33
Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III William C. Hayes Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 10, No. 3. (Jul., 1951), pp. 156-183. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-2968%28195107%2910%3A3%3C156%3AIFTPOA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7 Journal of Near Eastern Studies is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Thu Oct 25 06:13:04 2007

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

  • Upload
    others

  • View
    1

  • Download
    0

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

Page 1: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III

William C Hayes

Journal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183

Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

Journal of Near Eastern Studies is currently published by The University of Chicago Press

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTORs Terms and Conditions of Use available athttpwwwjstororgabouttermshtml JSTORs Terms and Conditions of Use provides in part that unless you have obtainedprior permission you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal non-commercial use

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work Publisher contact information may be obtained athttpwwwjstororgjournalsucpresshtml

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission

The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academicjournals and scholarly literature from around the world The Archive is supported by libraries scholarly societies publishersand foundations It is an initiative of JSTOR a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology For more information regarding JSTOR please contact supportjstororg

httpwwwjstororgThu Oct 25 061304 2007

INSCRIPTIONS FRO14 THE PALACE OF AhIENHOTEP I11

WILLISRI C HATES

11 THE J A R SEALINGS tive material is provided by jar-sealings of

wITH the fragments of inscribed the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose

jars discussed in the first two 111 of Amenhotep I1 and Thutmose IT

articles of this series259 were of Amenhotep I11 himself and of

found ninety of the heavy mud stoppers of TutCankhaman Sethy I and Ramesses I1

the same or similar jars bearing on their from tombs temples and village sites at Seal impressions tops and sides big oval seal impressions of Thebes and e l s e ~ ~ - h e r e ~ ~ ~

the types illustrated in Figures 24-29 The appear on the stoppers of amphorae

two stoppers shown in Figure 24 were pur- shown in vintage scenes in decorated

chased a t Luxor in 1936260 and that with tombs of the Ne~v Kingdom at the be^^^^

sealing Type YY norv in the Brooklyn and in the tomb of Parennefer (No 188)269

l I u s e ~ m ~ ~ ~ men are represented in the act of stamp- is from Tytus work in the Palace of the King262 (see Fig 1) ing jar-stoppers with the big seals used for

Otherwise the sealings reproduced here this purpose270

are from the excavations of the Netro- Gunns detailed description of the

politan ampIuseum of Art during the win- 26 BruyGre Fouilles Inz t f r Caire 11 79 IV 53- ters of 1910-20 and come from magazines 54 V 110 VI 111 VIII 17-18 XVI 343 Carter

and rubbish heaps widely distributed over Tomb of TutankhAmen 111 148-49 PI L Carter arid Newberry Tomb of Thoutmdsiz IT (Cat gPn Mus

the palace area263 Duplicates and addi- Caire Kos 46001-5291 NO 46159 p 44 Fig 40

tional types occur among the fifty-three Chassinat Bull Ins t f r Caire X 165-67 Daressy Fouilles de la 1-all4e rles Rois (Cat g4n ~ W u s Caire

palace jar-sealings discovered by Daressy Nos 24001-990) xos 11494-96 (a-c)pp 277-79 PI XLVII Kamal Ann Serl X 117 (jar-stoppers not in 1888-8926hnd now in the Cairo bricks) Lansing arid Hayes Bull M M d January

3Iuseum (Nos 11424-76) 265 and close 1937 Sec 11 pp 30 38-39 Fig 39 Petrie Qurneh p 13 PI XLVI Quibell Archaic Objects p 102 Nos

parallels will be found among the numer- 11494-96 PI 18 Ramesseum pp 15-16 P1 X I Xos ous more or less contemporary sealings 9-49 Randall-hiaciver and U70011ey Buhen p 118

PI 43 Spiegelberg z$s LVIII 25-26 36 Stein-from Tell el Amarna266 Further compara- dorffdn iba 11 148-49U7eigall Ann Sern VII 135

2 5 9 J S E S X 35-56 and 82-111 No 27 Photographs and drawings of the H a t s h e ~ s u t

2 6 0 Ietropolitan lIuseun of Art accession xos jar-sealing~ f r o m t h e tomb of ~ i r n o s e and ~ a t ~ u f e r

3624-5 (Lansing arid Hayes lac cit) are on file in the Metro- politari hluseum as are also photographs of unpub-

grateful to Cooney261 Unaccessioned 1 am ~ r lished sealings of ~ ~ t from~~~i~ el Babri and h ~ ~ ~ ~ tfor permission to copy arid publish this sealing the sealirigs from the tomb of Tutankhamfin

262 See above n 3 26avies PI X L V Tomh of Tomb of Rek ~ -mi -R$~ See above n 1 After having been recorded and Vakht 0 f - Pls X X I I XXIII X X V I Tombz of T U ~ O

photographed these sealings most of which are frag- ficials p 32 PI X X X Tomh of Veerhotep I 37 P1 mentary were walled up in a tomb beneath the hiu- XLVIII N7reszinski Atlas I Pls 48 a 178 256 seums expeditiori house a t Thebes 286 355 See also Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re Pls

26lt4nn S e r ~ IV 168-69 X S V I 12 See Lepsius X X I XXIII SSSX X X I I I XXXIV Denkmdler Tezt 111 185 224 2 Davies JE4 IX 143 PI XXVIII A and C

265 Quibell Archaic Object8 (Cat gbn Wus Caire 2 7 0 Examples of these seals or stamps in both lime-

Nos 11001-12000 14001-754) Kos 11424-76 PP stone and wood have been fourid a t Thebes (Petrie 90-100 PIS 16-18 Six Templez p 21 PI 111 NO23 BruyGre Fouilles

266 Amarna p 30 PI X X I City I pp 161-64 PI VIII 181 ampmama (Ci ty 11 24 50 P1 LV City 11 pp 107-8 PI LVII Pendlebury J E A X X X I I 5 6 ) and elsewhere See Petrie Objpcts of XVIII 144 X I X 117 k X 135 Daily Cse p 69 PI LX

156

2

dmarna jar-stoppersZ7l applies almost in its entirety to those from the palace of Amenhotep 111 As at Deir el Medineh however the forms of the stoppers vary according to the nature bf the contents of -the j a r ~ ~ ~ ~ - o r perhaps according to the localities which produced the various commodities The stoppers of the wine and ale (srmt) jars are molded cylinders with flat tops and slightly sloping sides273 They average 22-25 cm in height 15-16 em in diameter at the top and 16-18 em in diameter where the base of the stopper joins the shoulder of the jar The type is illustrated in Figure 24 though the two examples shown there happen to be not from wine or srmt jars but bear seal im- pressions of Types FF and GG respec- tively Stoppers of this form usually carry one or two seal impressions on their flat upper surfaces and two to four others dis- tributed evenly around the sides of the cylinders After being stamped many of the stoppers were whitewashed or painted blue with floral friezes or other ornamen- tal designs in green red yellow and white In some instances the cartouches of the king or the ovals containing the name and provenance of the commodity were not stamped but painted in yellow on the tops or sides of the stoppers (Types EEE-GGG)274

The stoppers of the jars containing honey and ben oil (b3b)are also cylindrical but differ from the wine-jar stoppers in having a rounded or domed top and little or no slope to the s i d e ~ ~ ~ 5 Those of the fat and meat jars are roughly spherical

C i t y I pp 161-64 See also Carter l o r c i t BruyGre Fou i l l e s 11 79 XVI 343 Lucas M a -t e r ia l s (3d ed ) pp 26-27

2i2BruyGre Fou i l l e s 11 79 IV 53-54 V 110 VIII 17 XVI 343

2 7 3 Cf C i t y I p 161 Carter o p cit P1 L Spiegel- berg loc c i t etc

274See Cairo 11424 11429 11433 11438-39 11441-45 (Quibell A r c h a i c Objects Pls 16-17) Simi-larly painted stoppers occur also a t Amarna (Pendle- bury J E A XX 135)

in form and are not molded but shaped by hand The single seal impressions which they carry on their curved upper surfaces were evidently applied with a rocking motion of the long stamps The seal im- pression of Type PP occurs on a tall conical stopper rounded at the top and curving in slightly at the base its profile resembling that of the loaf-hieroglyph ()276

In Figures 25-29 the seal impressions which range in size from 102 X 4 cm (Type T) to 175 X 6 cm (Type HH) are reproduced at a scale of 1 3 and are ar- ranged by types according to the com-modities to which they refer-wine ale fat meat honey oil etc This order which follo~vs that of the jar-labels tran- scribed above in Figures 4-16 facilitates a comparison of the two closely related classes of inscriptions and enables us the more easily tgto associate sealing and label -

types from the same jars or series of jars Unless otherwise specified in the notes which accompany the following transla- tions each sealing type is represented by a single example only

A Very good wine for the Sed-festival (3 examples)

R Offering-wine2 for the Sed-festival C Wine for the Sed-festivals (2 ex-

amples) D (Wine for the Sed-festival (2 ex-

amples) Cf Cairo 11450 (Quibell Archaic Objects PI 17)

E F G Urine of the Western River28 of the House of Xebma~r8~-(is-)the-Splendor-of-dten 2i9 Cf City I I 11 LVII F

2 7 5 See BruyGre Fou i l l e s VIII 17 where this type of stopper is described as having the form of a convex meniscus Borchardt 2fitt D e u l s c h Or-Gesel lsch iYo 52 p 24 Fig 7 Cf Lansing and Hayes o p c i t Fig 39 Schlaparelli Tomlra i n t a t t a del l archi te t lo C h a Figs 137 142 Davies T o m b of Rekh -mi -RP i PIS XXI XXIII LVI

2 Cf Bruygre Fou i l l e s IV 54 Fig 43 2 I r p m3 (u3 ) wine (for) oflerings See above

J s E S X 89 and n 105 27s I f r u i m n t y See above p 89 and n 93

2 7 9 S b - m l C t - R C - T h n ( i ~ ) - a n This nameis discussed above on pp 97-98 n 174 and below on pp 178-79

Kanlal Ann Ser~lX 117 As fre- quently in the palace sealings (Figs 30-33) and occasionally elsewherezs0 the prenomen of Amenhotep 111 here inclosed within the 2Itn-disk is written with a monogram composed of the

seated figure of the king 8(nb)

holding the feather P (rr23ct) and sur-

mounted by the suns disk (R ) H Tery good wine (of) the T7estern

River (of) the peoplezs1 of Lower Egypt ( 3 examples) Cf City I PI LV A p 162 and the parallels cited there

I Wine of the Western River (2 examples)

J K [Tine of] Tje1282 Cf label Types 51 52 74-76 (Figs 6 7) and Berlin 7158 (Lepsius Denkrnnler Tert 111 185) The latter is a jar-sealing from the palace bearing the legend Kine of the Fortress

L Very good wine of the Oasis283 Cf label Types 19 73 (Figs 4 7)

ampI Wine of Ir of Bull-who-over-throws - the- Libyans-at-Beginning-of- Earth (2 [examples) The elaborate epithet written semi-pictographically evidently refers to hmenhotep 111 who not infrequently in his inscriptions is described as a conquering bull (eg Sewberry Scarabs P1 XXXI 12

See especially Erman Z - ~ S XXIX 125 XXXIV 165 rieg Inschr Berl in 11 40 NO 2293 This monogram or rebus occurs also in a brick stamp from Deir el Jfedineh (Sruyere Eouilles XVI 26) on a gold ring arld a carnelian plaque in the JIetropolitarl JIuseum accessiorl Nos 267767 ( A m a r n a P1 XIV 31) and 308334on a sealing from Buhen (Randall-Jfaciver and T7~~l ley Buhen P1 43 No 10903j and perhaps on a small sealing from the tomb of Tutankhamiin (JIJIA neg Nos T d 4 1373-75) See also Cardiner in Tarkhan I and Metuphis V p 33 n 1 P1 LXXIX Saurleron and Yoyotte Recue l amp~p to log i~ VII 10 n 1

2 8 1 Rhyt See Gard O n I loo-log 11 272- 73 This sealing and Types VV and W7V (Fig 28) lend color to the view held by Gunn Pirenne and Scharff that the RekhGyet were origirlally the populatiorl of the Delta (Gard OnII 272) On Lower Egyptian wine see Sethe Z-IS XLIV 19

2 5 2 T 3 r x See above J S E S X 89 and n94

283 I Irhit See above p 89 arld n 96

Pier AJSL XXIII 91 S o 1349) or lion Since the enemy trampled under the hoofs of the bull is clearly a Libyan it is probable that IYp(t)-t refers here as occasionally else~here~~o the western or northwestern extremity of the Egyptian empire and that Ir was the name of a wine-produc- ing locality or region in the western Delta d reference to a perhaps imaginary subjugation of the Tehenu Libyans by Amenhotep I11 appears in line 29 of his black granite stela from the temple of hIerneptah at Thebes (Ietrie S i r Temples P1 XI I Breas- ted Ancient Records 11 sect 892)

KWine (of) Beginning-of-Earth 0 Tine of the Kings Great T7ife Cf

label Types 7 and 18 (Fig 4) The queen referred to was presumably either Tiy or Sitamfin

P Offering-wine of Cf i l rnarna P1 XXI 7 23 City IP1 LT AA and BB p 162 Randall-hlaciver and Woolley Bz~hen P1 43 S o 10929

Q Wine for a happy return ()285 (of) Seb[ma~E-1beloved of 286

R livery good wine for tribute (2 ex- amples) gtInw is perhaps to be trans- lated gifts rather than tribute (see Gard On I 181)

S Wine for tribute T Wine (2 examples) C Alezbi for tribute (3 examples)

V V Ale (for) offeringsnzs8 (2 examples of each type) Cf Cairo 11466

X Fresh fat for the Sed-festival Cf label Types 120 ff (Fig 10) and Cairo 11469

TFresh fat of the cattle-pen () (of) H [ a ~ p ] y ~ ~ ~

Gauthier Dirt udog I 195 Gardiner JE4 V 135 Jfaspero Z A S XXI 66 Medinet R a b u I1 (OIP Vol 1x1 P1 70 Edgerton and Wilson Historical Records o R a m s e s I I I p 62

I r p n liy n r See above p 89 and n 104

Cf Cairo 11448 (ampnibell Archaic Objects P1 17)

2 8 Srtnt See above p 90 2 8 Srtnt d b h m See above p 90

Pr-gs ( = us-pr ) H p y See Iib V 198 2 16 Budge Dictionary p 813 A Probably rlot associated with the town P r - H c p y (Gard On A 397)

Z Sweet fat Cf label Types 150 151 153

AA Sweet (2 examples) BB Dressed meatzg0 for (the) Sed-festi-

~ a l Cf label Types 135 ff ( F I ~ 12) and Cairo 11476

CC Honey for the Serl-festival DD Honey of the F ~ r t r e s s ~ (2 ew-

amples) EE Fresh ben oil2 of the Fortress (3

examples) FF udbt of the House of Amenhotep (2

examples) =Cairo 11424 Evidently a liquid hdbt is probably to be equated with the Late Egyptian hdb (Ilb 111 205 Belegst 21) a beverage named to- gether with beer (hnbt) in unklaren Zusammenhang

GG hlutton fat293 of the Ahode (st) 1)rought (for) the festival =Cairo 11471 11474 Cf Cairo 11457

HH Very good mutton fat of Splendor- of-AtenrichinSed-festivalsThn(1c)-3Iln and ~ 3 3~b(lc)-sd are both common epithets of Amenhotep 111 (see pp 167 179)

11 Sehmacre rich in Sed-festivals Cf Bruyere Fottilles IS 53-54 Fig 43

JJ Provisions ( d j u) (of) Kebmac[re~] beloved of Cf Cairo 11434

I IK dd (of) tlle House of the real Kings Son Amenhotep The Icings Son A~nenhotep referred to here was in all probability the future King Anienhotep IT before his elevation to tlle coregencv an event which is be- lieved to have taken place in or about year 28 of -imenhotep I (see above JAYES X 37) The adiectirie tnF urea was presumably added to the title of the royal prince to distinguish him froln of Subia also bore the title Kinas Son -

LL Ciood (of) Xebmac[reC]

2 8 0 I w f dr See above p 91

2 U l e the Fortress of Tjel (see above P 89)

2 9 2 B3k See above p 93

9 9 3 S r Ll-b 111 462 6 Less likely to be sr-goose ( I t b IV 191-92)

RIM Fat (of) the shop (ucb) (in) the slaughter-court (sku) of the House of A[me]nhotep Cf label Types 128 135 136 140 160

XK Fresh 00 Slyrsh ([ Intyzc) 1P Pigment284 of Kwh() The star fol-

lowing k4 is puzzling and dihtu~bing but I h s h seems a logical source for the Kubian pigment called sty

QQ the Ijarim ([pr-]hnt ) rich in property Cf Bruyere Fouilles VIII 17 (left) Cardiner 1Cil-bour Papyrus 1145

RR A~nan rich in propjerty] [) Cf City I P1 LV SS 11 163 letrie Oblerts of Daily Ise P1 LX 9 0 164

PY Renenutet Lady of Food Miitress of Kourishment Good (wine )292 Gunn (City I 1q) 162-63) tentatively identifies the cobra-goddess appearing on sealings of this type ns Wadjet hut the epithets are those of Kenenutet goddess of the harvest and patroness of the vintage296

TT Horus Lord of Sleien in Lower Egypt The JIsn referred to was al- most certainly the well-known cult-center of Ilorus situated in the im- mediate vicinity of the fortress-city of Tjel in the northeast corner of the Delta (Ciard On 11203 Gauthier Dirt gCog 111 60) Wine seenls to hare been the principal export of this region (see above J S E S X 89)and i t is probable that the present sealing is from a wine jar

- Y 4 Stg See Gardlner Eg G r n m m slgn-hst under D 19 and a 32 Devaud Rec l r a ~ XXXIX 22-24 Sealed jars of a f y appear among the NubIan t r ~ b u t e In the tomb of RekhmirPC (Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB 11 Pi S V I I I )

2q5Cf Cairo 11453 Ci ty 1 1 P1 X S X I I 6 Bruyere Fouillefi VIII 17-18 Petrie Q u r n ~ h PI 46 Nos 15 16 Objrrls of Dai ly L S P 1) 69 PI L S Nos 162-63 A P V I n a c h ~ Berltn 11 522 No 7391 and tuo jar-seaim~s from the tomb of TutLankh amurl (ILI3Id neg No TAA 1278)

Z Y f i Lanzolle Dizionario di mitoloyin eyizia pp472-77 Pis CLXXXIX-CLXXXX~ Steindore Aniba 11 34 P1 18 lt b 11 437 Davies T o m b o j Ken- A m t i n I P1 LXIV See especially the vintage scenes in the Theban tombs cited in n 268

UU This interesting sealing is perhaps to be read Bulti-fish (kt)of Lower Egypt (mhu) I t was probably through his close association wit11 Horus the BehdetiteZg7 that the god personifying Lower Egypt is shown standing above the symbol (m)of Horus adversary the Ombite (Seth) 298 The export of bzilti-fish from Lower Egypt is attested by Pap Anastasi IT 15 7 (Gardiner Bibl Aeg TII 52) where fish of this type split and cleaned are listed as a product of Tjel The drying of fish for use as food is adequately dealt with by Klebs (Abh Heidelberger Ak Iliss Abh 9 p 88) and a sealed amphora containing dried fish was found in the tomb of the architect Khac a t Deir el Jledineh (Schiaparelli op cit pp 159-60 Fig 142)

TV All the people of Lower Egypt Cf sealing Type H (Fig 25) Berlin 7802- 4 (Lepsius Denkmaler Text 111224) Anzarna P1 X X I 36 and Quibell Ra~tzesseum P1 X I 18

FFTW All the people of Lower Egypt Very good (wine ) Cf sealing Type H and Quibell Ratnesseum P1 X I 27 37

X X Firadjet Lady of Lower Egypt This particular form of the familiar emblem -with the tail of the uraeus coiled around the central stalk of the clump of papyrus plants-is fairly common from the late Eighteenth Dynasty299 down into Greco-Roman times300 but does not so far as I can discover occur be- fore the reign of Thutmose IV

YY Renenutet Lady of Food Good (wine ) The m - s i g n below the cobra would seem to be used here in place of its homonym wnb(t)301

2~ Gardiner J E A X X S 26 P1 111 2

2 0 8 Cf Imarna PI XXI 46 Gard On 11 70

299Lepsius Denkmaler 111 P1 80 b c Gayet Temple d e Louxor Pls VIII IX S X S Borchardt Mit t Drutsch Or-Gesellsch No 55 P1 5 Leibo-vitch A n n Sera S L I I 94-100 Figs 11-13

3 0 0 Kamal A n n Sera IV 233-34

ZZ Gods Offering(s) of A[mfi]n in the Temple (hut) of Amnn Cf Weigall Ann Sero TII 135 No 27 Quibell Rat~zesse~~mP1 X I 15 In the Eight- eenth Dynasty the (ztp-sir-the temple properties or glebe-landsJo--of Amiin included vineyards in the northeast Delta3O3 whence this jar-sealing may have come (cf Cairo 11435) Though the sealing was found in the forecourt of the palaces temple of Amiin (see above JXES X Fig 1 and pp 36 85) here as frequently the expression hwt mansion has perhaps the broader meaning of temple founda- tion

AAA Lower Egypt (mhugt) (2 examples) See Sethe z48 XLIT 10 ff

BBB The papyrus plants of Lower Egypt knotted together in a symmetrical and conventionalized design found also on later jar-sealings304 and with numerous variations on scarabs of the T~velfth to Eighteenth d y n a ~ t i e s ~ Q j

CCC Emblematic design composed of a gazelle (Gazella dorcas) standing up- right on its hind legs and resting its forefeet upon a tree or large plant of stylized and probably composite type (4 examples)306 This design which in its more complete versions represents a pair of animals face to face on either side of the tree occurs with some fre- quency on jar-sealings and other ob-

3 0 1 Cf sealing Type SS (Fig 28) document seal- i n g ~S 21 123 (Figs 31 33) and Hall Cataloour of Scarabs Brit Mus Nos 1919-22 ITb 11 227232 records this substitution in the Greco-Roman Period See however Gunn in Ci ty Ip 163

3 Q 2 T T b 111 185 11 Kees kulturgeschichte pp 44-45 Davies Tomb of Puyemrg I 81-82

3 Davies op cit Pls X S X I S S X I I I B

3 0 4 Quibell Ramessrum PI XI 17

3 0 0 Petrie Buttons and Design Scarahs PI Sh-ew-berry Scarabs P1 S X Ward The Sacred Beetle P1 X

3 0 The motif which is known throughout western Asia and in Egypt itself from the earliest times has been recently discussed in some detail by Keimer in Bull I n s t d f ioyp tr XXVIII 126-31 by Leibovitch in A n n Sera SLVIII 245-58 and by Helene Danthine in her two-volume work Le Palmier-dattier ct les arbres sucres duns liconographir de l A s i e occi- dentale ancirnnr (Paris 1937)

jects from the palace307 and is well represented a t Tell el A~narna~Oa On the jar-sealings it is certainly intended as an indication of the source or type of the contents of the jars (probably wine) and the undoubted Asiatic asso- ciations of the motif309 point either to Syro-Palestine or to the extreme north- eastern border region of Egypt as the source in question The stoppers bear- ing this device are perhaps from the jars of Syrian wine (irp n Hsrw) contributed by the commandant of the fortress-city of Tjel (label Type 77)

DDD Fat (of) the storerooni ( t) of the House of the King Cf sealing Types X-Z and label Types 105 (var) and 225 The only surviving seal im- pression of this type occurs on a rnud brick from the palace structure Its presence there is ob~iously due to a mistake on the part of the ancient brickmaker That such a mistake could have been made indicates (a ) that the seals used for stamping jar stoppers and those used for stamping bricks were so similar as to be easily confused one with the other (b) that bricks and jar-stoppers were made in the same work areas of the same ma- terial and by the same groups of artisans and (c) that some a t least of the jars of animal fat found in the palace ruins were packed and sealed in or near the palace brick factory that is in the vicinity of Thebes itself

EEE Wine (6 examples) FFF [Winle of Tjel Cf sealing Types J

and K (Fig 25) CGG House of (King) Amenhotep See

Fig 24 Cf Berlin 7802-4 (Lepsius Denknxaler Text 111 223)

30 Cairo 11448 11464 11468 (Quibell Archaic Objects pp 94 97 98 PIS 17 18) Winlock Bull M M A VII 184 188 Pig 1 Leibovitch o p c i t p 246 Fig I The tree (a date-palm ) occurs alone on another of the palace jar-sealings in Cairo No 11456 (Quibell o p r i t P1 17) and frequently in tomb paintings of the Eighteenth Dynasty (eg Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-EdC Pls LXVIII LXIX Tonbb of ifen-dniLn P1 XITI

d m a r n a Pls XVI 181 (see also 197-208) S X I 58-59 Cilg 11P1 XLII 5

J o y See the references cited in n 306

Of the ninety palace jar-sealings re-corded above thirty-seven (Types A-T EEE FFF) are certainly and an addi- tional nineteen (Types SS TT VV-CCC) are probably from jars which had con- tained wine This apparent ratio of fifty- six jars of wine as against thirty-four jars of all other types of commodities is con- tradicted by the much more dependable evidence of the 1400palace jar-labels ac- cording to which the jars of wine con-stituted only about one-fifth of the total contributions and were outnumbered by both the ale jars and the meat jars (see Fig 16) The fact that a far smaller per- centage of the fragile mud sealings have survived to the present day than is the case with the fragments of inscribed pottery from the jars themselves does not of course explain the type discrepancies between the two classes of inscribed ma- terial nor have Ice any evidence that the 11-ine-jar stoppers n-ere less exposed to destruction than any of the other types of sealings It would seem rather that the stamped wine-jar sealings actually were far more numerous than those of any other type and that the use of inscribed sealings was a practice which was confined largely to jars containing wine Reasons for this which suggest themselves are that wine not only was more valuable than other products but was normally transported over much greater distances and therefore required greater protection against being tampered with en route This was par-ticularly true of the wine supplied to Amenhotep 111s palace a t Thebes most of which came from vineyards in the northern Delta The palaces meat supply on the other hand appears to have been prepared in the vicinity of Thebes itself and for 375 inscribed meat jars we have recovered from the palace ruins only one stamped jar-stopper (Type BB) For the other commodities represented among the

jar-labels we have six ale-jar sealings (Types U-IT) as against 298 labels four sealings from jars of fat (Types X-2 113l DDD) compared ~vith 91 labels and three sealings each (Types Ellt and CC DD) for twenty-t~vo and seven in- scribed jars of ben oil and honey respec- tively Conversely the sealings preserve the names of five products for IF-hich no labels happen to have been found hdbt-beverage (sealing Type FF) mutton fat (sr Types GG HH) myrrh (ntyu Type OO) sty-pigment (Type PP) and bulti- fish (Int Type KC) These we must add to our already extensive list of beverages foodstuffs and other goods supplied in bulk to the inmates of the palace

Additions made by the sealings to the roster of royal estates and other sources of supply given above on pages 96 97 of this volume of the Journal include the estate of the Kings Son Xmenhotep (Type ICK) the estate (Y) of the Inner Apartments or royal Harim (Type QQ) the pr-gs of Happy (Type Y) the temple properties (htp-nlr) of Aman (Type ) a locality named gtIr apparently on the border of Libya (Type I)and the land of ICush ( Type PP) the last named being the only source south of Thebes mentioned in any of the extant palace jar- inscriptions310 The sealings with the image of the goddess Renenutet may well be from the Fayyum a knou-n but hither- to unlisted source of wine and many other products Those referring in vari- ous ways to Lo~ver Egypt however are probably from jars which contained the already copiously documented wine of the lTestern River (see Type H)and that bearing the name of Horus of Mesen is certainly from the ncighborhood of the town of Tjel

See a b o ~ e p 103 An African source for the msrrh of sealing Type 00horeer seems Ilkell

311 Baedeker Ei up t ( l f L 3 ) pp luuvni 202 Lucas Matertals p 29

Aside from the names and epithets of the king (Types E-G 11 Q HH-JJ LT AIM GGG) the title and name of the crown prince (Type KK) and the title of the queen (Type O) references to individual persons royal or private do not occur on the jar sealings

Since in most cases they merely repeat small portions of the ink labels wi t ten on the shoulders of the jars the inscription and designs stamped on the stoppers of the same jars may seem from our point of view somewhat superfluous They had holyever functions of their own distinct from those of the labels and equally if not more important The first of these func- tions as already inferred vas to safe- guard the contents of the jars by making it impossible to open them ~vithout noticeably damaging elaborate and not easily reproduced marks of royal or of- ficial authority -4 second function of the big hieroglyphic or pictographic seal im- pressions was to enable the contents of the jars to be determined at a glance by persons with insufficient leisure or in-sufficient knowledge to read the small hieratic texts written on their shoulders- an obvious boon to porters kitchen help- ers and other servants employed in the palace storerooms Finally the use of seals permitted the identities andor origins of the contents of the jars to be inscribed on their exteriors with the utmost rapidity and clarity by men I-ho need not neces- sarily have been able either to write or to read

111 THE BRICK STASIPS

Though similar in appearance size and style to the jar-sealings and produced by seals of the same type the impressions stamped on the sun-dried mud bricks of the palace buildings (Figs 2-1 30) belong

312 It +as probablj such a person who inadverte~lt- ly applied the fat-jar sealing of Type DDD to a mud brick

1

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 2: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

INSCRIPTIONS FRO14 THE PALACE OF AhIENHOTEP I11

WILLISRI C HATES

11 THE J A R SEALINGS tive material is provided by jar-sealings of

wITH the fragments of inscribed the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose

jars discussed in the first two 111 of Amenhotep I1 and Thutmose IT

articles of this series259 were of Amenhotep I11 himself and of

found ninety of the heavy mud stoppers of TutCankhaman Sethy I and Ramesses I1

the same or similar jars bearing on their from tombs temples and village sites at Seal impressions tops and sides big oval seal impressions of Thebes and e l s e ~ ~ - h e r e ~ ~ ~

the types illustrated in Figures 24-29 The appear on the stoppers of amphorae

two stoppers shown in Figure 24 were pur- shown in vintage scenes in decorated

chased a t Luxor in 1936260 and that with tombs of the Ne~v Kingdom at the be^^^^

sealing Type YY norv in the Brooklyn and in the tomb of Parennefer (No 188)269

l I u s e ~ m ~ ~ ~ men are represented in the act of stamp- is from Tytus work in the Palace of the King262 (see Fig 1) ing jar-stoppers with the big seals used for

Otherwise the sealings reproduced here this purpose270

are from the excavations of the Netro- Gunns detailed description of the

politan ampIuseum of Art during the win- 26 BruyGre Fouilles Inz t f r Caire 11 79 IV 53- ters of 1910-20 and come from magazines 54 V 110 VI 111 VIII 17-18 XVI 343 Carter

and rubbish heaps widely distributed over Tomb of TutankhAmen 111 148-49 PI L Carter arid Newberry Tomb of Thoutmdsiz IT (Cat gPn Mus

the palace area263 Duplicates and addi- Caire Kos 46001-5291 NO 46159 p 44 Fig 40

tional types occur among the fifty-three Chassinat Bull Ins t f r Caire X 165-67 Daressy Fouilles de la 1-all4e rles Rois (Cat g4n ~ W u s Caire

palace jar-sealings discovered by Daressy Nos 24001-990) xos 11494-96 (a-c)pp 277-79 PI XLVII Kamal Ann Serl X 117 (jar-stoppers not in 1888-8926hnd now in the Cairo bricks) Lansing arid Hayes Bull M M d January

3Iuseum (Nos 11424-76) 265 and close 1937 Sec 11 pp 30 38-39 Fig 39 Petrie Qurneh p 13 PI XLVI Quibell Archaic Objects p 102 Nos

parallels will be found among the numer- 11494-96 PI 18 Ramesseum pp 15-16 P1 X I Xos ous more or less contemporary sealings 9-49 Randall-hiaciver and U70011ey Buhen p 118

PI 43 Spiegelberg z$s LVIII 25-26 36 Stein-from Tell el Amarna266 Further compara- dorffdn iba 11 148-49U7eigall Ann Sern VII 135

2 5 9 J S E S X 35-56 and 82-111 No 27 Photographs and drawings of the H a t s h e ~ s u t

2 6 0 Ietropolitan lIuseun of Art accession xos jar-sealing~ f r o m t h e tomb of ~ i r n o s e and ~ a t ~ u f e r

3624-5 (Lansing arid Hayes lac cit) are on file in the Metro- politari hluseum as are also photographs of unpub-

grateful to Cooney261 Unaccessioned 1 am ~ r lished sealings of ~ ~ t from~~~i~ el Babri and h ~ ~ ~ ~ tfor permission to copy arid publish this sealing the sealirigs from the tomb of Tutankhamfin

262 See above n 3 26avies PI X L V Tomh of Tomb of Rek ~ -mi -R$~ See above n 1 After having been recorded and Vakht 0 f - Pls X X I I XXIII X X V I Tombz of T U ~ O

photographed these sealings most of which are frag- ficials p 32 PI X X X Tomh of Veerhotep I 37 P1 mentary were walled up in a tomb beneath the hiu- XLVIII N7reszinski Atlas I Pls 48 a 178 256 seums expeditiori house a t Thebes 286 355 See also Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re Pls

26lt4nn S e r ~ IV 168-69 X S V I 12 See Lepsius X X I XXIII SSSX X X I I I XXXIV Denkmdler Tezt 111 185 224 2 Davies JE4 IX 143 PI XXVIII A and C

265 Quibell Archaic Object8 (Cat gbn Wus Caire 2 7 0 Examples of these seals or stamps in both lime-

Nos 11001-12000 14001-754) Kos 11424-76 PP stone and wood have been fourid a t Thebes (Petrie 90-100 PIS 16-18 Six Templez p 21 PI 111 NO23 BruyGre Fouilles

266 Amarna p 30 PI X X I City I pp 161-64 PI VIII 181 ampmama (Ci ty 11 24 50 P1 LV City 11 pp 107-8 PI LVII Pendlebury J E A X X X I I 5 6 ) and elsewhere See Petrie Objpcts of XVIII 144 X I X 117 k X 135 Daily Cse p 69 PI LX

156

2

dmarna jar-stoppersZ7l applies almost in its entirety to those from the palace of Amenhotep 111 As at Deir el Medineh however the forms of the stoppers vary according to the nature bf the contents of -the j a r ~ ~ ~ ~ - o r perhaps according to the localities which produced the various commodities The stoppers of the wine and ale (srmt) jars are molded cylinders with flat tops and slightly sloping sides273 They average 22-25 cm in height 15-16 em in diameter at the top and 16-18 em in diameter where the base of the stopper joins the shoulder of the jar The type is illustrated in Figure 24 though the two examples shown there happen to be not from wine or srmt jars but bear seal im- pressions of Types FF and GG respec- tively Stoppers of this form usually carry one or two seal impressions on their flat upper surfaces and two to four others dis- tributed evenly around the sides of the cylinders After being stamped many of the stoppers were whitewashed or painted blue with floral friezes or other ornamen- tal designs in green red yellow and white In some instances the cartouches of the king or the ovals containing the name and provenance of the commodity were not stamped but painted in yellow on the tops or sides of the stoppers (Types EEE-GGG)274

The stoppers of the jars containing honey and ben oil (b3b)are also cylindrical but differ from the wine-jar stoppers in having a rounded or domed top and little or no slope to the s i d e ~ ~ ~ 5 Those of the fat and meat jars are roughly spherical

C i t y I pp 161-64 See also Carter l o r c i t BruyGre Fou i l l e s 11 79 XVI 343 Lucas M a -t e r ia l s (3d ed ) pp 26-27

2i2BruyGre Fou i l l e s 11 79 IV 53-54 V 110 VIII 17 XVI 343

2 7 3 Cf C i t y I p 161 Carter o p cit P1 L Spiegel- berg loc c i t etc

274See Cairo 11424 11429 11433 11438-39 11441-45 (Quibell A r c h a i c Objects Pls 16-17) Simi-larly painted stoppers occur also a t Amarna (Pendle- bury J E A XX 135)

in form and are not molded but shaped by hand The single seal impressions which they carry on their curved upper surfaces were evidently applied with a rocking motion of the long stamps The seal im- pression of Type PP occurs on a tall conical stopper rounded at the top and curving in slightly at the base its profile resembling that of the loaf-hieroglyph ()276

In Figures 25-29 the seal impressions which range in size from 102 X 4 cm (Type T) to 175 X 6 cm (Type HH) are reproduced at a scale of 1 3 and are ar- ranged by types according to the com-modities to which they refer-wine ale fat meat honey oil etc This order which follo~vs that of the jar-labels tran- scribed above in Figures 4-16 facilitates a comparison of the two closely related classes of inscriptions and enables us the more easily tgto associate sealing and label -

types from the same jars or series of jars Unless otherwise specified in the notes which accompany the following transla- tions each sealing type is represented by a single example only

A Very good wine for the Sed-festival (3 examples)

R Offering-wine2 for the Sed-festival C Wine for the Sed-festivals (2 ex-

amples) D (Wine for the Sed-festival (2 ex-

amples) Cf Cairo 11450 (Quibell Archaic Objects PI 17)

E F G Urine of the Western River28 of the House of Xebma~r8~-(is-)the-Splendor-of-dten 2i9 Cf City I I 11 LVII F

2 7 5 See BruyGre Fou i l l e s VIII 17 where this type of stopper is described as having the form of a convex meniscus Borchardt 2fitt D e u l s c h Or-Gesel lsch iYo 52 p 24 Fig 7 Cf Lansing and Hayes o p c i t Fig 39 Schlaparelli Tomlra i n t a t t a del l archi te t lo C h a Figs 137 142 Davies T o m b of Rekh -mi -RP i PIS XXI XXIII LVI

2 Cf Bruygre Fou i l l e s IV 54 Fig 43 2 I r p m3 (u3 ) wine (for) oflerings See above

J s E S X 89 and n 105 27s I f r u i m n t y See above p 89 and n 93

2 7 9 S b - m l C t - R C - T h n ( i ~ ) - a n This nameis discussed above on pp 97-98 n 174 and below on pp 178-79

Kanlal Ann Ser~lX 117 As fre- quently in the palace sealings (Figs 30-33) and occasionally elsewherezs0 the prenomen of Amenhotep 111 here inclosed within the 2Itn-disk is written with a monogram composed of the

seated figure of the king 8(nb)

holding the feather P (rr23ct) and sur-

mounted by the suns disk (R ) H Tery good wine (of) the T7estern

River (of) the peoplezs1 of Lower Egypt ( 3 examples) Cf City I PI LV A p 162 and the parallels cited there

I Wine of the Western River (2 examples)

J K [Tine of] Tje1282 Cf label Types 51 52 74-76 (Figs 6 7) and Berlin 7158 (Lepsius Denkrnnler Tert 111 185) The latter is a jar-sealing from the palace bearing the legend Kine of the Fortress

L Very good wine of the Oasis283 Cf label Types 19 73 (Figs 4 7)

ampI Wine of Ir of Bull-who-over-throws - the- Libyans-at-Beginning-of- Earth (2 [examples) The elaborate epithet written semi-pictographically evidently refers to hmenhotep 111 who not infrequently in his inscriptions is described as a conquering bull (eg Sewberry Scarabs P1 XXXI 12

See especially Erman Z - ~ S XXIX 125 XXXIV 165 rieg Inschr Berl in 11 40 NO 2293 This monogram or rebus occurs also in a brick stamp from Deir el Jfedineh (Sruyere Eouilles XVI 26) on a gold ring arld a carnelian plaque in the JIetropolitarl JIuseum accessiorl Nos 267767 ( A m a r n a P1 XIV 31) and 308334on a sealing from Buhen (Randall-Jfaciver and T7~~l ley Buhen P1 43 No 10903j and perhaps on a small sealing from the tomb of Tutankhamiin (JIJIA neg Nos T d 4 1373-75) See also Cardiner in Tarkhan I and Metuphis V p 33 n 1 P1 LXXIX Saurleron and Yoyotte Recue l amp~p to log i~ VII 10 n 1

2 8 1 Rhyt See Gard O n I loo-log 11 272- 73 This sealing and Types VV and W7V (Fig 28) lend color to the view held by Gunn Pirenne and Scharff that the RekhGyet were origirlally the populatiorl of the Delta (Gard OnII 272) On Lower Egyptian wine see Sethe Z-IS XLIV 19

2 5 2 T 3 r x See above J S E S X 89 and n94

283 I Irhit See above p 89 arld n 96

Pier AJSL XXIII 91 S o 1349) or lion Since the enemy trampled under the hoofs of the bull is clearly a Libyan it is probable that IYp(t)-t refers here as occasionally else~here~~o the western or northwestern extremity of the Egyptian empire and that Ir was the name of a wine-produc- ing locality or region in the western Delta d reference to a perhaps imaginary subjugation of the Tehenu Libyans by Amenhotep I11 appears in line 29 of his black granite stela from the temple of hIerneptah at Thebes (Ietrie S i r Temples P1 XI I Breas- ted Ancient Records 11 sect 892)

KWine (of) Beginning-of-Earth 0 Tine of the Kings Great T7ife Cf

label Types 7 and 18 (Fig 4) The queen referred to was presumably either Tiy or Sitamfin

P Offering-wine of Cf i l rnarna P1 XXI 7 23 City IP1 LT AA and BB p 162 Randall-hlaciver and Woolley Bz~hen P1 43 S o 10929

Q Wine for a happy return ()285 (of) Seb[ma~E-1beloved of 286

R livery good wine for tribute (2 ex- amples) gtInw is perhaps to be trans- lated gifts rather than tribute (see Gard On I 181)

S Wine for tribute T Wine (2 examples) C Alezbi for tribute (3 examples)

V V Ale (for) offeringsnzs8 (2 examples of each type) Cf Cairo 11466

X Fresh fat for the Sed-festival Cf label Types 120 ff (Fig 10) and Cairo 11469

TFresh fat of the cattle-pen () (of) H [ a ~ p ] y ~ ~ ~

Gauthier Dirt udog I 195 Gardiner JE4 V 135 Jfaspero Z A S XXI 66 Medinet R a b u I1 (OIP Vol 1x1 P1 70 Edgerton and Wilson Historical Records o R a m s e s I I I p 62

I r p n liy n r See above p 89 and n 104

Cf Cairo 11448 (ampnibell Archaic Objects P1 17)

2 8 Srtnt See above p 90 2 8 Srtnt d b h m See above p 90

Pr-gs ( = us-pr ) H p y See Iib V 198 2 16 Budge Dictionary p 813 A Probably rlot associated with the town P r - H c p y (Gard On A 397)

Z Sweet fat Cf label Types 150 151 153

AA Sweet (2 examples) BB Dressed meatzg0 for (the) Sed-festi-

~ a l Cf label Types 135 ff ( F I ~ 12) and Cairo 11476

CC Honey for the Serl-festival DD Honey of the F ~ r t r e s s ~ (2 ew-

amples) EE Fresh ben oil2 of the Fortress (3

examples) FF udbt of the House of Amenhotep (2

examples) =Cairo 11424 Evidently a liquid hdbt is probably to be equated with the Late Egyptian hdb (Ilb 111 205 Belegst 21) a beverage named to- gether with beer (hnbt) in unklaren Zusammenhang

GG hlutton fat293 of the Ahode (st) 1)rought (for) the festival =Cairo 11471 11474 Cf Cairo 11457

HH Very good mutton fat of Splendor- of-AtenrichinSed-festivalsThn(1c)-3Iln and ~ 3 3~b(lc)-sd are both common epithets of Amenhotep 111 (see pp 167 179)

11 Sehmacre rich in Sed-festivals Cf Bruyere Fottilles IS 53-54 Fig 43

JJ Provisions ( d j u) (of) Kebmac[re~] beloved of Cf Cairo 11434

I IK dd (of) tlle House of the real Kings Son Amenhotep The Icings Son A~nenhotep referred to here was in all probability the future King Anienhotep IT before his elevation to tlle coregencv an event which is be- lieved to have taken place in or about year 28 of -imenhotep I (see above JAYES X 37) The adiectirie tnF urea was presumably added to the title of the royal prince to distinguish him froln of Subia also bore the title Kinas Son -

LL Ciood (of) Xebmac[reC]

2 8 0 I w f dr See above p 91

2 U l e the Fortress of Tjel (see above P 89)

2 9 2 B3k See above p 93

9 9 3 S r Ll-b 111 462 6 Less likely to be sr-goose ( I t b IV 191-92)

RIM Fat (of) the shop (ucb) (in) the slaughter-court (sku) of the House of A[me]nhotep Cf label Types 128 135 136 140 160

XK Fresh 00 Slyrsh ([ Intyzc) 1P Pigment284 of Kwh() The star fol-

lowing k4 is puzzling and dihtu~bing but I h s h seems a logical source for the Kubian pigment called sty

QQ the Ijarim ([pr-]hnt ) rich in property Cf Bruyere Fouilles VIII 17 (left) Cardiner 1Cil-bour Papyrus 1145

RR A~nan rich in propjerty] [) Cf City I P1 LV SS 11 163 letrie Oblerts of Daily Ise P1 LX 9 0 164

PY Renenutet Lady of Food Miitress of Kourishment Good (wine )292 Gunn (City I 1q) 162-63) tentatively identifies the cobra-goddess appearing on sealings of this type ns Wadjet hut the epithets are those of Kenenutet goddess of the harvest and patroness of the vintage296

TT Horus Lord of Sleien in Lower Egypt The JIsn referred to was al- most certainly the well-known cult-center of Ilorus situated in the im- mediate vicinity of the fortress-city of Tjel in the northeast corner of the Delta (Ciard On 11203 Gauthier Dirt gCog 111 60) Wine seenls to hare been the principal export of this region (see above J S E S X 89)and i t is probable that the present sealing is from a wine jar

- Y 4 Stg See Gardlner Eg G r n m m slgn-hst under D 19 and a 32 Devaud Rec l r a ~ XXXIX 22-24 Sealed jars of a f y appear among the NubIan t r ~ b u t e In the tomb of RekhmirPC (Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB 11 Pi S V I I I )

2q5Cf Cairo 11453 Ci ty 1 1 P1 X S X I I 6 Bruyere Fouillefi VIII 17-18 Petrie Q u r n ~ h PI 46 Nos 15 16 Objrrls of Dai ly L S P 1) 69 PI L S Nos 162-63 A P V I n a c h ~ Berltn 11 522 No 7391 and tuo jar-seaim~s from the tomb of TutLankh amurl (ILI3Id neg No TAA 1278)

Z Y f i Lanzolle Dizionario di mitoloyin eyizia pp472-77 Pis CLXXXIX-CLXXXX~ Steindore Aniba 11 34 P1 18 lt b 11 437 Davies T o m b o j Ken- A m t i n I P1 LXIV See especially the vintage scenes in the Theban tombs cited in n 268

UU This interesting sealing is perhaps to be read Bulti-fish (kt)of Lower Egypt (mhu) I t was probably through his close association wit11 Horus the BehdetiteZg7 that the god personifying Lower Egypt is shown standing above the symbol (m)of Horus adversary the Ombite (Seth) 298 The export of bzilti-fish from Lower Egypt is attested by Pap Anastasi IT 15 7 (Gardiner Bibl Aeg TII 52) where fish of this type split and cleaned are listed as a product of Tjel The drying of fish for use as food is adequately dealt with by Klebs (Abh Heidelberger Ak Iliss Abh 9 p 88) and a sealed amphora containing dried fish was found in the tomb of the architect Khac a t Deir el Jledineh (Schiaparelli op cit pp 159-60 Fig 142)

TV All the people of Lower Egypt Cf sealing Type H (Fig 25) Berlin 7802- 4 (Lepsius Denkmaler Text 111224) Anzarna P1 X X I 36 and Quibell Ra~tzesseum P1 X I 18

FFTW All the people of Lower Egypt Very good (wine ) Cf sealing Type H and Quibell Ratnesseum P1 X I 27 37

X X Firadjet Lady of Lower Egypt This particular form of the familiar emblem -with the tail of the uraeus coiled around the central stalk of the clump of papyrus plants-is fairly common from the late Eighteenth Dynasty299 down into Greco-Roman times300 but does not so far as I can discover occur be- fore the reign of Thutmose IV

YY Renenutet Lady of Food Good (wine ) The m - s i g n below the cobra would seem to be used here in place of its homonym wnb(t)301

2~ Gardiner J E A X X S 26 P1 111 2

2 0 8 Cf Imarna PI XXI 46 Gard On 11 70

299Lepsius Denkmaler 111 P1 80 b c Gayet Temple d e Louxor Pls VIII IX S X S Borchardt Mit t Drutsch Or-Gesellsch No 55 P1 5 Leibo-vitch A n n Sera S L I I 94-100 Figs 11-13

3 0 0 Kamal A n n Sera IV 233-34

ZZ Gods Offering(s) of A[mfi]n in the Temple (hut) of Amnn Cf Weigall Ann Sero TII 135 No 27 Quibell Rat~zesse~~mP1 X I 15 In the Eight- eenth Dynasty the (ztp-sir-the temple properties or glebe-landsJo--of Amiin included vineyards in the northeast Delta3O3 whence this jar-sealing may have come (cf Cairo 11435) Though the sealing was found in the forecourt of the palaces temple of Amiin (see above JXES X Fig 1 and pp 36 85) here as frequently the expression hwt mansion has perhaps the broader meaning of temple founda- tion

AAA Lower Egypt (mhugt) (2 examples) See Sethe z48 XLIT 10 ff

BBB The papyrus plants of Lower Egypt knotted together in a symmetrical and conventionalized design found also on later jar-sealings304 and with numerous variations on scarabs of the T~velfth to Eighteenth d y n a ~ t i e s ~ Q j

CCC Emblematic design composed of a gazelle (Gazella dorcas) standing up- right on its hind legs and resting its forefeet upon a tree or large plant of stylized and probably composite type (4 examples)306 This design which in its more complete versions represents a pair of animals face to face on either side of the tree occurs with some fre- quency on jar-sealings and other ob-

3 0 1 Cf sealing Type SS (Fig 28) document seal- i n g ~S 21 123 (Figs 31 33) and Hall Cataloour of Scarabs Brit Mus Nos 1919-22 ITb 11 227232 records this substitution in the Greco-Roman Period See however Gunn in Ci ty Ip 163

3 Q 2 T T b 111 185 11 Kees kulturgeschichte pp 44-45 Davies Tomb of Puyemrg I 81-82

3 Davies op cit Pls X S X I S S X I I I B

3 0 4 Quibell Ramessrum PI XI 17

3 0 0 Petrie Buttons and Design Scarahs PI Sh-ew-berry Scarabs P1 S X Ward The Sacred Beetle P1 X

3 0 The motif which is known throughout western Asia and in Egypt itself from the earliest times has been recently discussed in some detail by Keimer in Bull I n s t d f ioyp tr XXVIII 126-31 by Leibovitch in A n n Sera SLVIII 245-58 and by Helene Danthine in her two-volume work Le Palmier-dattier ct les arbres sucres duns liconographir de l A s i e occi- dentale ancirnnr (Paris 1937)

jects from the palace307 and is well represented a t Tell el A~narna~Oa On the jar-sealings it is certainly intended as an indication of the source or type of the contents of the jars (probably wine) and the undoubted Asiatic asso- ciations of the motif309 point either to Syro-Palestine or to the extreme north- eastern border region of Egypt as the source in question The stoppers bear- ing this device are perhaps from the jars of Syrian wine (irp n Hsrw) contributed by the commandant of the fortress-city of Tjel (label Type 77)

DDD Fat (of) the storerooni ( t) of the House of the King Cf sealing Types X-Z and label Types 105 (var) and 225 The only surviving seal im- pression of this type occurs on a rnud brick from the palace structure Its presence there is ob~iously due to a mistake on the part of the ancient brickmaker That such a mistake could have been made indicates (a ) that the seals used for stamping jar stoppers and those used for stamping bricks were so similar as to be easily confused one with the other (b) that bricks and jar-stoppers were made in the same work areas of the same ma- terial and by the same groups of artisans and (c) that some a t least of the jars of animal fat found in the palace ruins were packed and sealed in or near the palace brick factory that is in the vicinity of Thebes itself

EEE Wine (6 examples) FFF [Winle of Tjel Cf sealing Types J

and K (Fig 25) CGG House of (King) Amenhotep See

Fig 24 Cf Berlin 7802-4 (Lepsius Denknxaler Text 111 223)

30 Cairo 11448 11464 11468 (Quibell Archaic Objects pp 94 97 98 PIS 17 18) Winlock Bull M M A VII 184 188 Pig 1 Leibovitch o p c i t p 246 Fig I The tree (a date-palm ) occurs alone on another of the palace jar-sealings in Cairo No 11456 (Quibell o p r i t P1 17) and frequently in tomb paintings of the Eighteenth Dynasty (eg Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-EdC Pls LXVIII LXIX Tonbb of ifen-dniLn P1 XITI

d m a r n a Pls XVI 181 (see also 197-208) S X I 58-59 Cilg 11P1 XLII 5

J o y See the references cited in n 306

Of the ninety palace jar-sealings re-corded above thirty-seven (Types A-T EEE FFF) are certainly and an addi- tional nineteen (Types SS TT VV-CCC) are probably from jars which had con- tained wine This apparent ratio of fifty- six jars of wine as against thirty-four jars of all other types of commodities is con- tradicted by the much more dependable evidence of the 1400palace jar-labels ac- cording to which the jars of wine con-stituted only about one-fifth of the total contributions and were outnumbered by both the ale jars and the meat jars (see Fig 16) The fact that a far smaller per- centage of the fragile mud sealings have survived to the present day than is the case with the fragments of inscribed pottery from the jars themselves does not of course explain the type discrepancies between the two classes of inscribed ma- terial nor have Ice any evidence that the 11-ine-jar stoppers n-ere less exposed to destruction than any of the other types of sealings It would seem rather that the stamped wine-jar sealings actually were far more numerous than those of any other type and that the use of inscribed sealings was a practice which was confined largely to jars containing wine Reasons for this which suggest themselves are that wine not only was more valuable than other products but was normally transported over much greater distances and therefore required greater protection against being tampered with en route This was par-ticularly true of the wine supplied to Amenhotep 111s palace a t Thebes most of which came from vineyards in the northern Delta The palaces meat supply on the other hand appears to have been prepared in the vicinity of Thebes itself and for 375 inscribed meat jars we have recovered from the palace ruins only one stamped jar-stopper (Type BB) For the other commodities represented among the

jar-labels we have six ale-jar sealings (Types U-IT) as against 298 labels four sealings from jars of fat (Types X-2 113l DDD) compared ~vith 91 labels and three sealings each (Types Ellt and CC DD) for twenty-t~vo and seven in- scribed jars of ben oil and honey respec- tively Conversely the sealings preserve the names of five products for IF-hich no labels happen to have been found hdbt-beverage (sealing Type FF) mutton fat (sr Types GG HH) myrrh (ntyu Type OO) sty-pigment (Type PP) and bulti- fish (Int Type KC) These we must add to our already extensive list of beverages foodstuffs and other goods supplied in bulk to the inmates of the palace

Additions made by the sealings to the roster of royal estates and other sources of supply given above on pages 96 97 of this volume of the Journal include the estate of the Kings Son Xmenhotep (Type ICK) the estate (Y) of the Inner Apartments or royal Harim (Type QQ) the pr-gs of Happy (Type Y) the temple properties (htp-nlr) of Aman (Type ) a locality named gtIr apparently on the border of Libya (Type I)and the land of ICush ( Type PP) the last named being the only source south of Thebes mentioned in any of the extant palace jar- inscriptions310 The sealings with the image of the goddess Renenutet may well be from the Fayyum a knou-n but hither- to unlisted source of wine and many other products Those referring in vari- ous ways to Lo~ver Egypt however are probably from jars which contained the already copiously documented wine of the lTestern River (see Type H)and that bearing the name of Horus of Mesen is certainly from the ncighborhood of the town of Tjel

See a b o ~ e p 103 An African source for the msrrh of sealing Type 00horeer seems Ilkell

311 Baedeker Ei up t ( l f L 3 ) pp luuvni 202 Lucas Matertals p 29

Aside from the names and epithets of the king (Types E-G 11 Q HH-JJ LT AIM GGG) the title and name of the crown prince (Type KK) and the title of the queen (Type O) references to individual persons royal or private do not occur on the jar sealings

Since in most cases they merely repeat small portions of the ink labels wi t ten on the shoulders of the jars the inscription and designs stamped on the stoppers of the same jars may seem from our point of view somewhat superfluous They had holyever functions of their own distinct from those of the labels and equally if not more important The first of these func- tions as already inferred vas to safe- guard the contents of the jars by making it impossible to open them ~vithout noticeably damaging elaborate and not easily reproduced marks of royal or of- ficial authority -4 second function of the big hieroglyphic or pictographic seal im- pressions was to enable the contents of the jars to be determined at a glance by persons with insufficient leisure or in-sufficient knowledge to read the small hieratic texts written on their shoulders- an obvious boon to porters kitchen help- ers and other servants employed in the palace storerooms Finally the use of seals permitted the identities andor origins of the contents of the jars to be inscribed on their exteriors with the utmost rapidity and clarity by men I-ho need not neces- sarily have been able either to write or to read

111 THE BRICK STASIPS

Though similar in appearance size and style to the jar-sealings and produced by seals of the same type the impressions stamped on the sun-dried mud bricks of the palace buildings (Figs 2-1 30) belong

312 It +as probablj such a person who inadverte~lt- ly applied the fat-jar sealing of Type DDD to a mud brick

1

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 3: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

dmarna jar-stoppersZ7l applies almost in its entirety to those from the palace of Amenhotep 111 As at Deir el Medineh however the forms of the stoppers vary according to the nature bf the contents of -the j a r ~ ~ ~ ~ - o r perhaps according to the localities which produced the various commodities The stoppers of the wine and ale (srmt) jars are molded cylinders with flat tops and slightly sloping sides273 They average 22-25 cm in height 15-16 em in diameter at the top and 16-18 em in diameter where the base of the stopper joins the shoulder of the jar The type is illustrated in Figure 24 though the two examples shown there happen to be not from wine or srmt jars but bear seal im- pressions of Types FF and GG respec- tively Stoppers of this form usually carry one or two seal impressions on their flat upper surfaces and two to four others dis- tributed evenly around the sides of the cylinders After being stamped many of the stoppers were whitewashed or painted blue with floral friezes or other ornamen- tal designs in green red yellow and white In some instances the cartouches of the king or the ovals containing the name and provenance of the commodity were not stamped but painted in yellow on the tops or sides of the stoppers (Types EEE-GGG)274

The stoppers of the jars containing honey and ben oil (b3b)are also cylindrical but differ from the wine-jar stoppers in having a rounded or domed top and little or no slope to the s i d e ~ ~ ~ 5 Those of the fat and meat jars are roughly spherical

C i t y I pp 161-64 See also Carter l o r c i t BruyGre Fou i l l e s 11 79 XVI 343 Lucas M a -t e r ia l s (3d ed ) pp 26-27

2i2BruyGre Fou i l l e s 11 79 IV 53-54 V 110 VIII 17 XVI 343

2 7 3 Cf C i t y I p 161 Carter o p cit P1 L Spiegel- berg loc c i t etc

274See Cairo 11424 11429 11433 11438-39 11441-45 (Quibell A r c h a i c Objects Pls 16-17) Simi-larly painted stoppers occur also a t Amarna (Pendle- bury J E A XX 135)

in form and are not molded but shaped by hand The single seal impressions which they carry on their curved upper surfaces were evidently applied with a rocking motion of the long stamps The seal im- pression of Type PP occurs on a tall conical stopper rounded at the top and curving in slightly at the base its profile resembling that of the loaf-hieroglyph ()276

In Figures 25-29 the seal impressions which range in size from 102 X 4 cm (Type T) to 175 X 6 cm (Type HH) are reproduced at a scale of 1 3 and are ar- ranged by types according to the com-modities to which they refer-wine ale fat meat honey oil etc This order which follo~vs that of the jar-labels tran- scribed above in Figures 4-16 facilitates a comparison of the two closely related classes of inscriptions and enables us the more easily tgto associate sealing and label -

types from the same jars or series of jars Unless otherwise specified in the notes which accompany the following transla- tions each sealing type is represented by a single example only

A Very good wine for the Sed-festival (3 examples)

R Offering-wine2 for the Sed-festival C Wine for the Sed-festivals (2 ex-

amples) D (Wine for the Sed-festival (2 ex-

amples) Cf Cairo 11450 (Quibell Archaic Objects PI 17)

E F G Urine of the Western River28 of the House of Xebma~r8~-(is-)the-Splendor-of-dten 2i9 Cf City I I 11 LVII F

2 7 5 See BruyGre Fou i l l e s VIII 17 where this type of stopper is described as having the form of a convex meniscus Borchardt 2fitt D e u l s c h Or-Gesel lsch iYo 52 p 24 Fig 7 Cf Lansing and Hayes o p c i t Fig 39 Schlaparelli Tomlra i n t a t t a del l archi te t lo C h a Figs 137 142 Davies T o m b of Rekh -mi -RP i PIS XXI XXIII LVI

2 Cf Bruygre Fou i l l e s IV 54 Fig 43 2 I r p m3 (u3 ) wine (for) oflerings See above

J s E S X 89 and n 105 27s I f r u i m n t y See above p 89 and n 93

2 7 9 S b - m l C t - R C - T h n ( i ~ ) - a n This nameis discussed above on pp 97-98 n 174 and below on pp 178-79

Kanlal Ann Ser~lX 117 As fre- quently in the palace sealings (Figs 30-33) and occasionally elsewherezs0 the prenomen of Amenhotep 111 here inclosed within the 2Itn-disk is written with a monogram composed of the

seated figure of the king 8(nb)

holding the feather P (rr23ct) and sur-

mounted by the suns disk (R ) H Tery good wine (of) the T7estern

River (of) the peoplezs1 of Lower Egypt ( 3 examples) Cf City I PI LV A p 162 and the parallels cited there

I Wine of the Western River (2 examples)

J K [Tine of] Tje1282 Cf label Types 51 52 74-76 (Figs 6 7) and Berlin 7158 (Lepsius Denkrnnler Tert 111 185) The latter is a jar-sealing from the palace bearing the legend Kine of the Fortress

L Very good wine of the Oasis283 Cf label Types 19 73 (Figs 4 7)

ampI Wine of Ir of Bull-who-over-throws - the- Libyans-at-Beginning-of- Earth (2 [examples) The elaborate epithet written semi-pictographically evidently refers to hmenhotep 111 who not infrequently in his inscriptions is described as a conquering bull (eg Sewberry Scarabs P1 XXXI 12

See especially Erman Z - ~ S XXIX 125 XXXIV 165 rieg Inschr Berl in 11 40 NO 2293 This monogram or rebus occurs also in a brick stamp from Deir el Jfedineh (Sruyere Eouilles XVI 26) on a gold ring arld a carnelian plaque in the JIetropolitarl JIuseum accessiorl Nos 267767 ( A m a r n a P1 XIV 31) and 308334on a sealing from Buhen (Randall-Jfaciver and T7~~l ley Buhen P1 43 No 10903j and perhaps on a small sealing from the tomb of Tutankhamiin (JIJIA neg Nos T d 4 1373-75) See also Cardiner in Tarkhan I and Metuphis V p 33 n 1 P1 LXXIX Saurleron and Yoyotte Recue l amp~p to log i~ VII 10 n 1

2 8 1 Rhyt See Gard O n I loo-log 11 272- 73 This sealing and Types VV and W7V (Fig 28) lend color to the view held by Gunn Pirenne and Scharff that the RekhGyet were origirlally the populatiorl of the Delta (Gard OnII 272) On Lower Egyptian wine see Sethe Z-IS XLIV 19

2 5 2 T 3 r x See above J S E S X 89 and n94

283 I Irhit See above p 89 arld n 96

Pier AJSL XXIII 91 S o 1349) or lion Since the enemy trampled under the hoofs of the bull is clearly a Libyan it is probable that IYp(t)-t refers here as occasionally else~here~~o the western or northwestern extremity of the Egyptian empire and that Ir was the name of a wine-produc- ing locality or region in the western Delta d reference to a perhaps imaginary subjugation of the Tehenu Libyans by Amenhotep I11 appears in line 29 of his black granite stela from the temple of hIerneptah at Thebes (Ietrie S i r Temples P1 XI I Breas- ted Ancient Records 11 sect 892)

KWine (of) Beginning-of-Earth 0 Tine of the Kings Great T7ife Cf

label Types 7 and 18 (Fig 4) The queen referred to was presumably either Tiy or Sitamfin

P Offering-wine of Cf i l rnarna P1 XXI 7 23 City IP1 LT AA and BB p 162 Randall-hlaciver and Woolley Bz~hen P1 43 S o 10929

Q Wine for a happy return ()285 (of) Seb[ma~E-1beloved of 286

R livery good wine for tribute (2 ex- amples) gtInw is perhaps to be trans- lated gifts rather than tribute (see Gard On I 181)

S Wine for tribute T Wine (2 examples) C Alezbi for tribute (3 examples)

V V Ale (for) offeringsnzs8 (2 examples of each type) Cf Cairo 11466

X Fresh fat for the Sed-festival Cf label Types 120 ff (Fig 10) and Cairo 11469

TFresh fat of the cattle-pen () (of) H [ a ~ p ] y ~ ~ ~

Gauthier Dirt udog I 195 Gardiner JE4 V 135 Jfaspero Z A S XXI 66 Medinet R a b u I1 (OIP Vol 1x1 P1 70 Edgerton and Wilson Historical Records o R a m s e s I I I p 62

I r p n liy n r See above p 89 and n 104

Cf Cairo 11448 (ampnibell Archaic Objects P1 17)

2 8 Srtnt See above p 90 2 8 Srtnt d b h m See above p 90

Pr-gs ( = us-pr ) H p y See Iib V 198 2 16 Budge Dictionary p 813 A Probably rlot associated with the town P r - H c p y (Gard On A 397)

Z Sweet fat Cf label Types 150 151 153

AA Sweet (2 examples) BB Dressed meatzg0 for (the) Sed-festi-

~ a l Cf label Types 135 ff ( F I ~ 12) and Cairo 11476

CC Honey for the Serl-festival DD Honey of the F ~ r t r e s s ~ (2 ew-

amples) EE Fresh ben oil2 of the Fortress (3

examples) FF udbt of the House of Amenhotep (2

examples) =Cairo 11424 Evidently a liquid hdbt is probably to be equated with the Late Egyptian hdb (Ilb 111 205 Belegst 21) a beverage named to- gether with beer (hnbt) in unklaren Zusammenhang

GG hlutton fat293 of the Ahode (st) 1)rought (for) the festival =Cairo 11471 11474 Cf Cairo 11457

HH Very good mutton fat of Splendor- of-AtenrichinSed-festivalsThn(1c)-3Iln and ~ 3 3~b(lc)-sd are both common epithets of Amenhotep 111 (see pp 167 179)

11 Sehmacre rich in Sed-festivals Cf Bruyere Fottilles IS 53-54 Fig 43

JJ Provisions ( d j u) (of) Kebmac[re~] beloved of Cf Cairo 11434

I IK dd (of) tlle House of the real Kings Son Amenhotep The Icings Son A~nenhotep referred to here was in all probability the future King Anienhotep IT before his elevation to tlle coregencv an event which is be- lieved to have taken place in or about year 28 of -imenhotep I (see above JAYES X 37) The adiectirie tnF urea was presumably added to the title of the royal prince to distinguish him froln of Subia also bore the title Kinas Son -

LL Ciood (of) Xebmac[reC]

2 8 0 I w f dr See above p 91

2 U l e the Fortress of Tjel (see above P 89)

2 9 2 B3k See above p 93

9 9 3 S r Ll-b 111 462 6 Less likely to be sr-goose ( I t b IV 191-92)

RIM Fat (of) the shop (ucb) (in) the slaughter-court (sku) of the House of A[me]nhotep Cf label Types 128 135 136 140 160

XK Fresh 00 Slyrsh ([ Intyzc) 1P Pigment284 of Kwh() The star fol-

lowing k4 is puzzling and dihtu~bing but I h s h seems a logical source for the Kubian pigment called sty

QQ the Ijarim ([pr-]hnt ) rich in property Cf Bruyere Fouilles VIII 17 (left) Cardiner 1Cil-bour Papyrus 1145

RR A~nan rich in propjerty] [) Cf City I P1 LV SS 11 163 letrie Oblerts of Daily Ise P1 LX 9 0 164

PY Renenutet Lady of Food Miitress of Kourishment Good (wine )292 Gunn (City I 1q) 162-63) tentatively identifies the cobra-goddess appearing on sealings of this type ns Wadjet hut the epithets are those of Kenenutet goddess of the harvest and patroness of the vintage296

TT Horus Lord of Sleien in Lower Egypt The JIsn referred to was al- most certainly the well-known cult-center of Ilorus situated in the im- mediate vicinity of the fortress-city of Tjel in the northeast corner of the Delta (Ciard On 11203 Gauthier Dirt gCog 111 60) Wine seenls to hare been the principal export of this region (see above J S E S X 89)and i t is probable that the present sealing is from a wine jar

- Y 4 Stg See Gardlner Eg G r n m m slgn-hst under D 19 and a 32 Devaud Rec l r a ~ XXXIX 22-24 Sealed jars of a f y appear among the NubIan t r ~ b u t e In the tomb of RekhmirPC (Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB 11 Pi S V I I I )

2q5Cf Cairo 11453 Ci ty 1 1 P1 X S X I I 6 Bruyere Fouillefi VIII 17-18 Petrie Q u r n ~ h PI 46 Nos 15 16 Objrrls of Dai ly L S P 1) 69 PI L S Nos 162-63 A P V I n a c h ~ Berltn 11 522 No 7391 and tuo jar-seaim~s from the tomb of TutLankh amurl (ILI3Id neg No TAA 1278)

Z Y f i Lanzolle Dizionario di mitoloyin eyizia pp472-77 Pis CLXXXIX-CLXXXX~ Steindore Aniba 11 34 P1 18 lt b 11 437 Davies T o m b o j Ken- A m t i n I P1 LXIV See especially the vintage scenes in the Theban tombs cited in n 268

UU This interesting sealing is perhaps to be read Bulti-fish (kt)of Lower Egypt (mhu) I t was probably through his close association wit11 Horus the BehdetiteZg7 that the god personifying Lower Egypt is shown standing above the symbol (m)of Horus adversary the Ombite (Seth) 298 The export of bzilti-fish from Lower Egypt is attested by Pap Anastasi IT 15 7 (Gardiner Bibl Aeg TII 52) where fish of this type split and cleaned are listed as a product of Tjel The drying of fish for use as food is adequately dealt with by Klebs (Abh Heidelberger Ak Iliss Abh 9 p 88) and a sealed amphora containing dried fish was found in the tomb of the architect Khac a t Deir el Jledineh (Schiaparelli op cit pp 159-60 Fig 142)

TV All the people of Lower Egypt Cf sealing Type H (Fig 25) Berlin 7802- 4 (Lepsius Denkmaler Text 111224) Anzarna P1 X X I 36 and Quibell Ra~tzesseum P1 X I 18

FFTW All the people of Lower Egypt Very good (wine ) Cf sealing Type H and Quibell Ratnesseum P1 X I 27 37

X X Firadjet Lady of Lower Egypt This particular form of the familiar emblem -with the tail of the uraeus coiled around the central stalk of the clump of papyrus plants-is fairly common from the late Eighteenth Dynasty299 down into Greco-Roman times300 but does not so far as I can discover occur be- fore the reign of Thutmose IV

YY Renenutet Lady of Food Good (wine ) The m - s i g n below the cobra would seem to be used here in place of its homonym wnb(t)301

2~ Gardiner J E A X X S 26 P1 111 2

2 0 8 Cf Imarna PI XXI 46 Gard On 11 70

299Lepsius Denkmaler 111 P1 80 b c Gayet Temple d e Louxor Pls VIII IX S X S Borchardt Mit t Drutsch Or-Gesellsch No 55 P1 5 Leibo-vitch A n n Sera S L I I 94-100 Figs 11-13

3 0 0 Kamal A n n Sera IV 233-34

ZZ Gods Offering(s) of A[mfi]n in the Temple (hut) of Amnn Cf Weigall Ann Sero TII 135 No 27 Quibell Rat~zesse~~mP1 X I 15 In the Eight- eenth Dynasty the (ztp-sir-the temple properties or glebe-landsJo--of Amiin included vineyards in the northeast Delta3O3 whence this jar-sealing may have come (cf Cairo 11435) Though the sealing was found in the forecourt of the palaces temple of Amiin (see above JXES X Fig 1 and pp 36 85) here as frequently the expression hwt mansion has perhaps the broader meaning of temple founda- tion

AAA Lower Egypt (mhugt) (2 examples) See Sethe z48 XLIT 10 ff

BBB The papyrus plants of Lower Egypt knotted together in a symmetrical and conventionalized design found also on later jar-sealings304 and with numerous variations on scarabs of the T~velfth to Eighteenth d y n a ~ t i e s ~ Q j

CCC Emblematic design composed of a gazelle (Gazella dorcas) standing up- right on its hind legs and resting its forefeet upon a tree or large plant of stylized and probably composite type (4 examples)306 This design which in its more complete versions represents a pair of animals face to face on either side of the tree occurs with some fre- quency on jar-sealings and other ob-

3 0 1 Cf sealing Type SS (Fig 28) document seal- i n g ~S 21 123 (Figs 31 33) and Hall Cataloour of Scarabs Brit Mus Nos 1919-22 ITb 11 227232 records this substitution in the Greco-Roman Period See however Gunn in Ci ty Ip 163

3 Q 2 T T b 111 185 11 Kees kulturgeschichte pp 44-45 Davies Tomb of Puyemrg I 81-82

3 Davies op cit Pls X S X I S S X I I I B

3 0 4 Quibell Ramessrum PI XI 17

3 0 0 Petrie Buttons and Design Scarahs PI Sh-ew-berry Scarabs P1 S X Ward The Sacred Beetle P1 X

3 0 The motif which is known throughout western Asia and in Egypt itself from the earliest times has been recently discussed in some detail by Keimer in Bull I n s t d f ioyp tr XXVIII 126-31 by Leibovitch in A n n Sera SLVIII 245-58 and by Helene Danthine in her two-volume work Le Palmier-dattier ct les arbres sucres duns liconographir de l A s i e occi- dentale ancirnnr (Paris 1937)

jects from the palace307 and is well represented a t Tell el A~narna~Oa On the jar-sealings it is certainly intended as an indication of the source or type of the contents of the jars (probably wine) and the undoubted Asiatic asso- ciations of the motif309 point either to Syro-Palestine or to the extreme north- eastern border region of Egypt as the source in question The stoppers bear- ing this device are perhaps from the jars of Syrian wine (irp n Hsrw) contributed by the commandant of the fortress-city of Tjel (label Type 77)

DDD Fat (of) the storerooni ( t) of the House of the King Cf sealing Types X-Z and label Types 105 (var) and 225 The only surviving seal im- pression of this type occurs on a rnud brick from the palace structure Its presence there is ob~iously due to a mistake on the part of the ancient brickmaker That such a mistake could have been made indicates (a ) that the seals used for stamping jar stoppers and those used for stamping bricks were so similar as to be easily confused one with the other (b) that bricks and jar-stoppers were made in the same work areas of the same ma- terial and by the same groups of artisans and (c) that some a t least of the jars of animal fat found in the palace ruins were packed and sealed in or near the palace brick factory that is in the vicinity of Thebes itself

EEE Wine (6 examples) FFF [Winle of Tjel Cf sealing Types J

and K (Fig 25) CGG House of (King) Amenhotep See

Fig 24 Cf Berlin 7802-4 (Lepsius Denknxaler Text 111 223)

30 Cairo 11448 11464 11468 (Quibell Archaic Objects pp 94 97 98 PIS 17 18) Winlock Bull M M A VII 184 188 Pig 1 Leibovitch o p c i t p 246 Fig I The tree (a date-palm ) occurs alone on another of the palace jar-sealings in Cairo No 11456 (Quibell o p r i t P1 17) and frequently in tomb paintings of the Eighteenth Dynasty (eg Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-EdC Pls LXVIII LXIX Tonbb of ifen-dniLn P1 XITI

d m a r n a Pls XVI 181 (see also 197-208) S X I 58-59 Cilg 11P1 XLII 5

J o y See the references cited in n 306

Of the ninety palace jar-sealings re-corded above thirty-seven (Types A-T EEE FFF) are certainly and an addi- tional nineteen (Types SS TT VV-CCC) are probably from jars which had con- tained wine This apparent ratio of fifty- six jars of wine as against thirty-four jars of all other types of commodities is con- tradicted by the much more dependable evidence of the 1400palace jar-labels ac- cording to which the jars of wine con-stituted only about one-fifth of the total contributions and were outnumbered by both the ale jars and the meat jars (see Fig 16) The fact that a far smaller per- centage of the fragile mud sealings have survived to the present day than is the case with the fragments of inscribed pottery from the jars themselves does not of course explain the type discrepancies between the two classes of inscribed ma- terial nor have Ice any evidence that the 11-ine-jar stoppers n-ere less exposed to destruction than any of the other types of sealings It would seem rather that the stamped wine-jar sealings actually were far more numerous than those of any other type and that the use of inscribed sealings was a practice which was confined largely to jars containing wine Reasons for this which suggest themselves are that wine not only was more valuable than other products but was normally transported over much greater distances and therefore required greater protection against being tampered with en route This was par-ticularly true of the wine supplied to Amenhotep 111s palace a t Thebes most of which came from vineyards in the northern Delta The palaces meat supply on the other hand appears to have been prepared in the vicinity of Thebes itself and for 375 inscribed meat jars we have recovered from the palace ruins only one stamped jar-stopper (Type BB) For the other commodities represented among the

jar-labels we have six ale-jar sealings (Types U-IT) as against 298 labels four sealings from jars of fat (Types X-2 113l DDD) compared ~vith 91 labels and three sealings each (Types Ellt and CC DD) for twenty-t~vo and seven in- scribed jars of ben oil and honey respec- tively Conversely the sealings preserve the names of five products for IF-hich no labels happen to have been found hdbt-beverage (sealing Type FF) mutton fat (sr Types GG HH) myrrh (ntyu Type OO) sty-pigment (Type PP) and bulti- fish (Int Type KC) These we must add to our already extensive list of beverages foodstuffs and other goods supplied in bulk to the inmates of the palace

Additions made by the sealings to the roster of royal estates and other sources of supply given above on pages 96 97 of this volume of the Journal include the estate of the Kings Son Xmenhotep (Type ICK) the estate (Y) of the Inner Apartments or royal Harim (Type QQ) the pr-gs of Happy (Type Y) the temple properties (htp-nlr) of Aman (Type ) a locality named gtIr apparently on the border of Libya (Type I)and the land of ICush ( Type PP) the last named being the only source south of Thebes mentioned in any of the extant palace jar- inscriptions310 The sealings with the image of the goddess Renenutet may well be from the Fayyum a knou-n but hither- to unlisted source of wine and many other products Those referring in vari- ous ways to Lo~ver Egypt however are probably from jars which contained the already copiously documented wine of the lTestern River (see Type H)and that bearing the name of Horus of Mesen is certainly from the ncighborhood of the town of Tjel

See a b o ~ e p 103 An African source for the msrrh of sealing Type 00horeer seems Ilkell

311 Baedeker Ei up t ( l f L 3 ) pp luuvni 202 Lucas Matertals p 29

Aside from the names and epithets of the king (Types E-G 11 Q HH-JJ LT AIM GGG) the title and name of the crown prince (Type KK) and the title of the queen (Type O) references to individual persons royal or private do not occur on the jar sealings

Since in most cases they merely repeat small portions of the ink labels wi t ten on the shoulders of the jars the inscription and designs stamped on the stoppers of the same jars may seem from our point of view somewhat superfluous They had holyever functions of their own distinct from those of the labels and equally if not more important The first of these func- tions as already inferred vas to safe- guard the contents of the jars by making it impossible to open them ~vithout noticeably damaging elaborate and not easily reproduced marks of royal or of- ficial authority -4 second function of the big hieroglyphic or pictographic seal im- pressions was to enable the contents of the jars to be determined at a glance by persons with insufficient leisure or in-sufficient knowledge to read the small hieratic texts written on their shoulders- an obvious boon to porters kitchen help- ers and other servants employed in the palace storerooms Finally the use of seals permitted the identities andor origins of the contents of the jars to be inscribed on their exteriors with the utmost rapidity and clarity by men I-ho need not neces- sarily have been able either to write or to read

111 THE BRICK STASIPS

Though similar in appearance size and style to the jar-sealings and produced by seals of the same type the impressions stamped on the sun-dried mud bricks of the palace buildings (Figs 2-1 30) belong

312 It +as probablj such a person who inadverte~lt- ly applied the fat-jar sealing of Type DDD to a mud brick

1

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 4: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

Kanlal Ann Ser~lX 117 As fre- quently in the palace sealings (Figs 30-33) and occasionally elsewherezs0 the prenomen of Amenhotep 111 here inclosed within the 2Itn-disk is written with a monogram composed of the

seated figure of the king 8(nb)

holding the feather P (rr23ct) and sur-

mounted by the suns disk (R ) H Tery good wine (of) the T7estern

River (of) the peoplezs1 of Lower Egypt ( 3 examples) Cf City I PI LV A p 162 and the parallels cited there

I Wine of the Western River (2 examples)

J K [Tine of] Tje1282 Cf label Types 51 52 74-76 (Figs 6 7) and Berlin 7158 (Lepsius Denkrnnler Tert 111 185) The latter is a jar-sealing from the palace bearing the legend Kine of the Fortress

L Very good wine of the Oasis283 Cf label Types 19 73 (Figs 4 7)

ampI Wine of Ir of Bull-who-over-throws - the- Libyans-at-Beginning-of- Earth (2 [examples) The elaborate epithet written semi-pictographically evidently refers to hmenhotep 111 who not infrequently in his inscriptions is described as a conquering bull (eg Sewberry Scarabs P1 XXXI 12

See especially Erman Z - ~ S XXIX 125 XXXIV 165 rieg Inschr Berl in 11 40 NO 2293 This monogram or rebus occurs also in a brick stamp from Deir el Jfedineh (Sruyere Eouilles XVI 26) on a gold ring arld a carnelian plaque in the JIetropolitarl JIuseum accessiorl Nos 267767 ( A m a r n a P1 XIV 31) and 308334on a sealing from Buhen (Randall-Jfaciver and T7~~l ley Buhen P1 43 No 10903j and perhaps on a small sealing from the tomb of Tutankhamiin (JIJIA neg Nos T d 4 1373-75) See also Cardiner in Tarkhan I and Metuphis V p 33 n 1 P1 LXXIX Saurleron and Yoyotte Recue l amp~p to log i~ VII 10 n 1

2 8 1 Rhyt See Gard O n I loo-log 11 272- 73 This sealing and Types VV and W7V (Fig 28) lend color to the view held by Gunn Pirenne and Scharff that the RekhGyet were origirlally the populatiorl of the Delta (Gard OnII 272) On Lower Egyptian wine see Sethe Z-IS XLIV 19

2 5 2 T 3 r x See above J S E S X 89 and n94

283 I Irhit See above p 89 arld n 96

Pier AJSL XXIII 91 S o 1349) or lion Since the enemy trampled under the hoofs of the bull is clearly a Libyan it is probable that IYp(t)-t refers here as occasionally else~here~~o the western or northwestern extremity of the Egyptian empire and that Ir was the name of a wine-produc- ing locality or region in the western Delta d reference to a perhaps imaginary subjugation of the Tehenu Libyans by Amenhotep I11 appears in line 29 of his black granite stela from the temple of hIerneptah at Thebes (Ietrie S i r Temples P1 XI I Breas- ted Ancient Records 11 sect 892)

KWine (of) Beginning-of-Earth 0 Tine of the Kings Great T7ife Cf

label Types 7 and 18 (Fig 4) The queen referred to was presumably either Tiy or Sitamfin

P Offering-wine of Cf i l rnarna P1 XXI 7 23 City IP1 LT AA and BB p 162 Randall-hlaciver and Woolley Bz~hen P1 43 S o 10929

Q Wine for a happy return ()285 (of) Seb[ma~E-1beloved of 286

R livery good wine for tribute (2 ex- amples) gtInw is perhaps to be trans- lated gifts rather than tribute (see Gard On I 181)

S Wine for tribute T Wine (2 examples) C Alezbi for tribute (3 examples)

V V Ale (for) offeringsnzs8 (2 examples of each type) Cf Cairo 11466

X Fresh fat for the Sed-festival Cf label Types 120 ff (Fig 10) and Cairo 11469

TFresh fat of the cattle-pen () (of) H [ a ~ p ] y ~ ~ ~

Gauthier Dirt udog I 195 Gardiner JE4 V 135 Jfaspero Z A S XXI 66 Medinet R a b u I1 (OIP Vol 1x1 P1 70 Edgerton and Wilson Historical Records o R a m s e s I I I p 62

I r p n liy n r See above p 89 and n 104

Cf Cairo 11448 (ampnibell Archaic Objects P1 17)

2 8 Srtnt See above p 90 2 8 Srtnt d b h m See above p 90

Pr-gs ( = us-pr ) H p y See Iib V 198 2 16 Budge Dictionary p 813 A Probably rlot associated with the town P r - H c p y (Gard On A 397)

Z Sweet fat Cf label Types 150 151 153

AA Sweet (2 examples) BB Dressed meatzg0 for (the) Sed-festi-

~ a l Cf label Types 135 ff ( F I ~ 12) and Cairo 11476

CC Honey for the Serl-festival DD Honey of the F ~ r t r e s s ~ (2 ew-

amples) EE Fresh ben oil2 of the Fortress (3

examples) FF udbt of the House of Amenhotep (2

examples) =Cairo 11424 Evidently a liquid hdbt is probably to be equated with the Late Egyptian hdb (Ilb 111 205 Belegst 21) a beverage named to- gether with beer (hnbt) in unklaren Zusammenhang

GG hlutton fat293 of the Ahode (st) 1)rought (for) the festival =Cairo 11471 11474 Cf Cairo 11457

HH Very good mutton fat of Splendor- of-AtenrichinSed-festivalsThn(1c)-3Iln and ~ 3 3~b(lc)-sd are both common epithets of Amenhotep 111 (see pp 167 179)

11 Sehmacre rich in Sed-festivals Cf Bruyere Fottilles IS 53-54 Fig 43

JJ Provisions ( d j u) (of) Kebmac[re~] beloved of Cf Cairo 11434

I IK dd (of) tlle House of the real Kings Son Amenhotep The Icings Son A~nenhotep referred to here was in all probability the future King Anienhotep IT before his elevation to tlle coregencv an event which is be- lieved to have taken place in or about year 28 of -imenhotep I (see above JAYES X 37) The adiectirie tnF urea was presumably added to the title of the royal prince to distinguish him froln of Subia also bore the title Kinas Son -

LL Ciood (of) Xebmac[reC]

2 8 0 I w f dr See above p 91

2 U l e the Fortress of Tjel (see above P 89)

2 9 2 B3k See above p 93

9 9 3 S r Ll-b 111 462 6 Less likely to be sr-goose ( I t b IV 191-92)

RIM Fat (of) the shop (ucb) (in) the slaughter-court (sku) of the House of A[me]nhotep Cf label Types 128 135 136 140 160

XK Fresh 00 Slyrsh ([ Intyzc) 1P Pigment284 of Kwh() The star fol-

lowing k4 is puzzling and dihtu~bing but I h s h seems a logical source for the Kubian pigment called sty

QQ the Ijarim ([pr-]hnt ) rich in property Cf Bruyere Fouilles VIII 17 (left) Cardiner 1Cil-bour Papyrus 1145

RR A~nan rich in propjerty] [) Cf City I P1 LV SS 11 163 letrie Oblerts of Daily Ise P1 LX 9 0 164

PY Renenutet Lady of Food Miitress of Kourishment Good (wine )292 Gunn (City I 1q) 162-63) tentatively identifies the cobra-goddess appearing on sealings of this type ns Wadjet hut the epithets are those of Kenenutet goddess of the harvest and patroness of the vintage296

TT Horus Lord of Sleien in Lower Egypt The JIsn referred to was al- most certainly the well-known cult-center of Ilorus situated in the im- mediate vicinity of the fortress-city of Tjel in the northeast corner of the Delta (Ciard On 11203 Gauthier Dirt gCog 111 60) Wine seenls to hare been the principal export of this region (see above J S E S X 89)and i t is probable that the present sealing is from a wine jar

- Y 4 Stg See Gardlner Eg G r n m m slgn-hst under D 19 and a 32 Devaud Rec l r a ~ XXXIX 22-24 Sealed jars of a f y appear among the NubIan t r ~ b u t e In the tomb of RekhmirPC (Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB 11 Pi S V I I I )

2q5Cf Cairo 11453 Ci ty 1 1 P1 X S X I I 6 Bruyere Fouillefi VIII 17-18 Petrie Q u r n ~ h PI 46 Nos 15 16 Objrrls of Dai ly L S P 1) 69 PI L S Nos 162-63 A P V I n a c h ~ Berltn 11 522 No 7391 and tuo jar-seaim~s from the tomb of TutLankh amurl (ILI3Id neg No TAA 1278)

Z Y f i Lanzolle Dizionario di mitoloyin eyizia pp472-77 Pis CLXXXIX-CLXXXX~ Steindore Aniba 11 34 P1 18 lt b 11 437 Davies T o m b o j Ken- A m t i n I P1 LXIV See especially the vintage scenes in the Theban tombs cited in n 268

UU This interesting sealing is perhaps to be read Bulti-fish (kt)of Lower Egypt (mhu) I t was probably through his close association wit11 Horus the BehdetiteZg7 that the god personifying Lower Egypt is shown standing above the symbol (m)of Horus adversary the Ombite (Seth) 298 The export of bzilti-fish from Lower Egypt is attested by Pap Anastasi IT 15 7 (Gardiner Bibl Aeg TII 52) where fish of this type split and cleaned are listed as a product of Tjel The drying of fish for use as food is adequately dealt with by Klebs (Abh Heidelberger Ak Iliss Abh 9 p 88) and a sealed amphora containing dried fish was found in the tomb of the architect Khac a t Deir el Jledineh (Schiaparelli op cit pp 159-60 Fig 142)

TV All the people of Lower Egypt Cf sealing Type H (Fig 25) Berlin 7802- 4 (Lepsius Denkmaler Text 111224) Anzarna P1 X X I 36 and Quibell Ra~tzesseum P1 X I 18

FFTW All the people of Lower Egypt Very good (wine ) Cf sealing Type H and Quibell Ratnesseum P1 X I 27 37

X X Firadjet Lady of Lower Egypt This particular form of the familiar emblem -with the tail of the uraeus coiled around the central stalk of the clump of papyrus plants-is fairly common from the late Eighteenth Dynasty299 down into Greco-Roman times300 but does not so far as I can discover occur be- fore the reign of Thutmose IV

YY Renenutet Lady of Food Good (wine ) The m - s i g n below the cobra would seem to be used here in place of its homonym wnb(t)301

2~ Gardiner J E A X X S 26 P1 111 2

2 0 8 Cf Imarna PI XXI 46 Gard On 11 70

299Lepsius Denkmaler 111 P1 80 b c Gayet Temple d e Louxor Pls VIII IX S X S Borchardt Mit t Drutsch Or-Gesellsch No 55 P1 5 Leibo-vitch A n n Sera S L I I 94-100 Figs 11-13

3 0 0 Kamal A n n Sera IV 233-34

ZZ Gods Offering(s) of A[mfi]n in the Temple (hut) of Amnn Cf Weigall Ann Sero TII 135 No 27 Quibell Rat~zesse~~mP1 X I 15 In the Eight- eenth Dynasty the (ztp-sir-the temple properties or glebe-landsJo--of Amiin included vineyards in the northeast Delta3O3 whence this jar-sealing may have come (cf Cairo 11435) Though the sealing was found in the forecourt of the palaces temple of Amiin (see above JXES X Fig 1 and pp 36 85) here as frequently the expression hwt mansion has perhaps the broader meaning of temple founda- tion

AAA Lower Egypt (mhugt) (2 examples) See Sethe z48 XLIT 10 ff

BBB The papyrus plants of Lower Egypt knotted together in a symmetrical and conventionalized design found also on later jar-sealings304 and with numerous variations on scarabs of the T~velfth to Eighteenth d y n a ~ t i e s ~ Q j

CCC Emblematic design composed of a gazelle (Gazella dorcas) standing up- right on its hind legs and resting its forefeet upon a tree or large plant of stylized and probably composite type (4 examples)306 This design which in its more complete versions represents a pair of animals face to face on either side of the tree occurs with some fre- quency on jar-sealings and other ob-

3 0 1 Cf sealing Type SS (Fig 28) document seal- i n g ~S 21 123 (Figs 31 33) and Hall Cataloour of Scarabs Brit Mus Nos 1919-22 ITb 11 227232 records this substitution in the Greco-Roman Period See however Gunn in Ci ty Ip 163

3 Q 2 T T b 111 185 11 Kees kulturgeschichte pp 44-45 Davies Tomb of Puyemrg I 81-82

3 Davies op cit Pls X S X I S S X I I I B

3 0 4 Quibell Ramessrum PI XI 17

3 0 0 Petrie Buttons and Design Scarahs PI Sh-ew-berry Scarabs P1 S X Ward The Sacred Beetle P1 X

3 0 The motif which is known throughout western Asia and in Egypt itself from the earliest times has been recently discussed in some detail by Keimer in Bull I n s t d f ioyp tr XXVIII 126-31 by Leibovitch in A n n Sera SLVIII 245-58 and by Helene Danthine in her two-volume work Le Palmier-dattier ct les arbres sucres duns liconographir de l A s i e occi- dentale ancirnnr (Paris 1937)

jects from the palace307 and is well represented a t Tell el A~narna~Oa On the jar-sealings it is certainly intended as an indication of the source or type of the contents of the jars (probably wine) and the undoubted Asiatic asso- ciations of the motif309 point either to Syro-Palestine or to the extreme north- eastern border region of Egypt as the source in question The stoppers bear- ing this device are perhaps from the jars of Syrian wine (irp n Hsrw) contributed by the commandant of the fortress-city of Tjel (label Type 77)

DDD Fat (of) the storerooni ( t) of the House of the King Cf sealing Types X-Z and label Types 105 (var) and 225 The only surviving seal im- pression of this type occurs on a rnud brick from the palace structure Its presence there is ob~iously due to a mistake on the part of the ancient brickmaker That such a mistake could have been made indicates (a ) that the seals used for stamping jar stoppers and those used for stamping bricks were so similar as to be easily confused one with the other (b) that bricks and jar-stoppers were made in the same work areas of the same ma- terial and by the same groups of artisans and (c) that some a t least of the jars of animal fat found in the palace ruins were packed and sealed in or near the palace brick factory that is in the vicinity of Thebes itself

EEE Wine (6 examples) FFF [Winle of Tjel Cf sealing Types J

and K (Fig 25) CGG House of (King) Amenhotep See

Fig 24 Cf Berlin 7802-4 (Lepsius Denknxaler Text 111 223)

30 Cairo 11448 11464 11468 (Quibell Archaic Objects pp 94 97 98 PIS 17 18) Winlock Bull M M A VII 184 188 Pig 1 Leibovitch o p c i t p 246 Fig I The tree (a date-palm ) occurs alone on another of the palace jar-sealings in Cairo No 11456 (Quibell o p r i t P1 17) and frequently in tomb paintings of the Eighteenth Dynasty (eg Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-EdC Pls LXVIII LXIX Tonbb of ifen-dniLn P1 XITI

d m a r n a Pls XVI 181 (see also 197-208) S X I 58-59 Cilg 11P1 XLII 5

J o y See the references cited in n 306

Of the ninety palace jar-sealings re-corded above thirty-seven (Types A-T EEE FFF) are certainly and an addi- tional nineteen (Types SS TT VV-CCC) are probably from jars which had con- tained wine This apparent ratio of fifty- six jars of wine as against thirty-four jars of all other types of commodities is con- tradicted by the much more dependable evidence of the 1400palace jar-labels ac- cording to which the jars of wine con-stituted only about one-fifth of the total contributions and were outnumbered by both the ale jars and the meat jars (see Fig 16) The fact that a far smaller per- centage of the fragile mud sealings have survived to the present day than is the case with the fragments of inscribed pottery from the jars themselves does not of course explain the type discrepancies between the two classes of inscribed ma- terial nor have Ice any evidence that the 11-ine-jar stoppers n-ere less exposed to destruction than any of the other types of sealings It would seem rather that the stamped wine-jar sealings actually were far more numerous than those of any other type and that the use of inscribed sealings was a practice which was confined largely to jars containing wine Reasons for this which suggest themselves are that wine not only was more valuable than other products but was normally transported over much greater distances and therefore required greater protection against being tampered with en route This was par-ticularly true of the wine supplied to Amenhotep 111s palace a t Thebes most of which came from vineyards in the northern Delta The palaces meat supply on the other hand appears to have been prepared in the vicinity of Thebes itself and for 375 inscribed meat jars we have recovered from the palace ruins only one stamped jar-stopper (Type BB) For the other commodities represented among the

jar-labels we have six ale-jar sealings (Types U-IT) as against 298 labels four sealings from jars of fat (Types X-2 113l DDD) compared ~vith 91 labels and three sealings each (Types Ellt and CC DD) for twenty-t~vo and seven in- scribed jars of ben oil and honey respec- tively Conversely the sealings preserve the names of five products for IF-hich no labels happen to have been found hdbt-beverage (sealing Type FF) mutton fat (sr Types GG HH) myrrh (ntyu Type OO) sty-pigment (Type PP) and bulti- fish (Int Type KC) These we must add to our already extensive list of beverages foodstuffs and other goods supplied in bulk to the inmates of the palace

Additions made by the sealings to the roster of royal estates and other sources of supply given above on pages 96 97 of this volume of the Journal include the estate of the Kings Son Xmenhotep (Type ICK) the estate (Y) of the Inner Apartments or royal Harim (Type QQ) the pr-gs of Happy (Type Y) the temple properties (htp-nlr) of Aman (Type ) a locality named gtIr apparently on the border of Libya (Type I)and the land of ICush ( Type PP) the last named being the only source south of Thebes mentioned in any of the extant palace jar- inscriptions310 The sealings with the image of the goddess Renenutet may well be from the Fayyum a knou-n but hither- to unlisted source of wine and many other products Those referring in vari- ous ways to Lo~ver Egypt however are probably from jars which contained the already copiously documented wine of the lTestern River (see Type H)and that bearing the name of Horus of Mesen is certainly from the ncighborhood of the town of Tjel

See a b o ~ e p 103 An African source for the msrrh of sealing Type 00horeer seems Ilkell

311 Baedeker Ei up t ( l f L 3 ) pp luuvni 202 Lucas Matertals p 29

Aside from the names and epithets of the king (Types E-G 11 Q HH-JJ LT AIM GGG) the title and name of the crown prince (Type KK) and the title of the queen (Type O) references to individual persons royal or private do not occur on the jar sealings

Since in most cases they merely repeat small portions of the ink labels wi t ten on the shoulders of the jars the inscription and designs stamped on the stoppers of the same jars may seem from our point of view somewhat superfluous They had holyever functions of their own distinct from those of the labels and equally if not more important The first of these func- tions as already inferred vas to safe- guard the contents of the jars by making it impossible to open them ~vithout noticeably damaging elaborate and not easily reproduced marks of royal or of- ficial authority -4 second function of the big hieroglyphic or pictographic seal im- pressions was to enable the contents of the jars to be determined at a glance by persons with insufficient leisure or in-sufficient knowledge to read the small hieratic texts written on their shoulders- an obvious boon to porters kitchen help- ers and other servants employed in the palace storerooms Finally the use of seals permitted the identities andor origins of the contents of the jars to be inscribed on their exteriors with the utmost rapidity and clarity by men I-ho need not neces- sarily have been able either to write or to read

111 THE BRICK STASIPS

Though similar in appearance size and style to the jar-sealings and produced by seals of the same type the impressions stamped on the sun-dried mud bricks of the palace buildings (Figs 2-1 30) belong

312 It +as probablj such a person who inadverte~lt- ly applied the fat-jar sealing of Type DDD to a mud brick

1

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 5: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

Z Sweet fat Cf label Types 150 151 153

AA Sweet (2 examples) BB Dressed meatzg0 for (the) Sed-festi-

~ a l Cf label Types 135 ff ( F I ~ 12) and Cairo 11476

CC Honey for the Serl-festival DD Honey of the F ~ r t r e s s ~ (2 ew-

amples) EE Fresh ben oil2 of the Fortress (3

examples) FF udbt of the House of Amenhotep (2

examples) =Cairo 11424 Evidently a liquid hdbt is probably to be equated with the Late Egyptian hdb (Ilb 111 205 Belegst 21) a beverage named to- gether with beer (hnbt) in unklaren Zusammenhang

GG hlutton fat293 of the Ahode (st) 1)rought (for) the festival =Cairo 11471 11474 Cf Cairo 11457

HH Very good mutton fat of Splendor- of-AtenrichinSed-festivalsThn(1c)-3Iln and ~ 3 3~b(lc)-sd are both common epithets of Amenhotep 111 (see pp 167 179)

11 Sehmacre rich in Sed-festivals Cf Bruyere Fottilles IS 53-54 Fig 43

JJ Provisions ( d j u) (of) Kebmac[re~] beloved of Cf Cairo 11434

I IK dd (of) tlle House of the real Kings Son Amenhotep The Icings Son A~nenhotep referred to here was in all probability the future King Anienhotep IT before his elevation to tlle coregencv an event which is be- lieved to have taken place in or about year 28 of -imenhotep I (see above JAYES X 37) The adiectirie tnF urea was presumably added to the title of the royal prince to distinguish him froln of Subia also bore the title Kinas Son -

LL Ciood (of) Xebmac[reC]

2 8 0 I w f dr See above p 91

2 U l e the Fortress of Tjel (see above P 89)

2 9 2 B3k See above p 93

9 9 3 S r Ll-b 111 462 6 Less likely to be sr-goose ( I t b IV 191-92)

RIM Fat (of) the shop (ucb) (in) the slaughter-court (sku) of the House of A[me]nhotep Cf label Types 128 135 136 140 160

XK Fresh 00 Slyrsh ([ Intyzc) 1P Pigment284 of Kwh() The star fol-

lowing k4 is puzzling and dihtu~bing but I h s h seems a logical source for the Kubian pigment called sty

QQ the Ijarim ([pr-]hnt ) rich in property Cf Bruyere Fouilles VIII 17 (left) Cardiner 1Cil-bour Papyrus 1145

RR A~nan rich in propjerty] [) Cf City I P1 LV SS 11 163 letrie Oblerts of Daily Ise P1 LX 9 0 164

PY Renenutet Lady of Food Miitress of Kourishment Good (wine )292 Gunn (City I 1q) 162-63) tentatively identifies the cobra-goddess appearing on sealings of this type ns Wadjet hut the epithets are those of Kenenutet goddess of the harvest and patroness of the vintage296

TT Horus Lord of Sleien in Lower Egypt The JIsn referred to was al- most certainly the well-known cult-center of Ilorus situated in the im- mediate vicinity of the fortress-city of Tjel in the northeast corner of the Delta (Ciard On 11203 Gauthier Dirt gCog 111 60) Wine seenls to hare been the principal export of this region (see above J S E S X 89)and i t is probable that the present sealing is from a wine jar

- Y 4 Stg See Gardlner Eg G r n m m slgn-hst under D 19 and a 32 Devaud Rec l r a ~ XXXIX 22-24 Sealed jars of a f y appear among the NubIan t r ~ b u t e In the tomb of RekhmirPC (Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB 11 Pi S V I I I )

2q5Cf Cairo 11453 Ci ty 1 1 P1 X S X I I 6 Bruyere Fouillefi VIII 17-18 Petrie Q u r n ~ h PI 46 Nos 15 16 Objrrls of Dai ly L S P 1) 69 PI L S Nos 162-63 A P V I n a c h ~ Berltn 11 522 No 7391 and tuo jar-seaim~s from the tomb of TutLankh amurl (ILI3Id neg No TAA 1278)

Z Y f i Lanzolle Dizionario di mitoloyin eyizia pp472-77 Pis CLXXXIX-CLXXXX~ Steindore Aniba 11 34 P1 18 lt b 11 437 Davies T o m b o j Ken- A m t i n I P1 LXIV See especially the vintage scenes in the Theban tombs cited in n 268

UU This interesting sealing is perhaps to be read Bulti-fish (kt)of Lower Egypt (mhu) I t was probably through his close association wit11 Horus the BehdetiteZg7 that the god personifying Lower Egypt is shown standing above the symbol (m)of Horus adversary the Ombite (Seth) 298 The export of bzilti-fish from Lower Egypt is attested by Pap Anastasi IT 15 7 (Gardiner Bibl Aeg TII 52) where fish of this type split and cleaned are listed as a product of Tjel The drying of fish for use as food is adequately dealt with by Klebs (Abh Heidelberger Ak Iliss Abh 9 p 88) and a sealed amphora containing dried fish was found in the tomb of the architect Khac a t Deir el Jledineh (Schiaparelli op cit pp 159-60 Fig 142)

TV All the people of Lower Egypt Cf sealing Type H (Fig 25) Berlin 7802- 4 (Lepsius Denkmaler Text 111224) Anzarna P1 X X I 36 and Quibell Ra~tzesseum P1 X I 18

FFTW All the people of Lower Egypt Very good (wine ) Cf sealing Type H and Quibell Ratnesseum P1 X I 27 37

X X Firadjet Lady of Lower Egypt This particular form of the familiar emblem -with the tail of the uraeus coiled around the central stalk of the clump of papyrus plants-is fairly common from the late Eighteenth Dynasty299 down into Greco-Roman times300 but does not so far as I can discover occur be- fore the reign of Thutmose IV

YY Renenutet Lady of Food Good (wine ) The m - s i g n below the cobra would seem to be used here in place of its homonym wnb(t)301

2~ Gardiner J E A X X S 26 P1 111 2

2 0 8 Cf Imarna PI XXI 46 Gard On 11 70

299Lepsius Denkmaler 111 P1 80 b c Gayet Temple d e Louxor Pls VIII IX S X S Borchardt Mit t Drutsch Or-Gesellsch No 55 P1 5 Leibo-vitch A n n Sera S L I I 94-100 Figs 11-13

3 0 0 Kamal A n n Sera IV 233-34

ZZ Gods Offering(s) of A[mfi]n in the Temple (hut) of Amnn Cf Weigall Ann Sero TII 135 No 27 Quibell Rat~zesse~~mP1 X I 15 In the Eight- eenth Dynasty the (ztp-sir-the temple properties or glebe-landsJo--of Amiin included vineyards in the northeast Delta3O3 whence this jar-sealing may have come (cf Cairo 11435) Though the sealing was found in the forecourt of the palaces temple of Amiin (see above JXES X Fig 1 and pp 36 85) here as frequently the expression hwt mansion has perhaps the broader meaning of temple founda- tion

AAA Lower Egypt (mhugt) (2 examples) See Sethe z48 XLIT 10 ff

BBB The papyrus plants of Lower Egypt knotted together in a symmetrical and conventionalized design found also on later jar-sealings304 and with numerous variations on scarabs of the T~velfth to Eighteenth d y n a ~ t i e s ~ Q j

CCC Emblematic design composed of a gazelle (Gazella dorcas) standing up- right on its hind legs and resting its forefeet upon a tree or large plant of stylized and probably composite type (4 examples)306 This design which in its more complete versions represents a pair of animals face to face on either side of the tree occurs with some fre- quency on jar-sealings and other ob-

3 0 1 Cf sealing Type SS (Fig 28) document seal- i n g ~S 21 123 (Figs 31 33) and Hall Cataloour of Scarabs Brit Mus Nos 1919-22 ITb 11 227232 records this substitution in the Greco-Roman Period See however Gunn in Ci ty Ip 163

3 Q 2 T T b 111 185 11 Kees kulturgeschichte pp 44-45 Davies Tomb of Puyemrg I 81-82

3 Davies op cit Pls X S X I S S X I I I B

3 0 4 Quibell Ramessrum PI XI 17

3 0 0 Petrie Buttons and Design Scarahs PI Sh-ew-berry Scarabs P1 S X Ward The Sacred Beetle P1 X

3 0 The motif which is known throughout western Asia and in Egypt itself from the earliest times has been recently discussed in some detail by Keimer in Bull I n s t d f ioyp tr XXVIII 126-31 by Leibovitch in A n n Sera SLVIII 245-58 and by Helene Danthine in her two-volume work Le Palmier-dattier ct les arbres sucres duns liconographir de l A s i e occi- dentale ancirnnr (Paris 1937)

jects from the palace307 and is well represented a t Tell el A~narna~Oa On the jar-sealings it is certainly intended as an indication of the source or type of the contents of the jars (probably wine) and the undoubted Asiatic asso- ciations of the motif309 point either to Syro-Palestine or to the extreme north- eastern border region of Egypt as the source in question The stoppers bear- ing this device are perhaps from the jars of Syrian wine (irp n Hsrw) contributed by the commandant of the fortress-city of Tjel (label Type 77)

DDD Fat (of) the storerooni ( t) of the House of the King Cf sealing Types X-Z and label Types 105 (var) and 225 The only surviving seal im- pression of this type occurs on a rnud brick from the palace structure Its presence there is ob~iously due to a mistake on the part of the ancient brickmaker That such a mistake could have been made indicates (a ) that the seals used for stamping jar stoppers and those used for stamping bricks were so similar as to be easily confused one with the other (b) that bricks and jar-stoppers were made in the same work areas of the same ma- terial and by the same groups of artisans and (c) that some a t least of the jars of animal fat found in the palace ruins were packed and sealed in or near the palace brick factory that is in the vicinity of Thebes itself

EEE Wine (6 examples) FFF [Winle of Tjel Cf sealing Types J

and K (Fig 25) CGG House of (King) Amenhotep See

Fig 24 Cf Berlin 7802-4 (Lepsius Denknxaler Text 111 223)

30 Cairo 11448 11464 11468 (Quibell Archaic Objects pp 94 97 98 PIS 17 18) Winlock Bull M M A VII 184 188 Pig 1 Leibovitch o p c i t p 246 Fig I The tree (a date-palm ) occurs alone on another of the palace jar-sealings in Cairo No 11456 (Quibell o p r i t P1 17) and frequently in tomb paintings of the Eighteenth Dynasty (eg Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-EdC Pls LXVIII LXIX Tonbb of ifen-dniLn P1 XITI

d m a r n a Pls XVI 181 (see also 197-208) S X I 58-59 Cilg 11P1 XLII 5

J o y See the references cited in n 306

Of the ninety palace jar-sealings re-corded above thirty-seven (Types A-T EEE FFF) are certainly and an addi- tional nineteen (Types SS TT VV-CCC) are probably from jars which had con- tained wine This apparent ratio of fifty- six jars of wine as against thirty-four jars of all other types of commodities is con- tradicted by the much more dependable evidence of the 1400palace jar-labels ac- cording to which the jars of wine con-stituted only about one-fifth of the total contributions and were outnumbered by both the ale jars and the meat jars (see Fig 16) The fact that a far smaller per- centage of the fragile mud sealings have survived to the present day than is the case with the fragments of inscribed pottery from the jars themselves does not of course explain the type discrepancies between the two classes of inscribed ma- terial nor have Ice any evidence that the 11-ine-jar stoppers n-ere less exposed to destruction than any of the other types of sealings It would seem rather that the stamped wine-jar sealings actually were far more numerous than those of any other type and that the use of inscribed sealings was a practice which was confined largely to jars containing wine Reasons for this which suggest themselves are that wine not only was more valuable than other products but was normally transported over much greater distances and therefore required greater protection against being tampered with en route This was par-ticularly true of the wine supplied to Amenhotep 111s palace a t Thebes most of which came from vineyards in the northern Delta The palaces meat supply on the other hand appears to have been prepared in the vicinity of Thebes itself and for 375 inscribed meat jars we have recovered from the palace ruins only one stamped jar-stopper (Type BB) For the other commodities represented among the

jar-labels we have six ale-jar sealings (Types U-IT) as against 298 labels four sealings from jars of fat (Types X-2 113l DDD) compared ~vith 91 labels and three sealings each (Types Ellt and CC DD) for twenty-t~vo and seven in- scribed jars of ben oil and honey respec- tively Conversely the sealings preserve the names of five products for IF-hich no labels happen to have been found hdbt-beverage (sealing Type FF) mutton fat (sr Types GG HH) myrrh (ntyu Type OO) sty-pigment (Type PP) and bulti- fish (Int Type KC) These we must add to our already extensive list of beverages foodstuffs and other goods supplied in bulk to the inmates of the palace

Additions made by the sealings to the roster of royal estates and other sources of supply given above on pages 96 97 of this volume of the Journal include the estate of the Kings Son Xmenhotep (Type ICK) the estate (Y) of the Inner Apartments or royal Harim (Type QQ) the pr-gs of Happy (Type Y) the temple properties (htp-nlr) of Aman (Type ) a locality named gtIr apparently on the border of Libya (Type I)and the land of ICush ( Type PP) the last named being the only source south of Thebes mentioned in any of the extant palace jar- inscriptions310 The sealings with the image of the goddess Renenutet may well be from the Fayyum a knou-n but hither- to unlisted source of wine and many other products Those referring in vari- ous ways to Lo~ver Egypt however are probably from jars which contained the already copiously documented wine of the lTestern River (see Type H)and that bearing the name of Horus of Mesen is certainly from the ncighborhood of the town of Tjel

See a b o ~ e p 103 An African source for the msrrh of sealing Type 00horeer seems Ilkell

311 Baedeker Ei up t ( l f L 3 ) pp luuvni 202 Lucas Matertals p 29

Aside from the names and epithets of the king (Types E-G 11 Q HH-JJ LT AIM GGG) the title and name of the crown prince (Type KK) and the title of the queen (Type O) references to individual persons royal or private do not occur on the jar sealings

Since in most cases they merely repeat small portions of the ink labels wi t ten on the shoulders of the jars the inscription and designs stamped on the stoppers of the same jars may seem from our point of view somewhat superfluous They had holyever functions of their own distinct from those of the labels and equally if not more important The first of these func- tions as already inferred vas to safe- guard the contents of the jars by making it impossible to open them ~vithout noticeably damaging elaborate and not easily reproduced marks of royal or of- ficial authority -4 second function of the big hieroglyphic or pictographic seal im- pressions was to enable the contents of the jars to be determined at a glance by persons with insufficient leisure or in-sufficient knowledge to read the small hieratic texts written on their shoulders- an obvious boon to porters kitchen help- ers and other servants employed in the palace storerooms Finally the use of seals permitted the identities andor origins of the contents of the jars to be inscribed on their exteriors with the utmost rapidity and clarity by men I-ho need not neces- sarily have been able either to write or to read

111 THE BRICK STASIPS

Though similar in appearance size and style to the jar-sealings and produced by seals of the same type the impressions stamped on the sun-dried mud bricks of the palace buildings (Figs 2-1 30) belong

312 It +as probablj such a person who inadverte~lt- ly applied the fat-jar sealing of Type DDD to a mud brick

1

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 6: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

UU This interesting sealing is perhaps to be read Bulti-fish (kt)of Lower Egypt (mhu) I t was probably through his close association wit11 Horus the BehdetiteZg7 that the god personifying Lower Egypt is shown standing above the symbol (m)of Horus adversary the Ombite (Seth) 298 The export of bzilti-fish from Lower Egypt is attested by Pap Anastasi IT 15 7 (Gardiner Bibl Aeg TII 52) where fish of this type split and cleaned are listed as a product of Tjel The drying of fish for use as food is adequately dealt with by Klebs (Abh Heidelberger Ak Iliss Abh 9 p 88) and a sealed amphora containing dried fish was found in the tomb of the architect Khac a t Deir el Jledineh (Schiaparelli op cit pp 159-60 Fig 142)

TV All the people of Lower Egypt Cf sealing Type H (Fig 25) Berlin 7802- 4 (Lepsius Denkmaler Text 111224) Anzarna P1 X X I 36 and Quibell Ra~tzesseum P1 X I 18

FFTW All the people of Lower Egypt Very good (wine ) Cf sealing Type H and Quibell Ratnesseum P1 X I 27 37

X X Firadjet Lady of Lower Egypt This particular form of the familiar emblem -with the tail of the uraeus coiled around the central stalk of the clump of papyrus plants-is fairly common from the late Eighteenth Dynasty299 down into Greco-Roman times300 but does not so far as I can discover occur be- fore the reign of Thutmose IV

YY Renenutet Lady of Food Good (wine ) The m - s i g n below the cobra would seem to be used here in place of its homonym wnb(t)301

2~ Gardiner J E A X X S 26 P1 111 2

2 0 8 Cf Imarna PI XXI 46 Gard On 11 70

299Lepsius Denkmaler 111 P1 80 b c Gayet Temple d e Louxor Pls VIII IX S X S Borchardt Mit t Drutsch Or-Gesellsch No 55 P1 5 Leibo-vitch A n n Sera S L I I 94-100 Figs 11-13

3 0 0 Kamal A n n Sera IV 233-34

ZZ Gods Offering(s) of A[mfi]n in the Temple (hut) of Amnn Cf Weigall Ann Sero TII 135 No 27 Quibell Rat~zesse~~mP1 X I 15 In the Eight- eenth Dynasty the (ztp-sir-the temple properties or glebe-landsJo--of Amiin included vineyards in the northeast Delta3O3 whence this jar-sealing may have come (cf Cairo 11435) Though the sealing was found in the forecourt of the palaces temple of Amiin (see above JXES X Fig 1 and pp 36 85) here as frequently the expression hwt mansion has perhaps the broader meaning of temple founda- tion

AAA Lower Egypt (mhugt) (2 examples) See Sethe z48 XLIT 10 ff

BBB The papyrus plants of Lower Egypt knotted together in a symmetrical and conventionalized design found also on later jar-sealings304 and with numerous variations on scarabs of the T~velfth to Eighteenth d y n a ~ t i e s ~ Q j

CCC Emblematic design composed of a gazelle (Gazella dorcas) standing up- right on its hind legs and resting its forefeet upon a tree or large plant of stylized and probably composite type (4 examples)306 This design which in its more complete versions represents a pair of animals face to face on either side of the tree occurs with some fre- quency on jar-sealings and other ob-

3 0 1 Cf sealing Type SS (Fig 28) document seal- i n g ~S 21 123 (Figs 31 33) and Hall Cataloour of Scarabs Brit Mus Nos 1919-22 ITb 11 227232 records this substitution in the Greco-Roman Period See however Gunn in Ci ty Ip 163

3 Q 2 T T b 111 185 11 Kees kulturgeschichte pp 44-45 Davies Tomb of Puyemrg I 81-82

3 Davies op cit Pls X S X I S S X I I I B

3 0 4 Quibell Ramessrum PI XI 17

3 0 0 Petrie Buttons and Design Scarahs PI Sh-ew-berry Scarabs P1 S X Ward The Sacred Beetle P1 X

3 0 The motif which is known throughout western Asia and in Egypt itself from the earliest times has been recently discussed in some detail by Keimer in Bull I n s t d f ioyp tr XXVIII 126-31 by Leibovitch in A n n Sera SLVIII 245-58 and by Helene Danthine in her two-volume work Le Palmier-dattier ct les arbres sucres duns liconographir de l A s i e occi- dentale ancirnnr (Paris 1937)

jects from the palace307 and is well represented a t Tell el A~narna~Oa On the jar-sealings it is certainly intended as an indication of the source or type of the contents of the jars (probably wine) and the undoubted Asiatic asso- ciations of the motif309 point either to Syro-Palestine or to the extreme north- eastern border region of Egypt as the source in question The stoppers bear- ing this device are perhaps from the jars of Syrian wine (irp n Hsrw) contributed by the commandant of the fortress-city of Tjel (label Type 77)

DDD Fat (of) the storerooni ( t) of the House of the King Cf sealing Types X-Z and label Types 105 (var) and 225 The only surviving seal im- pression of this type occurs on a rnud brick from the palace structure Its presence there is ob~iously due to a mistake on the part of the ancient brickmaker That such a mistake could have been made indicates (a ) that the seals used for stamping jar stoppers and those used for stamping bricks were so similar as to be easily confused one with the other (b) that bricks and jar-stoppers were made in the same work areas of the same ma- terial and by the same groups of artisans and (c) that some a t least of the jars of animal fat found in the palace ruins were packed and sealed in or near the palace brick factory that is in the vicinity of Thebes itself

EEE Wine (6 examples) FFF [Winle of Tjel Cf sealing Types J

and K (Fig 25) CGG House of (King) Amenhotep See

Fig 24 Cf Berlin 7802-4 (Lepsius Denknxaler Text 111 223)

30 Cairo 11448 11464 11468 (Quibell Archaic Objects pp 94 97 98 PIS 17 18) Winlock Bull M M A VII 184 188 Pig 1 Leibovitch o p c i t p 246 Fig I The tree (a date-palm ) occurs alone on another of the palace jar-sealings in Cairo No 11456 (Quibell o p r i t P1 17) and frequently in tomb paintings of the Eighteenth Dynasty (eg Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-EdC Pls LXVIII LXIX Tonbb of ifen-dniLn P1 XITI

d m a r n a Pls XVI 181 (see also 197-208) S X I 58-59 Cilg 11P1 XLII 5

J o y See the references cited in n 306

Of the ninety palace jar-sealings re-corded above thirty-seven (Types A-T EEE FFF) are certainly and an addi- tional nineteen (Types SS TT VV-CCC) are probably from jars which had con- tained wine This apparent ratio of fifty- six jars of wine as against thirty-four jars of all other types of commodities is con- tradicted by the much more dependable evidence of the 1400palace jar-labels ac- cording to which the jars of wine con-stituted only about one-fifth of the total contributions and were outnumbered by both the ale jars and the meat jars (see Fig 16) The fact that a far smaller per- centage of the fragile mud sealings have survived to the present day than is the case with the fragments of inscribed pottery from the jars themselves does not of course explain the type discrepancies between the two classes of inscribed ma- terial nor have Ice any evidence that the 11-ine-jar stoppers n-ere less exposed to destruction than any of the other types of sealings It would seem rather that the stamped wine-jar sealings actually were far more numerous than those of any other type and that the use of inscribed sealings was a practice which was confined largely to jars containing wine Reasons for this which suggest themselves are that wine not only was more valuable than other products but was normally transported over much greater distances and therefore required greater protection against being tampered with en route This was par-ticularly true of the wine supplied to Amenhotep 111s palace a t Thebes most of which came from vineyards in the northern Delta The palaces meat supply on the other hand appears to have been prepared in the vicinity of Thebes itself and for 375 inscribed meat jars we have recovered from the palace ruins only one stamped jar-stopper (Type BB) For the other commodities represented among the

jar-labels we have six ale-jar sealings (Types U-IT) as against 298 labels four sealings from jars of fat (Types X-2 113l DDD) compared ~vith 91 labels and three sealings each (Types Ellt and CC DD) for twenty-t~vo and seven in- scribed jars of ben oil and honey respec- tively Conversely the sealings preserve the names of five products for IF-hich no labels happen to have been found hdbt-beverage (sealing Type FF) mutton fat (sr Types GG HH) myrrh (ntyu Type OO) sty-pigment (Type PP) and bulti- fish (Int Type KC) These we must add to our already extensive list of beverages foodstuffs and other goods supplied in bulk to the inmates of the palace

Additions made by the sealings to the roster of royal estates and other sources of supply given above on pages 96 97 of this volume of the Journal include the estate of the Kings Son Xmenhotep (Type ICK) the estate (Y) of the Inner Apartments or royal Harim (Type QQ) the pr-gs of Happy (Type Y) the temple properties (htp-nlr) of Aman (Type ) a locality named gtIr apparently on the border of Libya (Type I)and the land of ICush ( Type PP) the last named being the only source south of Thebes mentioned in any of the extant palace jar- inscriptions310 The sealings with the image of the goddess Renenutet may well be from the Fayyum a knou-n but hither- to unlisted source of wine and many other products Those referring in vari- ous ways to Lo~ver Egypt however are probably from jars which contained the already copiously documented wine of the lTestern River (see Type H)and that bearing the name of Horus of Mesen is certainly from the ncighborhood of the town of Tjel

See a b o ~ e p 103 An African source for the msrrh of sealing Type 00horeer seems Ilkell

311 Baedeker Ei up t ( l f L 3 ) pp luuvni 202 Lucas Matertals p 29

Aside from the names and epithets of the king (Types E-G 11 Q HH-JJ LT AIM GGG) the title and name of the crown prince (Type KK) and the title of the queen (Type O) references to individual persons royal or private do not occur on the jar sealings

Since in most cases they merely repeat small portions of the ink labels wi t ten on the shoulders of the jars the inscription and designs stamped on the stoppers of the same jars may seem from our point of view somewhat superfluous They had holyever functions of their own distinct from those of the labels and equally if not more important The first of these func- tions as already inferred vas to safe- guard the contents of the jars by making it impossible to open them ~vithout noticeably damaging elaborate and not easily reproduced marks of royal or of- ficial authority -4 second function of the big hieroglyphic or pictographic seal im- pressions was to enable the contents of the jars to be determined at a glance by persons with insufficient leisure or in-sufficient knowledge to read the small hieratic texts written on their shoulders- an obvious boon to porters kitchen help- ers and other servants employed in the palace storerooms Finally the use of seals permitted the identities andor origins of the contents of the jars to be inscribed on their exteriors with the utmost rapidity and clarity by men I-ho need not neces- sarily have been able either to write or to read

111 THE BRICK STASIPS

Though similar in appearance size and style to the jar-sealings and produced by seals of the same type the impressions stamped on the sun-dried mud bricks of the palace buildings (Figs 2-1 30) belong

312 It +as probablj such a person who inadverte~lt- ly applied the fat-jar sealing of Type DDD to a mud brick

1

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 7: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

jects from the palace307 and is well represented a t Tell el A~narna~Oa On the jar-sealings it is certainly intended as an indication of the source or type of the contents of the jars (probably wine) and the undoubted Asiatic asso- ciations of the motif309 point either to Syro-Palestine or to the extreme north- eastern border region of Egypt as the source in question The stoppers bear- ing this device are perhaps from the jars of Syrian wine (irp n Hsrw) contributed by the commandant of the fortress-city of Tjel (label Type 77)

DDD Fat (of) the storerooni ( t) of the House of the King Cf sealing Types X-Z and label Types 105 (var) and 225 The only surviving seal im- pression of this type occurs on a rnud brick from the palace structure Its presence there is ob~iously due to a mistake on the part of the ancient brickmaker That such a mistake could have been made indicates (a ) that the seals used for stamping jar stoppers and those used for stamping bricks were so similar as to be easily confused one with the other (b) that bricks and jar-stoppers were made in the same work areas of the same ma- terial and by the same groups of artisans and (c) that some a t least of the jars of animal fat found in the palace ruins were packed and sealed in or near the palace brick factory that is in the vicinity of Thebes itself

EEE Wine (6 examples) FFF [Winle of Tjel Cf sealing Types J

and K (Fig 25) CGG House of (King) Amenhotep See

Fig 24 Cf Berlin 7802-4 (Lepsius Denknxaler Text 111 223)

30 Cairo 11448 11464 11468 (Quibell Archaic Objects pp 94 97 98 PIS 17 18) Winlock Bull M M A VII 184 188 Pig 1 Leibovitch o p c i t p 246 Fig I The tree (a date-palm ) occurs alone on another of the palace jar-sealings in Cairo No 11456 (Quibell o p r i t P1 17) and frequently in tomb paintings of the Eighteenth Dynasty (eg Davies Tomb of Rekh-mi-EdC Pls LXVIII LXIX Tonbb of ifen-dniLn P1 XITI

d m a r n a Pls XVI 181 (see also 197-208) S X I 58-59 Cilg 11P1 XLII 5

J o y See the references cited in n 306

Of the ninety palace jar-sealings re-corded above thirty-seven (Types A-T EEE FFF) are certainly and an addi- tional nineteen (Types SS TT VV-CCC) are probably from jars which had con- tained wine This apparent ratio of fifty- six jars of wine as against thirty-four jars of all other types of commodities is con- tradicted by the much more dependable evidence of the 1400palace jar-labels ac- cording to which the jars of wine con-stituted only about one-fifth of the total contributions and were outnumbered by both the ale jars and the meat jars (see Fig 16) The fact that a far smaller per- centage of the fragile mud sealings have survived to the present day than is the case with the fragments of inscribed pottery from the jars themselves does not of course explain the type discrepancies between the two classes of inscribed ma- terial nor have Ice any evidence that the 11-ine-jar stoppers n-ere less exposed to destruction than any of the other types of sealings It would seem rather that the stamped wine-jar sealings actually were far more numerous than those of any other type and that the use of inscribed sealings was a practice which was confined largely to jars containing wine Reasons for this which suggest themselves are that wine not only was more valuable than other products but was normally transported over much greater distances and therefore required greater protection against being tampered with en route This was par-ticularly true of the wine supplied to Amenhotep 111s palace a t Thebes most of which came from vineyards in the northern Delta The palaces meat supply on the other hand appears to have been prepared in the vicinity of Thebes itself and for 375 inscribed meat jars we have recovered from the palace ruins only one stamped jar-stopper (Type BB) For the other commodities represented among the

jar-labels we have six ale-jar sealings (Types U-IT) as against 298 labels four sealings from jars of fat (Types X-2 113l DDD) compared ~vith 91 labels and three sealings each (Types Ellt and CC DD) for twenty-t~vo and seven in- scribed jars of ben oil and honey respec- tively Conversely the sealings preserve the names of five products for IF-hich no labels happen to have been found hdbt-beverage (sealing Type FF) mutton fat (sr Types GG HH) myrrh (ntyu Type OO) sty-pigment (Type PP) and bulti- fish (Int Type KC) These we must add to our already extensive list of beverages foodstuffs and other goods supplied in bulk to the inmates of the palace

Additions made by the sealings to the roster of royal estates and other sources of supply given above on pages 96 97 of this volume of the Journal include the estate of the Kings Son Xmenhotep (Type ICK) the estate (Y) of the Inner Apartments or royal Harim (Type QQ) the pr-gs of Happy (Type Y) the temple properties (htp-nlr) of Aman (Type ) a locality named gtIr apparently on the border of Libya (Type I)and the land of ICush ( Type PP) the last named being the only source south of Thebes mentioned in any of the extant palace jar- inscriptions310 The sealings with the image of the goddess Renenutet may well be from the Fayyum a knou-n but hither- to unlisted source of wine and many other products Those referring in vari- ous ways to Lo~ver Egypt however are probably from jars which contained the already copiously documented wine of the lTestern River (see Type H)and that bearing the name of Horus of Mesen is certainly from the ncighborhood of the town of Tjel

See a b o ~ e p 103 An African source for the msrrh of sealing Type 00horeer seems Ilkell

311 Baedeker Ei up t ( l f L 3 ) pp luuvni 202 Lucas Matertals p 29

Aside from the names and epithets of the king (Types E-G 11 Q HH-JJ LT AIM GGG) the title and name of the crown prince (Type KK) and the title of the queen (Type O) references to individual persons royal or private do not occur on the jar sealings

Since in most cases they merely repeat small portions of the ink labels wi t ten on the shoulders of the jars the inscription and designs stamped on the stoppers of the same jars may seem from our point of view somewhat superfluous They had holyever functions of their own distinct from those of the labels and equally if not more important The first of these func- tions as already inferred vas to safe- guard the contents of the jars by making it impossible to open them ~vithout noticeably damaging elaborate and not easily reproduced marks of royal or of- ficial authority -4 second function of the big hieroglyphic or pictographic seal im- pressions was to enable the contents of the jars to be determined at a glance by persons with insufficient leisure or in-sufficient knowledge to read the small hieratic texts written on their shoulders- an obvious boon to porters kitchen help- ers and other servants employed in the palace storerooms Finally the use of seals permitted the identities andor origins of the contents of the jars to be inscribed on their exteriors with the utmost rapidity and clarity by men I-ho need not neces- sarily have been able either to write or to read

111 THE BRICK STASIPS

Though similar in appearance size and style to the jar-sealings and produced by seals of the same type the impressions stamped on the sun-dried mud bricks of the palace buildings (Figs 2-1 30) belong

312 It +as probablj such a person who inadverte~lt- ly applied the fat-jar sealing of Type DDD to a mud brick

1

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 8: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

jar-labels we have six ale-jar sealings (Types U-IT) as against 298 labels four sealings from jars of fat (Types X-2 113l DDD) compared ~vith 91 labels and three sealings each (Types Ellt and CC DD) for twenty-t~vo and seven in- scribed jars of ben oil and honey respec- tively Conversely the sealings preserve the names of five products for IF-hich no labels happen to have been found hdbt-beverage (sealing Type FF) mutton fat (sr Types GG HH) myrrh (ntyu Type OO) sty-pigment (Type PP) and bulti- fish (Int Type KC) These we must add to our already extensive list of beverages foodstuffs and other goods supplied in bulk to the inmates of the palace

Additions made by the sealings to the roster of royal estates and other sources of supply given above on pages 96 97 of this volume of the Journal include the estate of the Kings Son Xmenhotep (Type ICK) the estate (Y) of the Inner Apartments or royal Harim (Type QQ) the pr-gs of Happy (Type Y) the temple properties (htp-nlr) of Aman (Type ) a locality named gtIr apparently on the border of Libya (Type I)and the land of ICush ( Type PP) the last named being the only source south of Thebes mentioned in any of the extant palace jar- inscriptions310 The sealings with the image of the goddess Renenutet may well be from the Fayyum a knou-n but hither- to unlisted source of wine and many other products Those referring in vari- ous ways to Lo~ver Egypt however are probably from jars which contained the already copiously documented wine of the lTestern River (see Type H)and that bearing the name of Horus of Mesen is certainly from the ncighborhood of the town of Tjel

See a b o ~ e p 103 An African source for the msrrh of sealing Type 00horeer seems Ilkell

311 Baedeker Ei up t ( l f L 3 ) pp luuvni 202 Lucas Matertals p 29

Aside from the names and epithets of the king (Types E-G 11 Q HH-JJ LT AIM GGG) the title and name of the crown prince (Type KK) and the title of the queen (Type O) references to individual persons royal or private do not occur on the jar sealings

Since in most cases they merely repeat small portions of the ink labels wi t ten on the shoulders of the jars the inscription and designs stamped on the stoppers of the same jars may seem from our point of view somewhat superfluous They had holyever functions of their own distinct from those of the labels and equally if not more important The first of these func- tions as already inferred vas to safe- guard the contents of the jars by making it impossible to open them ~vithout noticeably damaging elaborate and not easily reproduced marks of royal or of- ficial authority -4 second function of the big hieroglyphic or pictographic seal im- pressions was to enable the contents of the jars to be determined at a glance by persons with insufficient leisure or in-sufficient knowledge to read the small hieratic texts written on their shoulders- an obvious boon to porters kitchen help- ers and other servants employed in the palace storerooms Finally the use of seals permitted the identities andor origins of the contents of the jars to be inscribed on their exteriors with the utmost rapidity and clarity by men I-ho need not neces- sarily have been able either to write or to read

111 THE BRICK STASIPS

Though similar in appearance size and style to the jar-sealings and produced by seals of the same type the impressions stamped on the sun-dried mud bricks of the palace buildings (Figs 2-1 30) belong

312 It +as probablj such a person who inadverte~lt- ly applied the fat-jar sealing of Type DDD to a mud brick

1

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 9: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

- -

to an entirely different class of inscription rnlike most of the jar-seals the brick stamps must have been made and used a t Thebes itself in brickyards in or near the palace area Since their purpose was to establish the ownership and occasionally the nature of the structures into n-hich the bricks n-ere to be incorporated their inscriptions are designations not of source but of destination and therein lies their principal interest

Types I 11and T which are from the Palace of the King (see Fig 1)31kontain only Amenhotep 111s throne-name Xebma re and in the first tn-o in- stances his personal name Amenhotep Ruler of Thebes Types I11 and ITT how- ever carry in addition to the throne- name of the king the name of Queen Tiy and having been found in the ruins of the South Pala~e~lend to strengthen the supposition (JSES X 35) that this building was Tiys own personal residence In Types T I and 111 the kings name is followed by the phrase in (or [of]) the House of Rejoicing ( P r - j ~ ~ y ) Since Type TI is from the Palace of the King and Type TII from the illicldle Palacej315 it is evident that the IIouse of Rejoicing was not a single structure but a complex which included both of these buildings The extent of this complex is indicated by Types T7111and IX both of which are from the Temple of Aman a t the northern end of the palace area316 Type 19n-hich reads the Temple of AmGn in the House of Rejoicing shons that Type VII I is to

3 1 3 I-inlock B u l l kflIMl1912 p 186

3 1 4 -inlock l o r r i The last period of corlstruc- tion referred to by W7irllock was confined largely to the South Palace A number of examples of this type were found also in the South Village

3 1 5 I h i d There is reasoil for believing that the 3Iiddle Palace was the residence of the kings eldest son and coregent Amerrhotep 1V (see abore J S E S S35 88)

71arlsing B u l l MVd 3larch 1018 S u p p l e -m e n p 8

be read Xebmacre in the Temple of h m a n in the House of Rejoicing not in the House of Rejoicing in the Temple of Aman as the order of the groups might lead one to suppose The fragmentary stamp of Type X was found in the ruins of what appears to have been a colonnaded festival hall on the north side of the temple courtyard (see above p 85) and is probably to be restored in part to read [jzb]ta[-sd]Tsi2 tar(f) very many [Sed- festival]^^^

To these ten types of palace brick stamps is to be added another published by Lepsius (Denkmaler 111 Pl 78 d) ancl described by him (Text 111185)as com- ing from a little north of the south- western corner of the palace site oppo- site the church (Deir el 3lahiirib)- that is from the vicinity of the Jlicldle Palace This stamp is similar to Type I but the cartouches are n-ithout the plumes ancl have below them two large signs the

second of which is X theb be^^^^ Ex-

amples of Types I11 and T131vere also found by Lepsius (Pl 78 c and T e d p 1851 the former a good bit further south on the lalie (ie the Birket Habu) the latter in the small (mounds) at the southwestern corner of the site (the West T7illas )Bricks bearing impressions of Type I were discovered by Tytus dur-

317 A11 expression found in the irlscllptions of festlral buildings a t least as earl as the Twelfth Dqnasty (R~sson de la Roque Fouzl lcs I n gt [ fr Cazre VIII P1 X see also Lepsius I)enlmaler 111 P1 74 a cf Breasted 4 ISL XXTII 51 Pig 34) S o t e that the central plural stroke a t the top of oar frag- mentar stamn imnression 1s e~ lden t l bolon the llrle of its mates a fact which suggests the original presence above the strokes of a sign with a carved bo t ton~ presumably W For the arrangemerlt implied see jar-sealing Type C (Fig 25)

318 See also Berlin 1557-58 two stamped bricks picked up bs- Lepsius on the site of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep 111 a t K6m el Netin ( l l e n i i -niriler Tcx i 111 147)

a l g The slight error made bl- Lepsius in his copy of this stamp is repeated by Gauthier in L i r r e dcs ro i s 11 312 KO S X I but is corrected by Sethe in Dcnkmii lcr T c z t 111 185

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 10: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

EASTERNSTUDIES

ing his escavations in the Palace of the King320 and Daressy mentions finding bricks stamped f-ith the name of Ameno- phis 111 in the ruins of the same build- ing321 An example of Type I of unre-corded provenance is in the Berlin Mu- ~ e u m ~ ~ ~where also are (or were) to be found most of the examples brought back by 1epsius

Differences of detail in the versions of Type I illustrated in the photograph of Figure 24 and the facsimile drawing of Figure 30 show that at least two slightly different seals were used in producing the many examples of this type of stamp found According to TVinlocks field notes of 1910-11 this was also true of Types 111TT TI and YII 1ansing in his notes (1916-17) gives a hand copy of a variant of Type I X in which Pr-h~yis written

C7WYinstead of as in the I I version of Figure 30 Other details worth noting are the corrections made anciently on the stone or wooden seal of the out- lines of the plumes surmounting the car- touches of Type I1 and the careful dif- ferentiation in Types I11 and IV be- tween the forms of the plumes above the cartouche of the king and those above the

(Type 111)while the sizes of the oval stamps vary from 97 X 46 (Type V) to 133 X 56 cm (Type IX)

Each brick bears a single stamp on its broad upper side (Fig 24) and a number carry also the footprints of dogs and goats which had run over them as they lay drying in rows in the open brickyards 324

The sand and gravel adhering to the bot- toms of the bricks is characteristic of the desert surface in the immediate neigh- borhood of the palace buildings The bricks maintain throughout a ratio of ap- proximately 3 13 1bebeen their lengths widths and thicknesses but range in size from 28 X 145 X 9 cm to 39 X 185 X 12 cm the average for all the palace struc- tures (including the South TTllage) being 33 X 16 X 10 cm As a general rule the bricks from the later buildings tend to be somen-hat larger than those from the earlier stages of construction Thus the brick size most frequently encountered in the Palace of the King (with stamp Type I ) is 32 X 145X 8 cm while that found in the Temple of Aman (with stamp Type IX) is 38 X 18 X 12 cm A very similar range in brick sizes occurs at Tell el Amarna325

worn as a headdress by Queen Tiy in most of her existing p o r t r a i t ~ ~ ~ appear also on the head of her small figure inside the cartouches themselves In Figure 30 the stamp impressions are reproduced a t a scale of 13 the actual heights of the rectangular stamps ranging from 103 (Type IT) to 13 cm (Type 11) and their widths from 66 (Types I 11) to 8 cm

O Preliminary Report p 12 Fig 1 3Z Ann Serz IV 168 a Z 2 h-0 1556 Beg Insrhr Berlin 11390 32Worchardt Der Portratkopf der Konigin Tsie

Figs 13 21 24 26 29 30 33 38 39 and P1 5 Carter Ann Serr 17 177 PI 11 Among the titles of Queen IZutemuya is hk3t ki S~ctythe female ruler (whose) two plumes are high ( A n n Sero VIII 46)

cartouche of the queen The latter (d) In addition to an interesting series of

stamped bricks from the buildings of Akhenaten and Smenkhkarec at Amarna326 there are scores of royal and private brick stamps of many different types from western Thebes and other sites dating from the reigns of Amenhotep I and his successors down through the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties and into Late Dynastic times327

32i For descriptions of the material and method of manufacture of bricks of this type see Clarke and Engelbach Anrzent Egyptzan Masonry pp 207 ff Lucas liater~als pp 62-63

35 Czty 11 p 98 and n 1 Pendlebury Tell el- Amarna p 65

JZ6 C ~ l yI p 164 Fairman J E A XXI 137-39

32 Lepsius Denhmaler 111Pls 4 b 7 f 25 b t s h-k 26 3-639 f-k 62 e-f 69 b Text 11188 126 138-39

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 11: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

IV THE DOCUMEST SEALINGS number of examples of each type found

I n West Yilla B in the outbuildings Where no parenthesis accompanies a type-

of the Palace of the King and in the number the type is represented by one

southern rubbish mounds (Fig 1) were example only I n listing the provenances

found fragments of over eleven hundred I have retained the term magazine used

small mud sealings from rolls of papyrus by the 1Iuseums expedition to designate

each bearing one or more seal impressions the rooms in which many of the sealings

of the types shown in Figures 31-33 All JT-ere found though officesor archives

are from Winlocks excavations during ~ o u l dseem to be more accurate descrip-

the seasons of 1910-11 and 1911-123 and tions of these chambers

TYPES PROVENANCE

S 1 (3) 4 6 (2) S (2) 9 12 17 ( l j ) 18 (91 19 (2) 23 27 29 (2) 30 31 32 33 (14) 34 (2) 36 (4) 37 39 40 (2) 41 45 (6) 46 47 (4) 50 51 52 54 56 (2) 57 (4) 58 59 (81 60 62 (2) 63 65 66 (2) 69 (3) 72 (8) 74 (2) 76 (16) 77 81 (i) 83 (2) 85 (2) 8687 88 (2) 90 91 (2) 9293 (2)9596 (2)97 100 (2) 104 105 (3) 110 111 112 115 124 125 West Villa B

S 113 (2) West Villa -4 S 101 West Servants Houses S 20 22 (2) 73 (2) 84 Middle Palace S 35 103 Palace of the King

Sorth Side 810 14 (3) l5(5) 17 (12)2526 (4)35 (9)4558616466 (2)71

73 (630) 80 (18) 106 107 (loo) 108 (5) 109 (2) 114 (3) 119 (2) 123 (56) Palace of the King

West Magazine S 7 (6) 49 (2) 117 118 Palace of the King

East Magazine -S 25 (3) 36 (2) 44 68 79 120 121 (2) 122 (2) Palace of the King

East Slope S 2 3 (2) 5 11 (2) 13 16 (2) 17 (lo) 2428 (2) 36 (3) 42 43 5556

Southern Rubbish Mounds

are now included among the unaccessioned The sealings themselves were small oval study material in the Metropolitan Mu- mounds of refined Nile alluvium ranging seum of Art in color from medium gray to black They

The list which f o l l o ~ ~ s gives the exact averaged 45 cm in length 32 cm in provenances of the 125 types of seal im- width and their rounded tops projected pressions and in the parentheses the 13-15 cm from the cylindrical surfaces

of the papyrus rolls in precisely themanner 139-40 250 301 308 BruyBre Fouilles V 110 VIII 18 IX 89 XIV 26 XV 18 XVI 24-26 represented in the familiar hieroglgph-

Korthampton Spiegelberg and Newberry Theban - The clear imprint of the papyrusSerropol i s p 40 Quibell Ramesseum p 15 P1 XI 1-8 eigall A n n Sera VII 121 128-29 Chassinat with the fibers running longitudinally Bul l I n s t f r Caire X 167 Gauthier Bul l I n s t f r from end to end of the ro113s appears on Caire VI 142 Anthes Mit t Deutsch I n s t Kairo XII 15 [Capart I Chron damp XI 51 XII 172

3 2 9 ~~f~~~ the papyri were rolled these were ofPillet A n n Serc XXII 63 course the vertical flbers on the backs or versos of

38 Bull Mil lA 1912 pp 184-89 the sheets

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 12: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

the underside of each sealing as do also the deeply imprinted marks of a stout three-ply cord u-hich had been wrapped four times around the middle of the roll and tied with a square knot under the center of the sealing The rough edges of the sealings extended in many cases well down around the papyrus rolls which appear to have been uniformly between 25 and 3 cm in diameter

The backs or tops of the sealings when complete carried on the average eight small seal impressions cro~vded to- gether and frequently overlapping one another In most instances all eight im- pressions appear to have been of one type but it is not uncommon to find t ~ o and occasionally as many as four different types of impressions on the fragment of a single sealing330 -4 number of the impres- sions were probably made by scarabs (S 2-6 103-1 125) or rectangular plaques (S 1 9 119)331-perhaps of glazed steatite-but the vast majority were evi- dently produced by gold silver or bronze signet rings of the massive fixed-bezel type developed during the Eighteenth Dynasty and common from the reign of Amenhotep I11 This is indi- cated by the shapes of the impressions which for the most part are long and perfectly symmetrical ovals and by the elegance of the designs the intricacy of the details and the metallic clarity of the outlines of the forms The very striking uniformity in style quality size and

3 3 0 Impressioris occurring together on the same sealirigs are S 3 and 49 11 arid 36 11 arid 102 17 33 arid 76 (4 examples) 18 arid 43 18 arid 62 20 and 37 25 and 44 29 ant1 49 34 and 64 42 43 arid 98 68 79 83 and 121 70 72 and 97 120 and 121

3 x 1 I t should be noted however that the nietal signet rings of this period riot infrequently have rectarigular or scarab-shaped bezels also of nietal (Tilliams G o h f a n d S i l z ~ ~ 89-92Jei i p lry pp PI VIII 25 26 Vernier B i i o u a pt or fbcrer ies ( C a t yPn 2 1 u s C a i r e Nos 52001-53855) Kos 52163 52207 Newberry S c a r a b s p 166 P1 XXX 16 18 Hall Cata logup o E n u p t i a n S c a r a b s etc i n the Br i t z sh gt V u s e u m NOS2656 2657)

shape displayed by the impressions and the absence from their inscriptions of all personal names save only that of the king further indicate that the rings which pro- duced them were standardized seals of royal authority issued by the pharaonic government for the use of its o f i c i a l ~ ~ ~ ~ and that the documents sealed with these rings were of an official nature

In Figures 31-33 the seal impressions are reproduced at a scale of 13 or some- what over life-size The largest impression (S 33) measures in actuality 23 X 15 cm the smallest (S 125) 11 X 08 cm

The first five impressions of our series bearing the throne-names of Thutmose 111 (S 1 2) Amenhotep 11 (S 3) and Thutmose 11 (S 4 5 ) are of well-known types S 2 and 3 being paralleled almost exactly by scarabs in the British fuseurn and the Art Institute of Chicago respec- tively33The papyri carrying these seal impressions were perhaps accounts sent in by the stewards of estates which had belonged to the deceased pharaohs and which were still operating under their names 335

With the exceptions of S 12 and 84 and the possible exceptions of S 32 and 93 all the next eighty-nine types of impressions (S 6--94 inclusive) contain Amenhotep 111s prenomen Xebmair~i written in

3 3 2 A m a r n a p 28 PI XIV 25-32 ( i tg I PI X I C i t y I I P1 S L V I 1 Pendlebury T e l l e l - d m a r n a pp 144-45 Williams op r i t pp 83-07 Pls VI I I -9 Vernier B u l l I n s t f r C a i r e V I 187-89 Keu-berry Scarabs pp 93-94 167-68 PI XXSI 15 25 30 31 34 Carter T o m h o T u t a n k h l m e n I 138 Pls XXX XLVII A 11127 130 PI LXXXV Schafer x ~ u p -t i s che Golilschmpirlparbeiten pp 50-53 P1 13 Nos 75-84 Hall o p c i t pp 272-78 Mace Tlip 2lurcli Col-l ~ c t i o n pp 16-17 (12 ririgs of Ahheriaten in gold electrum bronze and coppcr RIJIA acc Nos 10130916-27) inlock B u l l gtMMd XVII 172 Fig 2 Lansing incltent E q y p t i a n J e ~ e l r ~ ~ (-rJlA Pic- ture Book) PI 12 BruyFre F o u i i l ~ s XIV 105

8 3 3 See Winlock B u l l JfV4 XVII 172 3 3 4 Hall o p c i t No 757 Pier A J S L XXIII 90

S o 1334 U-ith S 1 and 4 we may compare Halls Sos 994 arld 33

3 3 8 See above jar-labels 31 32 45 (Figs 5 6) J S E S X 97 and n 173

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 13: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

a variety of ways but chiefly with the monogram discussed above in connection with jar-sealings IC and F (Fig 25) The headdress worn by the seated figure of the king (the element 726 in the name) is in most cases the royal n-ig-cover h2t (see especially S 11) but occasionally this is replaced by the 1Jhite Cro~vn (S 20 28 64) the Blue Cro~vn (S 52) or the Ilouble Crown (S 568091) Even in this sportive writing of the name the complete figure of the goddess JI3t sometimes takes the place of the feather held in the kings hand (S 56 59 76) anti in S 55 the feather is held not by the king but by the accompanying figure of the tutelary god (Ptah )336 An unusually interesting writing of ~~b-~rtCt-R appears in Type S 21 where the Rc-element in the name has been expanded into a kneeling figure of the falcon-headed sun-god (doing double duty as the genius of ~lillions-of-years) and thesign is used in place of 1337 Type S 99 is probably also a writing of the kings prenomen the lion being read as I Z ~ the feather as ~ ) 7 3 ~ t and the circle formed by the tail of the animal as Rc

In S 13-18 the name of the king is flanked by protective figures of familiar types33 crowned or winged uraei hover- ing falcons and vultures and standing falcons with flails and in S 19-88 passivz is preceded occtlsionally by the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt (S 19 27 28 59 71) or Gooti God (S 29) and followed by a great variety of often elaborate epithets and good n-ishes Among these may be notecl Ruler of Thebes (S 70 also S 12) Lord of

335 A I ~arialogy to this is found in writings of the prenomen of King B amp - m 7 t - R C s t p - n - I m n (Ramesses IV) where the n ~ l feather is held in the hand of the figure of the god An~iin (Christophe B u l l I n s t fr ( a ir XLVIII 40 42 53 54)

CCf Hall o p c i t Nos 1919-22 and above jar- sealing YI (Fig 29)

3 J s See Hall o p c i t ant1 Newberry S c a r a b -s h a p e d S e a l s ( C a t C a i ~ e ) p a s s t m

hundreds of thousands of years (S 22 cf S 21 and 57) Preserved for () millions of years (S 23) Lord of Sed-festival(s) (S 24 -26 59) Hundreds of thousands of Sed-festivals (S 72) Lord of festivals (S 27 47) Rich in festivals (S 28) Rich in Sen-festivals in the House of Amfin (S 64) Rich in favors (S 25 26) Rich in property (S 76) Stability and TI-ell-being (S 20) Stability and protection (S 45) (All) life and well- being (S -18 62 84)) Life (S 44 70) Splendor-of-hten (S 30 31) who shines (upon) every country (S 30) Great lion (S 35 36) Lord of strength (S 36 37 ) and Adored by all the people (S 88) S 33 apparently is to be read NebmacrFc who floods 1ower Egypt with his work(s) and S 31 Nebma~re the ichneumon33 (victorious) over (his) enemies These two sealings and some of the others are certainly to be classed ~vith the minor historical or semihistorical scarabs discussed by Wiedemann Drio- ton Iieimer and others330

The commonest form of legend oc-curring in the document sealings is that in 11-hich the king is affiliated to described as beloveti of or otherwise associated with a god or goddess (S 29 38-5860-63 65-75 77-96) The divinities referred to are Re (S 29 62 73 80 85) Re- Harakhte (S 58) Aten (S 30 31) Seth (S 38 93 95) Xnltbis (S 39 88 89) 12acet (S 40) On(uris) (S 11) Harshef (S 42 80)) Th6t (S 43 41 65-67 71-75)

38s Strarige as the itleritification of the victorious kirig with this ariimal may seem the form clearly preserved on two examples of this seal impressiori is certainly that of an ichneumon an otter or a ratel 15-ith every probability favoring the ichneumon See Iieimer amp u d e s d f i u y p l o l o g i e Fasc IV pp 1-14 Roeder E g y p t i a n R r l z l i i o n IV 1-48

anTVeidemanri P S B 1 XXXIV 252-59 Iceimer 9 n n S e r u XXXIX 112-20 Drioton E g y p t i a n K ~ l i u i o n I 39-44 Cf Petrie S c a r a b s a n d C y l i n d e r s Pls XXXI-XXSII None of the inscriptions seem on the other hand to be intentionally cryptographic like those tlealt with by Driotofl in A n n S P T K XLIV 27-32 arid Rowe in C h r o n d E g XVIII 251 ff

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 14: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

Thbt Lord of Shmiin (S 46 171 Horus goddess liacet345 and as a sphinx con- (S 48-51 60 61 69 79 81 92) H O ~ U S fronted by the symbol of life and ac- Lord of He-nesu (Hwt-nsw S 77 78)341 Isis (S 61 781 Amiin (S 52 -54 60 65 66 69 70) Amen-RPi (S 67 68 75 95 961 Ptah (S 55 73 82-84) Khepri (S 561 Sekhbet (S 57)134obk-Rec (S 631 Wadjet (S 81 94) a lion-god Lord of Per-kheper ()3-3 (S 86) JIiit (S 87) IIathor () (S 87) [the Iady of ] Re-joicing =Hathor (S 91) and Keit (S 90) Possibly significant combinations of di-vinities include hmiin and Horus (S 60 69) Amiin and Thbt (S 65 -67 75) Amiin and Ptah (S 82) Amiin and Setli (S 95) Isis and Horus (S 61 78) RE- and Harshef (S 801 and R4iit and Hathor (S 87) In Type S 73 630 examples of which were found in the West Magazine of the Palace of the King Ptah R e and Th6t appear together as patrons of the king In addition to the groupings of gods within the individual impressions the following combinations result from the juxtaposition of several different impres- sions on the same sealings (see above n 330) Amiin and I-Iorus Amiin Thbt and Iihepri Amen-RP Horus Ptah and Wadjet Horus and Re (trice) and R e Thbt Hathor and Harshef

Folloxving S 98 in which Re and either the queen or a goddess appear together in a papyrus barque341 we find in S 100 101 and 103 the king represented as a lion (Lord of strength) as a spllinv holding a figure of the god Ri or the

341 Modern Ii6m el 4hmar Sawarls just qouth of Stiarunah in Middle Egypt Oard On A 387 Vol 11 PP 99 106-S (fauthicr Dztt qeoq IV 86 The earliest mention of I I u t - n ~ urecorded by Oardlner and (fauthler occurs in a statue inscrlptlon of Horem- heb

34ZThe identiflcatlon is of course not certain bat the tf-crown appears to be worn by Nekhbet more often than b3 an3 other Egyptlan goddess See Lan- zone Dzzzonarzo d mztoloyza eqzaza pp 1018-26 Pls CCCXLVIII CCCXLIX Lepslus Denhmaler 111 Pi 80 c Capart ( hron d f i y XV 30

3 4 3 Gauthier D2ct yiog 11 119-20 ( I )

311 Cf xelrberry T z m m z n s tol lectzon P1 XV 26

companied by the words beloved of The winged female sphinx of

S 102 shown adoring the heraldic plants of Lower Egypt undoubtedly represents Queen Tiy who appears in this form on several other monument^^

S 104-19 are apparently temple sealings and contain the names figures and epi- thets of divinities only without mention of the king In S 10-1-6 the scarab beetle of the sun-god Khepri is seen flanked by uraei34r winged and trundling before it the suns disk Amenhotep 111s devotion to Amen-Rer is reflected by the number of sealings bearing the name of this god who is described in S 107 108 and 111 as the Lord of Vpper and Lower lltgyptin S 112 as the Lord of the s ~ ~ e e t breath of life and in S 113 and 114 as the Creator of RightllJ The second of the two seal- i n g ~devoted to Ptah (S 116) may repre- sent the form of the god Iino-n as ZIry-b 3 k f He who is under his moringa tree350 Horus and Seth each wearing the Double Crown appear in a pair of sealings identical in size and design (S 117 118) The rectangular impression n ith the falcon-head of Ilontu (S 119) is of a well- known type351 The motto-design of S 121- 23 though less common occurs on a bronze signet ring of the reign of hmen- hotep 111from Gurob3j2

I 3 3 Hall o p czt S o s 1857-63 Newberry T z m -m z r s Coll P1 ST1 13 14 Cf Leibovitch Bul l Ingt d Equpte SXT 258 Flg 17

3ewberrq Scavab-shaped Seals P1 VII KO 36526 Petrie I l l a h u n K a h u n a n d Gurob P1 S X I I I 78 These parallels show that the bent hnes oler the bach of the spbnx are a degeneration of the slgn +in the name of the god Aturn

34- Qardmer J E 4 111 74 P1 XI Leibo~ltch o p ~ z t pp 250 ff Cf I n n S e n XLII 93-105

J 8 Newberrj Sralab-ihaped Sealr PI TII Nos 36727 37137 T z m m z n s Coll PI XXI 9

3 d g R b I1 173 Relegst 16 5 0 Holmberg T h e God Ptah pp 147-50 3 r t t y XI P1 SXIX 1 Hall o p czt SO1878 352 Petrie K a h u n G ~ ~ r o l i and H a u a l u p 36 PI

XXIII 77

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 15: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

1 I

FIG 24-Jar sealings arid stamped bricks from the Palace of Amenhotep I11

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 16: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

J A R S E A L I N G S

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 17: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

J A R S E A L I N G S

W X Y

F IG 26

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 18: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

J A R S E A L I N G S

FIG 2 7

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 19: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

J A R S E A L I N G S

U U v v

FIG 2 8

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 20: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

J A R S E A L I N G S

AAA 8 8 8 DDDCCC

P A I N T E D J A R S E A L I N G S

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 21: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

B R I C K S T A M P S

I X

FIG 30

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 22: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

DOCUMENT SEALI NGS

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 23: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

DOCUMENT SEAL1NGS

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 24: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

DOCUMENT SEALINGS

aa==--p 1 I$

ttx)d -- 5

=--)-

a(m

oil i -- - -- s-- zczIE

S 95

$dJ JJ s 1 0 1 S 100 S 102

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 25: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

The sealing with the throne-name of Amenhotep IV NeferkhepruW (S 124) and the fragmentary impression S 97 with what may well be part of the same name are both from Test Villa B The curious squatting figure (of the king 1) appearing in S 97 and in seals and sealings of Amenhotep IV from other sites353 is found also in the somewhat puzzling inscription of Type S 120 Here as on a sandstone stela from Amada354 the king referred to simply as the Ruler (hd) ~vould seem again to be hmenhotep IV For the accompanying epithet (sk Itn ) 5 can devise no reasonable transla- tion

The last sealing of the series with the name of Queen --Inkhesenamfin (S 125) is interesting as showing that at least as late as the reign of Tut-ankhamfin official documents were still being sent to the hlalknta palace

In some instances the geographic sources of the sealings can be surmised from the names of the divinities which they bear (eg Harshef of Herakleopolis That Lord of ShmQn Horus Lord of We-nesu) In general however this type of evidence is too inconclusive to be of much value By the late Eighteenth Dynasty mobt of the divinities named had temples in numerous often widely sepa- rated places and the combinations noted above of two to four divine namcs on individual sealings are usually more con- fusing from a geographic point of view than they are helpful

On the other hand the concentration in tTest TTlla B of more than half of all the types of document sealings found is certainly of considerable significance for

3 A m a r n a P1 XI- 32 r i ty II PI L 274 Hall o p cit S o 2688 Petrie Historical S c a r a b s S o 1331

3 5 4 Gauthier Ann Sera X 132--23Liare dus roia 11 348 S O XIII

it points very strongly to this buildings having been the administrative center of the palace-and hence of the kingdom- in other words the office of the southern vizier356 The similar great houses on either side of it (West Villas A and C i C- 1 ) we may tentatively identify as the

offices of the viziers two most important collaborators the Chief Treasurer and the Kings Chief

Here it seems desirable to pause for a moment from the task of recording the inscriptions recovered from the palace of hmenhotep I11 and attempt to clarify ancl correlate the various names associ-ated in these and contemporary inscrip- tions with the palace itself or n-ith the area occupied by it

The stamped bricks show clearly that during one phase of its history the entire complex from the Palace of the King on the south to the Temple of Xman on the north s a s called Pr-hcj the House of Rejoicing I t is probable that this name was originally applied to a single building (the Palace of the King or the Middle Palace) and subsequently extended to in- clude the other and perhaps later struc- tures of the palace group I t ~vould further appear that the use of Pr-1lCyas a name for the palace n-as confined to the last eight or nine years of the reign of Amen- hotep 111 This is indicated by the facts that in the Palace of the King and in the lliddle Palace the name occurs only on bricks from relatively late additions to theqe buildings that it occurs throughout

335 011the offlce of the vizier as the clearinghouse and clepositry of all official documents see Drioton- Vandier I Errvpte p 443 Kees Kulturyeschichte p 189 Davies T o m b of Rekh-mi-RB pp 88 90 91 03 etc

356 See above J S E S X 35 Plans and photo-graphs of these buildillgs are available in the XIetro- politan XIuseuni together w t h a file of field notes concerning them

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 26: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

178 JOURNALOF KEAR

an entue budding only in the Temple of Xmfin which we have reason to suppose was constructed for the celebration of the kmgs second Sed-festlval in Regnal Year 34j5$and that its earliest datable appear- ance is in the lnscrlptlons in the temple a t Soleb and in the tomb of Kheruef a t Thebes In both cases In xssoclxtlon nth the celebration of the first Sed-festlval m Year 30 j58 The inference that the palace -as renamed Pr-h~y in honor of the first Hpb-scd 1s a plausible one though I strongly suspect that the It-orterb~tehs definition of Pr -h~y as the name of a building in which the celebration of the Hebsed took place359 is derived mwlnly from the Soleb and Iiheruef reliefs and from Grlffiths interpretation of the Gayer Anderson The fullest writing of the name knonn to me occurs on the baie of an ebony statuette of Xmenhotep I11 m the Brooklyn Museum believed to have come originally from the palace it- self 361 Here the klngs name is follomed by the epithets lord of food Rich m provisions and Lord of festivals m I 1-ii n

e Z 5

At Tell el Amarna dkhenatens of-ficlal palace appears also to havc been called Pr-h y the name being applied as it Thebes to a group of bulldlngs (TThn-Itn Tt7sht- l tn etc ) each of n-hich 1s

clescribed as being in or forming part of the House of Itejoicmg of theAteri l m

The fact that the Tr-hcy n p Itn nas ~ t -

3r See above p h5

3 5 See abole pp 53-84 and nn 55 58 ant1 60 I t I north notlng that the bulld~ng shor5n In the Soleb and Kheruef rellefs 1s In both cases called Ch1 7 1

Pr-h y hls palace of the House of Rejolclng

lt b 111 40 Belegst 7 I hae been unable to locate the f~t ldle K~ngdom example of the name the evisterlce of wh~ch is irnpl~etl b~ the notatlon S c ~ t M R

3 J E 1 T 61-63 PI TI11

3 F l See a b o ~ e I) 86 and n 75

6 Falrn~an I E 4 1 x 1 13h

self said to be in the Temple of Aten seems to contrast strongly with the sit- uation a t Thebes where the Pr-hcy in- cluded a Temple of Amiln In the first instance however the temple in ques- tion was the principal house or estate (pr) of the god at Xkhetaten in the second merely a mansion or chapel (hwt)of Amfin built within the palace grounds for the celebration of the kings second Sed-festival Besides the official palare a t rlmarna a curious struc- ture added later in the reign of dkhenaten to the western end of the temple proper was also given the name Pr-F y and both Ir-12 ys are mentioned in the kings boundary stelae363

Another and apparently earlier name of the palace of Amenhotep 111 a t Thebes n-as Pr-Yb-nz3ct-Kc-rhn(~r)-~lfn House of SebmacrF -(is-)the-Splendor- ~f -d ten ~ usually shortened by ellipsis to PIS-Thn(7r)-~Itn House of Splendoi -o f - d t e ~ ~ ~ to rFn(rr3)--Itnor simply Splendor-of-hten3 The element pr (house (of) in one instance replaced by nlwt town (of)367 vas evidently not an essential part of the name of the pa1ace

aFairman o p c i t P P 137-38 Pendlebi~ry J E d X I 9 114 See also Griffith J E d V 82-63 Gauthier D i c f sBoy 111 150-51 For later occur-ronces of the name see Gauthier op r i t p 110 Daressy R e p t r a ~ S I X 22

3ei TTolf ZAS LIX 110-11 Gauthier Dict i i ioy

TI 92 1variant of jar-label Type 54 (Fig 6) gives the name as Pr-Trnn-ht71-Thn(l1)-Itn House of Amen- hotep-(is-)the-Splendor-of-=ten In jar-label Type 108 (Pig 9) ant1 in several labels too fragmerltary to be classified the wort1 T h n v in the name of the palace

is written ant in full ~~~~l i

15701fl o r c i t Ganthier on r i t IT 61 Legrain Inn S s~rc IV 143 SOS 9 11 S109 dlrna7na P1

S X I 24 (read L 3 for 0) 36- Legrairi I nn Serc IT- 145 SOS12 14 (if

I I PI 1VII F L V T I I 15 Ramal -1 n n S c r c S117 See also jar-label Types 21 ant1 108 (Pigs 5 and 9) anti jar-sealing Type HH (Pig 27)

7 Legrain l o r c i i No 10 ilmost certainly not a name for the city of Thebes as suggested by Legrain 01)c i t 11 147 R i c t raa XSI-11 184

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 27: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

and in the jar-labels where the name proper is determined by the sign i is certainly t o be understood to mean the Estate (of the palace called) Nebmac- rec- (is-) the-Splendor -of -hten36X X1-though the phrase rhn(w)-~I tn was pri- marily an epithet of hmenhotep I11 him-self3M its use in the texts ~vhich have come down to us is confined almost ex- clusively to designations of the palace its personnel and equipment Inscriptions of the reign of hmenhotep I11 preserve the titles and names of a Guardian (s3ufy) of Thn(w)- Itn370 a Guardian of the Storeroom of Donations of Thn(w)- Itn13j1 a Scribe of _17hn(w)- Itn372and a Steward of the Estate of Sh-m3rt-R -Thn(w)- I tn 3 7 3

The kings ship Splendor-of-Xten we know was attached to the service of the

and the same must have been true of the Regiment (p3 s3) of Sb-m3 t-R--Thn(w)-It~z~~presumably the palace guard

The Lake Scarabs of hmenhotep 111 show that the ship just referred to had received its name by the beginning of Ttegnal Year 12 n-hen the king rowed in it on the palace lake or ha rb~ r ~ nd it was probably a t this time or very short- ly before that the Palace of the King-

36s Jar-label Types 9 11 21 51 55 99 108 145 (41 examples in all) See above Figs 1-6 8 9 11 See also jar-sealing Types E-F (Fig 25)

s 6 y Gayet T e m p l e lie L o u s o r I) 15 See also docn- merit sealings S 30 31 (Fig 31)

a 7 0 Cairo 34055 (Lacan S t i l ~ s d z ~ -ouzel E ~ n p i 7 e )

ltairo 34087 (Lacau o p r i f ) For the transla- tion of the title see above J Y E S S99 n 183

3 Cairo 34068 (Lacan o p r z l )

3 7 3 Xefersekheru the owner of Tomb 107 a t Thebes See Porter and gtloss T o p B i h l I 136 Hermann M i t t D e u l s c h I n s t K a i r o 1-1 38 Helck I - r ~ i e r n S I V 10 and 11 2 1Volf l o r c i t

sir See the Lake Scarabs of Amenhotep 111 (Drioton I n n S P ~ etc ) and further P XLT- 89-91 on the ship and its personnel Save-Soderbergh T h e S a c y o f t h e E i q h t e e n l h E v y p t i a n D y n a s t y pp 80 81 11 3 1V7o1fl o r r i t

3 - - 7 have-Soderbergh o p c i t p 81 and n 8 Helck o p c i f pp 36-37 1Tolf l o r r i t

the only building of the Rlalkata group then in existence-also wasnamed Thn(w)- 2Itn The name may have been confined to this particular structure throughout the entire reign though the variant form Slwt-_Thn(w)- Itn Town of Splendor-of- hten suggests that it was extended to include the nhole complex Ye have no way of knowing ~vhether _Thn(w)- Itn Tvas abandoned in Kegnal Year 30 in favor of PI-h y or n-hether the tn-o names existed thencefor~vard side by side3 TVhatever usage may have prevailed at Thebes itself it is certain that the palace estates in the Delta and else~vhere con- tinued to function under the name Pr-Sb-m t-R -17hn(w)- I tn as late as the fourteenth year of hkhenaten 3X

Unlike Pr-(i~y the name 7 hn(w)- Itn has not been found on any portion of the palace structure or in any inscription knonn to have been written within the palace area and its association with the palace though generally accepted by present-day scholars13 rests on no very conc~eteevidence

As late as the end of Regnal Year 11 the site of the palace lake was called Dja rukha Read either as Drr-wh3 or as D rw-wy the name may be translated Searcher-~f-the-fiening~~~~or some-thing of the sort and refers presumably

6 See above 11n 4 87 374 Though begun late in Year 11 the lake was not ready for use until XIonth 3 of Akhet Day 16 the fourteenth clay of Regnal Year 12 For Arnenhotep 111s accession date see Gardiner J E 4 SAXXI 27-28

3 7 The concurrent use of two or more names for a large and important architectural complex (city temple pyramid etc 1 far from being exceptional seems to have been a usual practice in dynastic Egypt

3 7 8 ( i l u 11Pl LVIII h0 15

9 To the references cited i n the preceding notes may be added Borcharclt Miif D e z ~ t + c h O r - G e a e l l s c h Xo 57 p 25 Doresse J o u r d s i a t i i l u i C C X S S I I I 192-96 and many others

h U Steindorff z ~ s S S X I S 62-65 BreastedzsX X X I X 65-66 Gauthier D i r t qFoo VI 112

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 28: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

to the location of the site on the extreme mest of Thebes close under the cliffs where the sun sets and the shado~vs of night first appear Although Djacrukha is described as a tovn or habitation1 (dmz) of Queen Tiy there is nothing in- herent in the name itself which suggests the existence of a royal dwelling TT7e may suppose therefore that the name ante- dated the construction of Tiys villa () and the palace n-hich developed out of it The fact that in Year 11 the palace area was still being designated by this ancient name suggests that Thn(w)-Itn had a t that time not yet come into general usage though portions of the palace itself must have already been in existence for several years

Immediately follo~ving the death of hmenhotep 111the name of his palace ap- pears to have been changed by his son from Ir-hcy to p-Bhn-Hy-n~-ht the Castle of liejoicer-on-the-Horizon Hy-rn-5ht being a nell-known epithet of the god hten 382 I t as in a Theban palace of that name in any case that hkhenaten n-as residing ~vhen he received the first of a series of letters written to him by King Tushratta of l i t a n r ~ i ~ ~ ~and its seems absurd to suppose that this palace was other than the great royal residence south of Jledinet Habu where Ahhenaten had resided before his removal to hmarna and which he evidently occupied ho~vever briefly after the death of his father3Yi The hieratic docket recording the receipt of the letter is dated to a regnal year of dkhenaten which ends with the numeral 2 and which is probably to be re-

3 8 1 See above p 88 See also Engelbach and Macaldin Bu l l I n s t ilEri121tr XX 39

Sethe -achr G B t t i ~ ~ g e n 1921 p 109 Cunn JEdI X 174 176

3 8 3 Knudtzon Dii r l - d m a r n a - T a f r l n I N O 27 pp 229-41 Erman ZAS XXVII 63

a See above pp 35 37

stored as [1]2386 Year 12 of Xkhenaten (=Year 39 of hmenhotep 111) was in all probability the date of the old kings ~ l e a t h 3 ~ ~ it n-as this event whichand must have been the occasion of hkhena- tens visit to Thebes-the only event im- portant enough to require his deserting Akhetaten for the detested purlieus of the ancient capital

Today the site of the palace usually referred to by miters and travelers simply as the llalkata is in actuality called el Malkat el Racirat Rairat being the rather unsavory modern village which lies about a kilometer to the northeast of the palace ruins3u The form malkata ap-parently resulted from the dropping-off of Rairat and the attachment of the definite article el1 (or e ) which prr- ceded it as a spurious a-sound to the end of the word malkat llalkat itself is not a proper name but a generic expres- sion meaning a place where things are picked up or so~ght and there are naturally enough a number of ancient sites in Egypt and elsen here which are so named Aside from the palace area the malkata n-hich concerns us most is the one which lies diagonally across the river outside the northwest corner of the main temple inc1osuie at Karnak objects from this site being not infrequently assigned by modern n-riters

3 8 6 Vor der Zaeidurfte ein Zehrler stehn (Erman l o r c i t )

See above J-ES X 37 86-88 99 The date of the hieratic docket on Tnshrattas letter indicates that Amenhotep I11 died before 5Zonth 1 of PrByet Day in Year [I12 of Akhenaten-thus either a t the end of his o ~ n the first 38th year or during three months of his 39th year on the throne (see above pg 37 87 nn 15 86)

3 s - I am indebted to Ambrose Lansing for this in- formation and for advice on the root meaning of the word m a l l a f

3 8 8 Lane Arah ic -Eng l i sh L e r i c o n Hook I Part 7

P 2670 hiamp Cf Robichorl and -arille Le T e m p l e du scrihe rouaie d r n ~ n l t o t i ~ p p 10 and n 6

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 29: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

t o t he malkata south of Medinet Habu As recently as 1917 for example Chevrier ~vorkingin the Karnak malkata strength- ened the foundations of a group of large granite columns which h e identified a s belonging t o a temple of the New E m - pire3x9 b u t n-hich were described i n the

Chroniyue d Egypte of the following year a s des vestiges de colonnes d u palais dXm6nophis III390 More serious be-cause of t he historical implications in-volved was Borchardts error in asserting tha t inscriptions mentioning a temple of the Aten a t Hermonthis discovered b y Legain391 in the malkata a t Karnak were found beim Palast Amenophis 111 sudlich von l fedinet H a b ~ l ~ ~

ADDESDA Some weeks after the foregoing article was

submitted for pu1)lication J D P Pendle- burys City of dkhcnaten Part III (London 1951) made its long-awaited appearance and through the courtesy of Mrs Iliefstahl and J l r Cooney of the Brooklyn tluseum I was enabled to study the Wilbour Librarys newly acquired copy of this important work Far richer in inscribed material than the other portions of the site the Central City a t Tell el Amarna with ~irhich the new rollime is chiefly concerned yielded during the seasons of 1931- 36 two thousand jar-labels four hundred jar- setilings rm interesting series of stamped bricks and thirty-nine different types of small (document ) sealings To these are devoted twenty of the books one hundred and twelve plates and a long and extremely valuable chapter contributed by Professor H WFair-n1lll

In Citg I11 (as the new volume will here- inafter be referred to) Fairman discusses ipp 152-60) the chronology of the dmarna Period ant1 is inclined on the basis of the available

iqChamprirr Inn S c r t XIdVI 157 P1 -XI 11

( i r o n i gri XSIIT 46

3 q Rrc 11n1 X S I I l 62 VI

2 Borchartlt Tf2rt D ~ u t s c h 07 - G ~ i l l o So 57 pp 26-27

evidence to place ilkhenatens elevation to the throne in Regnal Tear 30 of Amenhotep I11 and to assign to the two kings a coregency of approximately nine years making Amenhotep 111s last documented pear (38) co~ncide with the ninth year of his sons reign If we accept this reconitruction we must adjust by two years the equations given above on page 37 of this volume of the Journal and referred to occasionally in thr succeeding pages of the present articles

Among the ninety-nine mine-jar labels published in City III (pp 163-69 11s LSXXIS ff) are a number of new parallels to our Xos 1-89 (Figs 4-8) includ~ng ex- amples listing irp n h3y (t) nfr(t) as in our Xos 2 and 4 (see above p 89 and City III p 163) In addition to the House of Nebmairi the House of Tly the House of the Treasurer the Iiouse of miin and the Mansion of ebma~r (see above J S E S X 96-97 c h 1 m and o) we find mention in City TIT ip 164 No 16) of a House of XehmacrPc in the Barque (PT-Yb-m t-Rc m wi)-a name which not only suggests a restoration for our jar-label Ro 1 ( Pr Nb-rnt-RCnty ttt p3 [u$ I) but throlvs an interesting light on jar-sealing Types E and F (Fig 25) Other sources of wine listed by Fairman (pp 165-66) include the Western River Tjel (Trut) Memphis Bellbet el Hagar (Pr-(rbyt) and Beginning-of-Earth (Ttp[f]-t ) (see a h o ~ e JSES X 88-89 and 158) 4 series of labels from jars which had contained animal fat ( d ) and meat ( i u j tlr) (Citlj 111 pp 169-75) provides additional parallels to our Sos 119-51 and 155-69 (Figs 10-12 above) and includes meat of oxen of Bush and oxen of the South meat of srt-geese (cf our S o 179) and gul (wet) ~vhich may be the word appearing in two hieroglyphic labels from the palace mentioned above on page 95 We learn also from these label that potted meat was occasionally prepared in the 5nc ergastulum as well as in the biy)t which Fairman translates ( I bellexre inaccu- rately) as still-room -4s at Thebes the chamberlams of the palace (inzy-hnt) and the kings scribes (si ~ ~ t r )were prominent among

I

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 30: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

182 STUDIESJOURNAL OF NEAREASTERK

the dollars of the mert jars many of which as Fairman points out (p 170) were evidently packed a t h a r n a itself Two jars of meat (p 174) -ere prepared for a LFestival of Eter-

nity 18ya ~vllicll is per11aps the

proper reading of the much-obliterated feast narne appearing in our meat-label S o 167 Among the miscellaneous products listed in the new Amarna jar-labels are (pp 175-761 honey (bit) described as stf or g~ltgnl which Fairman translates respectively liquid and viscous (cf Fig 14 205-9) b-oil (cf Fig 13 183-96) nhh-oil (cf Fig 14 200) un-guent (mrlit cf Fig 14 202) incense (sntr cf Fig 14 210-14) dates (bnr cf Fig 15 217 218) and Sbt (cf Fig 15 224) Srlnt (ale[] see above JA1ES X 90) is listed in only two labels in one as SIT~tibti~ which Fairman does not translate (p 173) A few of the persons mentioned in the palace jar- labels (see above Figs 17-22) may be re-ferred to also in the City III inscriptions (pp l76-79) eg the Kings Scribe Ahmose and the vintners Xakhte and Hatiay Such Corn-

rnon late Eighteenth Dynasty names as l l ey hhllu Nefermenll and HuJ occur naturally enough in both groups of inscrip- tions ~vith however either different titles or no titles at all

In the fine series of jar-sealings published in City 111 (PI) 143-30 Pis LXxXI-LXXXIII) are to be found exact or close Parallels to our sealing TyPes E-G 0Pvv TT7T- YY BBB and CCC (Figs 25-29) and in addition impressions listing vine of the Mansion of Kebma rP (KO 15) of YebmacrE in the Barque (Soq 74-78) and of (Queen) Tiy (So 17) Preceding his translations of the irn~~ress~ons Fairman discuhses ( 1 ) ~147-30) (pp 143-46) the various types of jar-stoppers found (cylindrical conical and spherical) and describes and illlistrates the painted decora- tion occurring on a number of examples He follo~vs Gunn (City I ) in identifying the cobra appearing in some of the wine-jar sealings (Cf our Types SS and YP) as the goddess Tadje t (Edjo) of Lower Egypt I ~ u t he rejects Cunns

translation of irp mcut as wine (for) offer- ings and renders the expression as genuine wine (see also p 163) There is naturally no duplication between the brick stamps found at Amarna (pp 130-51 P1 LXXXIII) and those from Thebes (Fig 30) and very little

similarity between the legends appearing in the sn1all sealings from the two sites K i th our sealing Types S 97 and 120 (Fig 33) we may llol~ever compare Pit 111Plate C Sos 11 27 and 28

To the references cited above in notes 362 and 363 Tve must now add Fairmans detailed discussion in City III (pp 193-97) of the pr- y at Amarna On pages 199-200 he lists and comments briefly on the buildings con-nected with Amenophis I11 and his family mentioned in the Arnarna inscriptions These include the Hollse of xebma re the House of xebmacre in the Barque the RIansion of XebmacrFc the House of Thn-Itn the House of Tiy and the House of (the Princess) Ba-ketaten

on page 172 Fairman refers to a series of as yet unpublished jar-labels from neir el bredinell and he cites (p 163) a ~Tine-jar label of Tear 32 found apparently with numerous others by Robichon and Vrarille in the temple f ~ ~ ~ the son - of Hapu at Kijm el ~ ~ t ~ ~ ~ l Hetiin The jar-labels and other inscriptions from this temple must be very closely related to those from the palace of Amen-hotep 111 and Professor Cern$s publication of them will undoubtedly add much of interest to the ma- terial discussed in the present series of articles

Through an oversight I have failed so far in tilese articles to refer to the important ma- terial and disclissions contained in Professor rvo HolscllerP The Escazation of Medinet

volume 11 Tile Tellples of the Eighteenth nyllast ( o I~ Tvol LXI) I n this r)ublica- tion (see esp p 110) Holscher makes a good case for the existence of great ToTvn of Amenllotep 111 lThicll extended soutllward from the mortuary temple a t Kdm el ve tan and included in addition to the ~hole of the palace area groups of royal and private buildings in the vicinity of lledinet Habu (see

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 31: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

also Jlorgenland Heft 24 pp 37 ff) Illassive walls built of mud bricks bearing stamp im- pressions of our Type Y (Fig 30) were found both a t Rledinet Habu (Holscher p 33) and a t the eastern end of the temenos of the temple of Eye and Horemheb iHolscher p 69) and small brick dwellings a t l ledinet Hahu and in the precinct of the Eye temple yielded vaies scarabs and faience rings with the names of dmenhotep I11 and Queen Tiy (pp 467183) and a wine-jar label dated to Regnal Tear 32 (p 83) Bricks from the palace of Amen- hotep I11 bearing a variant of our stamp-impression Type VI were re-used a t PIledinet

Habu in the time of Ramesses I11 (see Holscher p 7 Fig 6 g and Ezcaeation of Jfedinet Habu 111 54 n 50) Jar-sealings of Horemheb (1) 109) and brick stamps of Eye (1) 80) were discovered in the ten~ple of these kings and in the foundation deposits of this tenlple were found seventy-five small inscribed pottery 1omls (pp 92-98 P1 55) exactly like those discussed above on page 103 of this volume of the Journal

[Tobe concluded]

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 32: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

You have printed the following article

Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 3 (Jul 1951) pp 156-183Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510729103A33C1563AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

This article references the following linked citations If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR Pleasevisit your librarys website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR

[Footnotes]

259 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 1 (Jan 1951) pp 35-56Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510129103A13C353AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-P

277 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

282 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

315 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list

Page 33: Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III …...R. "Offering-wine2" for the Sed-festival." C. "Wine for the Sed-festivals" (2 ex-amples). D. '(Wine for the Sed-festival" (2 ex-amples)

317 Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago First Preliminary Report of theEgyptian ExpeditionJames H BreastedThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp 1-64Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C13AOEFOTU3E20CO3B2-5

334 Historical Scarab Seals from the Art Institute Collection ChicagoGarrett Chatfield PierThe American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Vol 23 No 1 (Oct 1906) pp75-94Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=1062-05162819061029233A13C753AHSSFTA3E20CO3B2-9

335 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

371 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

386 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep IIIWilliam C HayesJournal of Near Eastern Studies Vol 10 No 2 (Apr 1951) pp 82-112Stable URL

httplinksjstororgsicisici=0022-29682819510429103A23C823AIFTPOA3E20CO3B2-7

httpwwwjstororg

LINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 2 -

NOTE The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list