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MY NONNA I S A TELLER OF STORIES:

EDUCATION AND IDENTITY I N THE LlVES OF FlVE ELDER WOMEN

Rachel Heydon

Faculty of Ediication

Submitted in partial fulfi ilment

of the requirements for the degrre of

Master of Education

Faculty of Graduate Studies

The University of Western Ontario

London, Ontario

Aptil. 1998

ClRachel Heydon 1998

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This thesis uodertakes a micro-study of identity and education in the lives of five Italian.

Catholic elder fernales frorn the author's farnily. Focusing on the period just prior to Wodd War

I I . vanous sites of education are examined. including: the parochial school of the day. the convent.

a small. Fascist l talian laquage school. the motber-in-law 's house and the family home.

The discussions in this thesis are iwofold. First, through narrative methods and

methodologies. the following central thesis question is addressed: "How did education operate in

the construction of individual and group ideniities in the lives of these wornen'?" Consequently.

there is an examination of issues pertaining to the nature of education and its relationship to gender

and ethnicity. Second, and perhaps more importantly. this study explores the nature of the

research process itself.

"Reflexive" (Wolf, 1992). "openly ideological" (Lather. 199 1 ). egalitarian and fair. These

arc dl tenns which the author initiaily used to describe her theory of how to conduct educational

research. As a graduate student. teacher. daughter and care-giver. the author sought to expand the

"intellectually limited oniverse" (Eichler. 1991. p. 2) of her patriarchal milieu-specifically tbat of

the academy -to include alongside the discoiine of scholars, a few voices which could easily have

k e n missed. I n this way. the author hoped to realise a pedapgy of transgression which could

enable "folks to identify and connect" (hooks cited in Jennings. 19%. p. 94). Yet the author found

that many aspects of her initial theorising were highly problematic when put into practice. These

difficulties pertain to the areas of memory, power and trust: the three main obstacles in establishing

a research "partnerçhip." In essence. therefore. this thesis is a record of some of the growing

pains associated wiih becoming a researcher and the ways in which thought and intent can warp

when actually applied.

Dedication

To al\ the women in my famiiy who participated in this study. Without you. i

wouldn't have learned a thing in this life.

First. to rny Auntie lsabelle who taught me to sit quietly and watch when the chaos

surrounds. (She also taught me a thing or two about appreciating a meatball.)

To my Aentie Leila who showed me how one woman can make the world a little

more just.

To my Auntie Rose who dernonstrated t,o me how to rule a family with poix and

style. (And also how to clean a fish lickity-split.

To my Aunrie Julia who proved to me that a person cm truly be filled with Face .

And finally. to my Nonna whosr flesh gave me life and whose love and

encouragement makrs me always, always finish what I 've started. I only wish i t could be

more.

Unending thanks to Dr. Sharon Rich who is a first rate human k i n g and scholar. 1 am

i nde bted.

M y appreciation to Dr. Allan Pitman who took the time to read rny mess and make some

scnse of i t.

Many thanks t the Seattle folk who took me in so ihat I could wnte this thinp and who

realked that Virginia Woolt' was only panly nght: i t takes a roorn phr a lot of food.

Table of Contents

Certificate of Examination

A bstract

Dedication

Acknowledgemen~

Table of Contents

List of Appendices

Chapter One: A Place to Begin: Introduction

Coming to the Question

The Question

Education Venus Schooling

Introduction to the Probleni

Structure of the Thesis

Chapter ' h o : A Waj to Proceed: Methodology

Introduction

Looking for a New Methodology

Wild Hands and Dancing Tongues: The Story

How I lnvestigated the Lives of the DeMarco Women

Significance of the Study

A Note Regarding "Objectivity"

Risks and Benefits

LI

-.. 111

1 V

V

v i

vii

Summary

ChapterThree: Heaven, Hel1 and Hershey Bars: An Examination of Story

In traduction

The Assemblage of Facts in a T'angle of Hair:

A Telling of Some Family Business

And Now Sorne Academic Business That

Nerds Attending To . . .

I s a Rose is a Rose is a Rose?

Suiiiiiiary

Chapier Four: Beginnings: Marna the Good and the Dutiful Daughters

introduction

Marna the Good

The Dutiful Daughters

Rose and Isabelle

Julia and Leifa

Summary

Chapter Five: The Obedient Women: Stories of Adulthood

Introduction

Isabelle

k i l a

Rose

Julia

Summary

Chapter Six: lnstitutional Techniques for the Making of Morality:

Church. School and Family

vii

Introduction

Church and School

Julia and the Church

Rose and the Fami l y

'The Influence of ltalian Fascism

The iMoral l talian Woman

Summary

Chapter Seven:The End of the Aff.dir: A Place to Rest

introduction

Partnerships

The "Me" in the "We"

So . . .

Appendix 1 The Resurrection and Life Everlasting

Appendix 11 The Fourth. Fifth. and Sinth Commandments of God

Appendi x II1 The Moral Life

Appendix IV Letter of Explanation

Appendix V Letter of Permission

Appendix VI Eihics Approval

Works Cited

Vita

Chapter One

Introduction

A Place to Begin

:My nonnu is o rrllrr of stories: suprrsririous 'ri/-you 'rr-ufraid-îo-tnov s?wie.s:

helly-chrtrning. heurt-pctlling, wuil- tulty-tecirs storirs; .sr$mny yotc-rhink- vou 'il-wer-yur-

punts stories. Just one righr uJer anorher. hum. h m . hum. she cun hit y u in rhe m i i d .

bodv c i d soul evenT rime. Cet her with her sisrers. und the hv rurns inro u niyhr q/

duel ling, h r i n g ami dwumic nurrutives clhour childhohood und uciolr.sc*ence. home und

school. the depression und rhc wu. Ofenrimes rhc samr rules crrrp up again und iiguin.

,noltidin,g Inemory into rpic. iVow if yoic urrn ' t curefil, y ~ u couid rhink rhdt thrsc wunien's

w o r h <rre jusrfan~~v-s~rnerhin~q to rnrertuin- but ifvou listrn wirh LI differenf rur. y u

jitsr might leurn u rhing or two h ho ut the wqv Iife used to hz-iersons thclr cireil ' t c-onruinrd

in UV ordinury history book.

Coming to the Question

Anifac ts

they col lect the artifacts to stud y the past.

out of the bone fragment, chipped Stone and delicate

cedar weave is wntten a history long for, ootten.

in al1 this where is the truth?

what is the history?

maybe history should not be the question.

for history is w ritten

not passed on in a story at the bighouse.

or in a lesson to the young.

yet while the archeologist's artifact

and the hisrorian's document

remain important.

too often. the record shows the history

from the histonan's own l iving eye.

the tmth is perhaps

in the elders who remernber.

who are living and looking to the young.

what can be cornes from

the spirit of the past.

the wisdom of the elder,

and the new strength of the young.

the history is dive.

not to be found in an o\d site, but

present in the people.

and when the record changes to tell

a more accurate "history"

of Our people, then the tme

spirit of our past. present and future

can be given.

and in return vaiued.

(Conibear. 1990. p. 9)

Frank Conibear's Arrifùcfs considen the practices of constructing "history." He

juxtaposes the vanety of "scholarly" or "academic" history which valorises the "concrete"

and the "tangible" -such as pieces of bone and stone - against the more fluid "histories*'

which are continually created and recreated through the oral tradition of Aboriginal peoples.

His poem pays homage to the multiplicity of "truths" which reçide. not within the written

word or the chiselled rock, but rather within the mernories and beings of the people

thernselves- those w ho have survived the past and will continue to live on in the future

through the remembrances of generations to corne. Conibear wri tes. "the history is alive.

not to be found in an old site. but present in the people" ( 1990. p. 9). In this way. be

reminds his readen that the past is never dead: thereby rendering history an important. v i ta1

part of our today.

A comparison of Conibear's two types of histories reveals the crucial notion that

history is human-made. As such. it must always be perceived as a case of inclusions and

exclusions. whereby certain details are deemed importanr. and othen are rendered

invisible. Acknowledging such issues of bias and perspective is especially pressing in

First Nations communities, as historians have often been outsiders, trained in science, but

not the complexities and subtleties of k i n g a member of such societies: and extemal

mi Jrepresentations of Aboriginal people abound in acadernia and elsewhere. Yet the

issues that Conibear's poem raises are relevant to those of us who are non-native, as we

stnve to understand our past, our present and to create a better future. What this poem

does is present us with the challenge of maKing sense of our world. not by pinning down

stultifying "facts", but by allowing the knowledge of our elders to resonate through us ;n

their own voices.

When first encountering this conceptualisation of history. not as a static record of

things long since dead. but rather as living recollections passed through a people. it

immediately made me consider the importance of my own farnily legends. In trying to

uneanh the educational experiences of wornen early in this cenfury. 1 realised that I had a

wealth of important - perhaps the most important-information. l i terally in rny own back

yard. In order to understand and employ this data. however, I had to shift my

orientation -from privileging the archeologist's history of Conibear's poem. to that of

honouring the importance of the oral story.

The Question

This thesis undertakes a micro-study of identity and education in the lives of a

selection of elder fernales in rny family. These Catholic women of ltalian descent received

their formal education in Norihem Ontario (circa World War II) through vanous means.

incl udi ng: the neighbourhood parochiai elementary school . a small Fascist. l talian language

sc~iool. a public high school. a convent music conservatory. and later (for some). via the

convent andor a hospital-based Catholic nursing school. Similar to Antikainen.

Houtsonon, Kauppila & Huotelin's life history inquiry ( 1996). my central thesis question

is. "How did education operate in the construction of individual and group identities in the

lives of these women?' ln addition, this thesis may bring to light some of the important

tensions present in the lives of women who, while defending the status quo of the

patriarchy. simultaneously searched for importance, power and utiliiy in their own

experiences as females.

Education Versus Schwling

Just prior to commencing this project, I believed that an examination of schooling

could hold many posçibilities. Perhaps. 1 thought. it was at school that CatholiciWomanl

ltalian could take on meaning that was "other" from home rneaning; it may have been at

schooi that the sisters had been presented with options distinct (rom those oifered through

the home; and it may equally have been the case that school reinforced the hegemony of the

houçehold. Yet once 1 began speaking with the women. rny focus upon the school as the

centre of tlieir education was immediately challenged, and I was forced to recognise those

sites which were even more cruciai to the women's intellectual. moral. social and skll

developrnent: the mother-in-law's house. the mother's kitchen. the neighbourhood market.

the father's store. the music room. the husband's side a i d o r the noviiiate's silent space.

For these reasons. it is paramount that i present my definition of education at the outset of

this study.

Education in its most optimistic and liberatory sense is the means by which people

leam how best to live in concert wi th this universe and al1 of its inhabi tants. In such a

perspective. people discover their potential as human acton as they simul taneousl y acquire

strategies which enable them to survive and prosper intellectually. physically. ernotionally

and spiritually. This is similar to Czekalla's stance that

education in its ideal fom is a process that explores or draws out . . . both

human possibility: that is. a process that allows every person to develop

self-awareness -examinhg the possible ways in which one can authenticall y

belong in the worid. exploring not only what is but what can be. ( 1997. p. 2)

In my conversations with the women. I found that education was not so much a means to

liberation as a tool for socialisation and successful survival. Throughout this thesis. I will

discuss the terni "education" from the perspectives of the participants, as each constituted

the definition of this word in her own way.

Introduction to the Problem

In her study of immigrants in New York state dunng the fint iew decades of this

century. Kathy Friedman-Kasaba ( 1996) attempts to illustrate the asymrnetrical

relationship between dominant and subordinate cultures by drawing upon minority stories.

She relates.

1 rlecently. Salman Rushdie in his novel, Sufunic Verses ( 1989). portrayed

the assault on his immigrant protagonists' identities by the gatekeepers of the

dominant nationali ty. T h e y have the power of description." he wrote. '-and

we succumb to the pictures they construct." . . . In the preface to her auto-

biography, The Promisçd land, (Mary Antin] wrote: " 1 was bom. I have lived.

and 1 have been made over." (p. 8)

As I read these and other similar vigettes, I cannot help but acknow ledge that the

dominant culture's ability to namr is a powerful hegemonic force. Sirnultaneously.

however. I am not cornfortable with the notion that the individual minority is a passive

receiver of a name- that dhe must necessarily "succumb" to someone else's conception

of them. Wodd it not be reasonable to assume that there is, instead of a transmission of

definition. a struggle over the power to define and be defined?

In explicating my thesis question, 1 refer to my grandmother and her sisters as

CathoiiclWornan/ltalian. I employ such descripton knowing that these names have been

used by others to define these women: similady, l am cognizant that these words have

been constituted differently at various points in the women's lives. The business of

naming is pretty tricky. I would argue that ttiis difficulty of definition stems from the fact

that language is *'a construct that assigns meaning arbitrarily: that is. there is no necessary

connection between an objective reality and language" (O'Neill, 1993. p. 19). From a

postmodem perspective. words are never independent entities. uncoloured. unbiased.

reflecting only the "tnith": rather. language is a construct, dependent upon its own structure

and contingent. always. upon its historical and social situation. Sense making is equally

affected by the relationship between the speaker and the listener: this interpolation reflects

an important and powerful struggle for the right to define. As such. meaning is multipie.

slippery and never fixed. ûperating from the work of Bakhtin and Foucault. Morgan

t 19%)) explains.

1 m Ieaning from a discursive approach is. . . nei ther "owned" nor "rented,"

but instead is fought over. Located "in hetween" interlocutors on the contested

terrain of official documents. iexts, and the behavioural genres for both

speaking and silence. this stniggle destabilises any si p. makes it

"rnultiaccentual" - that is. always potentiali y open to changed meanings.

cornmutable. (p. 454)

WomadCatholic/Italian. Now in their late sixties. seventies and eighties. the sisters have

witnessed. first hand. how words take on different connotations and denotaiions depending

upon their contexts. and the stories that they pass on demonstrate how people may

experience and be touched by words in many ways. The sisters have liied through the

pejorative connotations of CatholiclWoman/Italian. At one time there were signs in North

America which read. "No Italians or Dogs Allowed" (Vecoli, 1988. p. 133). and family

lore relates the day that a brother was shot and killed for verbally defending hirnself against

a "white" woman's racist slurs. The young man's executioner called him a "Dago" before

pulling the trigger of the shot gun. Growing up femaie dso held its difficulties, especially

because the family onginated from Southem Italy. Annamaria Feltracco (1992) points out.

"[i Jn Southem Italy, a daughter's birth was cause for disappointment. Women were

considered to be . . . long on hair and short on brains" (p. 5). Being female and Catholic.

particularly before Vatican II, çerved doubly to relegate wornen (and the sisten) to the

bottom echelons of the patriarchy. According to feminist scholars such as Bernadette

Brooten ( 1982) of Harvard Divinity School. the church has employed a vanety of tactics to

"support the subjugation . . . of women" (p. 22). These means of control have ranged

h m reinforcing panicuiar foms of iconography (for example. the v i r g i ~ w hore

dichotomy Icf. Walker, 1983. p. 6031) to fonvarding theological explanations as to why

women should be considered less holy than men (for example. rendering the masculine

more "spiritual" than the feminine by claiming that salvation may only corne through

Christ ).

Biit painting the wornen in my family as victims would be too easy and not at al1

complete. Their siories relate a tangled system of power dynarnics where triurnph. courage

and success are often theirs. The sisters' experiences transcend facile dichotomies and

social determinism. for as they talk and as they live. the women negotiatc a space for

themselves in the world and many have sought and won the ripht to lead "meaningful"

lives. Linda Gordon ( 1986) makes the important claim that as feminists working in the

academ y.

lolur collective goal ought to be to advance a theoretical framework to our

scholanhip that transcends the victimfheroine. dominationlresistance dualism

and incorporates the vaned experiences of women. We need . . . work that

insists on presenting the complexity of the sources of power and weakness in

women's lives. (p. 25)

Thus within the women's stones it is perhaps the sites of contradiction which can be the

rnost illuminating. Consider. for example, that within the confines of their familial and

social roles, one of my Aunts became the senior administrator of a hospital; another

received a licentiate in music (the highest honour awarded through the Royal Conservatory

of Music) and a medal from Pope John Paul II. Additionally. two others secured for

themselves an independent income once they were married ( a situation which was rare in

their socio-cultural milieu). Interestingly. the sisten who entered the convent were the ones

to have the greatest access to higher education and cames: a situation which agrees with

Patricia Hussey's belief that when she became a sister of Notre Dame she had "joined an

oid and honourable profession, one thal had. over neariy IWO miliennia. beeri a rduge and

an opportunity for women" (Ferrare. Hussey & O'Reilly. 1990. p. JO). The ahove

dernonstrates that what might once seem oppressive. cm equally be a source of liberation.

This is why exclusively ascnbing negative values to Catholic/Woman/Italian denies the

cornplexity of lived experience and the myriad of meanings that can emerge from a single

s i s . Al1 signs "acquire their rneaning from their location within constantly shifting but

historically determinate relationships; it is this systematic set of social relations that confen

significance" (Morgan. 1990. p. 322). Ultimately. to detemine the si gnificance of these

tems in the sisten' lives. we must look at the contexts in which they were used. For the

purposes of this study . the two most important places to begin are the home and school.

Within the sisten' story repertoires of early life. tales of school1 and the home are

the most ubiquitous. This is due. perhaps. to the fact that these two spheres held the

greatest influence over theit ch i ldhds and adolescence. T ypicai of many ltalian

immigrant families. my Nonna's farnily was a close-knit gmup which rarely strayed from

home or the intimate cluster of fellow ltaiian immigrants. Of this tendency, Weber (cited

in Zucchi, 1988) States,

[tlhough [Italian immigrants] came to the city for months or even yean.

their eyes rernained fixed on home society. Their work did not insert them

into the urban realm . . . but screwed them more firtnly into the limited world of

the parish. farnily and culture of their binh. (p. 33)

l I did not includc the church. a s i t is implied thai this institution is incxtncably miscd W h the parochial schools of the day.

Vecoli ( 1988) agees when he explains, "lw lary of stranieri [strangers]. suspicious of

institutions, [ ltalian immigrants] tnisted only la famiglia 1 the family 1 or at most the circle

of paesani"? (p. 133). Schools were one of the social institutions with w hich the sisten

and their family were in close contact. As such, their influence can not be overstated in the

developrnent of the sisters' identi ties outside of the home. However. as subsequent

chapters of this thesis shdl explicate. the bulk of the women's education oçcurred outside

of the school.

Strnctnre of the Thesis

This thesis contains seven chapten. Chapter two is a discussion of the

methodological concems which govern the research. The chapter begins with my search

for a new rnethodology. one which could foster and sustain a symmetrical relationship

between myself and the research participants. 1 then present the practicalities of the actual

investigation into the women's lives, a note concerning objectivity in my study. the

significance of undenaking such work. and finally. a considention of the risks and benefits

associated with rny chosen rnethodology. Where appmpriate throughout this chapter. 1

draw upon the relevant literature in the field of research rnethodology.

As a consideration of story is paramouni to the comprehension of this thesis, the

entirety of chapter three is devoted to this subject. The chapter commences by prcsenting a

story which 1 have written about my grandrnother. This story is a means of introducing

the family. and it is also a starting point from which to discuss the nature of story. Pan

two of this chapter presents several questions key to the textual interpretation process. and

it seeks to link the examination of my story to an understanding of the issues which I

This tcrm usuÿlly refers to people tvho originated from thc s ine home town. In ml. family's sitwtion, ris they becme increisinply distanced from their m t s in Cozensa, this term came ta signify an? other itdim who now resided in their Canadian neighbourhood. Nevertheless. as Rose's stories of her mother-in-law reveal, ailegiance to the honetown occasionally persisted.

considered when listening to the women's stones. This chapter lays the groundwork for

the sisten' narratives which begin in chapter four.

The data itself is presented in three main identity frames: the Good Mother. the

Dutiful Daughter and the Obedient Woman. These frames arose from my reading and

rereading of the transcnpts and a subsequent recognition ihat these irnages/identities/themes

repeated themselves again and again in each of the women's stories. With every woman.

there was a constant hearkening back to their rnother. Marna's values were contioually

evoked. as she served as the main example of how a "moral" woman ought to [ive her life.

As she waç the basis for the women's value systems, ideas about education. as well as

persona1 identitses. 1 begin my analysis of the vanous identities which the women had

access to. by discussing those aspects of their mother which they valonsed and deemed to

be "good." Chaptrr four introduces the theme of' the "Good Mother." This discussion is

premised upon an analysis of textual construction. It takes into account each of the

women's views of their mother and my own mernories of my great-grandmother. The

sisters' stories are then divided into two further themes.

The next therne is rhat of "duty." Th5 women related to me that in their early years

they were called upon to perform their duty to the famil y. In a literal sense. duty can be

defined as "Iblehaviour due to superior. deference. expression of respect . . . Moral or legal

obligation. w hat one is bound or ought to do . . . binding force of what is right" (Sykes.

1982, p. 382). Crucial. is that duty be recognised as behaviours camed out due to the

activation of one's inrernulised notions of what is "right" to do.

Chapter five presents the corollary theme. that of "obedience." Obedieoce i s

manifested in the transcripts pnmarily dunng the stories of adulthood. Obedience. while it

is very similar to duty, differs in that it can be seen as behavioun canied out due to an

emrnal cornmand of what is "right" t~ do. In this sense, to be obedient. is to be

"submissive to or complying with supenor's will" (Sykes. 1982, p. 829).

The figures of the "Dutiful Daughter" and the "Obedient Woman" in chapten four

and five, were created and perpetuated through various institutional means. Working

primarily from Foucault's ( notions of discipline and punishment, chapter six

considers somz of the ways in which these values were instilled and enforced. Institutions

discussed herein include the iamily, the school and the church.

Finally. as rnerhodological concerns pemeate every page of this thesis. a

reconsideration of the research process is undertaken in the seventh and finai chapter. In

this conclusion. 1 contemplate botb theoretical and practical issues of the limitations of this

research. and 1 present questions for further consideration.

Chapter Two

A Way to Proeeed

Methodology

Introduction

This chapter discusses issues - both practical and theoreticai - pertaining to my

îhosen methodology and methods. lt commences with a personal account of my

dissatisfaction with the manner in which I had previously been instmcted to. and

consequently did. practise research. From here I explain my search for a new researched

researched model. how 1 actually conde: ed my inquiry. the significance of engaging in

such a study and final1 y. 1 consider some of the tisks and benet1 ts of this work. Because

this chapter precedes the actual presentation of my data. a reflexive consideration of method

and methodology wili be expanded upon in the conclusion to the thesis.

Looking for a New Methodology

Crucial to the development of this thesis, is the re/conceptualisation of how I . as a

teacher. woman and graduate student. should conduct research and how that research

should be presented For many yean. 1 played the role of the acadeniy's Jutiful daughter.

When asked (as now with this thesis) to cornplete an academic exercise. I responded by

putting on my analytic thinking cap, dragging out the big guns (Theory, Criticism. ten

dollar words) and wading waist-high in dead and dying scholarly bits-the remains of a

war for the power to ascribe meaniag. 1 sought vigilantly for answers, conclusions.

proofs, and 1 tned to push the inexorable doubts from both my rnind and the minds of mv

future readers. 1 chose words. clean and sharp like arrow heads, and 1 aimed for the final

argument to be precise-a perfect shot. Throughout this process. 1 alleged to keeping my

distance. leaving Rachel on the other side of the study room door. 1 would not make it

personal1 , I would not make it emotional. 1 would work with rny head but never my hrart.

I kept my doubcing mouth shut, and i pretended-aiways. no matter what-to being

perfectly in control.

1 now see some of the reasons why, despite my best efforts. my work was always

lacking: 1 tri& to limit my ways of knowing to the quantifiable and verifiable: I tried.

without recognising the irnpossibility of the exercise, to extricate my personal self from the

interpretation of the work: and 1 forgot2 that literature. stories. text and words. are not

magicai expressions of an independent. autonomous imagination: but rather. they are

entities which are grounded in a particular time and place. Margrit Eichler ( 1991 ) writes

about the dangers of restricting ourselves to one method of apprehending the world. She

says,

we have been brought up in an intellectually limited universe. Our

dilemma is that al1 our major concepts. our way of seeing reality. our

willingness to accept proof have been shaped by one dimension-one

I My use of thc pcrsonai hcn: xkno\vlcdpcs thc pistmdcrn asiom that the ~ndi~tduÿl is constructcd through herlhis rclationship with the exterior wortd. and that n o part of the human psychc ( l'or example the imagination) 1s an autoncimous, self-creritcd enti t> (cf. Willinsk!, 1987: .Morgan. 1987). As such, context may esiablish which version of the "selt" is ptescnted or dominant rit a particular time. The university milieu and the ability to "succced" in this envirmment, h a trciciitionally precluded the 'Selves" which are prociuced when one is 3 dauphter, a grinddaughter, a friend and/or ri low. Though pxtmtdern cniicism h a bepun to r e w r t the importance of thc b d y in ~ h c acxiemy. thosc aspects of a person's k i n g which are nor purely cerebnl and intellectud, are still largely denied entrancc. My notion of the personal in the contest of acridemic work cntails rictively riçknowledginp that one's feelings, birises, perspectives, m d s , socid-positions and the like, ail impact upon one's reserirch. I t dso involves ailowing varicd aspect5 of the self thc pnldegc of openly playing in thc acridcmic ficid. - If 1 Yorgoi." then this implies that at some tirne 1 W e w " . I think that 1 did kncl?: :h" the text muld not be esplicritcd from its context, but 1 was triincd that the urrthor and hislher mial position. werc Icss important than the actual words printcd on the page. I remember one of my former hglish literaturc professors saying, "A11 the answers arc in the tex^"

sex-rather than by two. For as long as we remain within this intellectual

universe, we are incapable of comprehending its limitations, believing it to

be the only world that exists. In order to truly understand our universe. we

must create a vantage point that allows us to observe it both for what it is

and for what it is not (p. 2).

Eichler contends that our construction of knowledge is paniai: the result of

androcentricisrn. I would like to posit that her remedy for our collective myopia might not

only be a matter of adding wornen to the prescription. I believe. that particularl y in the

context of the institution of schooling. our perceptions and understandings have also been

limited by the academy's battle cry for certainty. truth, validation and intellectual rigour

which is devoid of caprice. fallibility. error and emotion. Perhaps it is time to investigate

with the mind and body intact. Perhaps i t is time to proceed without the fear of exposing

weakness and the limits of our knowledge.

With this assignment 1 wanted to challenge some of my assumptions. 1 wanted to

constmct and confront academic work differently. I wanted to approach the idea of

research, not with a conqueror's confident eye. but rather with trepidaûon and humility.

For what would research look like where the researcher acknowledged to knowing less

than the research participants? What would research look like where the researcher

occupied a lower socio-cultural status than the research participants? And what would

research look like w here the researcher had limited authority in her voice w ith w hic h to

declare the "tnith" in her research findings. but rather had at her disposal a [one and

language whicich reflected the indetenninacy of human perception and understanding? In

undertaking this particular study 1 found myself in al1 of the above situations-3. As such. 1

consented to give up the tight littie package that nonnally accompanies academic analysis,

3 As was rny pmiuon whcn working \\;th my elder kin.

and in its place. accept the importance of process and the possibility of an absence of

forma1 "scholarl y" ptoduct. This thesis is a record of my expriment.

Wild Hemfs and Dancing Toogoes

The Story

I have been raised amongst stories: bearing witness with every sigh and syllable to

my Nonna and Aunts constmcting and reconstmcting their world through language and

metaphor. Following every Me-course decision, every act of hap (or Gd?). a new plot

would be fashioned. and there would always be a moral at the end of the narrative. As a

child growing up. 1 never thought rnuch about the reason behind the stories' creation nor

that they could be connected to something outside of our Mendelian circle. I was too

wrapped up with the dramas themselves. As an adult, the sstories' logic began to unravel.

and 1 wondered if the tales were not serving sorne important purpose or set of purposes

other than to simply entertain. 1 equally sti?rted to doubt whether the stories were as simple

and innocent as I had once thought them to be. I then considered that perhaps the stories

were set up to valorise particular values and behavioun. to justify certain actions and life-

course decisions. al1 the while teaching me how to be a "moral" woman. As such. 1

realised that employing narrative research methodology and methods when considering the

sisten' stories. couid prove insi ghtful.

So what is a narrative inquiry? Polkinghorne ( 1988) expiains that. "[ t lhe aim of the

snidy of narrative meaning is to make explicit the operations that produce its particular kind

of meaning, and to draw out the implications this meaning has for understanding human

existence" (p. 6). In the context of this thesis. my methodology involved using the

women's stories as a basis for understanding bow they perceived their expenences to have

k e n . This entailed a close scnitiny of the structure of their stories to determine how

identities and rneaning are constituted within the narratives. As narratives are not

constnicted in isolation, but rather in concert with one's farnily, community and society . the meaning making process may also help us to better understand how the individual

functions in relation to hidher environment and world Consequently. when I considered

the stories. 1 did so in relation to their socio-cultural placement looking ail the while for the

rules that they produceci andior reinforced.

lnsofar as possible. narrative rnethods were also used in this thesis. In the

presentation of the data. the women's stories take centre stage. 1 quote the women often

and at length. allowing their voices to occupy time and space. I do so as I place enormous

value-not just sociologicai. but artistic value as well-upon the sisten' tales. The

interview tapes of the women are brimming with enthusiasrn and ernotion. The sisters

recounted their stories by creating different voices for every chancter that they intmduced.

they made hand gestures. facial gestures. yelied and whispered depending upun the desired

effect. Rose especially was a tme actress. entertainhg her listenen for hours with

unending vocal contortions. Unfortunately. such nuances could never be contained with

the limitations of two-dimensional. scholarly work (at least not in my shaky hands).

Perhaps on1 y another kind of art - the creation of l i terature -could complement their own.

Nevertheless. given the confines of the requisite elements of this work. with my own

shortcornings. 1 atternpted to preserve the "personality" conveyed in each of the stoncs.

trying to engage the reader, not just intellectually , but viscerally as well.

How I investigated the Lives of the DeMarco Women

The DeMarco farnily is made up as follows-+ :

Born

Nonno Jirn June 9, 1888

Nonna Bndget January 13. 18%

Eugene February 12. 1914

Rose April 10. 1915

Emest May 24. 1916

Evel yn December 3, 1917

Isabelle June 2. 1919

Julia Decernber 7. 1920

Anthony ?

Lucille Decernber 13, 1923

Rîta December 1,1925

Carol yn March 14, 1927

hila July 3. 1929

Ma*

1912

1912

1w

1935

1W3

1939

1939

entered the convent

died in infancy

1952

1 949

1962

entered the convent

I focused my interviews on five of the sisters: Rose. Julia, Isabelle. L,eila and

Lucille. 1 chose these women for several reasons. First. they were surviving mrmbers of

the family: they were interested in participating in the study: and they represenied the elder

and junior sections of the famil y. Further, this cluster of women belonged to secular and

religious life-a contrast which I consider to illuminate two of the dominant choices for

women of their day: rnamage or the convent.

To set up the interviews I fint approached rny Nonna to garner an idea of how the

proposal might be received by the others. Without my even asking if she would like to

This tablc is cornposed by Rosc. Julia md Lucille.

participate. my Nonna immediately started devising plans to travel to her hometown. where

the other women now reside. The trip was a long and strenuous one for my grandmother

who is not in good health. At every point up to and during the joumey, I offered to take

her home. but she refused. I believe that the thought of visiting with her sisters was very

appealing to her and was well worth the long stretch between restrooms on the northem

highway.

Upon our arriva1 at Rose's home. the other women gathered at once. and the table

was set for the mandatory feast. I was prepared to spend a few days getting the women

used to the idea of being tape-recorded. however, before our first dinner together was

complete. 1 was ordered by the women to "plug-in" my "machine." Between bite-lulls.

sips and breaking of bread. the conversation flowed. buoyed by the happiness of having

far-off family members. "back where they belonged." And so proceeded the majority of

the interviews. Our went my carefully planned questionnaires and my plans for

stimulating verbal activity. The women let me know at once that such fonnalities were

unwananted and unwelcomed.

Though the interviews were extremely "looseW-the women talked of what they

liked. sometimes ruminating with each other about every singe occupant of the Street

w here they had grown up- I admittedl y endeavoured to steer the situation at various

points. 1 wanted to ensure chat 1 had collected the bulk of their life history. especially the

major features which 1 thought might have had the greatest impact upon life-cotine. As

well. I always inquired about their earliest memones of school. and in a round-about way. 1

often sought to move into questioning that was more closely related to how gender.

ethnicity and their Catholicism might have had an impact upon their educational

experiences. subsequent life-course choices and identity formation. Initially, rny perception

of what had been significant (for exarnple. mamage) to the outcomes of their lives.

dominated the questioning, however, once 1 gave up the notion that I knew "best," the

women were better able to explore those events which they perceived as most formative. 1

acquiesced to the power of the women and allowed them (insofar as possible) to discuss

what they deemed important. As I had already k e n privy to countless family narratives. I

occasionally asked the women to retell certain stoties. Many times. I had the good fonune

of collecting the same story, from five different perspectives. On three separate occasions.

once each with Leila, Isabelle and Juiia, I interviewed the women separatei y. As

mentioned. however. the bulk of the interviews were collaborative. though interestingly, the

women's stories often contradicted each other. Such contradictions are indicated

throughout the presentation of the data.

1 had access to many of the women's eiementary and secondary school text books.

'These tomes are filled with doodles. messages and notes. 1 also had at my disposa1 many

family photographs including those of the home where the sisters grew up. as well as old

school portraits. Occasionally. I used these items to help stir reflection in the women and

to complement my references.

Paramount to the design of this study. was that the participants act as co-uihors.

As the women's S ~ O ~ C S would fom the basis of the thesis. i t was always my wish for

them to be punners in the work, rather than subjects. In this way. they would have an

integral role in shaping the course of the study. as well as deciding which information

would be included or excluded and how it was interpreted. Y et once 1 actuall y undertook

the research. I quickly leamed that my best intentions were not always needed. nor wanted.

For example. it was my Nonna, Lucille. who answered the bulk of my questions with

nonsense or mockiog answers. Rose took it upon herself to scold her younger sister. She

said, "Lucille. give the girl a proper answer." My grandmother. rocking in her recliner as

she channel-surfed, responded with. "Well she's asking such crazy questions. Crazy

questions get crazy answers. When she asks me a good question then she'll get a good

answer." Over tirne. 1 was occasionally able to detect rny own naivete: however. 1 was

never able to completely stop asking what the women saw as "silly" questions. The

presentation of the data therefore includes tirnes when 1 was rnocked, and there was a lot of

laughter (mine included). My grandmother probably enjoyed herself the most at these

moments (and who could blame her?). Such dynarnics reduced my power and authority,

and gave the women more control. Y et a true partnership between myself and the

DeMarco a onien never rniiterialised. III the prwess of this work, I realised ihat itiy Tirsi

notion of whar constituted a purtnrrsliip was what had doomed it to failure. For what kind

of equal sharing could there be. when it was 1 who had set out the perirneten and

gui delines of the relationshi p'? Consequentl y. the acnial involvement of the women w as

different frorn that which 1 had originally conceived. 1 discuss these differences at length in

the final chapter of this thesis.

Signif'icance of the Shdy

1 agree with Ana Maria Araéujo Freire ( 1996) when she contends that education is

a not a neutral activity. She argues. "if education takes place within the leamer and

educator's context and often times reinforces and reproduces ii. if other tirnes i t weakens

and denies that context. then, its political nature is undeniable" ( pp. 1-21. It is therefore

paramount that al1 members of the educational system understand the power that they exert

in rekreating a particular version of society. With this acknowledgement. hopefully

teachen, policy maken and the like will bepin to use this power responsibly. If such a

principte is to move beyond the theoreticai. if it is to have implications in the world. then I

suggest that we need to further our understanding of what an education has rneant to

people's lives. It is the intention of this study to bring a few voices. that could easily have

been rnissed- inta wena of the univenity. This act, which is historical. feminist and

pedagogical in nature. could add to the mounting body of academic literature which

supports similar narrative endeavoun. The following briefly outlines the work that is

currentl y king undertaken in this area.

First. in the context of history. Judi Jennings ( 19%) expresses that while she is not

certain if family stories are synonymous with oral history. she nevertheless believes that

bringing these tales to the academy is a necessary activity. This is the case as such altemate

perspectives challenge many oi the pinciples ot history. thereby requlnng histonans to

justify thei r bel iefs. Jennings explains.

[rleclaiming the story c m help us. as historians, re-think and re-

shape the way we do history. 1 challenge al1 histonans to re-think

their notions about pnmary sources. Are we privileging the written

and preserved. therefore fossilised. word at the expense of the vital and

dynamic s t o p of the remembered past'? I fervently hope historians wil l not

be the last to recognise the power and importance of stoy in how we both

undentand and express history. (p. 93)

For history. narrative has induced the discipline CO reevaluate some of its taken-for-granted

practices. It asks questions about notions such as "tnith." "reliability" and "evidence." As

in the case of the sisten' stones. this fom challenges certain schools of history's

exclusionary practices. asking that ordinqv women's lives be incl uded in Our

consideration of what is importunt or e~raordinary.

Second. the effect of narrative and the telling of "lived experience. has long ken a

feature of certain feminisms. Today. the project of reclaiming herstory. to deconstruct the

binary of the public and private spheres. remains a cogent part of these philosophies.

Magda Lewis ( 1993) explains that valuing women's stories is not only a theoretical. but

also a political endeavour. She States.

[ tlhe importance of the feminist focus on "the story" bom of experience is

not the vacuous and gratuitous telling of our private stories as a cathartic

moment. but. indeed. to emphasise that subordinate groups live

subordination and marginality through our subjectivity, that we live it

through social relations which are inscnbed in personal practices which are.

in tum, reflective and constitutive of Our social organisation. It is to

emphasise that our subordinations are lived precisel y in ihe context of the

derails oi our individual experiences w hich, to the exrent <ha< they can bt:

made to seem to be pnvate, cannot then offer the ?,round for a collective

political practice. (pp. 9- 10)

Lewis highlights how the probing of story is not a trivial exercise but rather a means of

rstablishing how the oppression of women piays itself out upon a very personal leve!. In

this way. we can no longer privilege the public story. as it is inextricably mixed with the

pnvate; hence reinforcing the maxim. "the personal is political" (cf. Lea & West. 1995. p.

207). To deny the persona1 access to the academy is to reinforce the silencing of often

marginalised groups.

Third. narrative inquiry has equally found its way into the field of educational

research. Consider. for example. Schubert (1994). Jalongo ( 1992). Krall ( 1988). Clandinin

& Connelly ( 1994). Travcr ( 1987) and Witherell ( 1991) who al1 within the last decade.

have sought to create theoretical and practical meaninp out of story. for as Carter ( 19%)

states.

1 w Iith increasing frequency over the past several years we. as members of

a cornmunity of investigator-practitioners, have been telling stories about

teaching and teacher education rather than simply reporting correlation co-

efficients or generating lists of findings. This trend has k e n upsetting to

some who moum the loss of quantitative pncision and, they would argue.

scientiftc rigour. For many of us, however. these stories capture. more than

scores of mathematical forrnuiae ever can. the richness and indeterminacy

of our expenences as teachc-s and the complexity of our understandings of

what teaching is and how others can be prepared to engage in this

profession. ( p. 5)

Unlike Carter. I do not want to privilege story over other ways of knowing. Instead. 1

believe that each forrn of inquiry can yield different information which may accornplish

Jistiiici goals.

Narrative inquiry, because it provides a forum for people to explain themselves

from their particular vantage points. has the potential to lessen the gap between the work

and discourses of the academy and the lives and language of other folk. Such an enterprise

rnay help us realise a pedagogy of transgression as aiticulated by bel! hooks (cited in

Jennings. 19%):

if we are to reach our people and al1 people. if we are to remain connected

(cspecially those of us whose familial backgrounds are poor and working

class). we must undentand that the telling of one's penond story provides

a meaningful example. a way for folks to identify and connect. . . Education

as the practice of freedom becomes not a force which fragments or

separates. but one that bnngs us closer. expanding our definitions of home

and comrnunity. ( pp. 9495)

The project of having wornen discuss their educational expenences might facilitate our

understanding of the power that institutions have to affect individual and groiip identities.

Hearing students' voices is critical. for educational institutions have a "central role b t h in

the individualisation of socialisation, or enculturation, and in the institutionalisation of life-

course" (Antikainen, Houtsonon. Kauppila & Huotelin, 1996. p. 9). 1 contend that it is

time to delve into the stories of schooling not only from the perspective of the sshoniers.

but also, from the schnoled. To examine the stories of schooling closely. from the vantage

points of a small group of elder wornen and to juxtapose these stories against the other

sources of their education. might equally help US to understand the socialising andor

educative power of the home and family. 1 believe that a study such as the present one has

important consequences for the fields of history, feminism and education.

A Note Regarding bQbjectivity''

Neither this thesis, nor 1 as its principal researcher. can everclaim objectivity. I

take this stance. not only because 1 am working with family members. but even more

strongly. because I believe that no research can be devoid of the bias andor politics of the

researcher (and the researched). That I have blood ties to my research participants should

not cioud the fact that with any kind of research there are inevitable questions regaràing

whose version of "reûlity" is k ing forwarded. In seeking to be openly "subjective" in the

research, it is my contention that this work could not only offer important insights into the

nature of al1 types of social science inquiry. but it might also foster a new relationship

between the researcher and the researched. This is akin to Patti Lather's conception of

"open1 y ideological" research as an al ternative to attempts at "objectivi ty ." She States.

methods are pemeated with assumptions about what the m i a l world is,

who the social scientist is. and w hat the nature of the relation between thern

is. Methods. then. are politically chargeed as they define. control. evaluate.

manipulate and report. The point is that the role of ideology does not

diminish as ngour increases and e m r is dissipated. Such a stance provides

the grounds for an 'openly ideological' approach to cri tical inquiry w here

the central issue is how to bnng together scholarship and advocacy in order

to generate new ways of knowing that intemipt power irnbalances. ( 1991,

p. 12)

This thesis is interested not only in i ts questioning of identity and education, but also in the

nature of its methodology. its biases. its difficulties and i!s triumphs. Additionally. in

chapters four, five and six I have grounded each narrative and subsequent interpretation in

its particular social. cultural and histoncal context-highlighting at every step the interaction

between the speaker. the listener and the relationship between the two. In short, this work

is "refiexive" (cf. Wolf. 1991). Reflexivity implies a careful consideration of methodology

and method. hence the following outlines sorne of the difficulties with which 1 had to

wrestle before going fonh with my work.

Risks and Benefits

Toying with intellectual matters such as my "school-work is one thing. but

playing with kin is another situation entirely. Throughout each stage of this thesis. l

considered carefully the impact ihat it could have upon rny famiiy and myself. Initially. I

womed that perhaps I should be leaving the study up to strangers. Yet. could a stranger

recognise and then undentand the richness of the gaps in the women's speech? Could a

stranger leam as much about a group of people in a few months as I had in a lifetime?

Regardless. w hen undertaking any form of research, be i t qualitative or quantitative. should

we not. as academics and hurnan beings. care as much for the well-being of the research

participants as if they were memben of our own family? 1 decided that 1 would be the one

to do the job. though admittedly there would be some difficulties that needed to be soned

out. The following is a list of the three main risks that I identified and sought to manage3 .

First. 1 understood that by employitig narrative and life bistory approaches the

participants ran the nsk of exposing their personal selves both to me and to the academy.

As I am a mernber of the farnily, there was the potential that knowledge of an intimate

nature and rny subsequent use of it in my thesis. could alter our relationships in the future.

1 use thc term "manye'* in Liunpert's (1985) scnse that such rcscarch prob;erns ;ire 'riilcmrnrisW-in thtit they c m u t be solved, only conscious\y d d t with.

While I admitted the above rkk. l sincerel y believed that both the participants and 1

were capable o l dealing with the responsibility that cornes with disclosure. L had a vested

interest in ensuring that the integnty of these women remained intact. and as stated earlier.

the women themselves shared some control over what was included and excluded from the

thesis. Academically. as I state in the "Significance of the Study" portion of this chapter.

undertaking such inicro-studirs can be k e r j valuable-naiiirly. because i1iey niay brid y

the gap between often marginalised communities and the acaderny. This could force those

of us who may fancy ounelves "intellectuals" to re/define what is constituted as valuable

knowledge. What i am sugpesting here is not to simpiy "dot-in" a few edited words

belonging to groups existing outside of the university: nor should this be a situation where

the marginalised serve as fodder for the acadernic machine. For as Denise Le Dantec

stated in the early 1970's.

1 fear ihat women's speech and women's wnting are k i n g rapidly

institutionalised. and it's a shame. It invades almost everything. . . 'They"

are publishing us all over the place: yes there is a modishness that 1 can't

stand and that rnakes me suffrr . . . people are buying us. . . and selling us.

(1980, p. 119)

1s there not. instead. a way to redistribute the power differential between researcher and

researched? 1s there not a means of having disparate groups undentand and comrnunicate

with each other? 1 entered this study humbly, attempting not to impose myself, but to

allow the tessons that the women had to teach me. to be taught without pretence that 1 knew

better. I had. and continue to have. respect. In order to accomplish the goal of retaining the

integrity of our research partners. we in the academy need to "hear it from the women's

mouths," and then understand that their words are a valuable contribution to academically

sanctioned knowledge.

Second, the issue of coercion to consent may have ansen as sorne could have

questioned whether or not the women agreed to participaie in the study, not because they

wished to do so for their own reasons. but instead, because 1 am a farnily rnember whom

they might want to aid. Such a suggestion, however. negates the cornpetence, strong wills

and fierce independence of the women in question. As elders. these women have the

strength af rnind and experirnce to Jecide hou brst to sene th& own intrrests.

Third. in agreeing to share the study . whereby I relinquished the power traditionally

axnbed to me as researcher. i ran the nsk of having al1 of the participants decide that they

no longer wished for their words to be included in the final thesis0 . 1 was prepared to

undertake this risk, with the understanding that if there were no "concrete" data from

which to work, my thesis would explore my methodological concems: it would discuss

rny attempt to uncover a manner of coaducting research which could bridge the gap

between the personal and the public and which stnves to redistribute the asymrnetncal

balance of power foiind in other types of methodologies.

Finally. i t is necessary to mention that had these stories not k e n collected when

they were. there was the risk of losing them-forever. As D. A. Ritchie observes. al1

collectors of oral histones "share a common imperative: to collect memones w hile the y are

still available" ( 199 1, viii).

Sommary

This chapter explored rnany of the methadological concems g e m m e to the

construction of this thesis. It commenced by discussing my personal dissatisfaction w i th

certain types of research which attempt to see "true" knowledge as value-free and timeless.

Instead. as I relate. our perceptions of the worid are always mediated. Consequently. this

This is not ta imply that I have no power; but nther. ihat the p w e r that I would bc able to exert in a cooperative study is ditrercnt I'rorn h t in a more traditional research pru;idigm.

thesis atternpts to locate its bias, perspective and constructedness. This chapter ihen

explained the practicalities associated with investigating the lives of the DeMarco sisters. It

also revealed the structure of its data presentation. Final1 y. this second chapter discussed the

nsks and benefits of undertaking research of this kind. and it considered its significance.

Chspter T h

Heaven, Heu & Hershey Bars

An Examination of Story

Introduction

This chapter anernpts to accomplish two important tasks, both of which are

necessary for understanding the women's stories in chapters four. five and six. First. you

need to know a li ttle bit about the DeMarco family in general: how they made a living.

what sort of community they lived in and so on. Rather than presenting this information in

a series of "facts," 1 have written a story which does not try to camouflage that it is

composed through a particular perspective. As I am the engineer of this thesis. al1

information is necessarily filtered through me. Within traditional academic discourse. such

data are often perceived as neutral or value-free: for scienti Tic effeci. the author is distanced

from the text and herlhis manipulation of "reality" is subsumed benezth the appearance of

presenting things "as they really are." In the context of an overt piece of fiction. readers.

w hile they may be drawn into the plot. the characters or the images that the laquage evoke.

nevertheless realise that the piece is a construct. By extension. good readers know that if a

situation is textudl y constructed in one way, it could just as easil y have been coostmcted in

another. with clear differences in effect. Thus, by choosing a story format which mimics

the conventions of fiction, I d n w attention to the fact that my perceptions of the DeMarco

family are not hard and fast "facts" which are ageless and beyond reproach: rather. they are

contingent upon numerous factors.

Thc second goal of this chapter is to explicate some of the key issues associated

with both manufacturing and receiving text. It employs the story of my Nonna as an

example of this process. Siich an analysis will. hopefully, illuminate the many acts of

interpretation which forrn this thesis. I have identified three main junctures at which such

acts miist follow. They are: first. the interpretations that the wornen themselves made of

ihe kxis o l iheir inriiioriç~'ex~>2~et~cc:s, w hicli i i i Luni structurd dit. lellirig or ihrir u w ii

stories: second. my intrrpretation of these stones which caiised me to frarne them in a

particular way throughout this study: and finally, your ultirnate interpretation of the stories

once this thesis has an audience.

There is one further note of importance sonceming the story which you are about to

read. Ii was my intention. when beginning this study. to include my Nonna. She

accornpanied me when I collected her sisters' stones. she assisted me in rnaking

connections with relatives. and she encouraged me throughour every step of this

undertaking. Yet. while my Nonna is sometimes "caught" on tape discussing her

upbringing. 1 was neither able to interview her independently of her sisters nor get her to

sustain her conversation. This disappointing situation was due to many factors. not least of

w hich was her ailing hcalth. With a growth in her throai and an enlarged tongue. 1 decided

not to press my Nonna to speak. Consequently. the transcripts of my grandmother are 100

scant to write about her as I have her sisters.

The following story is a means of paying homage to my Nonna. It is clearly not to

be taken 3s a single authoritative representation of her life, but rather as a vehicle for

understanding how we try to make sense of others. This story also tells that attempting to

create a "naturalistic' or "realistic" portrait of someone is a penlous exercise. In the

process, serious questions of power and appropriation are raised. I therefore concede that

the story i s a means of better understanding myself and one of the ways that 1 have gone

about apprehending my experiences in the world.

The Assemblage of Face in a Tangle of Hairl

A Telling of Some Famüy Business . . .

Heaven. Hell& Hershey Bars:

The Granddaughter's Siory

My Nonna used to be a teller of stories: suprrstitious 'til-you're-afraid-to-move

stories; bellychuming, heart-pulling, wail-salty-tears stories: so funny you-think-you'll-

wet-your-pants stories. Just one right after another, barn. barn. barn. she could hit you in

the mind. body and sou1 every tirne. These dîys, rny Nonna doesn't deal in words. These

days. she's an old woman who sits in a Lay-Z Boy. munches on Hershey bars. watches

'.The Wheel" and waits for a miracle or two.

"Getting old's a heller. doliy. but soon 1'11 be rid of this damn body."

I am from my Nonna's toes. She reminds me of this every time 1 start to think thai

I ' m an independent entiiy. My jenealogy swaddles me tight and keeps me from going

naineless.

"You are Raquela." She stares at me hard when she says this. making sure that 1

understand r w r ~ what i t rneans. "My Papa made you one of the favouri tes of the great-

grandchildren. He did this because I was his best worker. 1 was the boy when Eugene and

Eniest went away to school. i was so strong, and I knew a thing or two about how to cut

the meat for the store. You remember your Nonno-my father? He was a hard worker:

raised eleven children, started a grocery business. Came al1 the way from ltaly by himself.

Started off in the States, rnamied your Nonna Bridget, then they moved to the Soo. You

remember him -don't you?"

Somehow, 1 don't think this is a question.

But 1 do remember my Nonno Jim . . . honest. 1 do. See. I can picture him even

now: laughing eyes, thick silver hair. Oh! He is a beauty in his baggy pants, stawhed

white shirt and cocoa brown slippers. There is one time with Nonno that stands out. Just

wait a moment. and 1'11 cal1 it up for you . . . We are in the apartrnent above the store. You

know the place. the one on James Street. As usual i t' s packed full of people. but for today . their smells and noises are no worry. For today. 1 am alone w ith my Nonno. We vislt

together in our own piece of space-a space which protects us from anything harsh. The

others dance around in a parallel world. To us, their exaggerated movements becorne slow

and fluid. and the vibrations from their loud. clashing voices Cet trapped in the air and

transformed into sweet silence. Vincenzo, Jirn. Papa. Nonno. The only words that 1 hear

corne from his lips. The only matter that i feel cornes from his body. He holds me on his

right knee and on his left. i s the skull of a bunny: it is cracked clean in half. and he scoops

out its rich brains with a shiny. shiriy spoon.

Nonno feeds me gently and whispers in his soft. lovely Italian. "Bella, this will

make you sman."

I accept his offering with closed eyes and imagine my five year old brain growing

stronger. 1 need a mind that's big and powerful. so that someday. 1 too will be asked to

work in the store. do the business of anthmetic, ordering, classifying, counting. l'm not

too sure about having to deal with al1 of the meat: the sweet, dark-red smell. the bright

reflective knives. But I am sure that like my Nonna and my Nonno before her, 1 want to

be able to keep al1 of the store's hooks in my head-the safest vault ever God made.

"Yes." I tell my Nonna when she asks. "1 remember my Nonno Jim."

Bur not her face. nor the sink in hcr chrek where i would have k i v s d hrr.

Hclr h d s .

If w u her huncls . . . swoilen hardenecl, crmkd at r v e g joint. cuid every

crack incwrritsfed wirh u sorr of indrlible mctd. Crumpedfingrr~, henr in uil

<lirecrion>., their enclS. u11 worn unii re-infircd wirh n d . s thickrr, hunier

und more .shcpefr.s.s [han rhr hoovrs of God knows whur animul rhut hrul

gulloprd on rocks. in scrup iron. in a dung heap. in mud.

(Zobel. 1980. p. 181)

"I should never have gotten mamed." Nonna's probably çaid these words more

times than her novenas.

As a child 1 would always counter, "But then you wouldn't have me."

"Y ou should have k e n bom to another. and then sorneone more deserving would

have had the pleasure." She seerns so satisfied with this answer. She's worked i t all out.

She's thought of everything.

Nonna mamed because staying single was not an option. She didn't enter the

convent as she had wanted. because the family had already lost rwo to that other place.

though lately l'm wondering if this isn't a dream of old age. rather than a desire of the

young Lucille. Regardless, she couldn't have entered back then. even if she r d l ! h J

wanted. The DeMarco's couldn't. wouldn't spare another. Yoii may think that Nonna's is

an unfortunate story. but you must always remember that getting what you want is not

always for the best. and when you make a sacrifice. you can offer it up. Offer i t up.

T o u r Auntie Julia. she's a saint. She's got a one way ticket to heaven . . . and

me?" Nonna shakes her head, "me. I 'm finished-going to hell."

When she says this she tries to close her swollen arthntic hand into a fist so that she

can point her thurnb down to her future destination. Nonna momeniarily lorgets that her

hands will no longer close. She tries to squeeze them. banging her knuckles against the

orange plush of her recliner's a m .

"Damn these hands!"

I wish she could relax and give in to the shape and feel of her now frozen joints.

But she won't acquiesce. She won't be clairned. She'd rather rage, be fnistrated and

disgusted.

T m just disgusted with myself." Her second favourite phrase.

Now before we go on. there's a matter to be cleared up. You must understand thai

heli is <lot a figurative place. Neitkr is i t ihc: siuff uf cartooris. So, w hen i nierition heil. 1

don? mean an underground dwelling with a pointy bearded man in a red jumpsuit. l 'm

not talking about pitchforks and cauldrons full of boiling bodies and heh. heh. hehs. And

I'm certainly not referring to some far fetched imaginative arena of penance and retribution

that was created in the minds of twisted men way back when. No. there is nothing

allegorical nor cornical about an entity that holds this much power. Hel1 is more real than

anywhere that you've ever been or anything that you've ever seen. You c m lay your hands

on hell and move it eround in your mouth. You can put i t on in the moming and lay beside

i t at night. You have to watch out for hell. because it lives in the most seemingly benign of

places. and it doesn't take much. when before you know it. you've asked it into your life.

"It was only right that my sister Julia would get io be the nun." Nonna bas it

reasoned out. "Me. I 'm no good-not like that kind of good. Julia. she used to have warer

on the knees. They'd blow up like balloons. But still. she'd kneel on those old hardwood

floors and pray for hours. At night. Marna would pick her up and lay her inio bed with us.

She'd have to tell that Julia: Enough! My sister would always end up ptting blood on the

sheets- from where her knees would have burst. A saint. right from the start. we al1 knew

it . . . see, 1 wasn't like that."

When Nonna talks like this, 1 know that how it ail tums out has noihing to do with

personal volition and evtrything to do with luck. fate, divine will, the pull of hell.

Whatever you cal1 it, the tmth remains: no matter how hard you want, how hard you try.

the hand has already k e n dealt. and the cards are either for or against you. Now don3 look

at me like I ' r n crazy, because you know. even though you'd like to think that you rule your

universe, you can't and you won't. So it goes that while Julia's spirit was made to pray for

cosmic order. Nonna's body was meant to labour for the good of the physical world. End

of discussion.

"1 was a hard worker. 1 had a strong body -no skinny Minnie. I rnean. I was

lean. jiist not weak." Nonna looks now at my hands. "Y our hands are okay. but you

should have seen mine back then. Marna mia! They were real beauties: big and straight.

Even better than yours. Yours are a little too slender, not enough meat in the tips. Even

so. you use those while you can. because before you know it-finito- they'll be gone."

My whole life I've said my prayers. tned not to take more than my share. watched

rny P's and Q's. and as I've k e n taught. prepared for the loss of various body parts. I ' rn

twenty-five now and to my amazement. my hands are still intact. I'm finally becorning

hopeful. Of course. 1 don't suggest to Nonna that 1 might have another thirty years left in

these babies. and I certainly never propose to her that her work may have been as important

as rny Aude Julia's. All l can manage is the question. "So. what would you have done

with your life if you hadn't mamed?" With this. 1 mn the nsk of opening up something

danserous- the possi bility of something differrnr.

Years ago. when she was closer to her childhood. Nonna would answer. The

conversation would go something like this:

" I should have been a nun in an orphanage. I should have taken care of al! of those

poor lonely children. Instead. hmph. I ended up like a bump with a big, fat belly."

With this. she'd clutch her $ut. and in tum. I'd offer her sweets-Hershey ban. her

favourites. After the requisite penod of protestation. she'd take the candy willingly,

continuing her story between rnouthfuls of alrnoods and chocolate.

"Well, your Auntie Julia entered the convent first. In those days, once the girl

entered- that's it-she'd never be allowed back to visit her family. She had to stay in the

convent. and we couldn't even take a picture of her. She didn't belong to us anymore -

wasn't even allowed a cup of tea in her mother's house. . . broke my parents' hearts."

"Then what'? Did you give up?"

"No. at least not nght away. I thought maybe if 1 waited a while, they'd get over

Julia. and then 1 would be free ro enter. In the meantirne. rny brothers left home for the

service and for school. Papa needed help in the store. and I was the closest thing that he

had to a boy. Ail of us girls had to work in the store. The older girls didn't finish school

because they were needed. Me. there was no way 1 was cooking and cleaning like

Evelyn-that was the other choice. So. 1 worked in the store. 1 liked to use my body.

School was boring anyway. 1 stayed. and I worked until someone else could take over.

Later. i t was decided that I could help in another way. You know we were forever eating

those damn green hot dogs. We only got to eat what didn't sell. I wanted Marna to have

beautiful beef roasis for dinner - sornet hing delicious - and maybe even a new cont for

church. So. 1 became a nurse-you oniy needed grade eleven for that. I left to fhd work

and sent rny paychecks home every two weeks."

"What did you live off?"

"Mei? You know me. 1 don? need much. 1 never waste. I got by. I'd Save a little

for rnyself. but most went back to Papa. Al1 the while I was doing this, I was waiting for

rny turn. When's it going to be my turn? When's it going to be my turn? Oh. 1 was

driving myself crazy with the waiting, and ugh. how 1 hated nursing with a passion . . . ail

those bedpans and enemas and that tyrant, Sister Ignacius. That woman was awful, just

âwful !"

"Sister Ignacius. eh? She was the one who was in charge of you durin:, your

training, right? What order did she belong to?" With a question like this, 1 would

unknowingly cross an imaginary boundary between words and consequence. Nonna

would see that maybe she was seying too much.

"Why are yoii asking me about her? I don't want you going and ptting me into

trouble. now. Forget 1 said anything about her. 1 still çend Christmas cards to some of

those nuns that worked in the hospital. Some of thern are still d i v e you know. and 1 don't

want word spreading around that 1 go around talking bad about nuns."

"l'm sorry for asking - really - 1 meant nothing by it. Y our reputation's safe with

me, Nonna. Please go on, I'd like to hear how i t tums out."

"Al1 right. al1 nght . . . Just don't go repeating w hat 1 Say. eh'?"

1 nod m y angelic, I won't open rny mouth nod. and she proceeds.

"Well. I'm nursing-then-just when I'm thinking that I'm going to gei to live rny

life the way I should, what happens? But rny sistrr Leila goes and beats me to the punch!

She eniers the converit. And that's it: Lulu's out of iuck . . . Oh. life's a heller. dolly. but

what can you do about it?

Seemingly nothing.

And Now Some Academic Business That Needs Attendbg To . . .

Al/ righr, vo if's uII rl struggle ro prrsewr (m urrifie. Ir's (111 u srrug~lr m

nukr things not s w m niraninglrs.~. Ir's ull cljïghi uguinst f u r . . . what do

vou rhink al1 my soundin,q oj'is ubhour. und w h u ~ do y u rhink (il1 thrsr

sfories clrefor . . . Ir helps to drive out feu . I don't cure what vou cull

it-exphining. evclcjin~ rhefucrs. muking up mecmings. tuking u iurger virw.

putting things inio perspective. do&ing the hrre und rw W . educution.

hisrory fui?-tules - ir al 1 helps tn eliminure fiar . (Swift. 1983, p. 208)

When I actually wrote "Heaven & Hell" the action made me much more conscious

of what a story may or may not be: its functions and lirnitatioric. M e n 1 asked myseif if

rny creation "rang true," this opened up a flurry of questions which may be unanswerable

yet valuable in the asking. The following is a sarnple of these quenes and a consideration

of them.

1 ) Why do we tell stories?

Nurrurion provides us wirh <~@mework thur hrlps us hold our gclrr. rhut

hrings un rconomy tifmovemrnr ro rhe wu? we survey our .sctrroundin,qs d

fhe wuv ive susure di.spru~~> itruges c i r d rreadings o f ~ h e worW inm u cdwrrnt

srorv. one rhar purfukes of ~~oniinuirv. ofuflction r,fstusis in (i world rhur is

rilways in niof ion.

(McLaren. 1993. p. 206)

Why do we tell stories? To a large extrnt 1 pose this question for its own sake.

knowing that there are no facile answen. only possibilities. One of thtse possibili~ies

might be found in the following. Life as we know i t is a disordcrly affair. Many have

looked for a structure for thei r experiences - something to make them more tangible.

rational. Sorne people build their world with mathematical algorithrns, formulae. oihers

through the medium of paint and canvas or notes and keys: siill others (myself included)

have tended to constnict meaning rhrough words- verbal interchange, al phabetic images.

When 1 wrote "Heaven & Hell" 1 felt as though this framework rendered rny Nonna more

real. accessible. easier to undentand. I felt that 1 had something to hold onto when

physically. rny grandmother was fat- off. Simultaneously. however. as stated earlier. I

acknowledge that the story I wmte is not Nonna. but rather one construct of her. focalised

through a particular narrator. Without such a narrative structure, 1 fear that 1 would not

have been able to make sense out of my expenence and memones of my grandmother.

When initially attempting to write "Heaven & Hel!" 1 did not know what or how to

tell you of these lives. 1 could not begin ai the "true" beginning (because where exactly

would that be'?) or find an "actual" ending (because 1 have no knowledge of that yet ). so

instead. 1 give you "an assemblage of facts in a tangle of hair." These fragments of

expenence are an assemblage, because they are the result of inclusions and exclusions-

ihey are not the whole tnith, only partial "tniths." They are arbitrarily k g u n and finished,

subject to my whim. The stedised and "acceptable" facis are mingled with the dirt of days

lived. the raw "stuff* of life - my subjectivity. 1 did try, however. to make the story as

tidy as possible, for i was conditioned to accept that i t is only through order that 1 might

construct meaning. i was enculturated into a western, Judeo-Christian perspective which

told me that the universe was h m of chaos. but rendered orderly by a single. omniscient.

omnipotent and benevolent God. But how this view is in conflict with the way that 1

expnence my world. My environment. as I attempt to apprehend it through my senses.

intellect, imagination. language and other factors, is a highl y corn plex. disorganised mess

of information. Multitudes of events occur simultaneoiisly. al1 around me. and their

significance is often confused amongst the clamour of competing experiences. Similarly.

reconstmcting the past. as I have attempted to do in studying the lives of the DeMarco

sisten. is a complicated business. for as Swift's expert histonan teaches. history

goes in two directions at once. It goes backwards as i t goes fonvards. It

loops. It takes detours. Do not fall into the illusion that history is a well

disciplined and unflagging column marching unswervingly into the future.

(1987, p. 117)

So how do we make sense of something that never stops moving? How do we

cornprehend the incomprehensi ble?

Language, as well as the other structural elements of narrative. can facilitate our

organisation or reality. When we read English, we move our eyes from left to right. We

tum pages. and information is given to us in bits and pieces at a iime. Literally. the

movement of the text is linear, and often our tales imitate this teleological pattern. With

oral stories. the unfolding of events may not be so straight and direct. The tales can fold

over on themselves through repetition, go off on tangents and it may sometirnes be

difficult io discem a clear progression through beginning. rniddle and end. This does not.

however, mean that the tale does not have its ovin interna1 logic. The teller is choosing the

construction of his/her version of "reality ." and be the story linear or cyclical. both such

processes of story ing facilitate meaning making. They translate the irrationali ty and

abscirdiiy of everyday into an intelligible whole. That is the comfort of story. What 1 am

supposing is that storying is integral to how we construct our universe and ounelves; i t can

be a search for order. connection and pattern. Of this. Donald Pol kinghome ( 19881 says.

"[nlarrative is the fundamental scheme for linking individual human actions and evenis

into interrelated aspects of an understandable composite" (p. 13). It is imperative.

however. that we acknowledge tthat this meaning is a construct. and similarly. that the effect

of a story could easily be altered by a mere shift in authorial emphasis (or thmugh a change

in audience). The story I wrote exemplifies how a life (such as Nonna's) which is full of

intncacies. contradictions as well as events, dreams and desires that 1 could never even

have access to. can be framed within a fairly understandable. simple format. 1s my wnting

of Nonna a fuir representation of her? Is i t truc? Perhsps these questions are less

important than the fact that the story serves a particular function. In the retelling of

Nonna's life I creaie a justification for the way things went: 1 impose cause and effect to

stamp out any notion of chaos? . I order the wodd in rny own image of it-certainly a

poientially dangerous situation if one is not always fully cognizant of the power of the

author. The artifice of story -this manufactured order over expenence-just rnight be a

fairly cornmon rationale for why we engage in narrative. Finding significance in our lives

might also be anotber reason for the proliferation of stories.

Once we organise our expriences into appreheiisible chunlis, wr mi piil then

attribute meaning to these episodes; we might look for the "lessons" of Me. M a d y n

Farwell believrs that "[sliories define our t i ves: they teach us w hat is possible and good.

help set our goals and limits. offer us role models and explain mystenes" (ci ted in Cooper.

1991, p. Sn). Do stories rediv teach us? I think so. My story demonstrates the

conneciion between rny beliefs and those of my gandmother. When I was a child. in

describing a particular version of her life to me. Nonna ruughr me what she wanted me to

know about how adiilts live. how decisions get made. how the world works-whether she

was conscious of her pedagogy or not. Her stories articulated the inabili ty of the individual

to mate a life outside of the lives of others. Additionally. these tales invented and

enforced a belief in multiple dimensions of existence: that indeed the^ is a spintual world

which operates in relation to the material world. Crucial. however. i s the recognition that

these lessons are constructs within the narratives and not necessani y inherent qualities of

the world itself. 1 am arguing that if we leam from the past, i t is because oiir stories of the

past are set up in such a way that a particular lesson is learned -not because the lesson was

sitting there, waiting to be discovered.3

This is not to mean. of course. that the n m t i v e does noi wcasiondly slip- that holes in thc rationrile do not begin t o appear. Certaniy, my interprctation of Nonna's lopic has ils limi~tions. and this is one of the ways that I am able to scc my wodü as a c.onstrrccr-as one particulrir uke on realip. What is imponant hcre, is that 1 acknotvlcdgc the dominant structure of my storq, which 1s surely a fmewor i i in scsuch of linkges between evcnts and the elimination of mdom caprice.

Thc didüctic pitcntial of stoties is importani [O boir in mind ahen considering the DeMarco sisters* nrimlives. The Irirgcr cu1tur;il stories, as well as thc close, familial trrlcs, have-to ri grcat cirtent- rcint'owed piirticular valucs. morrtls and identities. This tviil be discusscd in grrater dctail in thc ncvt ihrce chpters.

The notion that the self is clear and logical only insofar as we constmct it that way

is supported by Carol Witherall's finding that.

[tlhe coherence of the self is grounded in iis narrative structure. The narrative

of a life is not random; rather. it is given coherence through notions of time.

value and purpose . . . C m acknowledges that our imagination is involved in

this acti v ity . but ii is "a iiiaitr or coping wiih ral i iy . [rit of providirig al teni-

atives to it" . . . I t is the narrative structure of one's life that links the meta-

physical. the epistemoiogical, and the oral sense of the notion of persona1

identity. (1991, pp. 92-93)

If this is the case. ihen the task is to look at how the forms of autobiography. lire history.

fantasy and other genres of storying impact on our conceptions of being in the world. We

might ask if in the accounis there is "a set of srlective nanative rules that lead the narrator

to structure experience in a particular way. structure i t in a manner that gives fom to the

content and the continuity of life" (Bniner. 1988. p. 576). Bruner highlights that as human

beings we are not autonomous creatilres living ourside of social and cul:ural d e s . Thus

we must ask what kinds of meanings are possible within the confhes of the discourses that

we have access to and how individual stones are tied-in with larger cultural and/or

institutional forms of meaning making. In other words. given our m i a l position. what

can and/or m't we say?

In order to constnict a clean, coherent nanative, some information will be left out

and other bits. expanded. Peter McLaren ( 1993) explaiiis.

n jarratives help us to represent the world. They also help us to remember

and forgt both its pleasures and its homr. Narratives structure our dreams.

our rnyths. and our visions as much as they are dreamt. mythified and envis-

ioned. They help shape our social reality as much by what they exclude as

what they include. (p. 206)

What is it thai my grandmother and her sisters could not tell me about their lives? What is

it that they could not teli themselves? Did my pndrnother never rruI1v have her own

desires; was she rediv aiways operating in the service of others: or was the

acknowledgernent of penonal hungers. wants and cravings, too dangernus to admit?

Sirnilarly. in my retelling of Nonna's story. what is it that 1 am omitting'? Are there details

or ihoughts that I am either consciously or unconsciously uncornfortable sbowing io

others? What is ~rnriumeuhle?

Silences may be camed out by the individual. but they are more likely than not the

resiil t of fami liallcomrnunallsocial construction. Each and every story - i ts incl usions and

exctusions- must be considered in relation to other stories- the collective narratives. As

Bakhtin says. "the truth is not bom and does not reside in the head of an individual person:

i t is born of the dialogical intercourse between people in the collective search for the tnithWq

(cited in Leggo, 1995. p. 7). A story on its own niay be interesting or entertaininp. but irs

usefulness is limited unless we acknowledge that i t is embedded within a particular time

and place. We need to locale the niles that govemed its fabrication and allow its

interpretation to stem from its social and historical context. What illuminations rnight we

discover if we look for instances in a story where there is rupture. contradiction. resistançe

andlor acquiescence to dominant social discoune'?

Composing "Heaven & Hell" I realised that my identity has been created. at least in

paït, in relation to my Nonna's stories. My sense of self is continually fashioned from

diverse. extemal narratives as weli as from the structure which I place u p n my own

stories. From this perspective. I conceive of the storyteller neither as the creator of an

original identity nor as a passive receiver of culture and social noms: instead. the

storyteller is an interactive partner in the continual relconstruction of personal identity and

society as a whole. Antikainen. Houtsonon. Kauppila & Huotelin ( 1996) explain.

. . . the individual is obsewed as one created by the situation and the cultural

context, and as their creator. A human is considered as an active,

individual, holistic and intentional creature who. in addition to adjusting to

existence. continuall y recreates the social world. (p. 19)

If this is the case. then we tell stories. not only to order experience. but also to order and

reiorder the sey.

2) 1s any narrative account as valid as another? How rnight a story be interpreted?

When 1 decided to compose a story for this chaptrr. I did so. as 1 statrd in the

introâuction, to give a sort of account of certain aspects of the family. 1 mused. 1 wrote. f

slept on it. 1 rewrote. Finally. 1 packed up my product and imported i t into its place in this

thesis. Y et j ust because this particular version was saved from the delete key dues not

necessitate that i t is the "best" or "only way" to tell the story. The product presenied in this

chapter is only one of so many other ways that the narrative could have turned out. This is

because I do not have direct access to rruiip. as reaiity resides at a given moment in time

and space, between the juncture between our own subjectivities and the material world: it is

not a tangible object which we may locate our thrrr. Reality is plural and unfixed. This

does not mean that we have al1 lapsed into relativism- that any interpretaiion of an svent is

as valid as the next. When I stated that the version of the story here is not nrcr.s.suri!\. more

true than those that I expelled from my hard drive, 1 imply that in fact, the story you have

read muy be more true. Our perception of what is "real" is not created out of nothing; it is

a cornplex negotiation between many different parties. To illustrate, allow me to suggest

that life experience is iike a literary text. How do we make sense of or understand this text?

Next is a discussion of various schools of literary criticism and their take on textual

interpretation. Following this. is my understanding of how 1 interpreted the text of

experience to construct my story and the means I took to ensure that it could in some ways

be "validated"

Is a Rose is a Rose is a Rose?

Here I consider several major shifrs in rextual analysis and hermeunetics. i

commence with the New Critics. go on to Structuralism. discuss Reception Theoq

(specificall y Reader-Response) and finish with some current postrnodem understandings

in the field.

Most likely thcre are few New Critics around these days. but those that are would

posit that my questions introdiiced in this chapter are those of a fool. Their saying so

would be grounded in the belief that interpretinp text is a rnatter of çimply "[cllose

reading" (Mathieson, 1975. p. 34). New Cnticism finds that a text contains rneaning in

and of itself, purely because its autonomous auihor put it thzre. As such, any text could be

understood in isolation. and its message or meaning would transcend time and place. This

stance. as Mathieson ( 1975) puts it. is "a 'reification' of the liierary work. the treatment of

it as an object in itself' (p. 4). As readers in such an orientation. we would have direct

access to the mind of the wnter. This would be the case. because the language of literature.

as is seen to be the situation of al1 language, is a transparent and unbiased vehicle for the

direct representation of the world. In such an orientation. while the reader is positioned as

the passive receiver of information. the uncovering of meaning in some texts may require

specific training. Books and stories therefore ernbody universal tmths, and they are never

contradictory nor produced within a political sphere (cf. Morgan. 1987: pp. 449451;

O'Neill. 1993. p. 19; Polkinghome, 19823, pp. 72-73). If this were the case with my story.

the Nonna w ho is right now sitting in her living room watching television while dozing on

and off. is the exact same whom I have written about talking to her granddaughter about

the disappointments of lire. As well. regardless of who reads this story. every single

reader, if interpreting the text "properly," would denve the same ineaning. Obviously.

such criticism is naive in its negation of questions regarding the rolelsl of the readcr.

culture, society and the structure of language in the construction and interpretation of text.

Like the New Critics. Structiiralisfs such as Ferdinand de Saussure. Iocus upon the

text. however. th is is where the similarities end. Stmcturalism-as its narne iinplirs-

places al! of its attention upon the structure of the language and its role in our construction

and perception of the matenal world. Rather than language being a "window" on the

world (Morgan, 1987. p. 4-33) . i t is. according to Polkinghome ( 1988). "a chess p i e "

(p . 139). Wtiat is implied by this is that Imguage. like a game. is fabncated oiit of a series

of codes and ngid regulntions which are arbitrary and hear no direct relation to the "thins"

they have come to represent. Polkinghorne ( 1988) explains,

the rules governing the way meaniiig is manifested in language have no

matrrial existence. They are like the rules of a chess game, in w hich a pirçe

is determined to bc a knight not by its matenal or even its shape biit by

identification with the rules governing a knight's moves. Any material

piece can count as a knight as long as the value of knightness is attnbuted to

it. ln the sarne rnanner, sounds are determined to have meaning not by their

particular pitch but by the value the language system attributes to thern.

(p. 139)

Thus. language becornes meaningful because of its structure. Consider. for example. thai

in its sirnplest form. the word "hat" rneans that piece of material worn on the head.

because it is not "cat"-the sign that has arbitrarily come to signify that small. whiskered.

domesticated animal. "Meaning is thus a prduct of the intemal dynamics of langiiage

itself' (Morgan, 1987, p. 452), and there is no other way to apprehend "reality" (cf.

Drabble. 1985. p. 945).

Consequently Structuralism. in its most stringent form. has bren used to explain

that our perception of the world is detemined by the language that we crnploy ( x e Sapir-

Whorf hypothesis cited in Pyles & Algeo. 1982. p. 2.39). While such an hypothesis has

never been satisfactorily proven, i t is certainly not unreasonable to suggest that "lait the

very least . . . languagr calls our attention to some aspects of reali ty and away from others"

(Pyies & Algeo. 1982, p. 2.39). For example.

[allthough the color spectruin is a continiiiim. we think of a rainbow as a

series of stripes of red, orange. yellow. and so on. perhaps because we have

names for those colors in our language: speakers of a language with

different basic color ternis might visualizr the rainbow with different sorts

of siripes. or in some other way altogether. (Pyles & Algeo. 1582. p. 239)

In this vein. I have at my disposal only a finite number of rnanners in wliich to write about

my Nonna. She is "Nonna." hecause she is not "sister" or "mothrr." Equaily. a reader's

perception of her is mediated through the genre or fom of the text. The Nonna that ycu

read about is çonnoted in a particular wny. hecause she was written about in prose. She

wouid be perceived in another way had 1 written about her in a poem (cf. Holman et al.

1986. p. 4-58). We might also consider the vanoiis effects of the Nonna story had i t been

written as a farce. a comedy. a trageedy. a romance or a mystery. While I concedc that

certain linguistic regulations certainly infliienced the construction of my text. I must reject

the absolute privileging of the role of language iti deteminhg semantics and interpretation.

Does the reader not take a more active role in this process?

Proponents of Reader-Response cnticism reinforce the notion that ten is not

inherently significant or auionornous. They do so by posi ting that meaning is located at the

juncture between the text and its interpreter. Wolfgang lser explains that a text contains

two "poles": the "artistic" which is the text itself (a manifestation of the author) and the

"aesthetic" which is the reader's imagination (intellect, past experiences. biases. values and

the like) that dhe applies io the work. When thrse poleç meet. meaning is created. and the

text is ' realised" ( 1974. p. 275). In the interpretive process, each pole is valued and

required to create rneaning. yet. wi thin current configurations of Reader-Response theory

(for example. Atweil, 1987: Routman. 1994'), there has bern a privileging o f the

"personal" aesthetic pole. As such. the individud reader is positioned as the determinant

of textual meaning. Sihe bnngs io the irxi ail herihis exprrirriçes, knowledge. drearns aiid

drsires. In this way. there is a "reverence for the imagination and the self' (Willinsky.

1987, p. 267)- a self w hich is çonstructed as coherent, complete. naturally whole and

wholl y natural (cf. Morgan. 19W. p. 455). Similarly. the aiithor creates through the

imagination, "Ic]hancters [whichl can be treated as if they were real people with mental

interiors and motivations" (O'Neill. 199.3. p. 19). If this were true. then in l o ~ k i n g nt my

story the charac ter of "Norina" could be sern as a "real" person w hose existence extends

beyond the words wntten on the page. She could be psychoanalysed. empathised with and

understood, and any reader's inierpreiation of her would be as valid as the next.

Problzmatic with the abovc. is that the text itself is al1 but forgotten. and never is

there mention of how personalities. imaginations. desires. and by extension. their texts and

interpretations are related to an individual's position within hisher culture and society.

Nrither is there an admission that the text is also an artifact of its place and tirne. Where. i n

rny estimation. this theory is lacking (and postniodem literary theor). is more complete) is

in Reader-Response's failure to adequately place readers. wri ters and texts wiihin their

particuiar milieu. There is an over-emphasis on the interpretive pole. The making of

meaning is not an individual punuit. The struggle for identity is created in relation to one's

biology and environment. Additionally. while writers may daim imaginative licence. they

are regardless. not ideologically independent either. Consequently. simply examining the

interchange between the interpretive and aesthetic poles is insufficient for understanding the

As rhcy pcnvn spccil'icdly t« English studies matenal.

ways in which readings and meanings are established. To grasp the recepiion process. we

must better investigate how the reader and wnter operate within a social system of meaning

construction. This necessitates understanding the dominant social ideologies and historical

contexts of the reader and writer: it also entails examining how difference operates within

these situi~tions. To more fully illustrate the dynamics of interpretation. w r niusi be

consclous of the iaci that iser's poles are embedded within ideoiogy, hiswry, cuiturr.

gender. race. ethnicity and a niultitude of other factors which infliience the çreation of

identity and narrative (cf. Peim. 19%).

Sirnilar io a text. tben. the significance of life experience is not sitting. intact. within

a given situation. waiting for the individual to find it. Connelly and Clandinin ( 1988)

contend that narrative is "intersubjective" as i t "occurs with substance" but within "the

body" (p. 3 1 ). In these ways. meaning is not an independent entity . rather it is a interactive

process brtween the totality of a human being and herlhis world. I t is also crucial to note

that this phenomenoo evolves and shifts over time. We cnn also extend this notion of

inrrrsubjrcttii~i~ to include the receiver of the narrative. as the subjectiviiies of the teller and

the listener interrelate t o m a t e meaning. When 1 wrote "Heaven & Hell" 1 kiiew that 1

would have a particular audience. As stated rarlier. we self sanction depending upon w ho

we are telling Our story to. 1 would never include aoy infomation which my Noniia would

feel uncornfortable with (though I problematizr the notion of biography by teasinp that

Nonna may not want you to have access to "her" story). Sirnilarly. when the women told

me their stories. there were only certain pieces of thernselves that they would diuulge.

3) Whose story is it?

Never u,q<iin will u single s t o ~ be told us though if were the on& one.

(Berger cited in Ondaatje. 1987. Preface)

i n the introduction to this chapter 1 statrd that "Heaven & Hell" belonged to me.

This statement is not entirely tme. While 1 physically constructed the story. postrnodem

iiterary theos. nghtly cal1 s into question the notion of an autonomous author who via a

muse or what have you, manages to independently fabricate a piece of litenture. When

confrontin: a nanntive. we must always read with an eyr-5 to its author's conteut (cf.

Eagleton. 1983, p. 73). w"hen we read the wnter as a human being who is a member.

regardless of how hesitantly. of a particular society. w e explode the irnage of the Lady of

Shallot-the artist who exists above the fray. Thus, in many ways, my siory belongs not

only to me. but to al1 of the past books that 1 have read. to the television shows that 1 have

watchrd and perhaps niost significantly in this case, to the socio-cul tural and fmilial

pressures which induced me to want or need my grandmother to be a certain way at this

particular point in tirne. Additionally, this story is created in conjiinction with other fnmily

narratives of rny grandmother. Faniily members fashion and refashion versions of each

other lives every time they tell a tale about thernselves or othen. I absorbed these tales

coi~sciotisly and unconsciously the w hole while ihat I was grow ing up. My siory about

m y grandmother and her family is surely composed o l many of thcse stray bits-some

that I may not even be aware of. I have appropriated the image of my grnndmother and

recreated it for the public. Certain details may he more closely related to "fnct" than

'*fantasyW within the story. however. it must always be remembered that these saine facts

could equally be twisted into a different tale.

Apart froni the above adniitted influences. I also cornposed the Nonna story with

the direct collaboration of rny prandmother'ç daughters. After each draft. rny mothrr and

her sisters read and reread the text. Iooking for details that seemed inconsistent with the

image they held of their mother. To my surprise, from the very first wtiting, they located

- A nûrrûtivc hcrc can dso includc ün oral text. For sirnplicity's sakc. in this espliinaiion. I iclcr tu

the Fvntten tesr, thouph thcse comments rire also applicable to the spokcn nrirrrttnc.

very few areas that they perceived as inaccurate. The content of the story was never

questioned. only minute details pertaining to Nonna's diction and çyntax.

S ummary

This chapter has considered the place of reader. writer. society and cultiire in the

processes ot'creating and interpreting text. The implications of the insights gleaned t'rom

postmodem criticisrn Cor interpreting the sisters' stories is enormous. This is because.

even rhough the women might not cal! theniselves writers or teilers of 'fictioti'. their tales

are nevertheless constructs which miist be held to the same trnets as a piece of literature.

As Willinsky ( 1992) puts i t .

1 w lhat we take as essential about ourselves and others. Ipostmodem

thinkersl claim. i s . . . best regarded as a tex!. that is. as cornposed. wntten.

fabricated. out of what is always already there. awash in language history.

and cultiire. We l ive within the text(ure) of the world: it i s what rnakes the

"world" sensible. as we wake up in it each sleepy rnorning and hegin to

uke up the daily script( ure) of oiir lives. The postmodern philosophers ask

wheiher we can really stand face to face with some more immediate.

untexted reality without turning it into one of our stories? ( 1992. p. 36)

1 think not.

Chapter Four

Beginnings:

Marna the Goad & the Dotiful Daoghters

Introduction

With this fourth chapter the reader is finally able to read the words of Julia. Imila.

Rose. Isabelle and Lucille: the DeMarco sisters. This chapter is comprised of two main

sections, each of which contains a particular identity. Fint. 1 consider the impact of the

wonien's conceptions of their mother upon their own identities as women. as I euplicnte

what behaviours. values and beliefs are synonymous with being "good." Next. I iniroduce

the iniportance of duty -to family and to G d - i n the lives of the sisters during their

formative years.

Marna the Good

Their niother was a sharp woman. If the stories are consistent in anything. it is

this. When i t cornes to their Marna, the women tell the world that she was brave, smart-a

hard worker who ensvred for them a solid exarnple to follow in a society bereft of

powerful. intelligent femnle role models. As growing girls and now as eiders in their own

families. i t has been and remains imperaiive to the women's positive sense of self. that

their mother embody those characteristics deemed to be "good": a strong mind and a

cornmitment to obedience and duty. These are the chancteristics which they would strive

to emulate for the rest of their lives and to foster in their own children by their example. as

well as through didnctic. albeit entertaining, storytelling.

The five women's Stones relate that the prirnary component of Marna's goodness

was her intellect. Raised amongst the clamour of a burgeoning ci ty of ltalian immigrants

who had coiiie in hoards to the United States to be cheap labour on the expanding mil linc.

Mailia I d her iiii i d vutside of the school io becorne a trul y ddLkditd ~ o m a n . Xi s ~ m r

point early on in her life. Marna left elementary school and acquired a nrw name w ith

which io fashion a novel "American" identity. How these changes rmerged is unsure. as

the stories about this topic never quite reinforce each other: an ouicorne. I believe. of the

women's reltictance to attribute anything to one particular cause or to make inferences

w it hoiit substantive "proof." Leila and Julia in particular were extremel y cautioiis a bout - .

givin; an accoiint wbose details they felt absolutely certain of. Adding to the difficulty of

oetting to the bottom of Marna's departiire from school is the fact that the nature of this C

panicular story was troublesome to most of the sisten. This is the case as Marna.

especially in her youth. almost certain1 y experienced some of the animosity ihnt many of

the day exhibited towards ltalian immigrants. So while some of the stories do hint thai

Marna's transformation could have been due to a racist reacher. the wvmen were hesirant to

makr this claim. Consider. for examplc, Julia's expression of her mother's departurc lrom

school -a story 1 have heard whispered many tirnes as a child. but that no other sister was

willing to tell during our interviews:

I think the teacher. 1 don't know if she was Irish. I kind of think that she

was Irish. because she's the o n e that gave rny mother the name Bridpt.

because she couldn't pronounce Precioza which meant Precious. . . But.

somehow, whatever the teacher did in class. or said something. offended

my mother. Now. 1 don? know if she didn't allow her to speak. I mean

dida't give her an opportunity to answer the question she wanted to

answer. I'm not positive about what that was. I t sounded like [ i t was

because she was Itaiian] . . . but it doesn't have to be. you know.

Julia refused to make this story one of ethnicity. Her story is typical of others thar the

women tell. in that i t evokes racism. yet then tries to slip oiit of it by casting doubt. Her

language is halting; it lacks confidence. and the disclaimer at the end of ~ h e story tells me

ihiii the taie could be refüshionrd io rnean someihing entirely diflrrent. And perhaps M a

was correct. this story does not have to be about ethnicity. for other fnmily niembers have

constructed altemate scenarios to replace this one.

Othcr stories say that rny Nonna B d g e t dropped out of school because of n

delinquent brother-a story which Rose rernembered with acciincy:

My inorher always lovcd music. and 1 was amazed she knew so much

about it. becaiise she was only- well she dido't finish lower school. She

was in gnde seven or eight. she told me. when they quit school.

Her and her brother. lJncle Faulk. he used to go to school and hr'd

say io her. "Corne on kid. let's go to the show. let's go over to the crick.

let's go over the cnck to Export." And they'd play hooky fmm school. So

slie was hardly ever at school. One day the tencher told on them. the mother

got mad and said. "If you don't go to school you stay home and work!"

This stoq constriicts Marna as an impressionable youngsrer who is ensily tempted and led

astray by her brother, Faulk. Here. the teacher becomes the concemed practitioner. not the

unfair racist: she attempts to bnng her stray students back to school. Marna's rnother's

words ai the end of this story, reinforce the values of hard-work and the abhomence of

40th. In my own life. this story was literally replayed. When as a sassy eighth-grader I

was suspended from school, to my honor, my Nonna answered the cal1 that my enraged.

red-faced teacher placed to my home. She ushered me - hy the rip cfmy rclr-from the

school office directly to the kitchen in our house. There 1 spent what felt like eternity.

cleaning noors on my hands and knees, al1 the while listening to my Nonna shout. "You

want to leave school? Then you work!" Family rnythology is a powedul weapon against

pre-pubescent rebdlion: 1 never again got into trouble at school.

Wi th Maina's story, regardless of the precise character (be it a racist teacher or a

hooky-playing brother) on which to lay the blame for her lack of formal schooling. to her

daugiikrs the iiiost important thing about their nioihrr was her indehiigable fight to girr

tliem an even more comprehensive educaiion thnn she had had for henelf : to be schooled

beyond ihe prirnary grades. to gain fonnal music training. to becoirie proficient and

knowledgeable wives and mothers, to be good Catholics. to be dutifiil members of a

fnmily and most importantly, to have them ci1wciv.s finish what they had started. Marna's

cornmitment to be the example for her children was a soitrcr of education in itself-

perhaps rhr main source for most of her girls.

Marna taught not only throuph words. but also by example. Shr assisted the si&.

through prayer and by k i n g a healer herself. Significantly, this is a skill which she first

acqiiired hy watching her own mother. Jul ia explained:

I think my mother was a vrry educated woman. I t was because she

followed her own inother when she was Young. She went with her

mother. who was very humanitarian. Slie [Marna's mother] would go

out to the people who were si&. who didn't iinderstand English very

well, and needed a doctor or so, and she would almost practice medicine

without a certificate. She set-she made casts and things. and my mother

helped her. So my mother became very interesied in any rnedicine or

therapy that would help others. When she got mamed and went to Sault

Ste. Marie, there were a lot of Italian immigrants who wouldn't go to

doctors. because they didn't understand them. so they'd corne to my

mother and she'd tell them what to do. To keep abreast of things. she had a

very large ronzr [laughs]. 4 book-a medical book that she read almost

every night, and got a loi of infornation from there. and she did 3 lot of

reading. She read 'til almost two, three o'clock in the moming and

sometimes even more than that. So. she educated hetself. . . even

though- I d o i t know whether she finished elementaq school. whether

she e w r g t ~ grade eight. but liècause hrr own brother uas a uni~crs i ty

professor. she often looked into his books and read his books. and rend a lot

of Shakespeare. She knew more Shakespeare than WC did who went to

hi$ school and took some. She knew al1 the stories. and enjoyed theni. So

she was interested that al\ her childm would have an education. both in

academics and in music.

Julia's story lays out the difference that al\ of the women expressed between being

schooled and being educated. Marna was a highly literate woman who possessed the ways

of her own mother as well as the knowledge of another social and ethnic class: she "knew"

Shakespeare: and she had inastered i t beyond those who had received formal schooling. ln

such stories. Marna becomes the quintessential exnmple of ri cornplete intellect: she is hoth

a scientist and n lover of the arts. Importantly. the appreciation and mastering of these

disciplines was to be passed on to her children. As such, the women's stories daim that

they wcre the recipients of al1 of this knowledge.

Julia described Marna's knowledge as having been acquired by watching her own

mother and by studying countless books. In a conversation with my Aunt Isabelle. the

same message was repeated:

Heydon: Nonna Bridget, she didn't go to school very long?

Isabelle: Just to grade eight . . . Well, she got mamed real yoiing

after that. Her mother had a store. and she would help her mother. But

then she got mamed really Young, so she didn't go anywhere after rhat.

She came here.

He ydon: But she educated herself?

Isabelle: She educated herself. p h ! Lots of reading. She iised

to read ltalian letters. She had a big, big medical book that anybody

was sick - it wasn't like now. you couldn't Cet the doctors or any body.

Thcy'd al! go to hrr. înd ask ber. She ussd ta tell them H hai tu do.

Her mother too used to take care of sick people. She used to f i l their

bones. you know. When people had a sore wrist and al\ that. In fact.

w r were tnlkiiig the other day wi th Jimmy [Isabelle-s son 1. Jimmy's

oot. what do you cal1 that? D

Heydon: Tennis elbowi?

Isabelle: Tennis, yah. And somebody was here and said to him.

'Tou know w hat's good for that? Hot vinegar." And he says. "1 nrver

forget Nonna. When we u s 4 to hurt ourselves. she used to get the hot

vinegar and put a towel in and sqiieeze i t and put i t aroiind us real. real

tight." So my mother knew al1 these things from her mother.

lsabelle and Julia's stories are similar in that ihey repeat the motif of their tiiother's books.

Their emphasis on the words "tome" and "big" indicate that these were not j ust an y paper-

backs. but instead immense volumes which 1 can personally remember. They were

enormous- perhaps fifteen pounds apiece -1eüiher bound with the edges frayed and the

spines broken. By the time 1 came dong. they were held iogethrr with rubber bands and

string from having been read over and over. They looked and were treated as though they

held the secrets of the world. thus making Mama-the reader of these volumes-wise

beyond mortal understanding. What is important here is that the family rnythology is

dependent upon Marna's knowledge k i n g perceived as authentic - the result of a carefully

conceived praxis-the melding of observing her own mother, theoretical understandings

gleaned from academic publishings. and fioally. through years of success with her own

pnctice. This wisdom is retvalued when, in Isabelle's story. Jimmy recalls his

grandmother's medicine. The act of invoking. through story. Marna's memory and her

ways bonds the fûmily members to the part and to each other. lt equally reinforces a

cornmon history and pride in Marna's knowledge and the family 3s a whole.

The importance that lsabelle places on her mother' s knowledge is clrar w hen tne

above discussion i s jiiutaposed against the very nevt story that she tells:

1'11 tell you one thing that made me laugh. When I was going with Tony.

[Isabelle's husbaiidl I got an infection in my leg, and his mother she used

to Say she was a nurse's aid in M y . And that she knew a lot about nlirsing

and al1 that. When she saw I had this, she said. "Oh 1'11 t l x i t for you." She

used to make a gallon of Lysol and use that as disinfect. So she put that on.

then she put . . . 1 think i t was garlic leavrs-l can't even remember-on

top of that. Anyway. whatever she put. my leg was al\ blach after that! lt

hurnt the whole thinp. (laughingl I says. 'Tony, boy. what a nurse!" An

old fashioned remedy! And she used to make mustard plasters. becriuse

Tony always had chronic chest troubles. and she used to make i t with

mustard, and she'd put the chilies i n it! Ilaughsl So I didn't follow those.

We did our own: we didn't do that.

By cornparing Mama's healing arts with those of her mother-in-law. lsabelle demonstrates

her respect for her mother. i t is not simply that any old-time italian remedy would do. bot

that Isabelle places value only upon that which she perceives as kru~wled,qrublr. The

cornpanson between the women's ways is also significant as it says much about the

notions of insider and outsider. lsabelle rejects the "other" false cures, by saying instead.

"We did our own: we didn't do that." What this implies is that ' ive"- the family-hold

the correct information. "We" have our own practices. Isabelle's daim of a burned and

blackened leg attests to the necessity of remaining in contact with own's familial

knowledge, for one rnust always be leey of outside information.

The Dutiful Daughters

The women's Stones show clearly that they rilways felt a keen senx oi duty : the

necessity to exhibit respect for their elders through "proper" behaviour. Such behaviour

often meant allowing the nerds of othen to ovemde their own. Y et in sa doing. they said

that they often beiieved that their sacrifice was for the benefit of the family. and eventuelly

ii would always be proven, for themselves. As daughters and sisten. each woman's

iiltimate purpose was to ensure that the other was taken care of. Not ironiçally for the da?.

however, those who perhaps benefited most from this sense of duty. were the men in the

family. For while each of the women attributed their achievernents to their mother's

teaching, hrr prodding. her refusal to aliow them to be crnrduccued, of course their's wns

not to be the same educntion allotted to their brothers. Importantly. part of the daughter's

duty was to not \et on, either to herself ( i t seems) or to otheo. that she may have resented

her cornmitment. Jusi as Christ camed his cross without cornplaint. so too wocild the

DeMarco sisters.

Rose & Isabelle

It is extremely difficult to unnvel the structure of power in the DeMarco

household. M i l e i t is necessary to never underestiniate the influence of Marna in the

family, ultimately, it seems. ihe women's Papa had the final Say in matters. Papa came

from Italy all by himself as a teenager, met Marna in Pennsylvanin. swept her away to

Northem Ontario to open a grocery business and spent the rest of his life rnaking sure that

he would never he indebted to anyone. Throughout the women's stories. Papa is portrayed

as the forever toiling immigrant. detemined to secure economic success for his family.

He w3s a no-nonsense man who. I have heard so often. you listend to-or else. As is the

case with many Southem Italians. especially when the women were growing up. the

indi vidiial is subsumed beneath the importance of the family. Dury to one's famil y was

paramount. Wi th the DeMarco' S. the firsr lesson oi a Îemaie's dury had to do w i th

working in the family store. Thoiigh Marna kept the girls in school as long as possible.

when Papa said i t was time to leave because he needed help. his word was Iaw. The fint

girls wrre especially needed to work. As a consequence. they ncquired the least amount of

formal schooling. Rose-the eldest-explained how her life course was shaped by her

position in the family: and her story reveals the stark difference between her life and the

lives of her brothers:

We al1 went to St. Mary's school, the elementary school. We al\ went to the

same one. From there everyone went to high school. But 1 only went to

two years in the high school. because my dad said that he couldn't afford to

send me to school that I had to work in the store. And I went to business

college and took a junior and senior course in biisiness-book-keeping and

filing and ail that. And Isabelle went for about three years. 1 think. of high

school and then she took a business course too. because she took over the

books of the store when she was through. She graduated. and 1 went

upstairs and had to do the cooking and al1 that. We took turns. So we al1

went to elemcntary school for that part. . . [Heydon: But your brothers got

to finish high school?) Oh! They finished hi$ school. My brothers went

two years here. then rny dad sent hem to St. Michael's college. because at

that time, my brother Eugene was a good friend of Herbert Juliani. and

there was that gang there, the Rena's and al1 that gang, and they used to

play at the corner. across the street from our store. and they'd play crap the)

cal1 it. or something like that.

And my father says, "He's learning bad habits and bad ways. I want

to gel him out of here. I'm going to send him away."

He went to speak to our priest, Monsigneur Balcastro. and Balcastro

says. "Send hini to Si. Micharl's i n Tmoiiiu. iiieq'll irach Iiiiu iiic rigtii

way."

So. my brother Eugene, Casper Greco and Julian Vidotob? There

were three of them. Oh! LJrsi. And Ursi. The three of them went to St.

Michael's. At Christmas tirne, Ursi didn't w:int to go back. Casper didn't

want to go back. My hrother Eugene didn't want to go baçk.

My dad says. "Y ou're going and you' re going to finish it . Y au' re

not staying hanie. When you start somethins yoii finish it! Yoii got to go

back." He told him.

So. Casper Greco ended up going in the grocery business, and LJrsi

went in the tin- smith business or sornething like that. But Eiigene was the

only one that finished and graduated and became a dentist-of the group of

al1 his gang. But he was sent purposely on account of going around with

the wrong gang. like you know. So k i n g they sent Eugene. they sent my

brother Emest too -to follow in his footsteps.

Thus, while Papa could not "afford" to send Rose and her sisters io school. he did manage

to send his sons hundreds of miles away to attend private school. Rose's story i s

construcied to validate her father's decision. The boys had to be sent away. as they were

involved in the dirty street life of the Italian neighbourhood. Had they stayed in the west-

end. they would have shared the working-class fate of their counterparts: Casper the grocer

and Ursi, the tin-smith. Rose distinguishes her brother from his peers by saying. "of dl

his gang." In this way. Eugene and then Emest are the special ones as no others succeeded

in surpassing the expectations of the neighbourhood. Addi tionally . Papa is charnpioned.

Thanks to his discipline and a sound recommendation from the family priest. the boys

went on to become cioctors: they attained the immigrarit dream of joining the ranks of the

university ediicated white collar professionals. Yet while al1 of the women's siories show

that the broiiiers' higher schoolirig was the comllary to the their iack of SC hooling. and

whilr the women would btr called upon again and again to perform their duty for the

brothers. tliey al1 fnbncated a justification for this situation. and not one expressed this as an

unfortunate or unfair trade. They felt it their innate obligation to help out where needed.

Directly following the last story. Rose went on to funher reinforce the ideology of

the times. She explained to me.

k i n g a jirl of the -the people of my mother and father's generation felt

thnt aomen were made to do housework and wash dishes and cook. They

didn't need to go to school, but the boy's had to go. because they had to

leani n trade or a profession or a career. But the girls. there was no need to

go to schoal. And lots of them at that time. 1 remember like the ChireIli's1

and al1 that. when the mother had to wash clothes the girls didn'i go to

school -they had to stay home and wash clothes. Then the next day t hey

had to stay home and iron the clothes and al1 that. because they expected

the girls to be trained and do the housework and cooking and al1 that, you

know? So that was the difference of the boys and the girls.

Within this textual framework. the success of the family depended upon the sexual division

of labour. Femaies necessarily had to acquire knowledge and sskilis related to the house. as

the men had to be "outside" this realm, eaming a w a p . Significantly. Rose concluded the

discussion of her situation by relating thnt of the Chirelli girls. Rose had the opportunity to

1 A neighbourhwd tarnily.

attend school up to the secondaty grades. and she was tnined in business. This. according

to her story, was extreme good fortune as had she been bom a Chirelli, her mother would

surely have made her miss even the most prirnary of schooiing. It is my contention that

the image of the Chirelli girls played mi important role in the construction of Rose's sense

of self: they were the measure of Rose's success and hy extension. the successes of al1 the

DeMarco girls. N o matter how difticult things became. the UeMarco girls would never

have i t as bad as the Chirelli's. This measiire of a fernale's fortune is especially iniportant.

as Rose alluded to the Chirelli's sevenl times throughout our discussions.

Isabelle told her own story of leaving school after the tenth grade to fu l t i l her dutg

to the family. When I asked her, "So . . . you worked in the store when you were a kid

and when yoii were older'?" She responded by saying.

From fifteen. 1 went to collegiate for two years, then he 1 Papa] said.

"That's if! 1 want yoii in the store." So 1 went to the tech school. because

ihey had a business coune and he wanted me to take business. Rut. he

made an arrangement. that 1 never henrd of before. ihat 1 had to go to the

principal and have permission to be home Mondays. Thursdays and we

used to cal1 i t . "pay-days." when the Steel Plant cheques would corne in

~ w i c e a month. And 1 had to be home for those, so 1 wouldn't be at school

at that time. so you can imagine how much 1 leamed! [laughsl

When 1 asked my Aunt if this situation ever bothered her, she shrugged her shoulders and

answered in her usual nonchalant manner,

Oh no. Everything . . . I just took everything as i t was. And then I took a

little bit of night school for business. I took a junior course. Rose took

a scnior course! And she got pretty high class honours in that. Mine was

just a junior course. but I did more books than Rose did. Rose just did it

for a year. But 1 did it for both stores after. so the little bit I learned came

in handy.

In her story. Isabelle not only justifies the fact that her father dictated her educational course

by finding that her training came in "handy." but she also defends the larger ideologg of

the sexuat division of labour when 1 later asked her if thete was a clear boss in the house.

Isabellr's description of the division of power in 'ner early iik reinforces Rose's siorirs:

Mama had the power of peniiasion. but Papa is perceivcd as ultimately possessing the

conirol of everybody and everything in the house and in the store. Consider this

in terchange:

isabelle: Well. the fathers were always the boss before. The rnitn was

the boss of the house. Not the women. But the women used ro. like my

mother 1 said. she was strong for education and al1 that. She made sure that

she did her part for thar. But when i t came down to rules and al1 that. the

father was the head of the house and he was the one w h o put the rules

down.

Heydon: Do you ever remernber them IMama and Papal disagreeing

on (anythingl?

Isabelle: Well I don't know. 1 don't remember thern. you know.

taking like that against each other. Because. sec my dad was always in the

store. When he made decisions. it must have been that she knew what he

wanted. then she would carry them out. It wasn't together. you know what

I mean'?

Heydon: So if he said, it's time for you to leave school now. to corne

and work in the store, then-

Isabelle: That' s it!

Heydon: Then that's it?

Isabelle: Yah, she wouidn't interfere with that.

Heydon: Do you think that she felt that you had had enoiigh by that

point?

Isabelle: Well 1 think the main purpose. as ï told you before. they

wanted to see the boys educated. There wasn't that much money at the

tirne. I n faci hc: had to 'oorrow money to get ihe boys rhrough. He hrrowed

money from the Chippetta's. you linow. his sister. So. I think thnt's the

main thing. They figured as long as the boys. because the boys have to

raise their families. The girls. their husband has to take care of thern.

That's the idea they had at that tirne. They didn't have these ideas like

everybody goes on their own. Now the lady has her education and the man

. . . That wasn't the way it was at that time. Husband and wives-the wives

took care of the hniily. and the men worked and brought the money hotne.

So it was one. So it was altogether different. And that's what i t should go

back to. This wny there wouldn't be any broken families like there are

today ! llaughsl

Isabelle's story says that times have certainly chnnged and not for the better. Rrpeatedly

throughout oiir discussions she said. 'Thinps are altogether different!" In her story.

Isabelle attributes the deterioration of the family to the "new" practice of women moving

out of the home to piirsue their own education and careers. When family members

perceived themselves as individuals first. they no longer fulfilled their duty to the family.

The outcome was that the family wns no longer "one." There was splintering. self-

motivation, desire apart from the good of the unit. and ultimately. "everybody goes on their

own." leading to "brokenness." Yet Isabelle's language tums on itself ai times. I t is ver).

interesting that when describing her parents and the way that decisions were made in her

family. Isabelle said. "lt wasn't together. you know what 1 mean?" The divisive image

that this statement evokes is in direct opposition with the image of familial unity ihat

Isabelle fabricated when she was maintaining the practice of familism. Finaily. what each

of Rose and Isabelle's stories show. is that the necessity of familial duty extended not only

to allowing one's life-course to be dictated by the needs of othen. but also to include the

obligation of defending the values of the family.

As two of the younger daughters, Julia. and particularly laila. were not required to

work the long. gnielling houn in the farnil y store. Julia attri buted her relative freedom ro

the fact that her older sisters were there to bear the bnint of the duty. As a Young

adolescent and already an accomplished musicinn. Julia explained her pan in the biisiness:

Heydon: . . . did you have to work in the store'?

Julia: Only a little bit. Not during the day. Sometimes weekends.

because we also had a confectionçry part to the store and that was open on

weekends and evenings. so some nights and ihat. but i t wasn't like Isabelle.

because she was there moming 'til night.

Heydon: How do you think those choies were made?

Julia: I t was because 1 had older sisters who could take over. and

they did that. so I was free. And even then. when 1 was in the store 1 would

be studying harmony and counterpoint until customers came in.

Julia obviously did not have to perform her familial duty in the same ways as her older

sisters. Nevertheiess. she would Later be asked to make a monumental sacrifice for the

good of the family (though she would never describe it as such).

During her early adolescent years, Julia decided thai she would like to becorne a

secondary school teacher. The choice to enter the profession of education was certainly not

difficiilt, as teaching was deemed one of the more acceptable careers for women of the day.

The collegiate's curriculum supported this. When 1 asked Julia what she thought the

collegiate was preparing her for. her answer revealed her own plans:

Julia: 1 think we had in our own minds to know what we wanted to be.

They tau$ us what was necessary for that. There wasn't rnuch choice.

W hen I went to high school. those who wanted to be teachers went into a

class that had the letter T in i t , like IT 1. iT2 and 2T3 and so forth. So,

anybody that was going to be a teacher from the beginning of high school-

gnde nine. were directed. their studies were directed to that.

Heydon: Those were the classes that you tmk'?

Julia: Y es.

Heydon: Why do you think you wanted to be a teacher?

Julia: 1 never cared much for caring with dolls yoii know. 1 wr

laugh] Even when 1 was a little girl, I would take the children and I'd be the

ieacher and teach them. Tt's jus? something that's in me. Again. 1 think i t

cornes from my mother. she was a h m teacher. even though she didn't

teac h school.

Julia's story dictates that from a young age, she conceived of herself. not as a moiher in the

sense of a woman who plays with children (or dolls). but rather as a rnother similar to her

own: female educator. In her "own rnind" Julia had the notion of what she "wanted to

be." As with al1 of the women's stones, when personal desire or volition is involvrd. the

cal\ to duty causes the individual wornan to shift the focus from henelf to the family's

needs. Julia's case is no exception: she never made i t to univenity:

1 had always wanted to be a school teacher-a hiph school teacher which

meant going to university and going to teachen' college. but when 1

finislied grade twelve, my oldest brother graduated from dentistry. It was

the timr of the depression. It was hard enough for my parents to set him up

in practice, with all the chair-the dentist chair-all the instruments thai he

needed. so they asked me if 1 wouldri't minci going into his office to be his

receptionist and help him w hatever w ay I could. because ihey couldn't

afford paying another girl. So 1 said yes. It kind of dashed rny hopes abolit

k ing a teacher. but the Lord looked on that. and when 1 gave myselt to

Him. by entering the convent. 1 did get an opportunity to go to teacher's

collrge. and 1 did teach school for two years. then 1 went into teaching

music and found that red /v . that dream that I'd had al1 my life wasn't really

what I wanted, that 1 preferred teaching one on one the music to students.

Identical to al1 of the other sisters. Julia's story says thnt she believed literally in the

farnily's (and the church's) most closel y followed maxim. 'Thy will be done." Julia's

story says thnt in the end. regardless of whai we as individu& wantcd to begin with. things

will work out the way that they were intended. and this will be "better" than if we had

foliowed our own desires. By closely examining the language and the emphasis placed on

ceriain words in the text. we can detect Julia's notion of false consciousness. Julia thought

ihat she wanted to teach high school. Importantly. this is a "dream": signifying that it is

not part of "reûlity" and that it has not been conceived of with a clear. complete and logical

mind. Instead. by rejecting egocentncism and the clouded fantasies of sleep. in favour of

"giving herself' to Christ. and by sacrificing her personal desires for the good of her

brother. Julia is finally able to perceive things as they "redIy" are: she is happier as a piano

teacher. and performing the pinnacle of duty: k i n g the wife of the church.

Julia's indoctrination into duty was so profound. that she did not perceive her

secretanal stint as something that she was made to do by an outside force. When

discussing this situation she figured herself as the agent. When I asked my Aunt what she

thought would have happened had she said no to her parents' request, she replied:

Julia: 1 think they would have accepted thût. I think they would

have accepted thnt.

Heydon: But you wouldn't have accepted that of yourself?

Julia: No. [pause 1

Heydon: Could you explain why?

Julia: Why I wouldn't accept tt? Hecause 1 think 1 -se<: I was old

enough. I realised how much my parents had sacrificed already to send us

to school. We were. after ail. eight girls and three boys-tuo boys- the

ihird one died when he was about four. They were such gmd people

themselves. and they did everything for us.

Julia does not mention her brother at al l in this discourse. The favour. apparent1 y. was not

for Eiigene but for Marna and Papa. Julia felt a duty to not burden her parents and to

iinburden them whenever possible. As the family wns conceived of as a unit. assisting any

portion of that unit could be construed as ultimately working towards the good of Manin

and Papa-the source of the family. Significantly, the impetus for such behaviour was

constmcted as originating from the interior of the individual-not as an obedirnt response

to an exterior command or as an act of coercion.

There is little io say about Leila and duty dunng her growing years. As the

youngest child, Leila held few responsi bili ties when compared io her elder sisters. While

she did work in the store. i t was by no means the amount of time that the others had. and

still were. putting in. This shift was the result of several factors. First. the adolescent and

grown daughters. particularly Rose and Isabelle. were the primary workers in the home

and in the business. Second. with his business under control and no longer in its infancy.

Papa seemed more relaxed. Third. Papa had finally paid off his massive debts which were

the result of moving to North America and opening the store. Consequently, Leiln could

say of her parents. 'They would never put any stress on me. They didn't have to. 1 guess.

but they never did. 1 had no stress on me at ail."

With the expense of educating their sons cornpleted. and no more major

commitments on the horizon, Leila was free to revel in schod -and revei she did.

Throuphout our discussions. Leila described school in extremely positive terms. She

recalled being "happy." and she referred to her teachers as "jovial" and "expert." Allowed

to pursue her studies without the spectre of impending duty to the family. Leila even had

the opportunity to indulge in thoughts of a career. She said.

When 1 was very young. I wanted to be an architect. That's al\ I thoiight of.

I didn't think of mamage or rnotherhood or healthl or anything. 1 just

enjoyed the sciences. and 1 wanted to be i n the field of science. Like my

mother bought me a-when 1 wss in elementary school -a chemistry set.

because she knew that I enjoyed science.

in explanaiions such as the above. Leila ponnys both of her parents as encounging her in

her studies: never pushing hrr and always offenng her support. There were never

moments in our ta1 ks when my Aunt pave the impression that. like her sisters. her career

plans could have been cut short. This did not even seem to be a possibility. Conversely. if

we consider lsabelle and Rose's discourses. they revealed that they had little choie of

careen and rarely. if ever. thought of them as children or adolescents. In fact. the situation

had chanped so drastically by the time Leila entered school. that she was able to say. 'They

IMama and Papal knew -1 knew -that whatever education 1 wanted. they'd sacrifice

anything to give it to me. That was one of their top values. " While oihers also stated that

education was a "top value" in the DeMarco home. nevrr hefore had this statement been

put fully into practice when it came to the daughters.

Whcn Lcila says "health." she is dluding 10 her future carter s a nursc.

Ul timately . though wi th less of a necessity for a sense of duty than the others. Lei la

did succumb to the pressure to protect her family. After brietly studying science ai the

univenity levcl, Leila decided that ir was too great an evpense for her family. Shr said.

1 didn't want to give rny parents any more expense, and the only education 1

could get without p y i n g any money was nursing. So isn't that a good

motivation? Strictiy money. And 1 won prizes and everything, so 1 did a

p o d job.

Without the direct demand of her parents. Leila nevertheless responded to an internalised

sense of duty. and permanently deferred her dreams of architecture in favocir of a

"çheaper" career. Though she acknowledged through her sarcasm that perhaps making a

lire-course decision simply out of regard for finances may not have been "good." Lxila

ultimately defended her choice by explaining that she had won pnzes. received awards and

honours. and thus. as the ultirnate pragmatist. she was 3 success. Not once. however.

neither frorn Leita nor her sisters, was there ever a consideration of how much it cost the

rest of the family to secure white-collar professions for Emesi and Eugene.

Though each with her own unique experience in growing up. dl of the DeMarco

sisters shared the common values of rcverence to their rnother-whom they al1 deemed to

be "good,"-and an upholding of duty. This chapter has shown that in their own way. the

women responded to the interior cal1 to support the family. This sense of duty resonated

throughout every one of their life-course choices and has been passed on to the next

generations through stones such as the ones thai the women told me.

Chapter Five

The Obedient Woman

Stories of A d u l t h d

Intmduction

Just the other day I w3s speaking long distance with my Nonna. She was angry

with me. because I had not made a doctor's appointment as she had. a week eariier. asked

me to do. After deflecting her concems for quite some tirne. 1 tried to end our conversation

by our sustornary conclusion: "Say a pnyer for me." Nonna angrily retorted. "You don't

deserve any pnyers. Y ou don' t do as you' re told. Now do as yod re told. Rachel. 1' m

waminp you." With this, 1 agreed to make arrangements for the doctor. bid her farewell.

hung up the phone and laughed. How many times had 1 heard this exact comniand of

obedience'? Similarly. how many times had I been cautioned about the consequences of

disobedience'? Such lessons are deeply ingrained. They are the result of a careful blending

of Catholic education and DeMarco farnily upbringing. When 1 tistened to the women's

stories during our interviews. 1 witnessed again and again, the mots of my grandmother's

insistence upon a strict hierarchical chah of command and submission to one's superiors.

I realised ihat obedience was a requisite for each of the women's \ives, and as much as it

was part of Leila and Julia's religious life. it was also a necessary condition for those

sisters living in the secular worid.

This chapter explores the women' s notions of obedience. I t begins with Isabelle's

acquiescence, even as an adult, to the authonty of her parents. discusses Leila's struggle as

a young noviiiate to perfect her vow of obedience. reveals Rose's attempts at emancipation

from the tyranoy of her mother-in-law. and finally. it investigates the ease with which Julia

took up her role as the ever obedient nun. Throughout this chapter it is cnicial to

understand that obedience. as the following stones will show, should not be perceived in a

strictly pejorative, absolute or restrictive sense. Very often this quality became a source of

liberation in the women's lives. and with many of the sisters. there always rernained room

in which to negotiate a linle free will.

Isabeile

In the summer of 1939, during her twentieth year, lsabelle mamed a young ltalian

man h m her west-end neighbourhood. His namr was Anthony Pucci. The addition of a

husband. however. did not preclude this elder daughter from DeMarco household duties.

Though now a Pucci in name. Isabeile continued to live on with her parents in the back of

their apartmeiit and work in their store. She also continued, even when she had children of

her own. to obey the words of her mother and father. Apparently the status of adult was a

long-time coming. perhaps eluding Isabelle until laie in her life with her parents' deaths. In

her stories. there does not seem to be any questioning of parental authority. Unwavering in

her obedience. lsabelle generally followed the will of Marna and Papa. and seemingly

allowed her own desires to go relatively unanswered. This is not to imply that lsabelle was

a passive wornan-just the opposite. She was always in search of a rneans of making

things easier for herself and for her family. Thus. while Isabelle certainly had wants of her

own, those of her kin superseded any egocentricism. What must be borne in mind.

however. is the possi bility that. for ail the women. the desire to be perceived as "pood" and

"moral" was a strong ngulating force.

Equipped with years of experience working for her father and her junior

bookkeeping course. lsabelle decided to become a businesswoman. The story that she told

about this foray into entrepreneunhip highlights the tensions berween lsabelle as an

independent actor and Isabelle as an obedieni subordinate. She explained to me:

. . . after I got married 1 said, "l'm tired of grocenes. I want to sel1

something like hose and knitting, wool. Sornething nice and clean and

,* easy.

So. my father-in-law said he would back us up too. We were going

to rent a store across the Street, just half a store. Then. my rnother.

rventhing she asked me to do. 1 used to do. From w hen I was boni!

And. she said, "You know. you should [have1 Evelyn [the sixth

sister] come in with you."

Because at that time. the Viscontiss IEvelyn's mamed name1 were

full of debts. They were poor. and Evelyn wasn't used to that. and she felt

so bad. So [Marna] said. "Let her come in with you."

1 said. (hesitantly 1 "Okay."

Evelyn came in with me. Then. after we opened up and we were

ihere for a year or so. my father decided to retire . . .

He said, "I want you in the grocery store."

So I had to go back! [laughsl I would go back and forth. because I

still did the books. I still did some of the buying with [EvelynJ, and 1 still

marked al1 the dresses and everything that came in. 1 would go back and

forth to both stores. That's the way it ended.

From her first day of life. Isabelle said that she did "everything" asked of her. With her

emphasis on the word "everything", lsabelle preçented this as a situation which precludes

a- refusal to obey. Like a good sister. she took care of Evelyn who could not (according

to Marna) do it on her own. Like a good daughter, she left the store that she was

responsible for conceiving, building and rnaintaining. to return to the dirt of the grocery

business. And through this entire time. Isabelle showed herself as never havinp said no.

nor of clairning anything for her own. Her focus was forever upon serving the family and

being placed where her seniors decided she should go. "So 1 had to go backk* she

exclaimed, after imiîating her father's imperative of "Isabelle. yod re coming back." Papa.

i t appears. did not ask: he ordered. The concluding sentence of Isabelle's story: 'That's the

way it ended" cioses any possibility of change, of resisiaricr or deiiial. This dixlaimer

seems to ensure an air-tight closure. It is as final as a faiher's command.

Isabelle took care of Evelyn. not only in regards to the store. but also in providing

her famil y with a summer cottage. After discussing Marna's insistence on bringing

Evelyn into the business, lsabelle added.

Then. same thing with the camp. I knew there was a camp for sale . . . And

1 said I'd like to get a place for my kids. Even though I never cared for

camp. So f was the fini one out there! We went out. and 1 saw this camp.

and at that time it was only $1&00. but i t was a tin shack. Your \Nonna)

would remember -outside plumbing and the water was wi th the hand

thing. you know. Ajkr we went to see the lawyer and we got al1 done. my

mother ugciin interfered.

She said, "Isabelle. get Evelyn to corne in with you. She'll never be

able to." [Heydon laughs]

This is a true story! We had to go hack to the lawyers! Change al1

the papers! So that's why we were both in together for both.

In the DeMarco family , the stmng took care of the weak. Marna perceived Evel yn as

unable to live a decent life without Isabelle's help. Consequentiy. she paired up the two

sisters and saw to it that the one wouid always take care of the other. While Isabelle's

story about the cottage exhibits some exasperation over Marna's timing. the result was that

almost al1 goods and benefi ts were communal. Isabelle promised to ribide by Marna's

word. and she never let her sister Evetyn go without.

What is fascinating about my talks with Isabelle is that. as was the case with all the

women, the presentations of their penonalities were never congrnous. Their stories show

them as tight-lipped and shy one moment. yet scheming for what ihey needed the next.

The way thai Isabeile decided io open her dry goods shop is a perfect example. One rnight

think that as a woman who was completely subservient to her parents, so too would this be

the case with her husband. Yet when 1 was tryiog to understand how such an obedient

women could have at one tirne brazenly flaunted the traditions of the day by entering the

business world, I learned that this was not an intentional political action:

Heydon: Was i t usual for women to have their own businesses or to

have their own jobs?

Isabelle: Not too many like today. No. Very few did.

Heydon: But you did.

Isabelle: But we did. yah. 1 did anyway. My husband. when you're

on a paycheck he would say, 'This has to do for this. and this has to do

that."

1 said. "1 don't like that. I want to have money in my pocket to do

with it what 1 want with what 1 want." So ihat's why 1 thought I'd like to

go in business. For myself.

Heydon: It gave you some freedom, maybe?

Isabelle: Well no. Money in your pocket! That' s the main thing, not

freedom. because you didn't jet too much freedom because you were busy

al1 the time! [laughs)

The same woman who handed over her business to her sister to go and work in her

father's grocery store, refused to allow her own husband to dictate the way that his

paycheck would be spent. Could it be that Isabelle had learned that allegance to one's

blood kin should supersede al1 other relations? Impossible to say for sure. What may be

subrnitted is that within the discourse of the day and social milieu, obedience to one's

parents was enshrined as ul timate law : in fact, it is one of the ten commandments of God.

While obedience to one's husband was certainly part of the Catholic church's and the

sttte' s wedding vows. such a vow was cenainly less serious than the ultimate law of God

which was given to the people through Moses.

Another interesting outcome of the above conversation was its ability to illuminate

the dispariry between Isabelle's generation and rny own. These differences are manifested

i n the diverse denotations and connotations of the word '-freedorn." For my Aunt. a

business of her own meant that she and her sister "had al1 the clothes [theyl wanted for the

children, and [they J had al1 the food [they 1 wanted." Her entrepreneurship was not

intended to be a statement about tnnscending her social position as a wornan (my late

twentieth century conception of the term) but rather. it was a necessary condition of

survival. Freedorn in Isabelle's days signified the ability to continue one's life with limited

suffenng - meaning the ability to \ive without hunger and cold. Freedom beyond this

sense. even if i t was jiist to include the privilege of deciding what to do with one's own

tirne in a &y, was practically impossible with two jobs. a husband and a hoard of children

to look after.

Isabelle's stories were packed with examples of how her obedience was a necessity

for the practice of familism, as well as how one's individual identity was subsumed

beneath that of the family. Though chapter four demonstrated through the sacrifices that

the sisters made for their brothen that al1 participants in the practice of familisrn do not

benefit equally, I nevenheless believe that the experiences of the DeMarco family indicate

that familisrn can also produce beneficial effects. Coming out of the era of the Great

Depression, such a philosophy of communal resources ensured the survival of al1 farnily

members. During World War I I , when. as lsabelle puts i t "business was very. very good"

this same ideology provided Evelyn with a means of getting out of debi, as well as a way

for her children to have a place to play duiing summer. In retum. Isabelle had the

assurance that she would receive the same treatment if she ever required it. Obedience to

her parents also provided Isabelle with their respect and blessings. as well as the

knowledge that she was secunng her place in heaven by iollowing G d ' s iaw.

Leila's stories of obedience, unlike isabelle's. do not revolve around complying

with her parents. but instead. have to do with her own personal effort to understand the

limits of obedience. As a young wornan. Leila entered the convent. By this tirne she had

lcarned that she must be obedient to her parents. to her teachers. to her church - but most

important1 y - to her Lord. When she was certain thai the religious life was her calling. the

wi l l of God came before that of her father. Papa did not want any of his daughters to enter

the convent. Leila açsumed his disapproval was because of the Old World perception of

religious life. She explained, ". . . rny father came from I taly . and in Europe. in the old

days. people entered the convent because they were poor or bad. It wasn't a religious

calling." In addition. the sisterhood before the second Vatican council necessitated a break

with the family. By the tirne that Leila decided to join. Papa had already seen his daughter

Julia enter the same order and disallowed from retuming to the DeMarco farnily home.

Nevertheless. Leila had to heed Gd's w il1 and the certainty of what He wanted her to do

rendered her unwavenng in front of her father's disapproval-a disapproval. which given

the solidity of his daughter's convictions. was rendered relatively unvoiced. When I asked

Leila if she was nervous about telling her father of her calling. she emphatically said. "No.

I was never nervous about telling anyone about anything. I have no fears. . ." Leila then

launched into an imitation (complete with Italian accent) of her father's reaction to her

new s: "My father said in broken English, "What' s a matter you' ve gotta good roof over

your head. 1 feed you as long as you live! W h y you gotta go to convent?" And 1 said.

"Pa. 1 just have to go." Leila uttered this last statement with enactness and resignation.

Such courage to do what she thought was right rewarded her with her father's acquiescing.

"Okaq." And ihat u s ihr las1 ihai ihey spoke of il.

Yei the same obedience which led Leila fearlessly to the convent. was also

responsible for her departure fmm i t less than a year later. Of her reason for leaving, Leila

euplained:

It was wrong thinking on my part. 1 thought perfection was important. and

1 felt I was failing the Lord because-1'11 tell you the whole story. They

were putting on a play, and 1 was always very shy. They were putting on a

play, and they wanted me to have the lead role. and 1 didn't want to do it.

They said 1 didn't have to. but in my mind I was failing in obedience and

not worthy to stay. Which is wrong thinking. but at that time. that was how

1 thought of it-that I was incapable of serving him perfectly. If I couldn't

do it perfectly then 1 wanted to gel out. So it was me wanting to be pertèct

rather than being- than saying- Lord I am unperfect. accept me as I am.

Which is the correct way. So. i was immature. religiously and othenvise.

The young Leila, focalised through the elder Leila. was not yet capable of overcoming her

fears to be perfectly obedient. Though the other nuns told their novitiate that she need not

take the lead role in the play, young Leila felt the necessity to do everything that was asked

of her. To take her own feelings and limitations into account was to fail. To Say no or to

be unable to perfonn every single service asked of her was also to fail. For these reasons.

Leila felt that she could not be a nun. She slipped from the convent into secular life. entered

univenity and studied to become a nurse. In this time she said she had "three years to

grow up and mature." which ultimately enabled her to recommit to God's calling by

retuming to the sisterhood. Though the mature narrator in Leila's story constnicts her

younger self as not needing to be perfect in order to serve the Lord, as an adult later in life.

Leila daes indeed transcend her own desires and feârs to succeed in her vow of obedience.

Incredibly, the elder Leila describes her vow. not as lirniting. oppressive or impossibly

difficuit, but rather as a task, whici i when undenaken with immense iaith, c m become a

rneans of l i beration.

With time. Leila's quest for obedience enabled her to do things that she never

thought possible. to go beyond her own personal limitations and io help others with

amazing results. She became the administrator of a hospital. built a rnuch needed.

revolutionary care centre for seniors, pioneered a mental health centre in the midst of

conservative govemment cut backs and did i t all. she daims, because she was just doing

w hat she had k e n told to do. 1 asked Leila if she could have accomplished al1 she had

without having entered the convent. Her response was clear. She told me.

No I wouldn't have achieved it. Do you know why? Because when we

tïrst entered you went and served where you were sent. So things that 1

thoughi that I couldn't do. . . Iike. you shed many tean when you got your

letter of obedience. For example. the Reverend Mother asked me about

nuning- what areas I liked.

I said. "I like them ail except the O.R. That's the only one I dont

like-the operating room."

So. i got sent to the operating room. Well. there were lots of tean

shed. That experience in the operating roorn- I was very happy there.

And 1 was able to use it in later years. Like, 1 would not have accomplished

or had the expenences I've had. 'cause 1 wouldn't have had the courage.

But because it was obedience, I dared anything. I was fearless. Because I

was doing it out of obedience. and I knew that the Lord would take care of

whatever happened. Like the St. Joseph Heritage [the nursing home Leila

builtl. that's over a twelve million dollar [cornpiexI-at that tirne. I don?

know what it'd be today. 1 had never built a thing in my life! Do you think

I'd go ahead and get involved in k i n g responsible for building a fifty

million dollar cornplex? No way !

The above demonstrates not only the way that obedience can function in an enabling

manner, but it also shows another characteristic of women like Leiia: the refusal to take

credit for anything. If the individual is to be subsumed beneath the famil y (or the religious

famil y in this case). then personal acts of goodness. kindness. chan ty , as well as any other

accomplishments should never be advertised. One must always be humble for fear of

committing the sin of vanity. The enforcement of such a sin ensures that the individual is

never focused on the self, but rather upon the whole of the family. the comrnunity and the

like.

In the following interchange, Leila dernonstrates the lengths to which she would go

to ensure that she was not given any of the credit for the building of the nursing home.

When 1 asked her how the home came about. she said,

Well. the city. one of the social agencies in Thunder Bay approached me. I

was the administratorof the hospital, and said, "Would you ask the

sisters?"-no not ask the sisten. "Would you be interested in operating a

nursing home? There are nuning home beds that have to be built. We feel

the city wants to build them. but we don? like the city operated stuff. And

the sisters have operated this hospital for years. and we like their operation."

So 1 said. "As far as I 'm concerned I've got enough on my plate.

but I'1I present it to the board."

So. 1 really didn't want to go into it. 1 presented it to the board. I

certainly didn't give them any encouragement. They came up with the

recommendation. and 1 told the sisten the same thing, "1 think the hospital and

hospitaling is enough. but if you want to do it."

So the sisten, the board wanted it. and the sisters said okay, so that's it. 1

had to build it.

Hrydon: So you huJ to build i t! ilaughs]

Lei la: (laughing] I wouldn't have built i t othenvise. That's what 1

said: anything I accomplished was because of obedience, not because of

intelligence or initiative or anything else- it's . i l from the Lod.

hila 's narrative was made to take al1 of the focus off of herself. Not once within the text

would she ever allow herself to be perceived as in any way responsible for the home: i t

was someone else's idea: it was someone else's recommendation; and importanily. i t was

someone else's desire. She said, "the sisters, the board wanted it." In fact. Leila's case is

strengthened by her intimation that she had practically thwarted the efforts of the city to

build the centre. This was the case when she told me. "1 certainly didn't give them any

encoura~ement" and again when she said to the sisien, "I think the hospital and

hospitaling is enough." Then once the word was given that the building should be

compieted. well then she had no choice but to go ahead with the othen' plans. And where

did sister DeMarco Say this strong lesson of obedience came from? "AH my values came

from family, from my mother and father. 1 got some in school, but basically i t's the

home. "

Rose

When Rose mamed Steve Fusinelo in 1935 at the age of twenty, she moved into

her in-laws' house. There. her childhood lessons of obedience were greatly tested. In her

family home Rose had heen responsible for obeying her parents. As the eldest daughter.

however. she had the respect and authority of her younger siblings. She was therefore as

much an obedient child as an obeyed surrogate parent. Once with the Fusinelo's. however.

she was stripped of al1 household power as her in-laws attempted to render her completely

dependent. Her father-in-law led her initiation into the Fusinelo home:

h'heii I iiiowd in he said to nie, ' T m i1ie firsi one in here h a î gives yuu

orders. My wife is next. then Steve. then Ontario [the younger son1 and

you. you corne in last. and your word is last. Whatever 1 say goes. And if

you don't do what we Say. you see this steel poker?" He was poking the

coals in the stove. "1'11 break i t on your back."

Though there was always the threat of violence from the males in the family. (as Rose

explained was traditional with many ltalian households of the day ). she primanly came

under the duty of care of her mother-in-law.

Mrs. Fusinelo ensured her daughter-in-law's obedience through several measures.

Most significantly. no individual member of the family held their own mowy. S!rveqs

paycheck went directly to his mother who. in tum. allocated funds as she saw fit. In this

way. shr could control almost every aspect of the household. There were no Street car

rides. movies watched. cigarettes smoked. shoes purchased or food eaten without her prior

approval. Mrs. Fusinelo set about very early in her daughter-in-law's mamage tto teaching

Rose to be a Fusinelo first and a DeMarco second. Yet the bonds of Rose's native

household were difficult, if not impossible to break. Consider. for example. the next two

stories where Mn. Fusinelo transgresseci two boundaries which were highiy significant to

Rose: allegiance to the DeMarco famil y store (and by extension. family as a whole) and the

proper following of the church's teachings. Of her mother-in-law, Rose toid me,

1 was mad because instead of buying grocenes from my Dad's place. she'd

00 [to the] West End Meat Market, James Street Meat Market: the other b

places. but not to rny Dad's.

So one day I told rny rnother-in-law, l says. 'Y ou're taking rny

husband's cheque. and instead of buying groceries from my Dad. and

giving him the business, you're giving it to sr ranger.^!"

She said. "What do you mean I'm giving it to-"

I said, 3 " s you are!" i said "At least a share of rny husband's

money should go to my Dad's store. After all. if 1 was ever hungry, I'm

sure my Dad would give me a slice of bread."

She said. "As long as you're in my house. you won't have to

worry. You'll never go starved."

So. she wouldn't go and buy the stuff there, and I told Papa. Marna

about ir . S o everytime she'd go in -sheld want some veal or

sornething-she wouldn't Say. "Have you any veal today ? "

She says. "You don? have any veal ioday. eh?"

My father said [with indignation 1, "No 1 don't have any today."

[laughsl And then she'd go off! [imitating Mrs. Fusinel01

"Vitella? No." (irnitating Papal "Vitella? No." Papa'd say!

[laughs 1

But she'd k e n going to the other meat market al\ her life, and they

were Marcheggiani and they knew each other and al1 that business. And

then. I get mad, because at that tirne we never eat meat on Fnday. She'd go

on Thursday the fish would come in at the West End Meat Market. And

she'd go and buy the fish. Right away she used to come home, she'd clean

the fish and dl that. and cook it for supper. So we aie fish on Thursduy and

meat on Friday. So 1 refused to eat it. 1 wouldn't eat it.

1 said. T m not going to eat it." 1 says, "'cause I'II eat it

tomorrow ."

So she says to me. "Weil if you want to. But I usually throw it out

if you don't eat it."

1 said, "Don't! Don't throw it out! We don? throw out anything. I eat

everything that' s left over."

[sarcastically 1 "Oh. that's good." Anytime anything was left over

she says. "Didn't you say you want the left overs'? That's for you."

If there was a piece of meat left over, she'd give it to me. [laughsi

Mrs. Fusinelo frequented the businesses of her paesani. Coming frorn the region of the

Adriatic sea, Rose's rnothcr-in-law felt no affiliation with the the DeMarco's because they

were Calabrese. Veal or no veal. she would never have purchased anything from them.

Similarly. a proud couple. Marna and Papa. once they had leamed of Mrs. Fusinelo's

reluctance to patronise their store. would never have sold her anything. Natunlly.

however. Rose would be caught between this tension. She really did feel that the

Marcheggiani were strangers. In Rose's stories. Mn. Fusinelo is ponnyed as highly

manipulative. She leaves Rose with no choice but to either eat old fish on Fnday or to

renege on her cornmitment to shun meat on this day. Coming from a strict practice of

familism and adherence to the rules of the Catholic church, Rose found herself in a tme

dilemrna. On the one hand she had leanied to be obedient to family and church. and on the

other. she had learned to be loyal and to perform her duty to her authonties. Yet once

mamed into another household, which family was she supposed to follow? Exacerbating

the situation. consider also the potential repercussions of disobedience with Mr. Fusinelo as

her father-in-law. So how did Rose resolve her dilemma?

A couple of incidents led to Rose's fight for emancipation. Rose was always the

fashionable one. While many of the sisters were strict utilitarians (particulad y Leila. Julia

and Nonna), Rose liked to present herself well. One of Mrs. Fusinelo controlling measures

was to dictate the presentation of her daughter-in-law:

1 remember once 1 had an old coat that they got through the catalogue.

imitation fur. twenty-five dollars. or something. And it was getting al1

frayed and everything.

So niy fatlier sâys tù Stcve. "What's a niattrr Rose g i n g around

with a coat like that? Cm't you buy her another coat?"

They wouldn't buy me -my mother in law, we'd buy one dress a

year. Everybody bought a new dress for the Marconi banquet. And ahen 1

bought that dress. 1 had to go to Theresa Spadoni's ISieve's sisteri and

makr Mr. Syadoni see the dress. And he'd feel the material and see i f it

was wonh it. for what 1 paid for it. because he used to buy-they used to

sel1 rnaterial in the store-in James Street Hardware they had a linen section

with sheets and pillow cases and material by the yard. He had more

experience. so he knew if rnaterial was g d or not. So. when I houghr the

dress. she sent me over for hirn to look and see the dress. see if it's okay or

not.

The above story was very important to Rose. as she repeated it several times throughout

our discussions. Different versions of the story included descriptions of having to put the

dress on. modelling it for Mr. Spadoni. having hirn feel the rnaterial. and generally king

inspected by othen. Though she did not Say it, these episodes must have been very

humiliating to a young woman who had previously been third in command for mnning a

large household and store. Equally humiliating must have k e n weating the frayed coat.

Papa was never known for k ing frivolous. For him to have mentioned the state of Rose's

coat. it must have been a terrible mess.

It seerns that one of the last straws came when Rose. after years of studying music.

finally gained her Royal Academy of Music teacher's certificate. Eaming this honour was

a long time coming. Throughout her childhood. the DeMarco's traded groceries for

Rose's piano lessons. Growing up. necessity forced her to study her theory between

caring for customers and children in the family home. When she was about to get mamrd.

Rose thought ihat this would preclude hêr from finishing her studies. yet ivith her mother's

encouragement and planning. the nulis continued to offer Rose lessons w ith thei r pay men t

being, again, the DeMarco's grocenes. Once under the Fusinelo's roof. there wrre many

times w hen Mrs. Fusinelo would not allow Rose the street-car fare to reach the convent for

her lessons. Rose would walk. rinally. once graduated. Rose was invited to the

convocation ceremonies:

When I had to get my certificate for passing, for getting a teacher's degree.

my music teacher said to me. "Rose. it would nice if you went to Toronto

for the graduation. Everybody else is going. Mary . . . " and she named

the rest. 'They' re going."

1 said, "1 don't know. How much is it?"

She said. 'The train goes the weekend. And if you take the

weekend train it's only eleven dollars."

When I went home and told my mother about it. Eugene 1 Rosc's

brotherl says, "1'11 corne with you." He said, "1 don? want you going

alone."

. . . [Blut 1 had to ask my mother-in-law for the rnoney for the train.

Two or tbree days before only, she said. "l'm sorry. but 1 don't have the

money. If you wait, maybe next month. I can give it to you."

1 said, "1 can't wait. I'm goinp this weekend."

"Well I'm sony. 1 don't have the money."

So Eugene says, "Well 1'11 pay for i t now." So he paid.

The next month she came to be and she said to me. "Mow much

was it b a t train that you had paid for?"

1 said, T m sorry. It's been already paid for."

I didn't want to take the money frorn her. I was so mad. She was

going to give i t to me d e r . Whai? You need Llir nionry r igh~ ihrn and ~hrre. eh?

Rose then leamed that she could not rely on lier mother-in-law to provide her with what

she needed. Mrs. Fusinelo had attempted to control Rose's movement long enough. On

one of the most important days of her life. Rose could not count on her new famil? ta

understand her needs. Given the stones that followed, it seemed that Rose resolved to

move out frorn under the shadow of her in-iaws.

Rose planned her fint subversive act to be canied out through the purchase of a

ncw hat. Where she found the money to execute this plan. 1 did not discover.

Nevenheless, Rose managed and lived to tell the following story with a devilish gnn:

Ch:e day. anyway. 1 went to town 1 bought myself a brown hat. I liked this

brown hat. 1 saw ii in the window so I got it. When 1 corne home, she

(Mn. Fusinelol started to laugh. She looked at i t and staited to laugh.

I said, "What's the matter'?"

She said. (imitating Mn. Fusinelol ' m a t hat! Do you see what you

look like with that hat on? 1 don't know how you like thai hat. 1 wouldn't

Wear it if I were you! You better bnng i t back. Bring it back! Bring it

back!"

1 thought. I'm not going to bnng it back. So the next day 1 went

downtown. 1 put rny bat on and did some window shopping. I get tired of

listening to her talk. She talked Marcheggiani. She didn't talk English. So,

1 went downtown. She'd p to get stuff. because evepLiLN. in the moming

she'd go down and buy her food for lunch. then after her nap in the

aftenoon she'd go again and get meat for supper. Twice a day she'd go

shopping in the store. They always bought everything fresh just before they

cooked. Never had stuff in the house like. you know?

So she went over to the store. and she said to my mother. "Did

Rose corne by here?"

Marna says. "1 don't know? What do you mean?"

"Weil, you know. she bought a hai and I thought it was terrible. i

told her to bring it back. i was wondering if she brought ii back or nor?"

My rnother said. "1 don3 know? 1 didn't see if she wore i t or not."

See my mother wouldn't tell her! llaughsl When i walked in the

door with that hat on. 1 thought she was Donna pass out! 'Cause she used to

do that! When she used to get mnd at me. she'd lie down. because she was

diabetic. and anything that would make her wony - the would upset

her- her sugar would shoot up. you know?

Mrs. Fusinelo employed her power of surveillance to control Rose. Living in a srnall

community. she was able to follow her daughter-in-law and visit the places that she

frequented, al1 so that she could detemine w hat Rose was doing. Rose laughed because

she knew that there really was no way to hide the hat, and. "getting away" with wearing the

dreaded brown hat could not have been Rose's motive anyway. as after evading her

mother-in-law for an entire day, Rose then-with dramatic panache no doubt-actually

walked into the Fusinelo home with the hat on her head! The pleasure. it seerns. was in

causing her rnother-in-law to worry about whether or not she was disobeying her. then in

causing her shock. In this way Rose subverted the power of the household (if only for a

few hours), by playing the role of the disobedient daughter-in-law.

Upon the completion of her teacher's certificate, Rose was able to free henelf. at least

financially, fmm the Fusinelo's. In fact. she managed. as the person whose word was

supposed t o corne last in the house, to have more freedom than her husband! She told me.

1 thought well heck, and 1 started to teach. 'Cause every tirne 1 wanted to go

downtown or do something. I'd have to ask her (Mrs. Fusinelo].

Steve u ~ u l d go to the bottom of rhe stair;. "Ma w u i d you throiv

down a dime? I want to buy a pack of cigarettes."

He'd ask her for every nickel, every dime. He didn't have a nickel

in his pocket. And then if he wanted to go bowling with the boys. he'd ask

me for money. Because then when 1 started to teach, I had money and he

didn't. So I'd give him two dollars to go bowling with Eugene and Ernest

and everybody. So anyway, when 1 çaw that 1 had to ask her for money. I

started to teach! So 1 could make my own money.

Just as Isabelle opened her own siore so that she could have her own money. Rose begar

to teach in order to hold the power which accompanirs having one's independent incorne.

The difference between the two women was that while Isabelle gave up her position as

entrepreneur. because her father ordered her to. Rose. once out of her familial home and

amed with a teaching degree. was detennined to eam her own money for as long as she

wantedi . It must be stressed. however. that though Rose attained relative autonomy later

in her mamage. the first years of living with the Fusinelo's was a difficult and potentially

dangerous tirne.

It must bc considemi that while Isabelle had numercius çhildrcn. Rose. though she lostered other peoplcTs cnildrcn throughout her lit'e. never had any of her own. Consequently, she hiid more Ilexibility to tvork.

Julia

Julia entered the convent once she was no longer needed in her brother's dentist

office. She was. as she explained it, "attracted to the cloistered life." She wanted to "get

[herlself away from the world." At the tirne. to commit to a religious life, meant obeying

strict and oCtrii Jifficuli reyuiations. There aere r o ï s oîsiirnçe. u l poirriy. of cliastity.

houn upon hours of prayen, years of studying, exhausting. unpaid work and the necessity

of seeing one's family moum the loss of a daughter. In a discussion with Rose and me.

Julia explained this heart-wrenching sacrifice:

I h d to say something like. "1 gladly give up my family. and take the

Blessed Virgin as my mother, St. Joseph as my father." And that was

terrible for the parents.

Rose: Oh yah. They weren't allowed to go and stay at the

mother's hoiise. They could visit in the aftemoon. I d o i t know if she was

allowed to take a cup of tea or not. At the beginning they weren't allowed

to eat there.

Julia: 1 wasn't allowed to go home for five years. When 1 could

go. then 1 couldn't have a rneal at my mother's house. I wasnet supposed

to have anything. Then the next year. or so. a few years d e r . you could

have one meal.

Heydon: Was that the hardest tesson?

Julia: . . . It was difficult. Not so much for myself. bu1 seeing

what it meant io my mother.

In her talk. Julia never once said that the separation from her family caused her

discornfort. What w u hurtful, was seeing the pain that her distance inflicted upon

her parents. Julia's commitrnent to the Lord was too strong to allow her to feel

anything except contentment towards her life-course choice. She had been taught to

obey her superiors, and in the grand scherne of things. God was her ultimate leader.

She was resolute in her allegiance to Him.

With the belief that God was firmly behind her, Julia excelled at religious life.

Throughout our discussions. whenever 1 may have suggested that living in the convent

mighi have been arduous. Julia did not agree. Sht: iramed her responses 10 my questioning

in ternis of the day to day obligations of sisterhood being hard. perhaps for others. biii for

her. it was the righr kind of life-one which she had been preparing for since youth. Pnor

to joining the convent. Julia had lived obediently, dutifully. reverently and in poverty. Thus

being a nun only extended the conditions of her chiidhmci and adolescence. In one of out

conversations she toid me,

. . . A lot of the sisten found things difficult that 1 didn't find difficult. For

one thing is. because we were going :O take a vow of poverty. we had to

live a life of poverty, and so we . . . owned nothing, so you had to go to the

directors if yoii needed a bar of soap. I f you needed anything you had to

ask for it in a humble manner. you know, "May 1 please have this?" Even

you had to ask if you wanted to take a bath. you know. [laughsl Because

you're taking -you9re using the time that should be used for the Lord. for

the comrnunity. . .

Heydon: -But because of . . . your upbringing. you were used to

that ?

J: Y ah. [laughsj

Growing up, almost every aspect of Julia's life had been detemiined by her superiors. She

listened to Marna. Papa, her elder siblings. her teachers. her pnest and the sisters at St.

Mary's çchool. As a novitiate. and later as a sister, Julia continued to ask pemission, to

wait for her orders. And never once, not in ail of my mernories of her, nor in Our taped

conversations. did Julia rver cornplain or even insinuate that this type of

burdensorne for her. Neither did Julia, when she spoke of her first years

even hint that it took some getting used to.

life was

l in the convent,

Yet while Julia, like Leila, would not take any sort of credit for her successes. her

story does reveal that not everyone excelled as she had in religious life. Significantly. she

pmceeded stories of her own early experiences as a novitiate. wiih the W o w i n p . This

story was Julia's response to my asking why a postulant rnight be sent home from the

convent. She said,

1b)ecause they had the wrong idea. ilaughsl 1 remember one of them

couldn't believe llife in the conventi.

[Slhe said, 'They gave me the apron before they gave me the veil!"

And she said. "I never believed it!"

She was working for a doctor, here in the Sault 1 think. And he told

her that the sisten scmbbed tloors and that they did this: and she ùidn't

believe it. She thought the sisters just looked nice and-you know -they

got al1 the respect and so fonh. One day she was told to go and scrub a

certain room. [laughs]

She said [indignantly] T m not going to do this!"

Y ou know. People who wouldn't be obedient . . . [people whosel

purpose there was not the right purpose.

Julia's story sets up the type of persondity who would find it difficult-if not

impossible- to live life as a nun. The woman in her story has lived a life of relative

luxury. She hns worked in a clean office, presumably filing, answering phones and

looking neat and pretty. She is not the type to want to get dirty, to scrimp. to do without.

She is a capo toslu-a hot head- w ho has the audaci ty to refuse when she is ordered to

perfom her duty. She is someone who cannot even conceive of the strenuous life of the

convent. She cannot "believe." and thus, she does not have the "right purpose."

Presumably, Julia had the right purpose when she chose to enter the convent. She

was full of the love of Cod and the desire to do His work. Simultaneously. however.

some of Julia's ta1 k reveals undertones of other reasons why a woman in this era would

choose such a M e . Rrparding the sistzrhood w hcn she first entered. Julia said.

We were living a monastic life . . . it was a teaching community. it was also

nurses. Most women were either nurses or teachers. The community

really provided women-that's why there were a lot of women who entered

the community -we were supposed to be entering for the love of God.

which I think we did, but it looked like an attractive lik, because besides the

love of God. some people might have looked on it for advancernent of

women. you know'? Because women in the convent. they were school

principals, they were nurses and administrators in hospi tais. besides being

nurses. so they had more opportunity. 1 think. than lay women had. The

main idea was really for God.

In the first part of this ten. Julia does not finish her sentence which relates to what the

community prwided to women. She cuts off her talk about the desires that the convent

might have filled for women. to bring up. instead. the love of God. l t is almost as though

one's thoughts (and by extension. speech) should not be taken up with the egocentricism of

persona1 wants. but rather. that God must always be forernost. Interestingly. however.

Julia does corne back to briefly discuss the "advancement of women." Just as her sister

Leila was able to become an hospital administrator. the religious life afforded Julia the

opponunity to continue her studies in music. to found the Avila School of Music in

September 1970.2 thus eaming her a licentiate in music (honoris causa) from the Western

Ontario Conservatory of Music.'

Throughout the above conversation, Rose listened to us from the kitchei?. Every

now and again she would have something to add. When Julia and I were discussing how

her upbringing prepared her for the convent. and the necessity of asking permission for

ekery iiiiriute deiail. I offliandedly siiid, "And Auntir Rose IidJ tu ask lie1 niodier-iii-lac

permission. 1 guess." With this. Rose placed herself into the conversation. The three of us

then spent a great amount of time comparing life in the convent. to life living under the mie

of a mother-in-law. At one point, Julia said. "IRosel had a harder time than I did!" She

laughed and added decisively , 'Wer life was harder than mine." Later. w hen Julia was

describing the necessity of obedience in the convent. Rose told the most amazing story.

She said,

Talking about disobedience. 1 remember ping to confession once, and I

told the pnest-I was teiling him rny sins- I said. "l've been disobedient to

rny elder. my superion."

He said. "Are you a nun?" 1 laughs)

I said. "No I'm not."

He said. "You said you were disobedient to your superiors?"

I said. "Well I live with my in-laws. and they're my superion. ( I l

didn' t do w hat they told me to do."

He thought 1 was a nun.

Prior to entering the convent. Julia had watched her eldest sister fight the oppression of her

in-laws. She witnessed the seemingly inescapable surveillance of Rose by Mn. Fusinelo's

ever watchful eye. Undoubtedly she heard stories of Mr. Fusinelo's outbursrs and

The Avila Schwl d' Music merged wi th M e h d University in 1923. Julia ihen b e r n e the coordinator of thc new hkeheari University Community Music School.

Thc Wcsiern Oniuio Consen.atoi). of Music is in aclulernic cwpentwn with The University 01 Western Onmo.

fireplace poker. Indeed it is therefore possible that while Julia did enter the convent for the

love of Cod. she simultaneously knew that the sçcular life could be very hard on a woman.

This cliaptrr coiisidrrcd ï a y s in whish olwdiciicr operatrd i i i h e adult livrs oF lhç

DeMarco women. In their stoncs the women relate thrit they heeded the commands of

their superiors-namely. their parents and G d . Now. while i t seems that concem for

persona1 desire has been suppressed so as to meet the requirement of humility, chapter sin

posits the potential for other kinds of desire. Obedicnce is also extended in the following

chapter to include how such a notion could have been instilled in the women and how i t

was perpetuated. A look at the institutions in the women's lives and a consideration of the

dominant discourses of their society and culture round out ihis discussion.

Chapter Six

Institutionai Techniques for the Making of M o d t y

Chnreh, School & the Family

Introduction

This chapter sumises ways in which the church. the school and the farnily may

have instilled and enforced the sisters' adoption of pariicular values, specilïcally duty and

obedience. It seeks to do so in several ways, including analysing the discursive practices of

The New Balrimore Currchivm (Kincaid, 1ell)I , the core religious studies tent of Catholic

schools, in collaboration with a close examination of the wornen's stories. Further to this

irivesti gation is an attempted understanding of how certain elements of Foucault's notions

of discipline and punishment ( 1977) may have accounted for the "normalization" of duty

and obedience in the DeMarco sisters's lives.

This chapter commences with a look at the the institutions of church and school.

leads into an examination of the farnily 's role in this nomalization/moralization process.

considen the sperific expenences of Julia's fomy into the convent and Rose's initiation

into wifedom by her mother-in-law, includes a discussion of the srnall Fascist ltalian

language school that some of the sisten attended around the time of the second world war.

and finally. this chapter contemplates the place and configuration of pleasure and desire in

the women's ever dutiful and obedient tives.

1 Though the cdition of' thc ciitcchism thar I citc w u publishcd in 1941, its content 1s no dit'f'crcnt thm carlier cditions.

Chnrch & School

Any attempt ro neatly divide the influences of church, school and fami ly upon the

sisters is. to a considerable degree, arbitrary . These three institutions relied heavi ly upon

one another. and they almost always prornoted sirnilar. if not identical. values and mords.

It is not surpnsing that individuals within any one of these given institutions would

reinforce each other. as each penon shared the teachings germane to their common

ethnicity and religious faith.2 This i s an example of Foucault's "nomalization" wherehy

disciplinary features lead to the homogenisation of norms and standards. Individuals

within such a "régime" subscribe to such norms or are deemed deviant (Foucault. 1977. p.

182). Though there is mass acceptance of pacticular values. there is. however, no

anonyrnity. The disciplinary structure is set up so that each person under its comrnand is

accounted for and singularly judged against the noms of the régime. In tum. such

individual s becorne enforcers of the standardised beliefs and behaviours ( Foucault. 1977,

p. 182). As Ford-Smith ( 1995) observes, "Foucault argues that disciplinary techniques are

the specific ri tuais for producing individual s who t hemselves Oecome instruments for the

exercise of power" (p. 60). In the case of the DeMarcos. for example. the authority of the

church was upheld by Marna and Papa. They interpreted and iniemalised the teachings of

Catholicism w hich were consequent ly reconsti tuted within the home.

Marna herself was a great advocate of closely studying. memorising. internalishg

and rhen precisely following the rules of the church. She wamed her children to mind

themselves and consequently reinforced such conduct as part of "normal" practice.

Marna's concem for dogma was prirnarily owing to her understanding of the church's

teachings on hell. Hierarchal observation and the examination are central to the process of

nomalization (cf. Foucault, 1977. p. 170; p. 184). Both of these elements are present

Al1 w r e Itülian and Catholiç (ix. the school w s rÿilfed by a number of Ciitholic nuns and the pansh pnesi t u s dso Itdian).

within Marna's conception of why one should follow the niles of the church. Julia

explained,

[Marna] was a very religious woman . . . she went to church. and we

discussed religion in ou r family. 1 remember when one of my nephews

had corne from university. and he was trying to tease her. and he was

saying, "Weli what if there isn't a God?" . . . and he was saying, "We have

to do these things . . . the Catholic church tells us and not do other things."

And she said. "Well, if there isn't a God, I 'm not hurting myself by

following the mles of the church. and what if 1 did what you're saying-

you know, go the wrong path? And then 1 came up to Ljudgment day. and]

when 1 died 1 found out there was a God! That would be worse! I'd rather

take precautions now just in case there is-w hether there is or there isn't !"

But \Marna] was a very reasonable perçon -and very logical -die

could figure thi ngs out. and she used reason also, in her religion.

Julia's passage constructs Marna as a cautious woman who knows that the universe's

workings include elements which are akin to Foucault's siirveillance and examination.

Using her reason. Marna would avoid damnation.

Marna is perceived by the sisters as knowing that one's actions are in a perpetuai

state of scrutiny and judgment. Such a belief is consistent with the Bultimore

Cuthec.hi.trn's teachings. In this text. God is literally represented as a human eye (Kincaid,

1941, p. 110: p. 157). On the day of judgment, which Marna alludes to. one's entire life is

reviewed by God. This is the moment of the ultimate examination. Catholics are taught

that deviaiions from G d ' s noms are always subject to punishment. Thus the catechisrn

evokes the bihlical teaching, "In Ail Thy Works Remember Thy Last End. and Thou Shalt

Never Sin" (Ecclus. 7-40 cited in Kincaid, 1941. p. 1 10). For if one does sin. -'[t]wo

kinds of punishment are due . . . the etemal punishrnent of hell. due to unforgiven mortal

sins, and temporal punishment. lasting only for a time. due to venial sins and also to mortal

sins after they have been forgiven" (Kincaid. l%l. p. 280). These teachings are reinforced

within the children's school text. through representational drawings of the stages following

death (see Appendix 1). So strong were these messages, that Marna. even as an adult. lived

in perpetual fear of damnation. thereby monitoring her own behaviour as she knew G d

would also. Y et equally. as Foucault explains is necessary in the disciplinary process. there

is a reward for normal behaviour. Do what you are taught is acceptable. and heaven is

your prize. Normal behaviour is equated with goodness and deviant behaviour. evil

(Foucault. 1977. p. 180). Individualç are nted against one another. competing for the rank

of good Christian. In this way. we can see how Marna and the church's teachings of

heaven and hell may have encourageci the sisters not only to reject deviant behaviour (or

sin). but also to aspire to increasingly moral (or good) acts CO take their place in the

hienrchy of good and evil.

For the sisters. God's ever surveilling eye was represented on earth by the cyes of

the school teachers. St. Mary's school certainly embodied al1 elements of Foucault's

disciplinary model. ûfschools in general. Foucault ( 19'77) States. [a] relation of

surveillance, defined and regulated. is inscribed at the heart of the practice of teaching. not

as an additional or adjacent part, but as a mechanism that is inherent to it and which

incrcûscs its efficiency" (p. 176). The teacher's eye was not only focused upon catching

students' minute mistakes in school-work. but it was also poised to detect any type of

moral infraction. The school very much took up the role as enforcer of Catholicism. as

Rose's following comment demonstrates. When 1 asked Rose. "ln the Catholic schools. i t

was taught by nuns. and you had catechism Iessons every day?" She enthusiastically

answered,

Oh yah! Oh yah! First tbing in the moming when you got into the room

was catechism. That was our first lesson, ulwuys. Then we went on the

first Friday . . . to mass and communion. When we came home from

church. sister had a card on the wall, we had to sipn our narne . . . that [wel

went io church. mass and communion that moming. Then. the priest

would corne to school to hear our confessions. so that we all go to

cornmiinion on the first Fndays. The priest was there al1 the time in school.

It was closely knitted. the school and church.

As such. children were obliged to attend mas. take conirnunion and to complete

confession. Their activities were closely monitored by a series of checklists placed on the

classrmm wall. Each individual's name and behaviour were catalogiied on the chart. At a

glance. teac hers could tell exact1 y w ho w as deviating from prescnbed procedure.

Similady. those w ho followed the prescri bed ordinances were rewarded with the

knowledge that they were perceived and charted as being "good."

The rite of confession was taken directly into the school. It too was akin to a type

of examimtion. Once alone with the priest. each person had io divulg their indiscretions.

The catechism teaches that it is the priest who makes certain decisions regarding our sins.

It relates,

We must confess Our sins because Jesus Christ obliges us to do so in these

words. spoken to the apostles and to their successors in the pnesthood:

"Whose sins you shall forgive. they are forgiven them; and whose sins you

shall retain. they are retained" (John. 20. î3) . . . These words of Christ

oblige us to confess our sins because the pnest cannot know whether he

should forgive or retain our sins uniess we tell them to him . . . To those

who Say that it is sufficient to confess their sins to God we answer that this

is not sufficient because God Himself cornmands us to confess our sins to

His priests. (Kincaid. 1941, p. 276)

Cod gave the priest the authority to jidge the actions confessed during this sacrament. In

the sisters' school. each individual was accounted for at al1 times: their actions were strict1 y

monitored by the presence of the priest, as well as by the chan on the wall. Thus. the priest

was constantly aware of each student's behaçiour-at school. at home-everywhere. In

this way. the school not only had the authority of an educational institution. but i t

additionally had the reinforcement of the ultimate amhority -God.

Reguiation of the students entailed more than establishing a hierarchy. prescribing

tirned exercises. surveillance and exarnining. It aiso involved punishment. Though Marna

taught that God was the ultimate source of judgment -and by extension. punishrnent -

punishrnent for disobedience was not strictly His doing. Certainly the DeMarco home held

the fear of physical hiirt as a way to train their children to follow the rules. Laughing

hysterically with rny Nonna, Rose told of an early childhood experience which taught her

in no uncertain tems, the conseqilences of "bad" acts. The following. is Rose's

"comedy ."

1 remember when I was a kid. Now this was a long time ago. We were

living at Chipetta's house. Papa had the job at National Grocer's-er

Gambie-Robinson 1 mean, Gamble-Robinson--and 1 knew when he'd

come home. he'd corne through James Street to Korah Road . . . And he'd

come with his lunch pail and al1 that, with a spotted apple or something. you

know. Anyway. I'd wait outside and wait outside, and he was never

coming. So. 1 go upstain, and I go in Marna's room and on the chifforobe

she had a quarter. Papa would give her a quarter . . . for her to buy meat to

make the sauce for dinner. He ate spaghetti everyday. Everyday that was

his rneal at nom. No. there were no seven or eight courses. He'd just fil1

himself up with that. So. she [Marna) went up to get the quarter and the

quarter was gone.

She said. "Where in the heck is that quarter? Where's that quarter?"

She cornes down, and I had gotten the quaxter. A couple of doors

down was a candy store. 1 bought candy and 1 gave some to Eugene. And

Eugene goes in front of Marna and eating the candy.

She said. "Where'd you get that candy'?"

"Oh Rose gave it to me."

So she said. "Rose. where'd you get that candy?"

*Weil what candy?"

Shr said. "Where'd you get that candy to give to Eugene?"

"Oh 1 found the money in the doll's head."

*'ln the doll 's head?"

T a h , it was in the dolf's head."

She said. "You're lying."

"No I'm not!"

"Yes you're lying. Corne with me!" So she grabbed me by the

hand and brought me to the house. They had a coa\ stove. She took my

hand and held it over the coal stove. She said. "Can you feel that? Now

you stole that. Now I'm going to burn your hands for stealing."

"No 1 didn't No 1 didn't!" [pleading]

"If you tell the tnith 1 won't do it . If you don't I'rn going to do i t .

'cause I know you took the money!"

"No I didn't, I didn't!" So she kept on getting closer and closer to

the heat and 1 started to scream, [crying] "I took it! 1 took it!" I took her

quarter. [Nonna and Rose laugh 1

Rose and Nonna laughed for, 1 believr, two reasons. First, as adults they knew that Marna

would never have bumed M e Rose's hand. They found it hysterical that she would have

[laughs] . . . That's how high it'd be. So 1 went there. and when 1 went

back to school, I was late! I was brought up to the front and given the strap.

For being late. But I felt so temble. I just felt-you know-my hair was

just cut. It was just as if I was bare. I just felt temble being in the froct of

the class as it was. But. she used to stnp us al1 the time.

Julia was shamed by her teacher in front of her entire class. Notice that the pain Julia

expressed in this telling is not the physical pain associated wi th the strap. When she said.

"1 felt so temble" these bad feelings were the result of emotional hun. A shy person. who

as an adult found immense cornfort in the privacy of the veil. Julia's crime was displayed

for all to see. She was at the front of the chus and chastised for her tardiness; she was laid

"bare." Interestingly. the image of the hair is almost a metonymy for her sin. The short

hair represents her vanity -the reason for her tardiness. It shows off her face and makes it

impossible for her to hide. By Julia's own admission. she and her peers were strapped "311

the time." Significantly, this was the occasion that Julia shared: perhaps because her

exposure rendered this evenr the mosr mernorable and rhe most troubling.

In one of his descriptions of early foms of punishment. Foucault ( 1977) relates a

normalizing tactic w hich eeril y resembles Julia's ordeal. Conceming the deviant. the text

reads. "1 1 let the punishrnent in3 tate i t and stimulate it more than the crime was able to

flatter it. If pnde led to the committing of a crime, let it be hurt. let the punishment disgiist

it" (p. 10'7). In the methods employed upon Julia, the preat deteminant of future behaviour

was certain1 y not the physical pain of the strap. Instead. up in front w here al1 could see. the

use of humiliation and example were strongest. I t was intended. perhaps, for the other

students to view the punishment of the infractor and thereby "leam a lesson." This is

perhaps what Foucault ( 1977) means when he says thai early configurations of punishment

were meant to be "fable[s]" (p. 113). The act of punishment was a narrative: those

i nvolved w ere chamcten - representatives of a type - and their story was

conventionalised-the actions and their consequences showed what could happen for any

other who committed the same ùffence. This narrative was created and set out for others to

watch-to read-and to consequently absorb the moral. Akm to the fables of the bible.

w hich the Buftimore Curcrhism (Kincaid, 1% 1) draw s upon again and again as examples

of appropriate and inappropriate behaviour. so too did the school's actual playing out of

s w k s of punisliiiiciii furictiun to nüme the drviant and the normai.

Throughout all of the women's stones. particularly those pertaininp to aspects of

duty and obedience. there is a clear sense of to whom one musi be submissive. The

wornen's religious education and their parents' understandings of Catholicism were

perhaps central to their perception of this chain of cornmand. It is therefore crucial io study

the origins of rhese teachings. To accommodate the scope of this paper. I will comment on

the key religious document in the sisters' eariy lives, the Bulrimore Cutrchi.srn (Kincaid.

1941 ). This text is unwavering on matters of authority: it teaches that Cod is the "source

of ail authority" (Kincaid. 1941, p. 157). He sets down exceedingly specific niles

regarding right and wrong behaviour. Of the outmost importance, duty and obedience are

set out as explicit law. In fact, duty to one's parents is one of the ten commandments. The

catechism (Kincaid. 194 1 ) teaches the absolutes of one's duty. It reads.

What is the fourth commandment of God?

The fourth command-ient of God is: Honor thy father and thy mother.

What are we commandeci by the fourth commandment?

By the fowth commandment we are commanded to respect and love Our

parents, to obey them in ail that is not sinful. and to help them when they

are in need . . .

What obligations toward their parents do gmm-np sons and

daoghters always have?

Grown-up sons and daughten aiways have the obligation to love and to

respect their parents. and to assist hem in their needs of sou1 and of body.

(pp. 157-158)

Notice that the language is precise and certain. Even the univene's most difîicult questions

c m be mswered in no more than a few sentences. The catechisrn also teaches that

Catholics have duties towards religious superion. the povemment and towards their

employers. A strict hierarchical chain of command is established w here eveqone has

hidher place. 1 t is crucial that this hierarchy and the requisi te acts of submission are

mandated by Gd. The Bulrirnorr Cuzechism ( 1941) reminds. "Let everyone be subject to

the higher authorities. for there exists no audiority except from God. and those who exist

have been appointed by God (Rom. 13, 1 ci ted in Kincaid. p. 157). With discourses such

rs these. it is not surprising that the DeMarco sisters would daim duty to one's superiors

as the forernost requisite for a moral life.

Comparatively. obedience is enshrined in the catechism as a moral virtue. It holds

a lesçer impentire than the will to be dutiful. While obedience to the ten commandments

and to G d ' s will is an absolute necessity, general obedience is conceived as a requirernent

to reach the status of a "moral life" (Kincaid, 1941, p. 72). Obedience in this sense is

described as that "which disposes us to do the will of our superiors" (Kincaid. 1941. p.

77). Such lessons are embodied in chart forni (see Appendix I I & III) which plainly state

that God is always watching to be assured of our adherence to His laws. Again, each

person is accounted for and placed within their appropriate rank. Thus. the women's

insistence upon the necessity of foliowing the chain of cornmand is not simply a lesson

particular to the DeMarco household, but it miist also be recognised as an irnperative of the

church and schml.

Julia & the Chnrch

As an adult, one's Catholic education was not complete. To best illustrate some of

the ways in which the church could continue to operate into adulthood. to enforce the

values of duty and obedirnce. I draw upon Julia's experiences in the convent3 . Julia's

convent life pnor to the second Vatican Council was very rnuch akin to life in cenain

prisons. In fact, her descriptions of this time are replete with images from Foucault's

"Philadelphia Model" ( 1977. p. 123). Consider. first. Foucault's painting of the prisoner's

existence.

Life was partitioned . . . according to an absolutely strict time-table. under

constant supervision: each moment of the day was devoted to a particular

type of activity, and brought with it its own obligations and prohibitions:

'Al1 prisoners nse at daybreak, so that dter making thcir beds. cleaning and

washing themselves and attending to other needs. they generally begin their

work at sunrise. Frorn that moment. no one may go into the rooms or

other places excrpt to the workshops and places assigned for their work. . . .

At nightfall, a bel1 ings to mark the end of their work . . . they are given

half and hour to arrange their beds, after which they are not allowed to

converse aloud or to make the least noise.' (p. lu)

The prisoners' bodies are standardised. Each movement, each function is predetermined

and must be observed orbe deemed deviant. There is a hierarchy of command whereby

everyhoe is stnctly watched. The time tabling and the ritualised activities render it

possible to survey numerous prisonen at once. Pared down, leaving only the necessary

activitirs. the prison functions like an efficient machine where there is no wasted

Obviously these were not expricnces that al1 OC thc women shucd. but due to the limitations of this ihesis. 1 shall t'mus in upm the one rnost salient exmple. Such an esample. hoivever, should not be generdised. I t is only to be uscd as an ~Ilustration.

movement, no action which is not useful to the production of a good clean life.

Additionall y, prisoners are kept in constant activity further controlling and restricting their

behaviour and the space(sf that ihey occupy.

Consider now the similarities between the above. and Julia's life as a young sister

in her order. She told me,

. . . Me in the convent . . . we had stnct rules of silence. 'The sacred silence

started at nine o'clock at night, and we didn't speak ro anybody unless

something happened. you know. No talking with anybody until even nine

o'clock in the moming. We got up at 525. and we went to the chape1 and

made meditation. said our prayers, had breakfast in silence, while someone

was reading Thc Lises ofthe Suinrs . . . [T lhen everybody got ready to go to

school or p to their duties. And then. from nine to noon. if you had to

speak. you spoke. i t was a less strict silence. but it was still silence. At

lunchtirne, you spoke. and if you got the dishes done and everything. there

was may be a short time for recreation. Maybe at one. Then at one thiny.

we said our prayers again. At thai time we did Our daming while we were

praying. It was strict silence there.

Julia's entire existence during these days was compartmentalised. The tirnetable ruled

supreme. The use of her bodily functions was detetmined by her superiors and the clock.

Speak duri ng these shori prescribed moments: remain silent du ring these extended houn.

Like the prisoner. Julia rose at dawn. never allowed to indulge her body in the comfon of

prolonged sieep. Every sister had her place, and Julia knew exactly when to perfom

which duty. In each of these situations. isolation is also a factor. While the prisoner was

isolated to. as Foucault ( 1971) says of the "English Model". "enabIlel him to go into

hirnself and rediscover in the depths of his conscience the voice of good" (p. 122). Julia's

silence was equally rneant to allow her to "[glet close to G d . " Neither the prisoner nor

the sister were meant to form bonds with their peers, hence the d e s against verbal

communication. and the scarce moments alloited in the tirnetable for socialking. Julia

related to me that these years were meant to teach her to be alone with Christ: the insistence

upon this lesson was so intent, that the acknowledgment of the individuality and/or

personality of another human being was frowned upon. Jiilia told me. "When we met

another sister in the hall. we'd Say, "Praise be to Jesus." We were looking at Chnst within

the other person." I n this way. each of the women literally losi their bodies in the eyes of

the other. As such. without one's self intact. the ability to resist the institution's imperative

of obedience was greatly reduced. Equally. for the prisoner and the sister. the controlling

of every aspect of one's life could be considered as leading to the break-down in the ability

to make choices-again, fostenng a climare of cornpliance.

Within the practice of familism. and specifically in the case of the DeMarco's.

one's identity was constructed in relation to the farnily. Further to the dissolution of the

self w hich entered the convent in order to create a new identity - that of sister - there was a

break with the family. Of this. Julia lamented. "1 wasn't allowed to go home for five

years. When I could go, then. I couidn't have a meal at my mother's house. I wasn't

supposed to have anything, then the next year. or so. n few years after. you could have one

meal." With the rituaiised taking on of a new name and a denouncing of her family. Julia

was reinvented as the obedient nun: a role which she. throughout al1 my years with her and

throughout al1 of our conversations. seemed to accept willingiy and cornpletely. And it is

not as though such an existence was without its pleasure. For as the examination of the

catechism shows. there is a hierarchy of goodness which has been established. Lead the

ultimate in a moral life (for example. abide by every rule), and one is rewarded with respect

and heaven.

Rose & the Family

As stated. any attempt to unbind the institutions of famity. school and chuich

would be somewhat artificial. In my discussions of the church and school. Marna figures

prominently. In this way . the previous section couid have been titled. "Church. School &

Famil y ." However. there are some experiences which warrant a close examination of the

family on its own. In order to illustrate how the family functioned to enforcr ohdience

and duty. 1 present to you i n this section. Rose's life within the Fusinelo household. This

relstionship is interesting, for though Rose's obedience was called for through the

procedures O; timrtabling, surveillance and examination (regdatory strategies which

functioned to control behaviour in many other situations). she was nevertheless. large1 y

able to resist and cxtricate herself from thesc confines.

Rose's secular adult life. as stated in the lasi chapter. was very rnuch informrd by

the same regulatory procedures as Julia's. Under the eye of her mother-in-lnw. Rose's

tirne and actions were also prescribed. The difference was that while Julia's orders came.

as she perceived. from the God whom she loved. Rose's orders came from her in-lnws for

whoni she held disdain. Yet in both cases, the women's bodies were slosely repulated.

Rose's body was ailocated to the market and the kitchen. owing to the household's (and the

culture's) demand for the preparation of complicated meals. Of this common patriarchal

means of domination, Lesko ( 1988) States,

Control over women through bodily restrictions is well-documented in

anthropology and sociology . . . Wornen have k e n controlled through

* busyness': for example. cultures dernand elabonte food preparations in the

home (Hinhon, 1978). unending hand sewing (Genn. 197 1 ). or othenvise

organize eveq waking moment (Okely. 1978). hch of these forms of

busynrss also keeps women in a contained space. usually the home.

(p. 126)

In our discussions, Rose talked about her mother-in-law 's ritualisation of meal-time. the

necessity of making macaroni from scratch. and the time consuming methods to prepare i t

as Mrs. Fusinelo deemed -'proper"' . Recall the expectation that al1 produce and meat be

purchased directly before a meal. requinng twice daily trips to the market. As Rose was

not permitted to hold household money. Mm. Fusinelo would do this purchnsing.

However. the enpectation was that Rose would niirnic her actions. thereby lenming how to

be a "proper" wife. In this way. the demands of wifedom dictated the actions of Rose's

body. They also did not offer much of an opportunity to resist. as one was simply roo

busy.

Rose's every movement was surveyed by her mother-in-law. In the beginning of

their relationship. Rose acquiesced to the daily routine and to the demands of Mrs.

Fusinelo. Living in an ethnic community in an already small town. Rose had little hope of

"getting away" with deviant behaviour. Her mother-in-law used the network of paesani to

keep on eye on her. When Rose. for exainple. would disappear from sight after churçh.

Mrs. Fusinelo would scour the streets looking for her. asking in doonvays and in the

streets. In addition. as mentioned earlier, Rose's appearance was also dictated by the

family. She was examined by Mr. Spadoni before being allowed to wenr a particular

dress. and even her complexion waç scrutinised and deemed unacceptable in its "natural"

state. As such. Rose was ordered to alter herself in every way. She explained.

. . . one thing that upset me . . . 1 wanted to go and buy some face powder.

and my sister-in-law says 1 was wearing powder that was too dark. I had

4 Cornparc DeSül~a's obscn.aii«ns ol' the link ktwccn püsiÿ-making and the enslm.emcni of ltÿlian uSornen ( 1984, pp. 35-36).

durk skin! Natunlly, 1 was taught to use the colour of your skin. She

bought me a box of lighr powder. and that's whar I h d to use!

Rose's dark. southem Italian complexion was considered an affront to the family. In

order to remake her as a Fusinelo. even her skin needed to change. and Rose felt the

impentive to obey which is marked by her emphasis of "hud" in the above stntement.

Y et impressivel y. Rose escaped t his domination. Scveral factors accoun ted for

this- factors which wcre not present in many of the other womrn's lives. First. though

Mrs. Fusinelo attempted to dissolve Rose of her DeMarco traits. Rose's identification and

allegiance to her biological family could not be broken. As long as there was the r hreat of

punislimen~. Rose would obey. yet the internalised feelings of duty were never fiAy

implanted. Second. Rose was able to secure herself a reliable income. Wirh thi s money.

she had the means to rebel. Third. as Steve's parents aged. ihey were unable to provide the

sanie threat. and Mrs. Fusinelo in particiilar. depended upon Rose to carc for her. The

tuming point came when Rose and Steve. as a childless couple. evantually earned enoiigh

money to buy a home of their own-a necessity. as Steve's brother-in-lnw was going to

tear down the apanrnent ihat the family had been living in. A reversal of power in the

family took place when they moved from the Fusinelo's apartment. resulting in a tragic

end for Mr. Fusinelo. Rose told me,

Steve said to his mother. "Think about getting better. I'm buying a house.

and you're p i n g to have a nice house to \ive in."

Spadoni was teanng down the apartment. He wanted to enlargen

his office. and we were still living there. when they were taking down the

walls and everything. . . So we had to find a place. 1 found a nice house.

Papa told me about the house on East street. Papa told me to buy it, you

know?

So. my mother-in-law says, "The house is not going tu bnng my

leg back. The house is not poing to rnake me betrer."

And rny father-in-law says. "This isn't my house. it's your house.

This is not rny house! It's your house!" He kept saying . . .

When he got to my place, then. he feit he was out of place. He

didn't feel relaxed or at home. It was on Father's day. 1 remrrnber. I got up

and I says to Steve. "Your father's not in his roorn." I said. "1 wonder if

he wenr to mass already."

He said. "Well I didn't hear anybody."

"Weil. he's gone!"

So I called to see if b+! p x tû his cowin's place. and she said no.

1 called al1 over. Finaily 1 called even Sudbury. I called Buffalo. w here the

reiatives were. I couldn'r find him. We looked al1 over, couldn't find him.

So we didn't know what happened . . . we started going around asking.

This Barber said to Steve, "Y our father's stilt here i in the town 1.

He came in to Cet his hair cut. He had his cheqiie from the steel plant. . . He

had to $0 and get it changed. He says he's going to go and bring it back.

He's staying on Bay Street. JJJ Ray St."

So. we weni down to Bay Street looking for him. When he saw us

going down there. Ontario went on one end. Steve was on the other looking

for him. then he went to the river. He had gone a couple of times trying to

drown himseif. He didn't have the courage. Then when he saw the boys

going after him. he threw himseif in the river. They found him on Father's

Day. his body came out like. you know. We had to go with the policeman.

the Constable and identify the body. He still had that cheque in his pocket.

Rose's penchant for drama is evident in her construction of this story. Her last line lends

this rnemory an effect present in the best ironic literature.

There are several items of significance in the story. First. it is Papa who tells Rose

which house to buy. As in the case of Isabelle. Rose's first duty is to her parents. and a

decision of ihis magnitude couid not be left up to a husband. Next. Mr. Fusinelo is the

ultimate dispossessed dictator. Without a home temin upon which to lord over his

csbjects. Mr. Fusinelo would rather choose to end his lik. Now ii is quire conceivable thnt

owing to the death of his wife and the possibility of mental illness. Mr. Fusinelo's suicide

was not entirely owing to his reluctance to give up his power as uncontested d e r .

However what is signifiant here, is that Rose told the story in this way. She perceived this

io btr a matter of powcr. She perceived Mr. Fusinelo to be the fearful patriarch who could

l ive with nothing less. And more importantly. we must note that with the demise of this

totalitarian govemment. Rose snt poised to take the throne. as the new enforcer of

nom~al ized behaviciriir.

The Influence of Italian Fascisrn

Prior to the commencement of Wortd War 11. Lucille. Julia and Isabelle attended

ltnlian laiiguage classes on the weekends-5 . As the school was closely tied with current

trends in Italian politics. culture and the church. it overtly enforced the Fascist values of

Mussolini and the ltalian state. Rose was the pianist for the school and was even able to

provide me with her dog-eared. though entirel y completr copy of lnni E Cunzoni Drlli

Putria Fuscisru (Scuole Italiane AIl'Estero. 1937) an official Song book of the Fascist

party of Italy. The classes were housed in the local Catholic elernentary school. Special

functions such as recitals and fund-raisen were held in the Sons of Italy Hall in the West-

end of the city. It seems that Monsigneur Balcastro, who was not only the parish pnest,

- - - - -- - - - -

5 Luciilc ünd Julia ivcrc deîïniiely invol~.cd. Thcrc is somc disagrcemen! ovcr ~ A ~ i ç h ol. ihc other sisicil; del'iniiely nitended. Isabelle recdls I'requenting the schcxd. and she could even rcciie somc of ihe sungs that shc clriimcd n.ere Icrirncd ~herc. Lucillc and Julia, hm.evcr. coiild not co r r ch r~ t e her stop.

but also an administrator of St. Mary's elementary school. wns instrumentai in setting-up

the ltalian classes. as well as organising st:hool outings and gatherings such as ltalian

Fascist picnics. Such outings were principally desi gned for the students of the ltalian

classes.

There is little and often confiicting information regarding the sisters' attendance at

the weekend school. Often. the younger women said that they had few memones of this

tirne. Yet rny knowledge of family \ore tells me that this is not necessarily so. Growing

iip. 1 overheard many stories from these ver). mouths. jokingly recounting events. such as

the tirne that Julia and my Nonna wore Fascist a m bands at an ltalian picnic. Knowing

that many of the values of the famil y. church and school were congruent with those

espoused by the ltalian Fascists. and k i n g aware that ltaiians in the women's hornetown

were not well received by the dominant ethnic groiips of the &y. leads me to contend thai

this little weekend school functioned above and beyond simply tnnsmitting neutral

linguistic information. I t definitely had a role in re-inforcing particular values- valiies

which were embodied in the identities of the dutiful daughter and the obedient women.

Significrintly. though Papa spoke little English, and Marna was cornpletely

bilingual. the chiidren did not leam ltalian in the house. From al1 accounts. babies and

toddlers were spoken to in Italian. but at the moment that the child entered school. English

became the dominant, if not the only, language. No woman would. or perhaps could. give

a justification for this happening. Of the rationale for this situation Isabelle. like all the

others. explained, "1 don't know. I was told that when we were M e . before going to

school. rny mother used to say that we ta1 ked ltalian with him [Papal. Biit once we went to

school. we spoke English and he spoke English and so did she \Marna]. I don? know the

reason." There are. however some ches to this mystery. All of the women related that

Papa held the typical immigrant dream: he wanted to economicall y provide for his family .

Canada was the place to do this. ltaly had nothing to offer him in this respect. While Papa

was able to suppon his farnily in this new country. his inability to speak standard English

was a handicap. one which he would not saddk his children with. Julia told me.

In those days [during her childhood) the ltalians had an idea thnt they had to

get alonp, you know . in this country -in Canada- and it was most

important that they speak English. Like (Papal. he. never went back to Italy

after ne left it. He wasn't that interestrd. He j ust wanted to make a living

for his fninily. and he felt they'd get along. I t wasn't necessa?.

With the pragmatism common to immigrants of the early iwentieth century. Papa

encouraged his children to forgo the minonty language of their parents. and assiirne the

dominant discourse. Simultaneousl y , however. the values. culture and even social

structure of the Italian heritage. were an integnl part of the fernale çhildren's life 0. The

girls. though they spoke English. were. especially dunng their childhod and adolescence.

niarked ns "f talians" (and therefore not wholl y Canadian) by non-ltalians. and they were

never far From assuming the general roles of ltalian women.

There were definitely ethnic tensions in the women's homrtown-even pior to

ltaly joining ranks with Gemany in the second world war? The west-end of the city was

reserved for Italians and other immigrants who were perceived as "lowet-class" (mostlp

Catholic peoples from eastem Europe. such as Poland and Croatia). To avoid trouble. y o u

stayed where you lived, and fratemised with your own paesani. Leila explained the usually

unspoken. yet widely known truth that ltalians were perceived by the dominant classes as

lowly. She claimed that in the high school, Italians were usually streamed into technical

studies. nther than academics. and more generally. she said that as she grew up.

Thc boys. »I. soursc. as pnrnary cconomic agents. ivcrc almosi t.ully irnmerscd in dominant Canadian culiure tas, !ou tviII rccsill. thcy \vcrc sent oui OC lhe Italian neighbourhocd ruid schcx~ls, tu Toronto).

Isaùcllc's irmscnpis. howe\,er. do no1 concüin ;uiy mention <if rwisrn or cihn<xenirictsm. ln Cxt. shc t k d y rct'uses thc chargc, striling, "WC didn't hiivc an), pnhlem \vith that (rricisml rit al1 . . . ivc pot rilcing i t ~ t h c\.cqkxiy." It is cntircly possiblc thal Isabelle's p n m q cspcricnccs Ivcrc pcrcci\.eci as such, sincc 5hc did noi , as ri child. c,t'tcn ir;i~.cl outside of the ivcsi-end of thc city and most o f hcr schtx~ling ifas çomplctcd in thc clcmcntary grdcs , rncaning that she \vas almost dways, rvith Iwr nwn kind.

1 just knew that it was there. that being ltalian from the west-end we were

looked at differently . . . [My parents) were aware of the conflict in the city.

Anybody in the west-end was ostncised. they couidn't join certain

clubs-the country club-[if] they were Italians or Polish. We were not

permitted to engage in certain activities that wcre heid i n the east-end. My

parents were quite aware of that. Evrrvhodv in the west-end knew that.

For these reasons. i t is perfectly understandable that for survival's sake. ltalians needed to

stick together. Since the females were probably not. unlike their brothers. goin:, to venture

out i nto w hi te-collar professions. the sisters would need the protection of their compatriots.

They might also need to derive a sense of identity and pnde from their I talian heri tage.

Hence Papa and Marna's decision to send their daughters to the Italian language school.

Julia and Lucille seemed to recall that they were sent to Italian school. not for

political reasons. but simply. to leam the language. Julia said plainly. "We went to leam

Italian. We didn't know that there was anything Fascist about it. I t was descnbed as

learning ltalian." However. Fascist idrals were certainly part of this acquired language.

All of the women still enjoy singing Giovinrucl! (Blanc. 1937. pp. I 1 - 13 )-the official

march of the Fascist party of Italy-though they deny that it holds ûny political

sipificance. I n a conversation with my Nonna. Julia and Rose. the following ernerged:

Heydon: When you were singing the Giovinezza Song. what did you

think you were singing when you were a kid?

Nonna: Nothing. [siightly annoyed with rny questions] 1 just

thought that i t was-

Rose : -A nice song!

Nonna: -Their song!

Julia: Giovinezza just meant y u t h .

Nonna: Li ke some people sing Arnericu rhr Beuurifitl. or God B1er.s

ilrtterictl.

Rose: It's a national song.

Heydon: Dtd it make you feel more I talian'?

Nonna: [annoyedl No! I was jusr like a kid a t a partu. You go sing

Huppy Birthduv. You go to a party you don't sit there when they're

celebrating a birthday . Everybody sings Huppy Bir thdq and you sing

Huppv Birthduy Doesn't make you feel better! ( I laugh 1

Rose: Doesn't make you feei worse! levcrybody laughsl

Nonna: She [Heydon] asks the silliest questions. I 'm going to give

her silly nnswers. Weeee! As Janice ays. Weeee!

Singing the official Song of the Fascist Party of Italy is, in the estimation of these women.

no different from singing O Cuncidu. and like Huppv Birrhdw. i t is simply a Song which

one sings at the appropriate occx.sion, because everybody else is singing il. The suggestion

tha t the sonp may have caused a feeling of'patriotism (towards M y ) or the sensr that its

importance transcended its notes and 1 yrics is mocked at. By asking such questions. I

becorne the "silly" outsider w h o needs t o be laughed at. Yet 1 niust wonder if this is really

a case of my k i n g naive about the women's political awareness. Surely they were aware

of many if not most the implications of their alliance with Fascist M y . Consider. for

exampie. Rose's explanation as io why Papa sent the girls to ltalian language school. She

said.

this was because the Italian people felt they wanted the children not to

abandon the tradition of speaking Italian and learn the customs-the Italian

customs and al1 that. They wanted [thisl. just like the French people do. I t

was the same thing. And that's why they wantled] them to iearn ail these

songs and what their culture was before. and they wanled to cany that on in

the lamily. Then. when Mussolini was more or less murdered. it al1 IèII

through. Because we found out that he went with Gerrnany against

England and then tumed amund and went with England against C e r n a y

and al1 that. They hung him upside down and al1 ihat. Anyway. i t was

because the people before had so much trust in him that he was going to

bnng ltaly back to what it was in the time of Rome when they were leaders

of the wholc world more or l e s . you know'? So. they believed in

everything that Mussolini said. until they found out that he was a dictator.

and al1 of n sudden he wasn't hirnself. It wasn't Italy he was concerned

about. lt kept changing. There's still a groiip in ltaly that favour Mussolini.

they follow his ruling and al! that.

!n this statement Rose demonstrates knowledge of politics that extends far beyond her

earlier contention that Giovinr::u was synonymous with G d Suise ~ h r Qwen*. She

acknowledged that ltalian Fascists aspired to once again "lead" the world as they allegedly

had dunng "the time of Rome." Consequentiy. this movement was synonymous with ;i

stmgglr for power. Rose understood. when she compared her Family's situation to that of

the French in Quebec. that langiiage and culture are inseparable. and that the fight to rrtnin

one's native andor ancestral tongue is a political battle. This is also the case as she aptly

admits that the ltalian parents who sent their children to this school were concemed. not

only with language. but also with "customs." She was cognizant of the details of

Mussolini 's affiliations. and the conseqiiences of his actions. and finally. her talk shows

that she perceives herself as knowledgeable about the current status of Fascism in Italy.

Rose and her sisters. were aware of poli tics. but. they denied that they . or any other

mem ber of their famil y, were consciousl y ancüor active1 y irnplicated. Instead, they

fashioned their involvement as having been akin to a case of mistaken identity. When I

. --

8 A da im shc madc on page scsxmccn o l thc t r ~ n s ~ n p ~ .

was involved in discussions with the women individually. 1 received scant infornation

regarding the school. As an ensemble, however. 1 managed to elicite reco\lections of

specific stories. The following conversation reveals the women's admissions of the

consequences of attending known ltalian Fascist functions:

Heydon: Wasn 't there a s toq about there had been pictures or

something at a picnic.

Julia: I heard that stoty.

Heydon: Then when the war happened. . .

Nonna: You too! Ito Juiial You were in thar picturc ioo. Y ou and 1

both.

Hrydon: Tell that story.

Julia: I don7 even rememkr,

Nonna: We went to the Italian picnic because ihey had an ltalian

picnic and Marna sewed us with white Ilour sacks-

Rose: Oh yes. al1 our dresses-she'd put a coloured button on

some-but out of sugar bags and flour bags. She'd bleach them untiI they

were pure white and sew Our dresses.

Nonna: Yah, so she had an outfit, the white outfit, for the beach.

And 1 had my white cutfit and when they were going to take a picture

[laughingl they sat us right out front the two for us. with al1 the Giovinezza!

Al1 the Primaveras and al1 the Fascistas! [Rose starts to sing G i o \ k c r u J

Nonna: Then we heard that they sent the police to arrest the people

that -

Julia:

Nonna:

- Were in the pictures! Ilaughs)

- Were Fascists. Y ah. that were in the gicture. My mother

. . . she tore !the pictures] up into a niillion pieces. She was afraid they

were going to Tind the picture[sl. She tore [theml up!

Understandably. once the war began and ltaly had sided with the Germans. the ethnic

contiicts in the women's hometown were exacerbated. To be affiliated with Mussolini in

any way rneant that one w3s a traitor to Britain and Canada. The repercussions for treason

wer- not just set by the courts and goveminents. but also by the dominant ethnic groups in

the rity. Such a prospect would induce anyone to destroy al1 evidencr of havinp been

ah11 iated uf ith Fascist organisers andlor sympathi sen.

Additionallg. the women really did see nien bat they had known al1 their lives. k a i

the consequences of their politics. Rose told of the day that everyone's worst fears were

realised. Notice in this story how she extricaies hrrsrlf and her fnrnily fmrn political

involvement. She said,

I remember 1 was putting on a play at the Sons of Italy Hall with the

choir. . . It was on June the 3rd. or something. when 1 the 1 war was

declared.

Then somebody says."We can't go there tonighi. There will be

policemen there. The policemen will be stopping us on account of soin:.

agai nst Canada."

So I said. "We have nothing to do with politics you know?"

But being i t was the Sons of ltaly Hall. and we were in the Italian

community and al\ that, the policemen did corne. But they didn't corne [to

ûrrest the Italiansl. They came more or less to protect us. so that nothing

would develop out of that situation . . . Our ptiest. Father Balcastro. was

very strong with the rest of the group that belonged to the Fascist Society.

And (the police) went to the house, [andl they were goinp to put him in jail.

Mr. Polembo and my dad spoke to (the police] and they said they wouldn'i

!put Papa in jaill. but Mr. . . . Pascontori. Gentille and ah. Eniilio . . . were

taken to jail because they belonged to the Fascist group . . . Reall y we 1 the

DeMarco's] didn't take part in anything (the Fascists] did. but being that we

belonged to the ltalian community [the police] thought maybe we al1 did.

you know? [They thought that Italians] all had the sarne idea.

Rose claimed that she had nothing to do with politics. though she played the piano and

raised money through concerts and plays For the Italian Fascist language school. She

claimed that she had nothing to do with poliiics. though the police had to be callrd to the

hall thai she frequented. to proiect hrr froni a potentially angry mob. Rose clairned that she

had nothing to do with politics, though she confessed that Monsigneur Ralcastm. her

family 's close friend and the parish pnest. was a strong organiser with the Fascist Society

in town. Rightly. Rose makes the case that not al1 ltalians in the comrnunity were Fascists.

though whether she li ked i t or not. Rose and her sisters were certain1 y involved in

politiçs-even if this is only to the extent that her own sense of identity was constructed in

opposition to being perceived as a political agent.

As a result of these experiences with the Fascist school. and as a result of having

been so heavil y infliienced by a chiircli and school run by a known Fascist ( Monsignetir

Balcastro). i t is entirely conceivable that many of the values espoused for women by the

Italian Fascist movement were normalized in the women's lives. ln the following section 1

will attempt to demonstrate the identity of the "monl" woman as conceived and

propogated by the Fascist party of Italy. Such an identity. you will notice. is consistant

with the values espoused by the sisten' school. home and church.

The Moral Italian Woman

Mussolini's position on women was very clear. In his " 1932 staternent regarding

the position of women in the Fascist State Ihe said]: ". . . Woman must obey . . . My idea

of hrr role in state is in opposition to al1 ferninism . . . In our state. she m u t not coiini.""

(Re. 1995. pp. 78-79). The necessity of obedirnce was not simply a matter of pntriarch)'

asserting its power: it became an important means of dealing with modemity. With the

ending of World War I. italy required a way of controllhg terribly hi$ unemployment

(Graziosi. 1995. p. 3 1 ). Graziosi ( 19951 argues that one of the key stntegies to accomplish

this goal. wns to create gender identities which saw to it that men be the workers in the

paid, public sphere and women be the unpaid workers in the private sphere (p. 3 1 ).

Moralising arguments were given to justify such a division of labour. Graziosi ( 1993)

explains.

the rnost popular and effective arguments emphasized men's role as the

heads of families. Unernployrnent among men hur t those who depended

upon them. whereas women, some insisted. worked on1 y to satisfy their

frivolous attitudes. Thus. working wornen were accused of coinrnitting the

worst of crimes-stealing men's jobs and jeopardizing the lives of entire

families. (p . 29)

Such arguments are strikingly similar to those put fonh by the DeMarco sisters concerning

iheir own life course decisions and the perceived necessity of supporting the males in the

household (for example. quitting schooi to allow one's brothen to punue academics:

defemng one's life course aspirations to support one's brother's dental practice: and

punuing careers w hich were not in cornpetition with men's careers, such as nursi ng,

music teaching. the selling of women's dry goods).

Biological arguments were also put forth to ensure the supremacy of the male in

the household and larger society. The propoganda of the day said. "woman has the

obligation to be mother and wife because her social identity is implicit in her biolipicûl

ability to conceive, give birth. suckle, and feed little human beings" (Bimbi. 1993. p. 119).

Consequently . al1 women were denied direct access to the working world of men. because

they had the potential to be mothen. Mussolini's Fascism focused upon women's ability

to reproduce and saw in i t the ability to fulfill a demographic imperative. Mussolini said.

"Have children. have children . . . There is power in numbers!" (lazzi. 1994. p. 30). Of

this Fascist construction of the "Wornan-Mother" [azzi ( 1994) relates.

1 i Inextricabl y equating femininity with motherhood. the 1Ïgure of the

Woman-Mother dominates prescriptive discourses as a trope meant to align

women with a politics of demographics. clnirning for the materna!

institution the fulfillment of female desire. nature and social mission. (p. 30)

The DeMarco women demonstrate that the only way to overtly decide not to have children.

without suffering the consequences of deviance. was to enter the convent. Yet even in that.

Julia's conveyance of her mother's pejorative reaction to her decision to become a sister.

designates a clear hienrchy in the value of women's work. When I asked Julia why her

mother did not want her to enter the convent she said. "f think because she valued

motherhood so much." Nevertheless. as mernber of a religious order or not. al1 of the

DeMarco women, tike their sisters in italian Fascism, were momlized to be the nurturers,

the selfless given. the worken behind-the-scene who kept the farnily and the community

running. Thus in the above two exampies, it is evident how the ltalian Fascist vision of the

monl woman influenced the upbringing and education of the DeMarco sisten.

The relationship between the institutions of school, church and family is compiex

and very difficult to understand. This chaptrr attempted to unravel a bit of the mess. by

focusinp upon only minute aspects of the subject. Working from Foucault's notions of

normalizationimoralizati~n. 1 attempted to suggest some of the nays in which the values of

duty and obedience became part of the sisters' lives. To complete this tlnt section. I

specifically looked at aspects of the church in Julia's aduli life. 1 then considered Rose and

her in-laws in order to demonstnte thai while there may be resistance to certain types of

authority. ultirnately the nomalization process is so powerful. that she who has been

regulated. will in turn subject others [O this same type of process. fi nall y. this chapter

concluded with a glance at the ltalian Fnscist language school which some of the women

attented. Through this euamiiiation. it is hoped that we rnight beiter appreciatr how the

politics of the culture equall y served io enforce particular values.

Chapter Seven

The End of the Affair

A Place to Rest

A s m n . hus nn hrginning or end: urbitrurily one choo.ses thrir momenr o/rrperirncr fiorri

whi~+h r r ) look huck orfrorn which ro look rihrud (Greene. 195 1. p. 7 , .

Introduction

From the outset of this project I have struggled to reconceptualise the researclid

participant relationship. Initially. 1 attempted to theorise acadernic work which coiild

redistri bute power throuph collaboration. confront tradi tioiial notions of w hat has been and

continues to be constitiited as knowledge, and 1 tried to collapse the boundaries between the

selves which occupy the home and academy. Yet by the end of this process. I leamed

how thoiight and intent can warp when actually applied.

This seventh and last chapter i s not really a conclusion. for that would imply

closure -a cornforting finale which would be anificially arrived at. Instead. this space is

reserved for reflection-a moment to pause upon the problem that,

1 n jarrative researchers often work on a small-scale. do not aspire to

genedization in the usual sense. nor do they promise i mmediate practical

benefits: yet they make strong claims for the authenticity and power of

narrative research. They aspire to true collaboration and the giving of voice

to participants. yet still work from within traditionai academic structures

w hich value individuality . originality and ownership of intellectual products.

( Elbaz-Luwisch, 1997, p. 76)

Crucial to this chapter is the consideration of partnerships and the issues of mernory.

power and trust. It is here that I seek to illustrate and delineate some of the growing pains

associatrd wi th becoming a researcher.

Partners hips

The word purrnership is bandied around quite a bit these days. When 1 originally

decided to work with my family. I believed thût a partnership was reasonable. achievablr.

the only ethical route to take. I conceived of this thesis as a collaboration between my

aunts. grandmother and myself. It would be a body of work to which we would each

contribute: they by giving me their stories. me hy providing the opportunities for the

endeavour (that is. procunng the equipment. arnnging the meetings. typing up the stories

and putting them in print). I believed that we would be coauthors. 1 would organise the

materials that ihey gave me. oifer interpretations. and they in turn would critique this work.

rnakin; siiggestions for how they felt i t shouid be. Wnting ihis now. 1 am amazed that I

could have been so naive.

The "partnership" did not function as I had irnagined. There are sevenl reasons for

this. Perhaps the nature of the partnership was flawed from the ootset. A true partnership.

as Heather-jane Robertson ( 1997) and the Oxford English Dictionary ( 1982) explain.

entails a sharing of risks and benefits. In this research. were these equally shared? In

chapter two 1 discussed the tems of this research -i ts many risks and benefits. I wish to

reiterate some of these concerns in light of the question of partnenhip. Fint. the women

could have decided at any time ro withdraw from the study. They could also have chosen

to exclude huge portions of the transcripts which would have debilitated the project (cf.

Elbaz-Luwisch, 1997. p. 79). What would have becn the outcome of such a situation'?

From my perspective (w hich I admit is very egocentnc ). I would have lost a thesis.

countless hours of work and the dream of recording r n y family's narratives. 1 am not sure

at this time what the women themseives would have lost from such a circumstance. 1 do

not brlieve that it would have had a profound impact on them. The second situation.

however. put thern at greater risk than me. Consider that

the stories are mosi instructive and revealing when they are most personal.

and ofteri when the owners of the stories are rnost vulnerable. As

researchers. we cannot easily protect \the respondents]: In fact. i t is

precisely in wishing to treat them as equals that we expose them to nsk.

(Elbaz-Luwisch. 1997. p. û2)

1 was pulled by a severe conllict of interest. With one foot in acadeniia and one in the

family. 1 was asked to solve a problem bordering on a dilemma (that which can only he

"rnanaged but not "solved" Larnpert. 1 985). To full y understand and consequent l y

explicate the ways in which education may have had an impact iipon the sisters' identifies. I

would have CO use profoundly personal infornation. Anything "shallow" woiild not fulfil

the requirements of the thesis. Yet to tread into sensitive terrain with regards to the

women's personal lives, could open them up io hurtful exposure. Thus by considering

these two examples. can i draw the conclusion ihat our nsks were shared ryicu@? When

cornpanng such different outcomes a response is perhaps unachievable. This is especially

the case as there is no impartial outside judge. Each of us has a unique perspective which

may be impossible to share. Similarly. the balancing of benefits is hard to detemine. In

chapter two 1 spoke at length about why the life histones of women need to be heard. In

addition to these benefits. i also included those which would be incurred by the

farnily - the preservation of familial lore. Yet. from the women's perspectives. were both

of these reall y seen as benefi ts? Did they honestl y care about the academy hearing their

stories? 1 must say that through the course of thjs work. it seemed that the women had

veq little interest in the academy.

Throughout the thesis 1 was womed about the university making room for the

women when. ironically, they did not seem to care one way or the other about the place. In

my original conception of the partnership. I had irnposed my values upon the sisters. 1 do

not want to construct dichotomies, nevertheless. there were many points in the resrarch

where. instead of bndging the gap between the lived experience of the sisters and the

academy. rhere was a definite polarisation. I was nearly tom apart in the attempt to bnng

thrm together-a synthesis w hich was never achieved. mainly , I believe. because the

language and structure of the academy was not flexible enough to allow for an expression

of their reali ty. Though 1 attempted to inject the discourse. dialect and organisation of the

women's speech into the thesis. the overall requirements of the work necessitated that I

frame the women's voices in an academically sanctioned rnanner. I was highly

uncornfortable with this process. Perhaps this personai connecrion accounts for my being

so struck by one young child's eloquent summation of the problem: "Sornetirnes 1 two-

timr thinli . . . I think like in my family and in my house. And then I think l ike in school

and other places. Then I talk. They aren't the sarne. you know" (Walsh cited in Courts.

1997. p. 63). They are not the same. for as Ortiz writes so beautifully.

I don't remember a world without language. From the time of my earliest

childhood. there was language. Always language. and imagination.

speculation, utters of sound. Words. beginnings of words. What would 1

be without language? My existence has been detemined by language. not

only the spoken but the unspoken. the language of speech and the language

of motion. (1993. p. 29)

This passage should not be read in just a stnicturalist sense- that the interna1 d e s of a

language dictate what is utterable and therefore perceivable- but also in a postsiructuralist

sense-that what a sign signifies is always socially and cultiirally contingent. As such.

language and the context in which it is used makes some things possible and othen less so.

This thesis has forced me to experience and investigate questions of two-time thinking. In

fact. it has made me aware that we are al!, perhaps, many-tirnc thinken and talkers.

employing separate discourses. dialects and identities in Our everyday. My language and

perspective change depending upon my particular position. Oftentimes siich negotiations

are made with case and do not promote conflict. However. there are times when the tnlk

and thought are disjunctured. messy and result in pain and misunderstanding.

Characteris~ics such as race. class and gender can exacerbate these difficulties.

Perhaps, therefore. a partnership was not forthcoming as it had to be built and

camed out through the regulations set by the university. Thus. if new expenences and

voices are to have a place in the academy. this requires a reconsideration of what qualifies

as acceptable academic work. Similady. if process is to be different. then so too must

product. Ferninisr writers and linguists have long questioned whether the phallocentric.

argumentative style of western writing precludes the expression of many womrn's lives

and experiences (cf. Brossard, 1988: Cameron. 1990: Kristeva. 1980: Gagnon. 1980).

Once the woman is writing in the realrn of academia. the problem is surely intensified.

Throughout this thesis there are many sites of dislocation. I vacillate between wanting and

threatening to wnte in a way which. 1 believe. is more closely aligned with my home-talk

(that of the sisters)-for example. using a language that is less linear. more expressive and

full of metaphor-to giving into the traditional scholarly format-beginning with an

introduction. summing up the chapter with a conclusion; framing the stories in supported

theory: never including a contraction: in short. trying to appear "sure." The lack of

consistency in my writing demonstrates this conflict which I was unable to resolve. 1t also

exhibits my frustration with the fact that the women could not become full collaborators in

the writing. as the language and protocol of the academy was impenetrable and

uninteresting for them. When the wornen told me their stories they were artists w h o x

word painting looped and whirledl . The transcnpts lose much by k ing wntten down.

ln the original encounters. the wornen spoke over each other. they were animaied and the!

changed the tempo, intonation and accent of their voices to add meaning. They were at

various iimes. playful. mocking. frustrated and entertained. In the transcription of thrse

dynarnic voices. the women are made static and two-dimensional. lnstead of being

overwhelmed by stimuli. with the voices overlapping. the speeches follow one-after-

another: they are organised and well-behaved. If it is necessary to have a written record of

their words. perhaps a form akin to lonesco's The B u l l Sopruno ( 1965) would be more

fitting. In this pnnt rendering of Ionesco's play. the characten are represented by negative

photographs wIiich show the outline of the acton. but do noi reveal detail and therefore

identity. The acton' printed speech n ~ e s above their heads. sometimes overlapping and

wi th the fonts growing and shnnking to indicate tone. When considering discussions and

interviews such as those in this thesis, to facilitate reading each individual's speech.

perhaps the print could be placed on acetate transparent overlays. This could show the

i nterplay of the conversation, as the sheets of acetate lay atop each other. yet they can also

be lilied and the pnnt read alone. Such a structure might allow for the acrobaties of speech:

the cutoffs. contradictions. overlaps, repetitions. intemiptions and general chaos. The fom

of a message influences. if not detemines. the meaning interpreted from that message.

Thus, to mould the women's stories into a traditionai thesis format. is to change their very

essence. Of this Elbaz-Luwisch ( 1997) states. " ( c llearly it is essential that the narrative be

true to the sense of meaning which the teller puts into the story. not imposing on it extemal

criteria of meaningfulness" (p. 81 ). Simply asking the women if rny interpretation of the

stories \vas accurate is not enough, for in the transference of the oral tale to the academic

page. the meaning is surely lost.

Cornparc this 10 Brossard's conception of ~vornan's stoq ÿs a scries of "spimls" ( 1988).

The "Me" in the "We"

My affiliation with the academy was noi the only factor which precluded a

partnership with the sisters. My position within the family also frarned every aspect of our

research rehtionship: who I was and am to the wornrn rendered it impossible to forge a

connected "we." Initially. 1 mused that my subordinate position in the family might be

balanced by the authon ty afforded to me by the acadsmy . This was obviously ( to coin

Leila) wrong thinking on my part. for the women did not attribute ûny power to me by

virtue of my affiliation with the university. Thus my age and my role as grand-niecr and

granddaughter. rendered me an outsider w ho. very often. needed to be pritronised. have the

simplest details explained to her and who. I believe. needed to be protected from certain

information. In rereading the transcripts about the Fascist school which were presented i n

the previous chapter. 1 realised that ihey were an encapsulation of the key tensions ihai

existed between the sisters and me: namely. the questions of aiithority. mernos and tnist.

Throughout the key conversation between Julia. Rose. Nonna and me. though it

was 1 who was ssking the questions. clearly the wornen were running the interview. If I

had been conducting historical research which sought to secure irrefutable facts. 1 would

have been immensely frustrated by this transcript. Consider. for example. the wonien's

argument about who had attrnded the ltaiian school. I asked Nonna w hy she. Rose. Jiilia

and lsabelle were the only memben of the family to attend the school. The following

ensued.

Nonna: -No, Auntie lsabella wasn't in on it.

Heydon: No? she didn't go to the school?

Nonna: No.

Rose: 1 thought isabelle was there too.

Julia: Maybe it was our ages.

Rose: 1 thought lsabelle was there too.

Nonna: No. They hadn't taught ltalian in the school before that.

When they decided they were going ro start teaching ltalian. we were the

age to go.

Rose: Isabelle must have been there when we went with Ursula

and Doreen, must have been'?

Nonna: Maybe. Not with us.

Nonna seemed confident with her position that Isabelle had never gone to the school. yet

sepante interviews with Isabelle revealed detailed recollections of her definitely having

been there. Who was right'? Does this contradiction not discredit the entire project? In

narrative research. instead of trying to get at empincal tmths. 1 look to see how different

configurations of the story elicit varying responses. For example. I ask. how does the

meaning of the story change as the fomi changes'? What purpose or set of purposes do the

various stones serve'? Specificaily in this situation. what is the effect of Nonna wriiing o l r r

Isabelle'?

The issue of memory is. in many ways. related to trust. What did the women

actually remember? M a t aspects of their stones did they relay to me because this was

really the way they believed the situation to have been? Or. what aspects of the stories did

they purposel y alter (either consciously or unconsciously ), because they wished to be

perceived in a particular light? Often. the contradictions that emerged were most telling.

The women. when collectively telling mc of the experiences at the ltalian school. appeared

to have k e n children when they attended. They fashioned an innocent picture of

themselves, costumed in pure.w hite dresses. and they told me that their knowledge of the

implicatioiis of attending such a school was lirnited. They seemed to be true naives. When

asked what she leamed at the school. Nonna answered with a benign "1 love my mothei'

-hardly a staternent that could bnng about plitical consequences. Similady. when we

discussed the Song, Giovenr::~, Nonna literally portrayed herself as a child. likening the

school to a birthday party w here she was a "kid." All of the wornen, when asked about the

meaning of this Song responded in an off-handed manner. mocking my suggestion that

there could have been anything to it. Rose said simply that it was a "national song." Julia

explained that "Giovenezza just mrant you?h." and she stressed t his last word. proclaimino,

its importance -a word whose connotations seem the antithesis of any thing powerful.

authoritative. partisan or liable to bring about sanctions. Throughout this and al1 of the

other discussions that I had with the sisten about the Iialian school, t was utterly convinced

of their having been srnall. uninformed children. In fact. in a private interview with Julia.

when i asked her how old she was when she attended the school, she answered, "l'rn not

sure. but 1 wasn't a teenager yet."

I t was only after I was sifting through my collected data that the discrepancies

bepan to emerge. The womrn said that they were children at the school. Yet. they

descri bed in detail the day that the war escalated to the point were the ltalians were rounded

up at the Sons of ltaly Hall. Rose. amazingly gave the date as June 3rd. When creating a

tirne-line of events. 1 realised that Jiilia and Nonna were in their late teens at the beginning

of World War I I . Equally. Rose was already an adult! How could this be'? I made severnl

frantic telephone calls to the women to confimi the stories and the dates. Could i t k. I

asked. that you were indeed nor children when you nttended the school? They ali conceded

that in fact this was the case. Thus the question for me, as 1 could not know their

purpose(s) in creating such a story, is "what is the effect of the construction?" Obviousl y.

as previously described, the structure of their stories made them children and by extension.

appear to be innocent. apolitical and naive. When considering the sisters' stones and the

responses that they were eliciting, 1 must pay close attention to the fact that i was their

audience.

As stated, the wornen perceived me as young and inexpenenced. 1 was always one

who must be protected. This is surely the case as during Our discussion of the school.

Nonna became agitated. because I wanted to go cut latcr ihat night. I had to shut off the

tape recorder, as she and my aunts entered into a conversation regarding whether or not I

should be allowed out. Nonna argued that I would lose my way driving ai night. and that

this was not something that 1 should do myself. Clrarly. 1 did not possess the status of

udrlt. and certainly. the stones that the women gave me reflected this situation. I may h a w

been someone who needed to be protected andor who could not have undentood a

different version of events. According to my grandmother. 1 did not even know which

questions to ask. Hence her comment about me. "She asks the silliest questions. I'rn

going to give her silly answers. Weeee!" Similarly. ihroughout this ponion of the

transcnpts. I am constantly refened to in the third person. 1 am %ri' and "she." In this

way. I am excluded from the intemal circle of conversation. I am rendered an outsider.

And in Nonna's "Weeee!" there is more than her just having fun at my expense. she is

evading the situation. giving me nonsense. She is telling me that this is what 1 am capable

of handling. Obviously. this calls into question the abiliiy for nie to tmly be parmers with

the women. in the sense that I had originally plannea.

What al1 of this leads to is the necessity of acknowledging that meaning is

dialogical. It is produced in the interpolation between the stories (as a manifestation of the

women) and myself as audience (she who ultimately tries to "make sense" of the

message). What it means is that we have to go beyond believing that a conglomeration of

facts can be generalisable and true for al1 time. It also necessitates a revealing of a self

which the researcher has heretofore attempted to keep hidden from "scholarly" work. The

use of story in the academy makes many people nervous-rnyself included. Cirowing up

in schools. 1 identified with Alice Munro's Del who professes.

I got A's at school. I never had enough of thern. No sooner had 1 hauied

one lot of ihem home with me than 1 had to start thinking of the next. They

did seem to be tangible. and heavy as iron. 1 had them stacked around me

like barricades. and if 1 missed one 1 could feel a dangerous gap. ( 197 1. p.

162)

And just as Del builds a barricade of A's around herself. many of us also build an

impenetrable fortress out of jargon. academic discourse and anti -emotionai posi tivisr

research. The resistance to narrative. however. is not simply rooted i n the necessity to

protect one's privacy. This issue. 1 believe, extends into even more dangcrous territory

For if we accept that indeteminacy and uncertainty are the foundations upon which we

stand. what are the implications-both for our intellectual and penonal \ives(? In the

preface to her novel String rhe Che- ( 1989). Jeannette Winterson writes.

The Hopi. an lndinn tribe. have a laquage as sophisticated as ours. but no

ienses for past. present and future. The division does not exist. What does

this say about rime'! Matter. that thing the most solid and the well-known.

which you are holding in your hands and w hich mskes up your body, is

now known to be mostly empty space. Empty space and points of light.

What does this Say about the reality of the world? ( p. 8)

We are fnghtened-the whole lot of us. Nevertheless. we cannot regain the security of

certainty. just because we desire it to be so. 1 know this, and so it is my hope that 1 might

acknowiedge the necessity of being brave, thinking smart. and accepting the unknown as

an opportuni ty for liberation. After alil Winterson's twelve dancing princesses learned to

defy gravity once they let go of the ground.

(Kincaid, 1941. p. 110)

C I L ~ I I : , O 1 . 1 : s I I I I I , I L S I r 1 1 ; . ' JIOSOR Tnï E'.\TILE~( .\KI) 'rl.1~ ~IO.~IIFJL'-8t.211 1s Tllk: l " i i : ~ T ' ~ ' O ~ ~ ~ ~ . I X ~ > I I ; S T \YlTll .%

I'~~!iflsi .:-'T~i.t~ Ir ~ I A Y I I E !I'~,I, tYlT1I TIII.:E .\:;u 'rr1.1~ 'i'110ü PII.\TEsT B n Lo?;~ I A I V E ~ CrON TIIE E ~ R T I I . ' ' ' - E I J ~ 6 , 1.3.

" f I T I ~ ALL TILY SOVL YRAR TUE I,OILD, .\SI) R~ITI~E::(-F. 1118 I'ILIESTS.' '- ' E s c l w . 7, SI,

" LET EVFJLPOXG BE S U ~ J E C T TO TIIE TII(;IIER .l ~'TIIOICITII.'S, TOR TIIF.RF. ESISTS Y 0 A r r ~ l r o n l ~ ~ EXCEPT FROM GOD, AND TIIOSE \y110 ~ C S I S T I~,\vP. UFXX API'o~NTLD B K COD.''-RO~. 13, 1.

(Kincaid, 1941, p. 157)

Appendix III

\ " h f ~ r Wlr .1~ ~ 0 t r r i i i r . u OF Gan *un l>i.e,isr. I [ i r r 1s :il . i , rIviirs<;s,

1x0 FR[~IT I N E ~ i . l l ~ ( ~ O U D \\.0111< AND UIIUI.ISO IN l l l n I < S ~ ~ I I ~ [ , . . J ( ~ ~ (;,,D.~* -Col. 1, LI? ,

(Kincaid. 1941, p. 72)

Appendix IV

Letter of Information

My name is Rachel Heydon and I am a Master of Education student at the Faculty of Education at

The University of Western Ontario. I am currently conducting research into education and identity

in the lives of elder women and would like to invite 'ou to participate in this research.

The aims of this research are to help preserve the oral history of the family. promote understanding

of the challenges of women during the earlitr part of this century and to funher our comprehension

of how education may impact upon individual and group identity.

Information for this research will be collected by rneans of interviews and stoq reiling sessions.

You rnay be asked to donate approxirnately four hours of your time for this data collection. After

the stories have been collected and analysed. you may be asked to comment upon the researcher's

interpretation of the stories. This rnay take approximately two hours of your tirne.

The information collected will be used for research piirposes oniy. and neither your namr nor

information which could identify you will be used. In addition. any penonal information that you

choose not to siiare will be edited out of the final draft. Once the study has been ~ompleted. all of

the tapes and transcripts will be disposed cf. If you so desire. your portions of the tapesttranscripts

may be forwarded to you.

Should you consent to participate in this reseaxh, please be aware that you have the nght to

withdraw ai any time without penalty. should you wish to do so. or to decline to answer an.

specific questions you would prefer not to answer.

If you have any questions about this research. or any cornments to make now or at a late: date.

please contact:

Rachel Heydon

209-630 Dundas St.

London. Ontano

Dr. Sharon Rich, Research Advisor

Faculty of Educaiion

University of Western Ontano

Appendix V

Letter of Permission

i have read and understand the Letter of Information relating to the above titled projeci. and al1 rny

questions have been answered to my satisfaction.

1 undenrand that 1 have rhe right to withdraw (rom the study at any tirne without inciimng a

penalty of any kind. that I may decline to answer any specific questions should 1 choose to do so.

and that the information collected is for resrarch piirposes only.

I consent to participate in this study.

Name ( please print )

Signature

iT 1s THE STUDENT'S RESPONSlBlLlTY TO PROVIDE A COPY OF THE RESEARCH PROPOSAL i IhCLLDINC KEVISIONS) TO THE THESIS SUPERVISOR AND ALL MEMBERS OF THE

0

. 4D~'ISORl ' COhllLllTTEE.

I f ihc proposed rejtarcti d«es iiot involve Iiuiiiïii suhjecrs or [lie direct use of rheir wrirreii records. vidco-tapes. recordings. tesrs. LX.. diis higiurure ti~rni. aloiig widi copy of die rrseiircli proposiil sliould be delivcrrd directly [O die Gradurtrr Educritii~n Ot'fict: for ti~d appraval.

TITLE OF THESIS:

I f die proposrd research involves Iiuniaii subjecrs. diis signature forni. alun- wich ii>py of [lie researcli proposal uid -Itx copies of tlic Etliiiitl Rcview Fomi iiiusr be submitrrd to die Chair t i r die Etliical Rrview Ciiniruittre. Graduace Office. Faculty of Educatioii.

APPROL'AL SIGNATURES:

Graduate Studeiit:

Tliesis Supervisor:

Edi iuf Review Clearance: y

1

Cliair of Graduatr Eduçatiori. -

A STLDENT MAY PROCEED WlTH RESEARCH WHEN A COPY OF THIS FORM CONTAlNING ALL .VPROl'.AL SIGNATURES HAS BEEN RECEIVED.

Works Cited

Antikainen. A.. Houtsonon. J. . Kauppila. J.. & Huotelin. H. ( 1996). Living in (1

lwrning ror.irrv: Life his~ories. idenritirs und rdrrcorion. London: Falmer.

Attwell, N . ( lYü7 ) . ln rhe Middle: Wrif ing. rccrcling. und leurning wirh cihlrsceni.~.

Upper Montclair. NY: Boyton.

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