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Integrating dissent: Communicating with a grievancecommunityKathryn White aa President of Black and White Inc.Published online: 14 Mar 2011.

To cite this article: Kathryn White (2002) Integrating dissent: Communicating with a grievance community, Canadian ForeignPolicy Journal, 10:1, 11-22, DOI: 10.1080/11926422.2002.9673304

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2002.9673304

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INTEGRATING DISSENT:COMMUNICATING WITH A GRIEVANCE COMMUNITY"IN A DEMOCRACY, DISSENT IS AN ACT OF FAITH." J. W. FULBRIGHT

KATHRYN WHITE*

RESEARCH CONTEXT & BACKGROUND

Since the World Trade Organization’s meeting in Seattle in 1999, there has been an increasingescalation of protest at meetings of multilateral organizations, particularly bodies regulatinginternational trade and finance. With this increase has been a parallel and widespread public

perception that protesters represent an extremist and marginal view of globalization, and arewilling to use violent tactics. This perception was highlighted with confrontations with heavilyarmoured police, wielding tear gas and water canons, shown daily on television screens andthrough other media during the Organization of American States, Summit of the Americas inQuébec City in 2001 and was tragically emphasized in the death of a young protestor by police atthe 2001 G-8 Summit in Genoa, Italy.

The attention of the media has been largely on one part of the protest: the violent and extremeforms of a small but vocal minority. Much of the response by authorities has been to these few atthe extreme. In fact, there are many participants in protest who do not advocate violence orunlawful activity. While it is reasonable for security to plan for extreme possibilities, to more fullyprepare for these engagements we must seek to understand more about the full range ofprotesters.

For Canada, with its emphasis on human security, it is important, at a time when youth feelmoved to protest, to explore the role of protest in a democracy and to identify gaps in bothresearch and policy in building a democracy capable of integrating reasonable and robust dissentinto the public discourse. Somewhere, between violent, unlawful protest, and exercising one’sfranchise, lies a middle range of tools for citizens to participate in their society. This research is anattempt to explore this middle range.

In June 2002, the leaders of the G-8 countries met in Canada. In response to increasing fearsaround security, the meetings were held in a beautiful and remote wilderness of western Canada– Kananaskis – outside of Calgary, Alberta. As was intended, the choice of venue left protestors tothe Summit to gather in Calgary, approximately one hour’s drive away. Ottawa also became a focalpoint for protestors, including during the meeting of the finance ministers in advance of theSummit itself. Leading up to the Summit, some innovative, intensive and inclusive engagements ofNGOs and civil society, led by the Canadian G-8 Secretariat, were held in the countries of the G-8.Still, protesters mobilized to express dissent publicly and dramatically, a feature of current politicallife in democracies as well as in less democratic regimes.

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■* Kathryn White is the President of Black and White Inc.. This paper was prepared by Black & White Inc. inpartnership with the University of Ottawa Centre on Governance. Policy research on protesters to the G-8 Summit(Canada, June 2002)

© Canadian Foreign Policy, ISSN 1192-6422, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Fall 2002), 15-33

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This research views the presence of the G-8 Summit in Canada – a country with a reputationfor forward-thinking citizen and civil society engagement – not only as an opportunity to conductimportant policy research to learn about protest, but also to inform citizens and decision-makersabout the protest community, and direct the public discourse constructively while buildingunderstanding, policy and communications tools to enhance the enactment of democracy.

METHODOLOGYIn 2002 June, researchers with Black & White took to the streets in Ottawa and Calgary in order toidentify a special group of protestors. This research focused on young protestors, in particularthose who had not been organizers of the protest, not been urged to attend by union organizers,nor those who advocated violence. This focus constructed the research criteria in selectingparticipants. The objective was to look at and explore the moment of their decision-making. Whydid they get up from what they were doing to protest at an international event? What did theyderive from their participation?

Identifying ParticipantsThis qualitative research was undertaken using a ‘snowball method’1 to identify participants.Research associates in Ottawa and Calgary attended events of the protest and made a preliminaryidentification of participants for a Roundtable. A few exceptions to the research focus on youthwere made to allow for some range of age. These individuals were invited to attend a Roundtablediscussion, provided they first answered the previously mentioned questions to ensure they metthe research criterion.

Researchers recognized certain drawbacks associated with using the snowball technique inrecruiting protestors for participation. Since the researchers were particularly interested in thedecision-making of those who were the ‘non-organizers’ and those not ‘bused in’ (for example, bya union or NGO), it was essential to recruit during or after the protests themselves to ensure ourparticipants had actually followed through on their intention to protest – there were someresearch advisors who were concerned about the actual physical safety of the research associateswhile recruiting – a significant consideration. These associates had to feel both safe andcomfortable in this environment, as they also had to pre-screen the participants through the pre-interview (see Appendix A)2. In the case of the Ottawa group, the research associate identified andpre-interviewed participants while walking with the protestors in a protest event. The researchassociate in Calgary identified and pre-interviewed participants by attending a follow up meetingof protesters in the day following the protest in Calgary.

The Focus Groups & SurveyFocus group methodology, such as was utilized in this research, is an excellent process to elicittop-of-the-head information and to identify general consensus issues from homogeneous groups.Researchers did, however, recognize potential limitations in such qualitative research – it canprove immensely frustrating in trying to dig a little deeper with, as in this case, such an optimalsample and not a lot of time. A methodological innovation, developed out of necessity in advance

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1. The snowball method involves asking members of a particular community to name others "with whom it would bea good idea to talk". The technique usually begins with a ‘key contact’ person who names other people who, in turn,name others. While frequently mentioned names are assumed to be the ‘return’ researchers are looking for, in thisstudy, the snowball technique allowed for the kind of flexibility that would take into account potential participantsmeeting the research criteria.

2. For a copy of the appendices, including demographic data, the surveys, as well as the bibliography, please email:Black & White Inc. (blackandwhite@rogers.com)

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of the scheduled Roundtables, was a survey tool (a quantitative analytical tool) that wasadministered to the focus group participants as they arrived to their respective focus groups.3 Thisapproach added a sensitizing role in relation to the in-depth focus-testing qualitative methodologyalready in place, by reaffirming and highlighting some findings to be further explored, researched,and incorporated into the research questions and hypothesis. No correlational or causal (e.g.,regressional) analysis was deployed from this exercise for the same reason; individual anddescriptive analysis was the focus instead.

Participants and Characteristics of the Two Groups Demographically speaking, the respondents were almost split in gender, young (mostly in theirtwenties), single, with most born in Canada.4 While key and significant to the research, it isimportant to note that such data does not provide a subjective picture of two groups of individualswho came together for a few intensive hours to explore the links of protest to citizenship and therole they see protest playing in a democracy.

The Ottawa group met at the University of Ottawa. Fourteen participants assembled in a timelyfashion and were unfailingly polite and engaged in the process. During the Roundtable, when thefacilitator directed pointed ‘follow up’ questions, the participants, to a person, responded in athoughtful manner – taking these prods as roads to deeper dialogue. The group becamecomfortable quickly, with humour, encouragement and affirmation offered amongst participants.

The Calgary group, consisting of sixteen participants, took a little longer to assemble, which mayhave had much to do with the distance of the University of Calgary campus from the city-core. Manyof these participants were clearly friends or acquaintances. A couple of the young men hadskateboards with them. A number of these Calgary participants appeared more skeptical of theresearch than the Ottawa group and sought details, even before the formal start. One person,reading the provided literature closely, pointed out to others that the Department of NationalDefence (DND) was listed as a ‘partner’ on Centre on Governance literature (handed out in advanceof the discussion along with literature on Black & White and the Canadian Centre for Foreign PolicyDevelopment). The facilitator responded, offering to participants the opinion that it was to thebenefit of any ‘community of interest’ to learn from this research, and that she very much hoped toshare this information with DND. After initial surprise at what was certainly an unexpected response,this initially ‘wary’ participant acknowledged that change did occur in many ways.

Both groups expressed great interest in being involved in follow up activities and all theparticipants – with only two exceptions – wanted to receive the report summary as a way to stayengaged. They were comfortable in giving contact information to participate further – indicatinga good level of trust. Large numbers of both groups lingered after the official end of the session,clearly wanting to explore, understand and share their experiences and insight.

The survey tool, administered at the beginning of each of the sessions, proved invaluable ingathering organized responses that would have been otherwise impossible to compile with limitedtime and a multiple participant focus group. Certainly, there was risk in administering the surveyin advance of dialogue as top-of-the-head opinions and reactions would have a chance to bereviewed and influenced by the questions and the range of answers offered in the survey.

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■3. A sample of the survey administered is included in Appendix ‘C.’

4. Appendix ‘B’ of this report comprises a number of charts and graphs, providing the demographic description ofthe protesters taking part in the research.

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However, in the case of this study, it gave the young participants some way to stay focused in themoments of their early arrival, and alleviated the inevitable moments of awkwardness that occurduring the assembly of any group not known to one another. From a research point of view,administering the survey was a way to employ valuable time in ‘mining’ as much information aspossible. Only a few participants completed the survey in advance of the Roundtable discussionitself, so as part of the overall orientation, everyone was asked to complete the survey beforeleaving the session. There was 100 per cent completion of the survey. Since the participants werealso told that this survey was being ‘tested’ on them (for the purposes of extending and enhancingsuch research in the future), there were many useful comments provided on the ease/difficulty ofquestions and format as well as on the suitability of questions and, in particular, availableresponses, reflected in the survey.

FINDINGS & ANALYSIS

Why Were They There?Desire and Experience: The most frequently cited reason for participation in protest was, "…totake my place". Protesters articulated in many ways their desire – indeed, almost obligation – to‘stand up’ to acknowledge their dissent. They felt their attendance at a public protest was not onlyan important means of expressing their solidarity with others, but also an expression of self. Forsome, the reasons for their dissent were well reflected upon and specifically related to the G-8. Forothers, the specifics were less important than being a ‘witness.’

Of the 30 participants, 13 explicitly said that they had been involved in protests before. Typicalof those who had protested before is the following statement explaining the motivation to protestthis time: "I have been active for a long time and was in Québec City – lots of the issues were thesame". This contrasts with those for whom the June 2002 G-8 protests were the first engagementin civil dissent: One young woman who works for the Federal Government described herself asnot coming from a protesting family. She went to the first day of the Ottawa protests, which shedescribed as non-violent and family oriented. Central to her motivation to protest was herheightened concerns about immigration issues and racial-profiling – issues she has had personal(through her job) experience with after 2001 September 11th. She elaborated on this, saying, "I feeluseless in my job. I’m not working in a ‘values-based’ way, especially in what should be a‘values-based’ position." She described the protest experience as a "defining moment,"experiencing something that "struck a cord with her values". She viewed protest as an importantavenue of education and related a story about bureaucrats on the bus to work one morning beingeducated by the protestors as the bus traveled through a protest event: "This is what it’s allabout". She was amazed at the sympathy of the people on the bus towards the protestors –working on the ‘inside’, she was often struck by the ignorance of the G-8 that prevailed there, aswell as the seeming ‘disconnect’ between the political process and government workers. Theparticipant further expressed that, "protest is a right that should be exercised" and made referenceto Gandhi.

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While the survey tool used allowed for a more specific list of responses on why peopleprotested, the ‘face-to-face’ Roundtable provided ‘flesh’ and personal interpretation of theirparticipation. Another Ottawa participant related, "I am trying to make a difference and work fora better future for my son, because creating the ‘many’ of a protest, or being a placeholder, isimportant. The G-8 doesn’t represent the people. [Protesting] is an opportunity to meet like-minded people". Another participant more humorously shared about having a fight with hismother about her fears that he would not be safe if he went to the protest, "…so I had to go!" Thefacilitator ‘clarified,’ "To make your mother mad?" As related in one of the examples above,protest was commonly cited by the participants as an important tool of education. In reference tothis educative role of protest, it seemed at least as important that education be for the protestersthemselves as for the public.

Place-Keeping: Standing Witness: As indicated above, a number of participants described theirfeelings of obligation – both literally and figuratively – to stand up, be counted, and add to thenumbers of those who feel that the meetings and decisions on issues of global interest are notrepresentative of their views. One participant explained further that if the number of protestersseemed to diminish, more people would come forward and "replenish the ranks".

Along with possibly overt outcomes of affecting external change through participation inprotest, "just being there," was important for the majority of the participants, likening it to what isprobably best described as the notion of ‘witness". Particularly thoughtful was one participant’scontribution that she felt "people do what they can do, then take a break and go back again –similar to what others working with social issues must sometimes do, such as teachers or socialworkers".

Citizenship and Protest: Analysis of the survey tool administered provided some indicators ofcivil participation such as attitude towards voting and citizenship. Protest does not seem to havechanged the attitude or respect of the protesters toward the police or their fellow citizens.Respondents (the participants) seemed to be critical of the current Canadian system ofdemocracy, and protesting did not seem to change this attitude. For example, about 60 percent ofthe respondents disagreed that their experiences in the protests had made them more aware oftheir responsibility to vote. Nearly 73 percent disagreed that, since the protest, they now havemore respect for the openness of the Canadian democracy. Significantly, however, they do notseem to lack respect for their country (as could conveniently be portrayed). In fact, almost all – 90percent – seemed to be very concerned, as responsible citizens, about helping to build a bettercountry and world. As an example, about 50 percent of the respondents agreed (as opposed toabout three percent who disagreed) that since the protests, they were resolved to become moreresponsible and active citizens. Additionally, 80 percent of the participants disagreed thatprotestors are people who lack respect for their country, with nearly the same percentage havingvoted in a municipal, provincial, or federal election. It is certain that the state has an interest herein affirming and ensuring that protesters continue to see their own role as enhancing their society;clearly, this research confirms that they do view themselves in this way.

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Violence: Judgement, Participation & the Police Anticipation & Preparation: In the Ottawa group there was a clearly articulated decision-making process around how the protesters would deal with violence should it emerge in theprotest. This included seeing the role they had in dissipating violence should it occur. From oneOttawa protester on his reasons for participation: "I wanted to help people, to calm them down."The same protester described his aversion to a "snake" march (one where the protesters wouldchange direction frequently, thereby interfering with community and police security planning). Hefelt that this (as it was intended to do) created too much chaos and therefore created risks for theprotesters. He chose, therefore, not to join this march.

A majority of the Ottawa participants seemed to exercise more caution with regard toanticipating or preparing for violence, describing plans to first ‘monitor’ the first day of protestsbefore deciding to take part on day two, should it be deemed safe to do so. A few of theseparticipants said they took the specific precaution of bringing a lemon juice- or vinegar-soakedcloth to protest events that could help safeguard against the effects of tear gas. Others added thatif violence erupted, they planned to simply leave.

Ottawa versus Calgary: There was only one area of significant difference between the protestersin Ottawa and Calgary. This was on the point of violence and protest, and seemed to be a differencein social ecology. While it certainly could not be said that any sought out violent protest, the kind ofcareful preparations or precautions as described above with the Ottawa group were not expressedas having being taken by Calgary participants, who were observed to accept that joining the protestmeant participating in an event where violence may or may not occur. Their responses revealed amuch greater external locus of control (i.e., events happen due to external reasons: big business,government, God – versus an internal locus of control which predisposes a person to see their ownrole in writing a letter to the editor, calling their MP, negotiating or working to change theirsituation). It is also possible that the protesters in Calgary had less direct or indirect experience ofprotest, being in a province with one of the lowest rates of unionization. One of the protesterssuggested that the protests themselves were an opportunity for "increasing the confidence of thedisenfranchised". It would be misleading, however, to presume that the differing responses of theOttawa group from those of the Calgary group meant that those in Calgary were more disposed toor comfortable with violent protest. One of the young women did comment on her choice not to"take the streets" but instead to support members of her community who did choose to protest by"keeping people happy and safe".

There was a perception amongst participants in Ottawa that the vast majority of protestors wereyoung people. One person offered that that was because they were less afraid of violence. An oldermember of the group suggested that because of an advance meeting of the G20 finance ministers– also in Ottawa – in which police used dogs for crowd management, older people stayed away,presuming the G-8 Summit protests might be violent, as well. Participants in Calgary noted that intheir protests, there seemed to be good representation of a wide range of age.

Police and the G-8 Protests: The visible but low-key police presence in both Calgary and Ottawawas cited by many as a significant factor in what was a peaceful G-8 protest. In Calgary (and on theroad to Kananaskis) many police were on bicycles wearing the non-confrontational attire of bike

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helmets and shorts. In Ottawa, police wore ‘soft hats’ and some officers who were involved innegotiating a rest area with protestors simply wore civilian clothes. This contrasted sharply withthe heavily armoured and seemingly armed police in Québec City at the Summit of the Americasthe previous year, and was noted appreciatively by the protestors. Only a couple of participantsnoted that they saw the apparent ‘manipulation’: "The police presence was more subtle this time,but that was a big deception". (He was noting the "storm troopers" through the tinted windowsof a bus.)

One protester, observing the facilitator’s awareness of their discomfort in her describing themas ‘peaceful’ protesters, said that he became ‘politicized’ and angry at his government andauthorities when he saw: "…a baby, in a stroller, gassed in Québec City". This incident (and wewill note here that even bureaucrats and officials attending the Summit were ‘gassed’, or at leastfelt the intended effects of tear gas because of winds) was enough to alter a citizen’s perception of‘authority’ in his country. The same protester, however, also noted that at the Ottawa G-8 protests"riot police were not visible. The police were organized better and differently" than at the QuébecCity Summit.

In a similar vein and on the role of authorities in deepening dissent, a key policy issue thatemerged in the Calgary group was the effect the Calgary Mayor had on mobilizing protest – ofactually motivating dissent. Two participants specifically highlighted that it was the Mayor’s refusalto find a site for ‘Solidarity Village’ – a request from the Committee for Canadians for a city parkat which NGOs and other groups could meet with protesters to educate and also to camp – as thefinal motivating factor in their decision to protest. One described this "as a deliberate attempt tokeep other perspectives from being heard". Others in the Calgary session concurred that they, too,were resolved in their desire to protest because of the Mayor’s actions.

Decisions taken through lessons learned by police and security officials from Québec City andthe other protests leading up to the 2002 G-8 made a significant impact in reducing the violenceand the opportunity for violence in Ottawa and Calgary. Out of this is an opportunity now tocontinue this research at future summits in a way that will allow more understanding of protestand the legitimate role it plays in global governance.

Who is the ‘Protest Community?’ Has it changed you?Awareness Raising and Making Change: The clear majority of participants stated that theyhave been fundamentally changed through their involvement in civil protest, and demonstrated awillingness to engage in civil dissent again. One participant explained that protest changed himpersonally, saying that it was important for him to find his "own place" in the protest – somethingwith which to identify himself. Another stated that his "involvement in radical politics haschanged where I focus my energy daily – my priorities, perceptions of the world and systems ofpower." Another joked that she "Can’t shop at the Gap…but [it is] also a lot more. I realize myprivileged position as a white middle class woman". When queried whether the protest orchange came first, she replied, "the G-8 protests provided an outlet for what was there".Expanding on this, another explained that the protests provided a way to both solidify what he hadalready come to learn about [issues such as the existence of class structure], as well as engendera greater feeling of self-control: "[It was] waking up; I became more and more aware of the

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world, the whole idea of society…. As a white male, I realized my influence and that we can[better] organize here than [in] Colombia or Argentina. We’ve had an impact. Things becameapparent".

For many of the participants, being engaged in the ‘protest community’ is much more thanparticipating in protest events. When asked about protest as a community or a lifestyle, the mostcommon response was finding and maintaining a lifestyle that was consonant with their values. Analternative form of protest was through consumer activities. In fact, their choice to protest seemedto be an outgrowth of consumer activities. One protester, in describing her own path of change,said, "I boycott [Coke], buy from small shops and try not to eat meat. I now believe I can makea difference. My awareness has changed everything. I am looking at a more thoughtful use for[my] money. I realize that the government as a workplace is not making a space for people likeme. I haven’t been [the most] satisfied with the process but I am figuring out my place in protest."

Another participant related, "In the months leading up to the protest I stopped watching somuch TV. While the protests didn’t change me, the awareness of issues they created changed meprofoundly, [and] as a result I have stopped driving." Like in all consumer boycotts, researchersperceived that participants presented a kind of self-validation or righteousness as they respondedas to how they had been, and continue to be, changed. One of the more humorous responsesmade clear the ongoing and relentlessness of this new consumerism and the decisions being madeby those committed to protest, "…now I don’t know if I should buy local organic or importedorganic." From another: "I see you’ve given us water and I’m thinking, what will they do withthe plastic bottles? And what are they doing over there? And, how come there’s meat in thesandwiches? It’s just constant. I wish I could stop it."

Is the ‘Protest Community’ a tolerant one? There was widespread affirmation amongparticipants on the question of whether the protest community is tolerant. As one explained,"protest has an educational function and it represents the capacity to create community". Theeducative role of protest was discussed as an important way for those in the protest community tomutually support and educate one another, as well as to educate others in society. Acceptance ofthose curious about, or not fully engaged in, the protest community was considered key topromoting awareness and change.

Interestingly, though, some of the participants did express that while the protesting communitywas an accepting one, there existed a "disconnect in communication". One Ottawa participantelaborated by describing a reluctance of some to fully embrace the community due to uncertaintyin being able to "measure up" to perceived standards or knowledge of others in the protestcommunity. A number of participants actually described themselves as "not really protestors". Thisdistancing seemed to have a number of rationales. For some, there seemed to be someambivalence about the legitimacy of protest, or protesters; for others, it seemed more of anapologia or justification for not being more informed on the issues as they imagined ‘real’protesters were. One, in his description of himself as "not a serious protester" went on by relatinghis suspicion of the legal system, of George W. Bush and "even Chrétien" as portrayed bymainstream media. This mere suspicion, on his part, seemed to serve to diminish his ownauthority on issues; not being a ‘serious protester’ can ‘excuse’ one’s not being as knowledgeableas others in the community.

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"There are definite divisions," related another Ottawa participant, in response to the others’comments on ‘fitting in.’ "[I] find violent protesters judgemental, [but] the decisions, level ofinvolvement – its all individual." A Calgary participant likewise said, "… there is an element ofpolitical vanguardism. Is there space for others to radicalize on their own terms? We’recoherent, but [have] diverse ideologies."

What does Protest Achieve? When asked, "What does protest achieve?" or "What is the main roleof protest?" a few key themes reoccurred. Participants highlighted again the manner in which suchactions educate both protestors and wider community to the issues. One succinctly put it,"educate to awaken protest". Another followed on this theme with, "protest provides anotheropinion besides the mainstream. The mainstream is often uninformed or misinformed and wemust wake them up."

On the role of creating awareness of issues, another noted that "raising the social and policingcosts [to the taxpayer] of holding these meetings makes people pay attention, [as well as] sends amessage that, ‘you can’t come to our city without opposition’." By this measure, "it was a success,definitely". Whatever the sense of achievement protest provides, it does not encompass all thereasons for being there. For a significant number of protesters, participation was an end it itself. In all of these outcomes – whatever protest achieves for each who takes part – it seems that themain objective of the protesters could also be said to be the same of Summit organizers andparticipants in seeing the potential of the Summit – raising awareness of issues of democracy,governance, international aid, the environment, and so on – though obviously with some ‘content’differences.

CONCLUSIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS

Protest as an Act of CitizenshipAccording to this research, the young Canadians and Canadian residents, 5 who took to the streetsof their capital city, and the city nearest the G-8 Summit meetings, were in many waysdemonstrating good citizenship – committed and engaged, actively seeking to learn more aboutimportant local and international issues, and willing to demonstrate their commitment throughbehavioral change. This research, while qualitative, demonstrates the importance ofunderstanding protestors and protest. This understanding, including through research of thiskind, is a means for a democratic society to integrate dissent into citizen engagement andcommitment. Through this process, Canada is taking a step toward this integration by expandingthe understanding of civil society - or citizen-engagement.

Protest as a Learning and Education ToolIt became readily apparent that these young protesters, distinct perhaps from those who weremore willing to engage in unlawful activity as part of protest, and perhaps also distinct from thosewho had a specific agenda for change – in four or five of twenty points drafted in advance of theevents – saw themselves as making a meaningful contribution to their society and world. Whilenot allied with NGOs or unions, this is a significant group since they actively identify other waysand means to stay engaged with issues and within a larger community. Governments, at a numberof levels (national, provincial), recognize the importance of encouraging and building the capacity

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■5. Those not aligned with organizers of the protest or representing other groups.

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of youth for leadership. The next step in integrating dissent is to understand that opportunities forlegitimate protest activities are also opportunities for education and raising awareness ofinstruments of governance (including protest) and other instruments of choice for citizens.

Government or the G-8 Secretariat could explore adding innovative or catalytic ‘test’ projectsto determine whether intervention, such as providing literature, trainers, entertainers or otherawareness raising devices, is helpful in this process. Likewise an ‘audit’ of where young people areseeking information may be very useful. Are they using information provided by government,NGOs, ‘indie’ (independent) sites? Do they rank the credibility of the material in the same way thegeneral population ranks the professions? [Appendix 4.] Protests, as de facto schools, alreadyengage protesters in a process of education; government can take advantage of theseopportunities to supplement this process.

Protest as an Indicator of Committed EngagementAnother significant finding of this research is that this protest community did not see ‘protest’ asthe key reason for participation. These, largely young, protesters saw an opportunity to educatethemselves on issues with which they have become increasingly concerned. They also saw anopportunity to meet others who shared both these concerns and an eagerness to learn.Governments at all levels can demonstrate their commitment to youth by providing opportunitiesand resources – financial and otherwise – in support of this educative and networking role inadvance of protest events. As part of the on-going work of such agencies as the Canadian Centrefor Foreign Policy Development – who has a track record in listening and identifying bothmainstream and alternate voices, resources should be targeted for this community to engage andbuild their knowledge and experience of government in foreign policy development, debate andformation. It is noteworthy that according to the survey data, many of this group of protestersseemed unaware of the processes of government. Education through regular communication ofauthorities – government and political – should be enhanced.

Protest as a Measure of Success for Official ConsultationsEssential to integrating dissent is for bureaucrats and politicians to recognize that protest serves avariety of functions to the protesters. It is apparent that Canadian officials have widely acceptedthe partnership role of civil society in governance. It would be exceptional for a significant nationalor international event to take place without consultation of civil society. In fact, Canada has beenrecognized for its leadership in modeling a partnership with civil society. Having said this, it is alsoapparent that, in addition to these important dialogues, protest will still occur. Further research isrecommended to explore protest among civil society groups who have been consulted in advance.With this group of ‘non-allied’ protesters, it is recommended that awareness raising and attitudechange for officials – from seeing these protesters as a sign of failure of pre-summit consultationsto seeing this segment of protesters as separate from those consultations – as a way to measurethe success of their public dialogue and media awareness by bringing this special group out tolearn more. This is a unique opportunity to identify and greet future citizens in a way that may havebeen missing.

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Protest as an Opportunity for Flexibility of AuthoritiesMore than understanding the protest community as being widely interested and engaged inimportant national and international issues, it is essential that authorities, from policy makers tolocal authorities, see that they can have a role in triggering potentially higher risk protest whenthey fail to recognize that peaceful protest – or dissent – is a legitimate form of citizenship. Someprotesters in Calgary cited the role of the Mayor of Calgary as increasing the number of protestorsby forbidding the use of a city park for the protesters to gather and learn. The police play a role inboth decreasing and increasing protest as well as in radicalizing protesters through their planning,behaviors, apparel and presence. One of the protesters who was identified as being more‘comfortable’ with the decision of the Ottawa protest organizers to allow a ‘diversity of tactics’6

amongst protestors, reported that his attitude to violence in protest changed when he witnessedpolice in Québec City – it was radicalized. A young woman in Calgary reported her participationin the G-8 protests as a way to register her anger towards police from her experience in QuébecCity. In the same way, police and security planning and implementation for the G-8 Summitprotest activities were seen – even by critiques among the protesters – as having a pacifying effecton the protest. Clearly, public safety and security cannot be compromised at international events,and police and security officials were able to adapt their planning and readiness to this reality.

Protest as Schools for LeadershipAt the mobilizing moment that international meetings provide, there exists a key opportunity tosupport learning opportunities and skills building in youth leadership. These are society’semergent leaders; we need to ensure we are giving them the full benefit of both support andcitizenship as well as by preparing them to be participants in the public life of our country andworld.

At risk is serious erosion to social cohesion and to the building of citizens when young peoplefeel closed out of society, just at the moment we need to harness their energy and vitality anddirect it to legitimate problem-solving in society. Policy and programmes must reflect this throughresearch and methods such as suggested here.

Policy research, policy and programming which allows these protesters to integrate theirexperience, views, vitality and care with those of their fellow citizens may provide a key elementto mitigate the risk of their future radicalization as well as the other risk of their being blinded bythe belief in protest over consensus-seeking and negotiating conflicting interests. Both the Ottawaand Calgary protesters had very clear advice to offer on ‘making a better protest’ – if that was theresearch question. Their comments and suggestions focused on creative and participatoryeducational opportunities (music, art, poster-making, speakers and cheer-leading). These ideasand innovative approaches to awareness raising and education, if supported by their governmentand political leaders, would go a long way to engaging them into the future on their path tocitizenship. This engagement may not be sustained over long periods of time; however, at thesekey moments of identity- and citizen-making, an attitude of authorities willing to listen and engagewill pay back for all citizens over time.

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Moving from a Vision of ‘Grievance Community’ to ‘Early Adapters’ The research process itself seemed to provide a venue for the formation of a ‘protest identity’ forparticipants – an affirmation of what they had done for the good of the wider community. TheOttawa meeting ended with a round of applause, indicating their appreciation for having beentaken seriously. With the exception of two participants, everyone wanted to receive a copy of thereport; many volunteered, "What’s next?" Clearly, this was a positive outcome of what is known asthe ‘Hawthorne effect’ – a process by which researchers become part of the ‘outcome’ byinfluencing how people respond, though often below awareness level. This participatory researchitself also offers a model that would benefit from further testing. There is an opportunity, forexample, to engage some of these young protesters from Canada in developing, enhancing andimplementing research for the next G-8 Summit in cooperation with the researchers.

This research also demonstrates the need to move from a perception of protesters as a‘grievance community’ to one of seeing protesters as ‘early adaptors’ to change. It takes asignificant commitment to live by the values we profess. These young people are willing to acceptthe added costs: financial, social and psychic in attempting to ‘live their values’. Having spent timewith these young people, one would be hard pressed not to see them as model citizens, on thecusp of becoming even better citizens – more aware, more committed, and more willing to ‘standup’ for Canadian values.

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7. If the exemption were, in fact, comprehensive, pre-FTA tariffs on a vast range of inputs to the industry, for example,music recordings, would have been maintained or left unbound.

8. In addition to the cultural industries, there are groups for textiles, fur and leather; services; mining, metals andminerals; medical and health care products; information technologies; forest products; fish and sea products;environment; energy chemicals and plastics; apparel and footwear; and agricultural, food and beverage. The DFAITWeb site provides information on the operation of the SAGITs.

9. Trade Minister Pettigrew says that the government is keeping all options open on the most appropriate forum fornegotiating such instrument, including the WTO (Pettigrew 2001).

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