogue that Nostradamus’ predictions areonly seventy to eighty percent correct.

TENSHÕKYÕ’S USE OF THE NOSTRADAMUS PROPHECIES

We turn now to a relatively obscure religious group headquartered inHokkaido to see how the prophecies of Nostradamus play a role in its beliefsystem. Tenshõkyõ was founded in 1953 by Senba Kisako and her husbandHideo. The couple had joined Ontakekyõ—an early New Religion thatpractices folk beliefs—in March 1953 seeking healing for an illness sufferedby Hideo, and quickly received a revelation to found their own religion,with three primary gods of Japanese mythology—Amaterasu Omikami,Okuni Omikami, and Ebisu Omikami6—as the object of worship. WithinTenshõkyõ, Kisako is recognized as the founder, and Hideo, who died in1991, bears the title of Chief Priest.


Kisako published her first book on the Nostradamus prophecies in1993, and attributed her interest in the subject to requests from the believ-ers to confirm or deny the prophecies, especially the quatrain concerning agreat calamity in 1999. In this volume, titled Nostradamus: A Warning from theDivine World, the origin of the prophecies is attributed to the fact that Nos-tradamus was probably a spirit medium, writing about events as he wit-nessed them in the Spirit and Divine Worlds. Since Senba also claims thesame ability for herself, she explains that she is uniquely capable of inter-preting prophecies. Thus, as was the case with Õkawa Ryû hõ, conventionalhermeneutic strategies are ignored, and the work is largely an explicationof Senba’s own revelations.

Based on those revelations, Senba proclaims that there will indeed besome kind of a calamity as the world approaches 1999, but it will not resultin total destruction and will rather take on the character of a “cleansing”,turning humanity back to God.7 The nature of the calamity is largely de-scribed as ecological, although there are also references to an “invasion” ofrefugees, either from Russia for economic reasons or from the KoreanPeninsula as a result of unrest there. The more prominent scenario of anecological disaster is attributed to well known environmental concerns, suchas the destruction of the ozone layer or the melting of the polar icecaps as aresult of global warming. The emphasis on the environment perhaps has itsroots in the fact that Tenshõkyõ’s belief seems to center around a kind ofnature worship. For example, Senba attributes her revelation to conversa-tions with the sun, moon, and stars, and looks to cloud and bird formationsas signs from heaven. However, the central revelation received by Senbaalso plays a role here, since it deals specifically with scientific progress. Thisrevelation is rendered as a warning that scientific progress will cause thedestruction of the world, and consequently Senba calls for the cessation ofall scientific research that is not directly concerned with medicine, anti-pollution devices, or contributing to safe food supplies (p. 32).

Since the calamity is due to natural causes, it appears that it can berather easily avoided, if indeed Senba’s admonition can be taken as an“easy” solution. In spiritual terms it is presented as a change of heart lead-ing to a return to the worship of God, especially as God is found in nature.Here the Orient, and in particular Japan, plays a key role as being nature-centered rather than human-centered, a characteristic attributed to West-ern civilization (pp. 136–137), and Senba is explicitly described as the sav-ior from the East purportedly prophesied by Nostradamus (pp.194–195).


APOCALYPTIC TYPOLOGIES

In looking at these groups that make use of Nostradamus’ prophecies todevelop their own apocalyptic thought, I have concentrated on three areasof interpretation: the origin of the prophecies, the meaning of the prophe-cies, and the possibility of avoiding the fate presented there. In the universeof belief developed by these groups, the first two areas, that is the origin andthe meaning of the prophecies, bear a direct connection to beliefs concern-ing the founder’s role, which in turn indicates one possible purpose for theuse of these prophecies in these groups. In all of these cases the founder ispresented as a prophet like Nostradamus—one who travels to higher realmsas Nostradamus did (Asahara and Senba); one who can communicate withNostradamus and others in those realms (Õkawa); or one who is privy toinspirations as Nostradamus is alleged to have claimed (Kiriyama). Onepurpose in linking these claims to Nostradamus’ work could be to make useof the obvious popularity that these prophecies enjoy in contemporaryJapanese culture. Since the prophecies attract such a large readership, thisis a promising market for the propagation of each group’s individual beliefs.A further purpose could be that of validation or verification of the founder’sprophecies. The industry built up around the interpretation of Nos-tradamus’ prophecies—and the apparently widespread acceptance of atleast some of these interpretations—lends them an aura of objectivity inwhich these groups seek to share. It is interesting to note here that eventhough there is a movement away from the more strict hermeneutic enter-prise of word analysis and semiotics—among the four presented here seenonly in Kiriyama’s work—even the freer interpretations afforded by so-called channeling (Õkawa) are afforded acceptability within the context ofNew Age beliefs.

More important, however, are the various interpretations as towhether, and how, the fate presented in the prophecies can be avoided—the crucial question for a prophet or apocalyptic group is what happenswhen prophecies fail. We can see three distinct answers to this question inthe groups presented here. Agonshû and Tenshõkyõ offer relief through aturning to faith, and thus the avoidance of the catastrophe can itself betaken as a victory for their religious beliefs. Õkawa and Kõ fuku no Kagakuleave open for themselves the possibility that Nostradamus, as channeled,could be wrong; so the founder—and the faith based on his teaching—issomewhat cushioned from the effects of the failure of prophecy. Aum Shin-rikyõ, however, in its later transformations offers itself no way out. If theNostradamus prophecies are primarily employed as a legitimization or veri-


fication of the founder’s own activities, it would seem that the allowance ofsome route of escape if the prophecies proved false would be a prime con-cern. This leads me to believe apocalyptic thought, as exemplified in Nos-tradamus, played a somewhat different role in Aum’s universe of belief.

I have argued elsewhere (Kisala 1997) that in the case of Aum socialconflict theory does not seem to adequately fit the facts—that is, that Aum’sincreasing emphasis on apocalyptic thought predates the escalation of con-flict with the larger society, and therefore a different reason must be soughtto explain this development. I agree with Shimazono (1995) here that theapocalyptic vision was probably presented as a motivation for Aum’s highlytalented members to remain in the group as the difficulty of fulfilling theinitial promise of a speedy attainment of psychic powers became increas-ingly apparent. This substitution of an apocalyptic vision for individual psy-chic advancement as the goal of the group led to a snowballing of millennialprophecies, and at some point that momentum could no longer be checked.

Although the attack on the Tokyo subways in March 1995 was proba-bly not the opening salvo in an apocalyptic war, but rather an ill-conceivedattempt to handle the more immediate problem of an impending policeraid in response to the kidnapping of Kariya Kiyoshi on a Tokyo street theprevious month, it seems clear that on some level Aum did have its ownplans to fulfill Asahara’s vision of Armageddon. The fact that Asahara didnot give himself a way out in case his prophecies failed not only indicatesthe special role of apocalyptic thought in Aum’s universe of belief but alsoled directly to the need for the self-fulfillment of those prophecies. An analy-sis of the role of apocalyptic beliefs within the larger universe of belief canthus give us an important clue in trying to discern which groups advocatingthese beliefs pose a danger to society in the future.

OUR RESPONSE

Although some scholars have convincingly traced the religious roots ofAum Shinrikyõ ’s development within the Japanese tradition as well as inrecent imports, popular opinion and other religious groups have, in gen-eral, chosen to portray Aum as a travesty unworthy of the title religion. It islargely for this reason that the word “cult” has been popularized in Japanfollowing the Aum incident, allowing other religious groups to wash theirhands of the affair. We might be tempted to do the same and dismiss asdisingenuous media hype the apocalyptic ideas treated here, thus passingup the opportunity to make a real contribution to the formation of theemerging religious consciousness by helping to evaluate current trends.


In trying to understand what happened in Aum, Shimazono Susumu(1997) makes use of current theories regarding the “hollowing out” of reli-gion. He sees Aum as but one example of what can happen when religiousideas and practices are taken out of their context and presented as part of anew package in an attempt to grab a larger share of the religious market.

Concepts and practices that have traditionally taken years, if not a life-time to master, are presented as easily attainable, often on one’s own byreading a book patterned after the ubiquitous how–to manual. Little atten-tion has been paid to the dangers involved in this popularization of mystictechniques, and Aum gives us but one example of what can happen whenthis practice yields a “poisonous cocktail”, to borrow Ian Reader’s expres-sion (1996).

The analysis presented here of the use made of the Nostradamusprophecies by some religious groups in Japan can be seen in the context ofhollowing out theories of religion: it would seem that they have largely beenadopted to help in the packaging of these products for the current consumermarket, either enhancing the founder’s own image as a prophet or provid-ing motivation to stick with a group when more immediate forms of reli-gious gratification have failed. I would propose then that our response tothis situation must be twofold. We need first of all to call attention to the“hollowing out” that has occurred by repositioning Christian apocalypticideas in their fuller context as expressions of hope against all odds in anutterly hopeless situation. And secondly, we might take a look at the mean-ing of concepts such as packaging and marketing—used in a derogatoryfashion in this context because of their ties to a cheap consumerism, butnevertheless ideas central to any kind of evangelizing mission. Is there a wayof “marketing” religion that avoids both the colonial exploitation of the pastand the often cynical hollowing out of religion seen presently? At any rate,it should be interesting to see what use missiology can make of market econ-omy metaphors currently popular among social scientific researchers of re-ligion. 8

NOTES

1 See for example Shimazono (1992) or Haga and Kisala.

2 Translations of the preface are taken from Nostradamus: Countdown to Apocalypse by Jean-Charlesde Fontbrune (Alexis Lykiard, trans.), as reproduced on the internet athttp://www.newciv.org/~albert/nosty/nostyletter.

3 Found on Adachi’s homepage at http://www.concentric.net/~adachi/prophecy/cwn1.html.

4 Conversations With Nostradamus, vol. 1–3.

5 For an explanation of this “civilizational” view of salvation see Kisala (1996).


6 Usually rendered as Õkuninushi no Kami and Ebisu.

7 Concerning the notion of God in Tenshõ kyõ, Senba proclaims Amaterasu Omikami as the onetrue God, but the same God is taught as present in varying forms in other religions.

8 See, for example, Finke and Stark (1992)

REFERENCES

Asahara Shõ kõ

1986 Chõnõ ryoku: Himitsu no kaihatsu hõ [A Secret Method to the Development of Psychic Power]Tokyo: Aum Shuppan

1991 Nostaradamu himitsu no daiyogen [The secret prophecy of Nostradamus], Tokyo: AumShuppan

Cannon, Dolores

1992 Conversations with Nostradamus Volumes I and II, Huntsville, AR: Ozark MountainPublishers

1993 Conversations with Nostradamus Volume 3, Huntsville, AR: Ozark Mountain Publishers

de Fontbrune, Jean-Charles

1983 Nostradamus: Countdown to Apocalypse (Alexis Lykiard, trans) New York: Henry Holtand Company

Goto Ben

1973 Nosutoradamusu no daiyogen [The prophecy of Nostradamus] Tokyo: Shõ densha1981 Nosutoradamusu no daiyogen III [The prophecy of Nostradamus, Volume 3] Tokyo:Shõ-

densha

Haga Manabu and Kisala, Robert

1995 Editors’ Introduction: The New Age in Japan, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies22: 235–247

Kiriyama Seiyû

1981 1999 nen karuma to reishõ kara no dasshutsu [Escape from and harmful spirits the karma of1999], Tokyo: Hirakawa Shuppansha

Kisala, Robert

1996 Japanese New Religions and the Concept of Peace in Research in the Social ScientificStudy of Religion Volume 7 (Joanne M. Greer et al, eds), Greenwich, CT: JAI Press,pp.145–160

1997 Coercion and Power Relationships Within the Leadership of the AUM SpiritualTruth Church in Japan in Wolves Among the Fold (Anson Shupe, ed) NewBrunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press (publication pending)

Leoni, Edgar

1982 Nostradamus and His Prophecies, New York: Wing Books


Õkawa Ryûhõ

1987 Nosutoradamusu no shinyogen [The new prophecies of Nostradamus], Tokyo: Kõfuku noKagaku Shuppan

1991 Nosutoradamusu senritsu no keiji [The terrifying revelations of Nostradamus], Tokyo: Kõ-fuku no Kagaku Shuppan

Senba Kisako

1993 Nosutoradamusu: Shinkai kara no daikeikoku [Nostradamus: A warning from the DivineWorld], Tokyo: Gendai Shorin

Shimazono Susumu

1992 Shin-shinshûkyõ to shûkyõ bûmu [The New New Religions and the religious boom] Tokyo:Iwanami Press

1995 In the Wake of Aum: The Formation and Transformation of a Universe of Be-lief, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 22: 381–415

1997 Gendai shûkyõ no kanõsei: Aum Shinrikyõ to bõryoku [The promise of contemporary religion: AumShinrikyõ and violence] Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.


Religions in Taiwan: Between Mercantilism and Millenarianism

Benoit Vermander S.J. Taipei Ricci Institute

INTRODUCTION

In November 1996, I was asked to participate in the recording of a TV program which had religious and supernatural issues as its focus. Such programs are common in Taiwan. Around the table were the host, two Buddhist monks (one of them an adherent of Tibetan Buddhism), an Iman, a Taoist scholar and myself, a Catholic priest and the only foreigner. The theme chosen for this particular program was “the end of the world”—and the recording did not go smoothly. The host had to ask for several breaks, trying each time to push us into a more heated argument. She was hoping that the debate would draw a clear-cut opposition between “Oriental” religions, critical of the very concept of “end of the world” or postponing the event to a time a few trillions years from now, and “Western religions”, including Islam, which would proclaim that the final cataclysm was at hand. I, for my part, could only repeat that I was absolutely ignorant of the time of the final happening, and that Jesus himself did not claim to know this ultimate secret which is hidden in the heart of the Father. And, although Taoist and Buddhist representatives differed in their estimate, it was certainly difficult even for them to start a debate on the exact number of millennia still required before the world would witness the end of all things. But interest was finally aroused by the fact that most participants seemed to expect the imminent coming of some catastrophic event, such as an earthquake or invasion, which would look very much like the end of the world for Taiwan, or Taipei at least. I was obliged to strike a different chord by stating my belief that, in today’s world, risks and opportunities were conjointly increasing and that our future was not necessarily catastrophic but would be determined by the decisions we take in everyday life.

The debate was very much symptomatic of some of the tendencies at work in the religious landscape of Taiwan today. In some respects, Taiwanese people distance themselves from Western religious influences


with their strong eschatological flavour and are anxious to assert the uniqueness of the Chinese religions they embrace. In this respect, they may differ from their Japanese or Korean neighbours. They seem to channel their anxieties about their lives and their society through creeds and practices rooted in the Chinese millennial tradition. Although millenarian beliefs are not (or are not yet) a leitmotif of the message delivered by the rapidly growing “new religious” movements in Taiwan, anxiety about social and political uncertainties, and fears about an apocalyptic future are certainly powerful forces behind the transformations affecting the religious psyche in contemporary Taiwan.

The argument of this paper will run as follows: The main danger affecting religious activities in Taiwan is mercantilism, which goes along with a strong individualistic focus that characterizes the spiritual quest of many Taiwanese. However, the way mercantilism answers the needs expressed within the “religious market” reveals deep social fears which could one day crystallize into millennial movements, which are not unknown in the Taiwanese tradition. Furthermore, the way millennial tendencies are at the same time generated and controlled has much to do with the very peculiar political situation of the island.

I shall first say a word about the religious landscape in general. From there, I shall focus on the new religious movements as well as on a recent series of religious scandals. This will help me to demonstrate what I shall call the “millennial potential” of Taiwanese religious movements and to draw out a descriptive model of religious phenomena in Taiwan.

TAIWAN’S RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE

In the Chinese context, determining the boundaries of religious affiliations is always a risky process and, to a certain extent, a meaningless one.1 The concept of “diffused religion” is widely used when observers seek to describe the unique intertwining of social and religious rites, as well as the intermingling of different religious traditions and practices that has taken place throughout Chinese history. Studies have shown that nearly half of the people of Taiwan define themselves as Buddhists when they are asked about their religious affiliation.2 However, some surveys that include more detailed questions about observance of Buddhist beliefs and practices have indicated that only 7 to 15 percent of Taiwanese are Buddhist believers stricto sensu, the lowest figure i.e. 7 percent or so of this estimate being probably more accurate.3

It is generally estimated that folk religion constitutes the religious system of at least 65 percent of the population. It should be stressed that the beliefs


held by followers of new religious movements are not easily distinguished from those pervading folk religion. The “folk-religion” label comprises believers belonging to the traditional social and ritual network as well as members of small-scale organizations with a strong sense of identity.

The 1996 report of the Interior Ministry offers some of the most accurate information to date.4 Among the twelve religions officially recognized in Taiwan, it lists 3,938 temples of various Buddhist obediences served by a clergy of 9,360 monks and nuns. The faithful registering with these Buddhist associations totals 4.8 million people. The number of temples affiliated under the Taoist association’s banner, and home for most folk religious practices, amounts to 8,292, with registered persons numbering 3.8 million. A very loose definition of Taoist clergy results in a total of 31,950 persons in this category. Among the recognized new religions, Yiguandao一貫道 (see below) claims a membership of 942,000 persons. It is followed by Tiandejiao天德教, whose claim of having 200,000 followers appears rather dubious to many observers, while the 185,000 members attributed to Tiandijiao天帝教 seems a plausible estimate. Tiandejiao was founded in the Mainland in 1923 and legalized as a religion in Taiwan in 1989. Tiandijiao, founded by Li Yu-chieh 李玉階 in 1980, might be the fastest growing new religion in Taiwan. Xuanyuanjiao 軒轅教 , established by the legislator Wang Han-sheng 王寒生 in 1957 claims to have a membership of 136,000, and Li-ism 理教, one of the syncretistic religions that has flourished in China throughout the ages, gives a figure of 140,000.

According to the 1996 report, Catholic membership is 304,000 and the membership of the various Protestant denominations is 402,000. The Catholic Church and the main Protestant denominations have remained at a standstill in growth, or might even have experienced a slight decline, for the last twenty-five years. This might be partially due to the fact that Christianity is still considered as a “foreign” religion, which is an impediment now that cultural pride has been restored and further enhanced by economic successes. However, the influence of Christianity in Taiwan goes beyond its institutional boundaries, and some of its core ideas and symbolism sometimes appear in new religious movements. Nevertheless, the latter basically rely on the pattern provided by “Chinese religions” throughout the ages. It should also be noted that, strictly speaking, millennial movements are restricted to a few marginal Protestant sects. Several years ago, the “Church of Sion” was the most vocal of these groups. These days, it is the “Church of Jacob” which proclaims that the days of wrath are coming soon. But all these groups have a very limited impact and no visible influence on the creeds of the other religious movements.


The above mentioned figures cover only the religious movements legally recognized, and thus partly ignore the flourishing of movements and masters outside these official associations. However, many new movements fall under the umbrella of the Buddhist or Taoist associations and it would be inaccurate to draw too strong a distinction between “established” religions and “marginal” ones. The Taiwanese religious landscape is characterized by its fluidity, which may explain why many Buddhist masters are anxious to draw a line between self-declared spiritual leaders and mainstream associations through the enacting of a law on religions (see below).

Thirteen denominations have been recognized by the government as “religions”, the last group to attain this coveted official status was the Unification Church 同一教. The recognition of a religious group as an “official religion” is generally done on political grounds and such recognition facilitates its establishment within society. Furthermore, in the process of gaining official recognition, the religious movement may lose its messianic or millennial overtones. But even religious groups not recognized officially can become channels of social integration rather than of radicalization. This is due to the fact that many new movements emphasize the importance of literacy, relying on a given set of “classics” and enhancing the status of its followers by the cultural background they claim to provide them with. A continuous process may lead from the fluidity of folk religion to the boundaries of institutional organizations through the channel provided by new religious movements. Furthermore, the transitional function played by small-scale religious movements is manifested in the fact that some of their adepts may later evolve towards orthodox forms of Buddhism: The movement has provided a first contact with Buddhist scriptures, and this contact will continue, while other beliefs and practices they were associated with in the first place will eventually falter.5

Does this mean that millenarianism is not relevant to understanding and analyzing Taiwan’s religious situation? On the contrary, the nature of the millennial tendencies at work in Taiwan today requires further analysis. A look at a series of recent religious scandals might help us to understand better what is at stake here.

TAIWAN’S RELIGIOUS WORLD IN CRISIS

Let me begin with some of the events I have recently observed in the religious landscape of Taiwan : •Throughout the year 1996, there has been a craze about TV shows centering on after-worldly experiences such as encounters with the souls of


dead people. These shows have been accused of having too strong an impact on the psyche of vulnerable individuals and even to be partly responsible for the suicide of some teenagers. The Ministry of Interior has announced the setting-up of some regulations for limiting the scope of such psychic manipulations. •In September 1996, a well-known Buddhist temple in central Taiwan received as monks and nuns 132 university students who had just participated in a summer camp within the premises of the temple. Such an en masse ordination aroused the fury of the relatives of the newly ordained monks; some of these relatives gathered in front of the temple and, in some cases, forcibly took away their loved ones. Most of the young converts stuck to their decision and later returned to the temple. The abbot of the monastery is not a marginal figure but the respected Master Wei-chueh 惟覺.

• In October 1996, a famous medium named Sung Chi-li 宋七力 was arrested for allegedly swindling NT$3 billion from his followers in Taiwan and 400,000 renminbi from 20,000 followers in Mainland China. He had sold a huge number of “miraculous” objects such as lotus seals or pictures of him featuring his “halo”, but later admitted that his claims to possess supernatural powers were fraudulent. It was estimated that at least one hundred mediums operating in the Sung Chi-li style were active throughout the island.6

•At almost the same time, another religious leader, Master Miao Tien 妙天

was accused of cheating followers of more than NT$2 billion by selling space in illegally built pagodas and temples that would supposedly benefit the owner’s ancestor. A third similar case involved Master Chin Hai 清海

無上師, although it should be noted that allegations made against her are somehow more controversial. In any case, the association she founded is among those accused of having made dubious contributions to the Clinton election campaign. Similarly, around the end of December, a well-known Taiji master was accused of various financial malpractices.

It should be noted that none of these financial scandals affected the large-scale Buddhist organizations, although the extent of their wealth is now the subject of public attention. The cases disclosed are certainly to be understood in the light of the struggle presently engaged against corruption, a struggle whose scope and efficiency is often questioned. Furthermore, they allowed the government to advance the drive for a law controlling the activities of religious organizations. This is a project supported by prominent Taoist and Buddhist organizations, but staunchly opposed by the Catholic hierarchy, afraid of anything which would limit religious freedom or tighten the government’s control on religious activities.


Analyzing what had recently taken place, scholars are agreed on several points :

•During the last two or three years, religious fervor in Taiwan has reached a climax: one witnesses a “religious consumerism”, with people anxious to buy religious goods supposedly ensuring happiness, security and enlightenment. •In this perspective, religious consumerism is the result of a mix of material affluence and psychological insecurity.

•The popularity of the book entitled “August 1995” (1995閏八月), featuring a Communist invasion of Taiwan, and the steady emigration of Taiwanese are also signs among others of this social anxiety. •This climate has provoked an influx of money for religious organizations, which has in turn aroused the interest of local mafiosi and unscrupulous individuals in this potential source of profits. •The media have likewise participated in the dramatization of the religious phenomena, playing on fear and curiosity.7

NEW RELIGIONS AND MILLENARIANISM

In Taiwan, small-scale religious movements presently emphasize individual spiritual needs and provide psychological support which can sometimes supplement that offered by the village community, especially when it comes to movements aimed at simple people. Such is the case with the “Church of Compassion”, Cihuitang 慈慧堂, which is very much an association of local chapters. They may offer a religious world-view tainted with millenarianism, but in fact their impact on millenarian thought in Taiwan remains limited. Likewise, it would be interesting to know exactly how many new religions are of Japanese origins, and, of those that are, if they display clearer apocalyptic features. But the small scale and secrecy of such organizations make any evaluation problematic. Experts believe that “at least twenty religious movements” come from Japan, though they are not specific about which ones.8 Actually, considering how close links generally are between Japan and Taiwan, it seems that the impact of the Japanese “doomsday cults” has been rather limited. Furthermore, the “Aum Shinrikyõ” scandal has caused new religious movements in Taiwan to distance themselves from new religions in Japan.

Therefore, I shall focus rather on two of the more important new religions, Yiguandao and Tiandijiao. To what extent do such movements display millenarian features? As we shall see, the answer is not a clear-cut one.


Yiguandao or “Unity Sect” shows certain affinities with the White Lotus Society (bailianjiao 白蓮教 ),9 although this assertion has been recently challenged by the organization itself, a further sign of the “legitimization process” noted above.10 The history of its foundation is obscure. It was active on the Mainland during the 1920s and 1930s and banned by the Communist regime in 1949 as a result of accusations of collusion with the Nanjing puppet government. Some of its leaders began arriving in Taiwan in 1945. Internal rivalries within the organization, its tradition of secrecy, and the constraints imposed by political prohibitions (see below) divided the movement into a large number of small associations, organized around family altars. The proselytic character of the religion, whose main target now seems to be overseas Chinese communities, is certainly a sign of its initial millennial focus, as the increase in numbers of faithful and places of worship is seen as the means for bringing xitian 西天, the “Western Paradise” to earth. Yiguandao, therefore, is partially of millennial origin and has a tradition of secrecy and esoterism which influenced its earlier development in Taiwan. However, its success has coincided with the social promotion of the kind of people it was aiming to proselytize, such as native Taiwanese who are small entrepreneurs for example, and who are able to bring their employees into the church. This has made the religion something of a success story and, on the whole, a firm supporter of Li Teng-hui’s government. Might its millennial potential be reactivated if social circumstances were to change? The question remains an open one, though I personally doubt it.

Li Yu-chieh(1901-1994), the founder of Tiandijiao, has related his original spiritual experience to the Sino-Japanese war, when, secluded in Mount Hua, he received a message from Tiandi 天帝, the Lord on High,11 a message which was at the same time about personal enlightenment and collective salvation in these times of hardship for the Chinese nation. Tiandijiao became an established religion only in 1980, after a split with Tiandejiao. The teachings of the religion stress the necessity for its followers to pray and strive night and day in order to delay or avert a global nuclear holocaust, and maintain world peace12 and to safeguard Taiwan as a base for the peaceful unification of China under the Three People’s Principles.13

In the beginning, this stress on the nuclear threat reinforced the millennial outlook of the teachings of the movement. Recently, however, personal healing has been emphasized more than collective issues. As is the case for so many new religions, there is a strong belief in the healing powers of Qi 氣and a cultivation of these powers. It may be the case, however, that the tension arising between Taiwan and Mainland China (where Tiandijiao is very active and has obviously high-level contacts) might lead the movement to emphasize its specific message on millenarian matters. Tiandijiao is certainly a new religion that states its political outlook clearly, and its


insistence on nuclear threats emphasizes its millennial tendencies. It seems to me that such tendencies might or might not be realized according to an assessment of the political situation made by the leadership of the organization.

Both Yiguandao and (perhaps more clearly) Tiandijiao provide us with examples of religious movements which exhibit a millennial potential without fully realizing it. It is not enough to look at their teaching however. The social context where it occurs also must be carefully examined.

THE MILLENNIAL POTENTIAL

The situation in contemporary Taiwan is not unprecedented. After the Taiping Tianguo rebellion (1850–1864), many leaders moved out of Fujian and came to Taiwan, where they somehow continued to spread their messianic world-view.14 This was manifested by the development of vegetarian cults and halls in Taiwan during this period. Vegetarianism has always been strong in some areas of Taiwan, especially in the south, and is easily linked with marginal religious movements.15 At the turn of this century, the cult of Guandi 關帝, the God of War, witnessed a tremendous increase, related to the development of automatic writing activities, the concern for opium addicts (who were often cured through the intervention of mediums) and the growth of nationalist feelings at the beginning of the Japanese occupation. Such a movement had obvious millennial overtones. However, none of these tendencies has developed into an open millenarian mass movement.

The millennial movement has always been in some way linked to the struggle conducted by Taiwanese people to assert their own identity, and is also connected to the fear that the Taiwanese autonomy and specific character might eventually disappear. Vegetarian cults, uniting villages and guilds outside the religious cults promoted by the Qing rulers, the devotion surrounding Guandi when Japanese were trying to assert their authority, and the spreading out of the Yiguandao religion in the south of Taiwan in the first period of the Kuomintang regime are examples of this permanent trend.

In this conceptual framework, the problem becomes this: what form of religious behavior has been preferred by Taiwanese people for expressing the fear of a Mainland invasion, since such an invasion could be easily perceived as a good substitute for an apocalyptic ending? Historical distinctions are required here: during the first part of the Kuomintang rule, there was strong political censorship of any movement which could have induced public disorder or anxiety. This explains, for instance, the successive bans imposed on the Yiguandao in 1952, 1959 and, in harsher fashion, in 1963. Starting in


the eighties, the liberalization of the regime and the Taiwanisation of the KMT occurred simultaneously. This was followed by an institutionalization of previously marginal religious movements, this institutionalization process expressing the move from the margin to the centre of power achieved by Taiwanese natives.

Once again, the dominant trend during the eighties and the first part of the nineties has been toward institutionalization much more than toward millenarianism, since social sectors formerly marginalized have begun to find a place in the social and political fabric.16 We are beginning to witness the end of this process: the consolidated Taiwanese power is now faced with growing social and political troubles; likewise, Mainland China continues to assert its strength, and the take-over of Hong Kong puts Taiwan in an even more insecure position. Furthermore, after having induced social cohesiveness Taiwan’s economic and educational apparatus has begun to show its propensity to marginalize categories of people unable to cope with Taiwan’s success story. As we have seen already, these new trends have not merged into a consistent and recognizable millennial discourse, but the potential for this to appear is undeniably present.

When assessing the millennial potential a word remains to be said about millennial tendencies in Chinese Buddhist thought and the way they find their way into Taiwanese religions. When speaking about Buddhist millenarianism, one inevitably evokes the figure of Maitreya, milefo 彌勒佛, the Future Buddha. The figure of Maitreya is indeed very much present in Taiwan’s temples, as it is in so many parts of China.17 However, it is rather complex : the kind of eschatological thought it embodies can have a revolutionary flavor or, as the reverse, it can lead one to believe that no cosmic change will occur before a term that goes well beyond any future the mind can possibly envision.18 Maitreya’s figure is important in the sense that it provides any aspiring religious leader with an opportunity to play a role by displaying the right combination of Master-like, Revolutionary-like and Savior-like features. Furthermore, Maitreya gives popular Buddhism its universal and cosmic dimension, and, mixed with other devotions, displays a very strong millennial appeal. In this case also, the realization of the millennial potential depends on the historical circumstances.

MILLENARIANISM AND THE TAIWANESE RELIGIOUS PSYCHE

If a millennial movement were to consolidate in Taiwan, what would its characteristics be? Would it belong more to a “Western” or an “Eastern” species of millenarianism? I have already noted that while some fundamentalist Christian movements are active in Taiwan, their audience


remains a very limited one. Even more important is the fact that millennial phenomena observable in Taiwan presently relate much more to classic Chinese millenarianism than to any Christian influence. Taoist overtones are especially obvious. Taiwanese people spontaneously draw a link between any crisis of cosmic nature, such as an earthquake, and the accumulation of social evil or the general disorder of the society. The world is viewed as a global equilibrium, and a dysfunction in some part of the system automatically affects the other parts. Too strong a disequilibrium might bring irreversible damage. The most renowned Taoist scholar in Taiwan, Li Fung-mao 李豐楙 has recently written several papers about Taoist eschatology, stressing its importance in today’s context and the role played by Taoist liturgy for putting in order social mechanisms. If I interpret his latest productions correctly, he believes that the Taoist tradition can provide Taiwanese with an eschatology that allows them to cope better with the tensions provoked by their present situation and to reduce the impact of internal and external conflicts.19

To end, let me consider the following statement: “Chinese millenarianism ... exerted its greatest appeal among marginal or peripheral members of society who, though not necessarily economically deprived, were denied access to power and prestige in the orthodox world. Through mutual aid and group solidarity, these people were able to gain self-respect and a sense of worth from their affiliation with sectarian organization.”20 Given the general historical significance of this statement, do present day Taiwanese millennial tendencies fit into classical Chinese millennial categories? The answer to this question is complex. People at the periphery of culture are indeed likely candidates for entering marginal religious movements that rely on divination techniques and provide strong emotional support. Such an affiliation is also a way to claim a contact with the written word, with scriptures, and then to enhance one’s status. However, these movements are not always the ones which display the most striking millennial tendencies. Millenarianism is rather a feature potentially present in most of the major religions represented in Taiwan. The island as a whole sees itself as marginalized by its position vis-à-vis Mainland China. This marginalization nourishes underlying fears about the future. But the very pervasiveness of these fears makes it difficult for a religious movement to assert its religious originality. In Taiwan, millenarianism does not allow one to differentiate between “marginal” and “orthodox” movements—a distinction which in itself is not a very meaningful one in the Taiwanese context. Furthermore, the stress on apocalyptic predictions would almost certainly induce a strong political response from the State because it would be seen as a threat to public security. Religious movements do know that the


issue is a sensitive one and downplay the collective threat, transferring it to the realm of the individual. In other words, the plausibility of a political apocalypses makes it more difficult to promote the idea of a religious apocalypses. It remains to be seen if the deepening of the political crisis might not overcome present day inhibitions, with the result that millennial thought might suddenly become a dominant feature of the Taiwanese religious landscape.

It is also noteworthy that millennial tendencies in today’s Taiwan stress much more the apocalyptic character of the coming events than the utopian potential of these events. The focus is much more on the End than on the hope for a totally different New World. Anxiety has been nourished by Taiwan’s impressive economic growth of the last fifteen years. To some extent, the golden age is already behind. Nowadays, much is at stake, much can be lost, and after having enjoyed so many opportunities, the Taiwanese people unconsciously fear that a counter-process might be under way. In fact, two conflicting versions of history are at work, very often within the psyche of a single individual: one is a traditional Chinese world-view that emphasizes the everlasting process of counterbalancing movements, the cyclical nature of things. Such a world-view, without explicitly waiting for a final Apocalypses, will express fears about micro-apocalypses which can bring glorious periods to an end. Another world-view, of Western origin, might find in the present growth in East-Asia the signal of a new superiority which could become stronger and stronger, without fear of any sobering regulating process. But such a dynamic version of history goes along with the acceptance of a direction and thus of an end of the historical drama. General optimism about the fate of Taiwan or of the Chinese nation can thereby exist alongside a growing awareness of an apocalyptic threat inherent in the historical process. This Western version of history is present in Taiwan on an intellectual level but, until now, has had few repercussions in the religious realm.

The future development of millennial movements in Taiwan will depend on the evolution of the political situation. There is strong potential for such development, potential which presently has more to do with the history of Chinese millenarianism than with the influence of Western tradition. For the time being, religious and social anxieties are seen more in individual responses more than in collective ones. But the Taiwanese religious landscape changes rapidly, and the situation is so volatile that nobody can predict what it will look like three years from now.


NOTES

1 This development relies on two previous articles that I wrote. See VERMANDER, 1995a and b.

2 The figure sometimes varies. A poll provides the following estimates : 38 percent of the sample define themselves as Buddhist; 31 percent as belonging to traditional religion; 4.2 percent as Christians. 13 percent state they are not believers (Zhongguo shibao中國時報China Times, CT, 1996, October 13:3). On differences between religion, faith and practice in Taiwan, see my two articles quoted below.

3 CH’U ,1997: 1–40.

4 Internal document. See also CT, September 9,1996:7 and MINISTRY of INTERIOR, 1993.

5 VERMANDER, 1995a: 10.

6 Lienhebao 聯合報, United Daily New, UDN, October 14 1996: 5.

7 See for instance a debate in CT, 24 October 1996: 37–38.

8 UDN, October 14 1996: 5.

9 An esoteric society, active at the end of the Yuan dynasty (1280–1367). The name “white lotus society” has been widespread, and to a certain extent was applied to any kind of secret millenarian grouping.

10 SUNG, 1982: 30–35. CH’U ,1997: 359–380.

11 Tiandijiao also uses the term shangdi 上帝, the commonest expression in Chinese for saying “God”, and stresses the fact that God is the creator of Heaven and Earth.

12 TIANDIJIAO, 1987: 54.

13 ibid.:54 and 22. The Three People’s Principles constitute the basis of Sun Yat-sen’s political theory.

14 CHEN, 1995: chapter VII.

15 See for instance the various contributions gathered in CONTEMPORARY MONTHLY, 1994.

16 When I was preparing this paper, rereading a study by David Jordan and Daniel Overmyer, The Flying Phoenix, Aspects of Chinese Sectarianism in Taiwan (JORDAN and OVERMYER, 1986), I was struck by the fact that millenarianism was not at all a relevant question at the time. Very aptly, Jordan and Overmyer were analyzing marginal religious movements as networks for the “democratization” of the religious literacy and, consequently, for the democratization of the society as a whole. The question of millenarianism seems also secondary to Li Pen-hsu 鄚林本

炫 in an article published after the Aum Shinrikyõ affair (CT, 1995, April 26: 11)

17 However, since many Taiwanese Buddhist temples are small in size, they do not have a Hall of the Four Deva-Kings Si tianwang tang 鄚林本炫, the place where the statute of Maitreya generally stands. See HSING, 1983:139-142.

18 See SPONBERG and HARDACRE, 1988, especially D. Overmyer, “Maitreya, Savior and Revolutionary”: 110-134.

19 I especially refer to an unpublished presentation that he presented at a symposium held at the Academia Sinica in May 1996 on “Taiwanese Religions in the twenty-first century”. It is interesting to note that Lee Fung-mao’s presentation was unique in its genre and that other papers presented at this symposium focused primarily on questions of identity or symbolism for instance.

20 SHEK, 1987: 536.

REFERENCES

CHEN, Hsinchih. 1995. The Development of Taiwanese Folk Religion, 1684-1939. Seattle: University of Washington, Ph.D. dissertation.

CH’U, Hai-yuan 瞿海源 . 1997. A Socio-political Analysis of Religious Changes in Taiwan 台灣

宗教變遷的社會政治分析. Taipei: Guiguan tushu Publishing House.

CONTEMPORARY MONTHLY. 當代 Dangdai . 1994. Special issue on Vegetarian Cults 齋教 in Taiwan. July: no99.

HSING, LAWRENCE. 1983. Taiwanese Buddhism and Buddhist Temples. Taipei: Pacific Cultural Foundation.

JORDAN, David K. and OVERMYER, Daniel L. 1986. The Flying Phoenix, Aspects of Chinese Sectarianism in Taiwan. Princeton: Princeton U.P.

Ministry of Interior. Neiizhengbu 內政部. 1995. Report on an Inquiry on Religious Communities 宗教團體調查報告. Taipei .

SHEK, Richard. 1987. Chinese Millenarian Movements. Encyclopedia of Religion, vol.9. New York: MacMillan Publishing Company.

SPONBERG, Alan and HARDACRE, Helen, eds. 1988. Maitreya, the Future Buddha. Cambridge: Cambridge U.P.

Sung, Kuang-y?宋光宇 .1982. A Probe into Yiguandao 探索一貫道 . Newsletter of Chinese Ethnology, 18: 30?5.

Tiandojiao (Association). 天帝教 . 1987. A Brief Look at Tiandijiao 天帝教答客問 .Taipei: Tiandijiao Publishing House.

VERMANDER, Benoit. 1995a. Religions in Taiwan today. China News Analysis, no 1538–1539: 1–15.

VERMANDER, Benoit. 1995b. Le Paysage Religieux de Taiwan et ses Evolutions Recentes. L'Ethnographie XCI (2): 9–59.



FEDERATION OF ASIAN BISHOPS’CONFERENCES

OFFICE OF ECUMENICAL AND INTER-RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS (FABC–OEIA)

122/6-7 Soi Naaksuwan10120, Thailandtel: (662)681-5421fax: (662)681-5422Executive & Interreligious Secretary:Br. Edmund Chia, fscEcumenical Sec.: Fr. Thomas Michel, sjAssoc. Sec.: Sr. Josephina Elbabuena, dc

MULTIPLYING INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE AT

GRASSROOTS

At a recent consultation of the Fed-eration of Asian Bishops’ Confer-ence-Office of Ecumenical and In-terreligious Affairs, the participantswere unanimous in suggesting thatmore efforts should be directed atbringing the interreligious agendadown to the grassroots. Gathered atthe Salesian Retreat Center atHuahin, Thailand, from August21–24, 1997, the thirty participantsfrom fourteen countries weremainly Episcopal Chairs and Secre-taries of Interreligious and Ecu-menical Commissions of the variousNational Bishops’ Conferenceswhich constitute FABC.

In presenting their country reports,the participants spoke about the realsituation of interreligious relations

in their respective constituenciesand highlighted difficulties experi-enced in the promotion of dialogue.Specifically, problems arising frominter-religious marriages, attitudesof fundamentalist Christians, thequestion of conversion as a result ofdialogue, and the seeming dichot-omy between dialogue and procla-mation were some of the issuesbrought up for discussion. Appreci-ating that many of these have theo-logical implications, it was recom-mended that further discussions beheld and that pastoral guidelines begiven when the issues become moreclear.Many also expressed that the lack ofeffective ecclesial structures canhamper the efforts of dialogue.Many dioceses still do not have dia-logue commissions, while othershave over-busy clergymen part-timing as Secretaries for the com-missions. Many parish priests arealso not very convinced about thedialogue agenda, and the lack ofmaterials and resources does not au-gur well for the situation. Thus, edu-cation and formation for dialogue isseen as priority activity if the inter-religious agenda is to go far. Specifi-cally, it is highly encouraged that in-terreligious dialogue be taught atseminaries and catechetical centers,

Reports from the Centres


and made available to church andcommunity leaders. There is also adire need for simplified literatureand books to help the common layperson appreciate the importance ofdialogue. For starters, a primer onreligions of Asia should be broughtout and distributed widely. Catholicinstitutions such as schools, universi-ties, hospitals and social welfarecenters with multi-religious staff andclientele have also an important roleto play in facilitating interreligiousgoodwill and cooperation.It was also suggested that the exist-ing Christian Unity Week be bettercapitalized on to promote the ecu-menical message. Events which pro-mote unity such as sports, concerts,and social gatherings could be orga-nized more frequently. Also, a Weekfor Interreligious Harmony couldbe inaugurated to help bring forththe interreligious agenda. Specifi-cally, parishes and dioceses are en-couraged to promote this in themonth of October in commemora-tion of the Assisi interreligious eventof October 1986 where the HolyFather gathered with numerous reli-gious leaders to pray for Peace inthe world. It was also proposed thatFABC organize an Asian-wide in-terreligious gathering in October1999 to pray in repentance for thesins and failings of religion in the20th. century. Likewise, October2000 should see a gathering to prayin hope together with adherents ofother religious traditions for the newmillennium.

CIVILIZATION DIALOGUE

The newly established Centre forCivilizational Dialogue of the Uni-versity of Malaya hosted an interna-tional conference on the theme“Civilizational Dialogue: PresentRealities, Future Possibilities” from15–17 September 1997. The con-ference featured speakers such asSulak Sivarasa (Siam), NurcholisMadjid (Indonesia), Joseph Camil-leri (Australia), Yoko Yoshikawa(Japan), Johann Kinghorn (SouthAfrica), Rafis Abasoy (Kyrgyzstan),Reda Shah-Kazemi (U.K.), and TuWei-Ming (USA).The Conference also elicited viewswith regard to priorities which theCentre for Civilizational Dialogueshould focus upon. Under the pa-tronage of the Deputy Prime Minis-ter of Malaysia, Anwar Ibrahim(who himself is very much a “dial-ogue man”), the Centre has greatpotential of developing a world classstatus. Its advisory panel includerenowned scholars such as SyedHossein Nasr, John Esposito, TuWei-Ming, Sachiko Murata, HansKoechler, Maha Ghosan-anda, andThomas Michel. It is under the abledirectorship of Chandra Muzaffarwho works under the auspices of theUniversity of Malaya’s academicvice-chancellor Osman Bakar.The Centre aims to initiate linksand relationships with other dia-logue centres in the world. Pleasewrite to Centre for CivilizationalDialogue, University of Malaya,50603 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.


RICCI INSTITUTE

Hsin-hai Road, Section 1, No. 22, 3 Fl.Taipei 100 Taiwan, ROC

tel: (886)2-368-99-68fax: (886)2-365-45-08e-mail: [email protected]: Rev. B. Vermander S.J.

Thirty years after its creation, theTaipei Ricci Institute started a newchapter of its history in 1996. Afterlengthy discussions a new status hasbeen approved and a new team hastaken charge of the Institute. SinceNovember 10th. 1996, Frs. BenoitVermander and Edmund Rydenare, respectively, the new Directorand Assistant Director of the Insti-tute. Fr. Yves Camus is its SecretaryGeneral.On October 2–4, 1996, Fr. Camuswent to Hong Kong for a sympo-sium on “The History of Christian-ity in China.” From September toDecember, Fr. Vermander gave aseminar on “Art and Theology” atthe Fu Jen Theologate and lectureson “Faith and Politics” at the TaipeiPastoral Centre. Frs. Bosco Lu andEdmund Ryden continued theirteaching and other tasks at Fu JenUniversity. Fr. Mateos continues hisresearch and writing on the historyof the Far East Jesuit Province. Fr.Allesandro Del’Orto, a member ofthe Institute and a Xaverian Father,went to Taiwan for furthering hisresearch with a view to completinghis doctoral thesis at the School of

Oriental and African Studies inLondon. He gave a talk on the cultof Tudigong in Taiwan at theAcademia Sinica.

On November 30th. around onehundred persons were gathered inthe premises of the Institute for thelaunch of Fr. Lefeuvre’s latest bookSeveral Collections of Oracular Inscrip-tions in Germany, Switzerland, theNetherlands, Belgium, (509 pages, illus-trations, index). This publicationcontinues the endeavour startedwith the publication of Collections ofOracular Inscriptions in France in 1985.A much greater part of the presentvolume is devoted to the scholarshipof Chinese scholars. Articles andpictures were published in Taiwan’smain newspapers, offering an excel-lent presentation of Fr. Lefeuvre’seffort and of the goals of the Insti-tute.On December 13, “Day Watcher”,a collection of paintings by LiJinyuan and of texts and poems byBenoit Vermander, was publishedin France, in English and French.The book is a presentation of a Chi-nese contemporary painter and ofhis spiritual inspiration.At the end of December, the Offi-cials of the Institute sent a policy pa-per to the members proposing newresearch programs to be undertakenby the Ricci Institute during thenext three years. This policy paperwas examined by an Assembly ofthe members on January 16, 1997and, later on, officially approved af-


ter consultation with the supervisorycommittee of the Institute. Newprograms will allow the Institute tocooperate with the younger genera-tion of Taiwanese intellectuals.

First research program: Grand Dictio-nnaire Ricci de la Langue Chinoise. In1976, the Ricci Institutes of Parisand Taipei published the DictionnaireFrancais de la Langue Chinoise. Thesuccess of this work has led to prepa-rations for the publication of a simi-lar work on a much larger scale.The new dictionary will be readybefore the 21st. century.Second research program: “Place,Space, Territory: the Building up ofIdentity in the Chinese World.”“Identity” is always an emotionallyloaded topic, and this is especiallythe case in Greater China. What isthe primary community of affilia-tion? Is that the one provided by theChinese Nation, by the local com-munity, by religion, culture, socialstatus, ethnicity? How can variousand sometimes conflicting identitiesbe reconciled? Our main concern isto provide one with glimpses of theway some groups in the Chineseworld, assert or recreate their ownsense of belonging thanks to the op-portunities provided by their spatialenvironment.

Third research program: “Peaceand Chinese Culture.” “Peace” is astate of things understood and im-plemented in different ways accord-ing to one’s cultural setting. “Peace”is also a challenge for the Chinese

world as a whole, as potential con-flicts in this area appear to be moredangerous than ever. And, as“Peace” is clearly an internationalissue, the very understanding ofwhat is meant by it is without adoubt an important topic of inter-cultural dialogue.

Fourth research program: “TheFlavour of Heart and Heaven.”This program aims to deepen ourunderstanding of aesthetic experi-ence as a spiritual journey and tocompare the characteristics of thisjourney within the Chinese contextand the Western tradition.During January, Fr. Vermandergave conferences in Haulien andKaoshiung, and delivered a paperon “Millennial Movements in Tai-wan” at the conference on“Contemporary Millennial Move-ments in East and South-East Asia”organized in Kyoto by the Inter-Religio Network. He went to SanFrancisco and Seattle from Febru-ary 14–24 for furthering coopera-tion between the Taipei and SanFrancisco Institute as well as for dis-cussing his own research project onthe Yi minority of the Liangshanprefecture (Sichuan) with scholars atthe Anthropology Department ofWashington University. He went tothe Liangshan prefecture for a pe-riod of field work from March 14 toApril 9 and, afterwards, had a paint-ing exhibition at the Sichuan ArtGallery in Chengdu, along with LiJinyuan (April 17–24).


On March 1, the new book of Fr.Ryden, The Yellow Emperor’s FourCanons, published by the Ricci Insti-tute and the Kuangchi Press, waspresented at the Tien EducationalCenter during a conference by Frs.Ryden and Lefeuvre on “TheSources of Chinese Culture.” Thechance discovery of the manuscriptof the Four Canons of the YellowEmperor in Southern China in1973 excited universal interest.Written in the formative period ofChinese philosophy and popular inthe Han dynasty, the book had dis-appeared from view for two millen-nia. With its range of though cover-ing metaphysics, military matters,the art of ruling, and ways of medi-tation, it may be said to be one ofthe key texts for understanding theideology of Warring States HanChina. In this edition, techniques ofredaction criticism are used to de-termine units within the text and toexamine possible links between theunits. Besides, the reader has tohand a readable transcription intoModern Chinese characters as theywere written by the scribe around168B.C, and a complete concor-dance.On May 10, the Institute organizeda conference at the Tien Educa-tional Center with Professor Ch’enCh’i-nan on “Taiwan’s New CivicCulture.” On June 14, another con-ference took place, with ProfessorChiang Yi-hua and Fr. Vermanderon “Politics and Equity.” On June20, Fr. Ryden held a conference on

“The Catholic Church and Mongo-lia” at the Mongolian and TibetanCenter in Taipei.

From June 16–25, Fr. Vermanderwent to Beijing. He made somepreparatory contacts for a possiblediffusion of the Ricci Dictionary inMainland China and met the teamof the review Art Observation for aconference to be organized in Bei-jing at the end of October on“Experience and Interpretation inContemporary Art.”In June and July 1997, Fu Jen Uni-versity offered grants for a researchproject on “Peace Culture” to beconducted conjointly by Fu Jen pro-fessors and the Taipei Ricci Insti-tute. In August, Fr. Ryden was ap-pointed head of the “Peace Re-search Unity” created by Fu JenUniversity.In July, the Institute for Missiology,Aachen, delivered grants allowingthe Institute to further its publica-tion program and to continue theresearch project on the Religion ofthe Yi minority.Fr. Ryden went to the ChineseStudies Association of AustraliaConference held in Adelaide fromJuly 16–18 and delivered a paperentitled “Commentary and Creativ-ity: A Study of Dai Zhen and DavidHume.”

The Direction Committee of theRicci Dictionary met in Chantilly,France, August 8–10, to prepare thepublication of the Complete Dictio-nary as well as one of the Dictionnaire


Ricci des Ideogrammes Chinois.In October, the Institute publishedtwo books: Preaching Christ in LateMing China, the Jesuits presentation ofChrist from Matteo Ricci to Giulio Aleniby Fr. Gianni Criveller; and Ways ofContemplation East and West, Part One:the structure of the spiritual world by Fr.Raguin.

In October-November, Fr. Ver-mander went to Beijing for an exhi-bition and a colloquium on “SinoWestern Cultural Exchanges andContemporary Art” sponsored bythe Chinese Academy of Arts withthe active help of the Institute. Sev-eral friends of the Institute partici-pated in the conference: Prof. Ch’enCh’ing-song, Fr. Georges Martin-son, Frs. Marty and Charnu (CentreSevres, Paris), Ms. Yolaine Escande(CNRS). Fr. Vermander also went toLiangshan for preparing the editionof a Yi religious classic in collabora-tion with the Liangshan ResearchInstitute.On December 27–28, the Dictio-nary Direction Committee metagain, this time in Taipei. And, atthe very end of a very busy andfruitful year, the Institute hosted themeeting of the International RicciAssociation, along with a sympo-sium on “Jesuits and Chinese Stud-ies: the state of the field.”

§ § §

NCC CENTER FOR THE STUDY

OF JAPANESE RELIGIONS

Karasuma-ShimodaciuriKamikyo-ku,Kyoto 602, Japantel/fax: (81)75-432-1945e-mail: [email protected]: Dr. Yuki Hideo

REPORT ON RECENT ACTIVITIES

Visiting researchers: Mr. Jørn Bor-up (Japanologist, Århus University)spent from August 1996 to May1997 at the Center doing researchfor his doctoral thesis on contempo-rary Rinzai Zen Buddhism inJapan.Ms. Maya Hara (MA from the Insti-tute of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley,Calif.) has been studying medievalJapanese Buddhism at the Centersince September 1996.Ms. Katrin Bosse (student of theol-ogy, Heidelberg University) studiedJapanese religions and interreligiousdialogue from September toNovember 1997 at the Center. Herstay is supported by the LutheranChurch of Braunschweig in order togive her exposure to the multireli-gious society of a foreign country.Ms. Monika Schrimpf (Japanologist,Bonn University) spent Septemberand October at the Center in orderto collect material for her disserta-tion on the relationship betweenBuddhism and Christianity duringthe Meiji Period.


ACTIVITIES OF STAFF MEMBERS

Ms. Matsuoka spent the periodfrom August 1996 to July 1997 asDorothy Cadbury Fellow at theSelly Oak Colleges Federation inBirmingham in England where shetaught Mahayana Buddhism andintroduced students to the tea cere-mony.

SEMINARS

The 20th. annual seminar onJapanese Religions in English washeld in September on the theme“Indigenous Christian Movementsin Japan.” Prof. Mark Mullins(Meiji Gakuin University, Tokyo),who is presently preparing to pub-lish a book on this subject, gave lec-tures on the following themes: ‘Theindigenous critique of transplantedChristianity,” “The religious andcultural sources of Japanese Chris-tianity,” “The ‘ways’ of JapaneseChristianity: From Christian Zen toPentecostalism,” and “Reading theBible with Japanese eyes: New ques-tions and answers.” The seminaralso included a field trip to LogosShingakuin (Logos theological semi-nary) of the Sei Iesu Kai (Holy Ec-clesia of Jesus) located betweenSonobe and Ayabe, where the par-ticipants received a warm welcomefrom faculty and students.

The 34th. seminar on Japanese reli-gions in Japanese language tookplace in September on the theme“Learning about Nichiren,” the13th. century founder of theNichiren school of Buddhism. Theseminar took place at the main tem-

ple of this school at Mt. Minobunear Mt. Fuji; it included severallectures on Nichiren, the Lotus Su-tra, and the Nichren school of Bud-dhism, as well as attendance atmorning worship and a guided tourof the temple.

LECTURES

In April, together with the KyotoChristian Council (KCC) and theKansai Seminar House, the NCCStudy Center sponsored a lecture byArchbishop Aram from the Arme-nian Apostolic Church, Lebanon,who is presently the Moderator ofthe World Council of ChurchesCentral Committee. The Lecturewas titled “Christian Churches inthe Middle East.”Dr. Wesley Ariarajah, deputy gen-eral secretary of the WCC, gave apresentation at the Center in Auguston Interreligious dialogue activitiesof the WCC.Also in August, Dr. Yuasa Yukogave a presentation on the theologi-cal interpretation of Noh drama.In October, Prof. Jan van Bragt,prof. emeritus of Nanzan Universityand previous director of the NanzanInstitute for Religion and Culture,gave a presentation on “Theology ofReligions.”

PUBLICATIONS

The June 1997 issue of Deai con-tained the following articles:“‘Religion’ Today” by IkomaKosho, “Zen Words” by UedaShizuteru, “Zen Buddhism andProtestant Christianity” by Take


Kuniyasu, “Religion andState—The Revisions to the Reli-gious Corporations Law” by YukiHideo, “Kõfuku no Kagaku—aFuture-Oriented EschatologicalNew Religion” by YamashitaAkiko, and “An Essay in the Theo-logical Interpretation of NohDrama” by Yuasa Yuko.

The July 1997 issue of Japanese Reli-gions had articles on the concept ofthe “hijiri” (saints), by ChristophKleine; Katayama Kenzan’s Confu-cianism, by Michael Kinski; D.T.Suzuki and Shin Buddhism, byGalen Amstutz; Christianity in In-donesia under Japanese militaryrule, by Hara Makoto; and the rela-tionship between Buddhism andChristianity, by James Heisig.The following publications by staffmembers appeared in 1997:Yamashita Akiko: Asian Women andReligion, Kaihõ Shuppansha, andWar and women’s rights—the present is-sue of “comfort women,” AkashiShoten, (both in Japanese).Yuki Hideo: “Problems with the re-vision to the Religious CorporationsLaw” in Japanese Religions Vol.22No.1, and “The future of the Chris-tian school in Japan” in The JapanMission Journal Vol. 51 No. 3.

Martin Repp: “Youth and new-newreligions: Challenges for thechurches in present-day Japan” inThe Japan Christian Review Vol. 63,and Aum Shinrikyõ—Ein Kapitel krim-ineller Religionsgeschichte (Aum Shin-rikyõ—religion and crime in Japan),diagonal Verlag.

THE GOWING MEMORIAL

RESEARCH CENTRE

P.O. Box 5430Iligan City 8801, PhilippinesDirector : Dr. Fedelinda Tawagon

A series of seminar-workshops andconferences are scheduled in the lat-ter half of the academic year1997–1998. Fedelinda B. Tawagonwill be attending the General As-sembly of the Association for Thro-logical Education in South East Asiain Chung Chi College of the Chi-nese University of Hong Kong onNovember 13–19, 1997. The themeof the conference is: “New Heavenand New Earth: Theological Educa-tion for the New Millennium.” Par-ticipants in this conference areheads of seminaries and churches inSouth East Asia.The Programme for Theologicaland Cultures in Asia (PTCA) willconduct a national TheologicalSeminar Workshop on “Doing The-ology with the Economy and Cul-tural Resources in the Philippines”in Bagui City, Philippines on Jan-uary 4–9, 1998.Dr. Vigilanda Solijon, the Institute’srepresentative is scheduled to pre-sent a paper on the conferencetheme. Fedelinda Tawagon will at-tend the workshop as a member ofthe national planning committeeand to serve as a facilitator in theseminar.For the conference ministers andthe bishop of Mindanao Jurisdiction


of the United Church of Christ inthe Philippines (UCCP), the institu-tion will conduct a 5-day NEW-START Lifestyle seminar-workshopon January 22–28, 1998. Theseminar-workshop aims to exposethe pastors/conference ministers toa holistic approach to personalhealth management and Churchmanagement. NEWSTART is anacronym for Nutrition, Exercise,Water, Sunshine, Temperance, Air,Rest and Trust in Divine Power.The total well-being of the person isthe major focus of the activity.Moreover, the Center will sponsor anational interreligious dialogue onReligions Fundamentalism onFebruary 12–15, 1998. Expectedparticipants are church leaders andselected academic/seminary headsfrom all over the philippines. A re-source person from Auburn, Cali-fornia is to grace the accasion. Par-ticipants will be limited to 30 per-sons, maximum.Meanwhile, the Dansalan Quarterlyhas published an ethnographicstudy on the Family Life Cycle ofthe Maranao, the Muslim tribe inLanao provinces in Mindanao. Thestudy will be useful in understandingthe culture and religion of theMaranaos.

§ § §

INSTITUTE OF CHRISTIAN CULTURE/ORIENTAL RELIGIONS

Sophia University, 7 Kioi-choChiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102, Japantel: (81)3-3238-3540fax:(81)3-3238-5056Director: Koji Matsuoka

RECENT EVENTS:

In May of 1997, Dr. Koji Matsuokawas elected director of the Institute.

The annual lectures on Christianitywill continue for now on the themeof “The Story of Historical Salva-tions.”Also coming up are occasionallecture-conference weekends on di-alogue between Christians andother religions. The theme will bethe Task of Religion in ModernTimes.Among the ongoing programmesare group research on thought,scholarship and religion in the Edoperiod.Recent publications include:Shumichi Takayanaji; Chritliche Be-genung mit dem Relifionen Japans.77~88pp. 1996 Neue ZeitschrifteMissionswisse geschaft. CH-6405Immensee.

Jesus(frage) among contemporary Buddhistthinkers in Japan. 717~1125pp. Wegeder Theologeie: an der Schuele umdritten Jahrtausend. Bonitatius,Paderborn.Fumiaki Momose: Understanding ofthe “Church”. Catholic and Protes-


tant Fundamental reference and thetask of Ecumenism.

Koji Matsuoka: Catholic StudiesSophia University, 1977.“Interjection” in the story ofJapanese Linguistics. 1977, SophiaUniversity, Kiyo, kokybun

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NANZAN INSTITUTE FOR

RELIGION & CULTURE

Nanzan University18 Yamazato-cho, Showa-kuNagoya 466, Japantel: (81)52-832-3111fax: (81)52-833-6157e-mail: [email protected]: James W. Heisig

EVENTS

The inaugural symposium of theSVD Asian-Pacific Association ofMission Researchers (ASPAMIR) washeld at the Nanzan Institute Sept.22–26, with over thirty participantsfrom nine countries. The theme ofthe symposium was “ReligiousMovements in the ContemporaryWorld,” and there are plans to pub-lish the proceedings.

NEWS AND COMMUNICATIONS

The Nanzan Institute is cooperatingwith a group of young sociologistsand religious researchers to adaptthe European Values Study for usein Asia. Plans have been made toconduct an Asian Values Study in1999, in conjunction with the thirdEuropean Values Study. A pilot sur-vey will be made in the Fall of 1997

to test the survey instrument inJapan.

Aug. 1, 1997 Victor Hori arrives fora year’s work on the Zenrin-kush asa Visiting Research Fellow. Pra-toom Angurarohita from the depart-ment of philosophy of Chula-longkorn University in Bangkok ar-rives to begin work on the thought ofNichiren. She will be a visitingscholar in residence until May ofnext year.

Bob Kisala attended a conference on“The Apocalyptic Other: MillennialViews of Unbelievers Among Chris-tians, Jews and Muslims” sponsoredby the Center for Millennial Studiesat Boston University, Nov. 2–4. Fol-lowing presentations on millennialgroups yesterday and today, a daywas devoted to panel discussions onpossible developments as we ap-proach the year 2000. ManabuWatanabe and Bob Kisala partici-pated in a panel on the “JapaneseReshaping of Religious Imports” atthe annual meeting of the Society forthe Scientific Study of Religion inSan Diego, Nov. 7–9. Watanabepresented a paper on distortions ofthe Buddhist idea of salvation pre-sented by Aum Shinrikyo, andKisala talked about the use of theNostradamus prophecies in some ofthe more recent Japanese new reli-gions.

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Book Notes

Doing Filipino Theology, Ed. Leonardo N. Mercado, Divine Word Publica-tions, Manila, 1997. (187 pp.)

This book, the sixth in the Asia-Pacific Missiological Series, is the result ofa research seminar conducted at the Maryhill School of Theology, QuezonCity in 1996. The book is a study of Christian Shamanism and its possiblecontribution to inculturation in the Philippines. Dialogue with non-christian religions has been emminently stressed since Vatican II, but inpractice, this has meant dialogue with the “great” religions. The primalreligions of indigenous peoples have until now been largely excluded fromthe dialogue circle. This book should go some ways towards righting thatsituation.

The first part of the book, written by the editor himself, looks at someof the theological principles governing inculturation. The challenges andpitfalls are well documented in a presentation illustrated by plenty of practi-cal and biblical examples. The author pins his flag to the mast of practical-ity when he states that, where inculturation is concerned, doing is moreimportant than talking, and that each effort should be judged by its fruits.Mistakes will be part of the process, “yet inculturators must accept the risksand have freedom and courage to proceed.” (p. 16)

A chapter on Philippine Shamanism and Inculturation provides somebackground against which to read the case studies in the second part of thebook. The shamanistic phenomena described may strain the credulity ofthe reader, especially those who have never witnessed such things firsthand. Fr. Mercado holds with the sound theological principle of testingthem by their fruits. “If the shaman has the fruits of charity, if s/he loveshis/her fellowmen and God, and has the spirit of sacrifice (e.g. not hungryfor money), then it is genuine.” (p. 34)

In the second part of the book eight cases that combine traditionalprimal religion and Christianity are studied. Working mainly in groups, theresearchers interviewed and observed the shamans in action and wrotedown their results. Each case description covers the “call” of the shaman,followed by a description of the trance and healing activities. Each caseconcludes with an outline the Christian spirituality of the shaman and itsroots in primal religion where applicable. Direct quotes often allow the


shamans to speak for themselves, but too often these quotes are not trans-lated (e.g. p. 61) and the non-Filipino reader is left at a loss.

In the final section, the editor brings it all together under the themes ofChristian Anthropology, Christology, Missiology, Liturgy and Spirituality.He readily admits to having only scratched the surface of these things. Thatbeing the case, we look foreward to more scratching in the future.

Brian Lawless

INTER-RELIGIO, a Network of Christian Organizations for Interreligious Encounter in East Asia,publishes its bulletin twice annually, in summer and winter, and will send it freeof charge upon request. A donation to cover the cost of printing and mailing twoissues per year (US$10) would be greatly appreciated.

Please address inquiries regarding the bulletin to:Brian LawlessChristian Study Centre on Chinese Religion & Culture6/F Kiu Kin Mansion, 566 Nathan RdKowloon, Hong Kongtel: (852)2770-3310 fax: (852)2782-6869e-mail: [email protected]

All other inquiries concerning the Inter-Religio Network,membership etc. should be addressed to the secretariat at:

Nanzan Institute for Religion and CultureNanzan University18 Yamazato-cho, Showa-kuNagoya 466, Japantel: (81)52-832-3111 fax:(81)52-833-6157e-mail: [email protected]

Inter-Religio Home Page:http://www.ic.nanzan-u.ac.jp/SHUBUNKEN/inter-re.html

Documents

Inter-Religio Bulletin No 32irbulletin.0catch.com/pdf/ir32.pdfprophecies of Nostradamus and their popularization in Japan since the ... the next several years Nostradamus was to complete