Indo-Aryan Migration - Wiki

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Indo-Aryan migrationFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Indo-Aryan migrationwas the migration of Indo-Aryans into Anatolia and northern India, after the split

of the Indo-Iranians into Indo-Aryan and Iranic peoples. It was part of the larger Indo-European migrations.

The study of the Indo-Aryan migration began with the study of the Rig Veda in the mid 19th century by Max

Muller. Contemporary claims of Indo-Aryan migrations are drawn from linguistic,[1]genetic,[2]

archaeological, literary and cultural sources.

The debate about the origin of Indo-Aryan peoples in northern India is highly controversial relating to the

indigenous origin of peoples and culture, thus inflaming political agitation and sentiments. Throughout the

evolution of the theory, many have rejected the claim of Indo-Aryan origin outside of India entirely, claiming

that the Indo-Aryan people and languages originated in India.

Contents1 Development of the Aryan Migration Theory

2 Scenarios

2.1 Anatolia - Hittites and Mittani

2.2 North-India - Vedic culture

2.2.1 Migration into northern India

2.2.2 Spread of Vedic-Brahmanic culture

3 Linguistic evidence

3.1 Language

3.1.1 Diversity

3.1.2 Dialectical variation

3.1.3 Substrate influence

3.2 Textual references

3.2.1 Mitanni

3.2.2 Rigveda

3.2.2.1 Views on Rigvedic society (pastoral or urban?)3.2.2.2 Views on Rigvedic reference to migration

3.2.2.3 Rigvedic Rivers and Reference of Samudra

3.2.3 Srauta Sutra of Baudhayana

3.2.4 Iranian Avesta

3.2.5 Later Vedic and Hindu texts

3.2.5.1 Vedic

3.2.5.2 Puranas

4 Archaeological evidence

4.1 Population movements

4.2 Associated cultures

- Aryanmigration- Wikipedia, thefreeencyclopedia http:/ / en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/ Indo- Aryan_migration# cite_note- FO...

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4.2.1 Andronovo

4.2.2 Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC)

4.2.3 Gandhara grave culture

4.3 Indus Valley Civilization

4.3.1 Continuity

4.3.2 Decline of Indus Valley Civilisation5 Genetic evidence

5.1 Pre-Holocene origins

5.2 Aryan migrations

5.3 Ethno-linguistics

6 Controversy

6.1 Dravidian response

6.2 Hindu nationalism

6.3 Racism

7 Concurring views

7.1 "Indigenous Aryans"

7.1.1 Shaffer - Continuity

7.1.2 Lal - Fire altars

7.2 Out of India Theory

8 See also

9 Notes

10 References

11 Sources

11.1 Published sources

11.2 Web-sources

12 External links

Development of the Aryan Migration Theory

In 19th century Indo-European studies, the language of the Rigveda was the most archaic Indo-European

language known to scholars, indeed the only records of Indo-European that could reasonably claim to date to

the Bronze Age. This "primacy" of Sanskrit inspired some scholars, such as Friedrich Schlegel, to assume that

the locus of the Proto-Indo-European Urheimat (primary homeland) had been in India, with the other dialects

spread to the west by historical migration. This was however never a mainstream position even in the 19th

century. Most scholars assumed a homeland either in Europe or in Western Asia, and Sanskrit must in this

case have reached India by a language transfer from west to east, in a movement described in terms of

invasion by 19th century scholars such as Max Mller. With the 20th century discovery of Bronze-Age

attestations of Indo-European (Anatolian, Mycenaean Greek), Vedic Sanskrit lost its special status as the

most archaic Indo-European language known.[3][4]

The Indus Valley civilization (IVC) was discovered in the 1920s. The discovery of the Harappa,

Mohenjo-daro and Lothal sites changed the theory from a migration of "advanced" Aryan people towards a

"primitive" aboriginal population to a migration of nomadic people into an advanced urban civilization,




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Indo-European languages ca. 3500 BC


Spread of Indo-European languages

comparable to the Germanic migrations after the Fall of Rome, or the Kassite invasion of Babylonia. The

decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation at precisely the period in history for which the Indo-Aryan migration

had been assumed, provides independent support of the linguistic scenario. This argument is associated with

the mid-20th century archaeologist Mortimer Wheeler, who interpreted the presence of many unburied

corpses found in the top levels of Mohenjo-daro as the victims of conquest wars, and who famously stated

that the god "Indra stands accused" of the destruction of the Civilisation. Despite, no evidences were found,

and the skeletons were found to be hasty interments, not massacred victims.[5]

In the later 20th century, ideas were refined along with data accrual, and migration and acculturation were

seen as the methods whereby Indo-Aryans spread into northwest India around 1500 BC. These changes were

thought to be in line with changes in thinking about language transfer in general, such as the migration of the

Greeks into Greece (between 2100 and 1600 BC) and their adoption of a syllabic script, Linear B, from the

pre-existing Linear A, with the purpose of writing Mycenaean Greek, or the Indo-Europeanization of Western

Europe (in stages between 2200 and 1300 BC).

Scenarios

The Indo-Aryan migration was part ofthe Indo-Iranian migrations from the

Andronovo culture into Anatolia, Iran

and South-Asia. Indo-Iranian peoples

are a grouping of ethnic groups

consisting of the Indo-Aryan, Iranian,

Dardic and Nuristani peoples; that is,

speakers of Indo-Iranian languages, a

major branch of the Indo-European

language family. The Proto-

Indo-Iranians are commonly identified

with the descendants of the Proto-

Indo-Europeans known as the Sintashta

culture and the subsequent Andronovo

culture within the broader Andronovo

horizon, and their homeland with an

area of the Eurasian steppe that borders

the Ural River on the west, the Tian

Shan on the east.

The Indo-Iranian migrations took place

in two waves.[7][8]The first waveconsisted of a migration into Anatolia,

founding the Hittite empire and Mittani

kingdom, and a migration south-

eastward, over the Hindu Kush into

northern India. The second wave

Anatolia - Hittites and Mittani

They left linguistic remains in a Hittite

horse-training manual written by one"Kikkuli the Mitannian". Other

evidence is found in references to the

names of Mitanni rulers and the gods

they swore by in treaties; these remains




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Indo-European languages ca. 500 AD

Indo-Aryan migration

are found in the archives of the

Mitanni's neighbors. The time period

for this is about 1500 BC.[9]

In a treaty

between the Hittites and the Mitanni,

the deities Mitra, Varuna, Indra, and

Nasatya (Ashvins) are invoked.

Kikkuli's horse training text includes

technical terms such as aika (eka, one),tera (tri, three), panza (pancha, five;

compare with Gr.pente), satta (sapta,

seven), na (nava, nine; compare with

Lat. novem), vartana (vartana, turn,

round in the horse race; compare with

Lat. vertere, vortex). The numeral aika

"one" is of particular importance

because it places the superstrate in the

vicinity of Indo-Aryan proper as

opposed to Indo-Iranian or early

Iranian (which has "aiva") in

general.[10]

North-India - Vedic culture

Migration into northern India

The standard model for the entry of the

Indo-European languages into India is

that Indo-Aryan migrants went over theHindu Kush, forming the Gandhara

grave (or Swat) culture, either into the

headwaters of the Indus or the Ganges

(probably both). The Gandhara grave

culture is thus the most likely locus of

the earliest bearers of Rigvedic culture,

and based on this Parpola (1998)

assumes an immigration to the Punjab

ca. 1700-1400 BC, but he also

postulates a first wave of immigration

from as early as 1900 BC,corresponding to the Cemetery H

culture. [note 1]

Kochhar argues that there were three

waves of Indo-Aryan immigration that

occurred after the mature Harappan

phase:[11]

the "Murghamu" (BMAC)

related people who entered

Baluchistan at Pirak, Mehrgarh

south cemetery, etc. and later

1.




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Scheme of Indo-European migrations from ca. 4000 to 1000 BCE

according to the Kurgan hypothesis. The magenta area corresponds to

the assumed Urheimat(Samara culture, Sredny Stog culture). The red

area corresponds to the area which may have been settled by

Indo-European-speaking peoples up to ca. 2500 BCE; the orange area

to 1000 BCE.[6]

Historical spread of the chariot. Dates given in image are approximate

BC years.

merged with the post-urban

Harappans during the late

Harappans Jhukar phase

(2000-1800 BCE);

the Swat IV that co-founded the

Harappan Cemetery H phase in

Punjab (2000-1800 BCE);

2.

and the Rigvedic Indo-Aryans of

Swat V that later absorbed the

Cemetery H people and gave rise

to the Painted Grey Ware culture

(to 1400 BCE).

3.

Among proponents of Indo-Aryan

origin outside of the IndianSubcontinent, there is varying opinion

on whether the migrants originated

Indic literature such as the Rig

Veda,[12]

cultural and social constructs

such as caste,[13]

and technology such

as chariots[14]

and weaponry.

Spread of Vedic-Brahmanic culture




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Indo-European isoglosses, including the centum and satem languages

(blue and red, respectively), augment, PIE *-tt- > -ss-, *-tt- > -st-, and

m-endings.

Frequency distribution of R1a1a, also known as R-M17 and R-M198,

adapted from Underhill et al. (2009).

The development of the Kurgan culture according to Marija Gimbutas'

Kurgan hypothesis.




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Map of the approximate maximal extent of the Andronovo culture. Theformative Sintashta-Petrovka culture is shown in darker red. The

location of the earliest spoke-wheeled chariot finds is indicated in

purple. Adjacent and overlapping cultures (Afanasevo culture, Srubna

culture, BMAC) are shown in green.

Archaeological cultures associated with Indo-Iranian migrations (after

EIEC). The Andronovo, BMAC and Yaz cultures have often been

associated with Indo-Iranian migrations. The GGC, Cemetery H,

Copper Hoard and PGW cultures are candidates for cultures associated

with Indo-Aryan movements.




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Geography of the Rigveda, with river names; the extent of the Swat and

Cemetery H cultures are indicated.

Map of Vedic age.




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Map of northern India in the later Vedic age. River Indus is

shown by its Sanskrit name Sindhu. The location of Vedic

shakhas is labelled in green. Thar desert is in orange.

During the Early Vedic Period (ca.1500-800

BCE[web 1]) the Vedic culture was centered in the

northern Punjab, or Sapta Sindhu.[web 1]During

the Later Vedic Period (ca.800-500 BCE[web 2]

)

the Vedic culture started to extend into the

western Ganges Plain,[web 2]

centering around

Kuru and Panchala,[15]

and had someinfluence[16]at the central Ganges Plain after 500

BCE.[web 3]Sixteen Mahajanapada developed at

the Ganges Plain, of which the Kuru and

Panchala became the most notable developed

centers of Vedic culture, at the western Ganges

Plain[web 2][15]

The Central Ganges Plain, were Magadha gained

prominence, forming the base of the Mauryan

Empire, was a distinct cultural area,[17]with new

states arising after 500 BCE[web 3]

during the socalled "Second urbanisation".[18][note 2]

It was influenced by

the Vedic culture,[16]but differed markedly from the Kuru-Panchala region.[17]It "was the area of the

earliest known cultivation of rice in South Asia and by 1800 BCE was the location of an advanced neolitgic

population associated with the sites of Chirand and Chechar".[19]In this regio the Shramanic movements

flourished, and Jainism and Buddhism originated.[15][note 3]

Linguistic evidence

Contemporary claims of Indo-Aryan migrations are drawn from linguistic,[1]literary, cultural, archaeological

and genetic[2]sources.

Accumulated linguistic evidence points to the Indo-Aryan languages as intrusive into South Asia, some time

in the 2nd millennium BC. The language of the Rigveda, the earliest stratum of Vedic Sanskrit, is assigned to

about 15001200 BC.[20]

Language

Diversity

According to the linguistic center of gravity principle, the most likely point of origin of a language family is in

the area of its greatest diversity.[21]

By this criterion, India, home to only a single branch of the

Indo-European language family (i. e., Indo-Aryan), is an exceedingly unlikely candidate for the

Indo-European homeland, compared to Central-Eastern Europe, for example, which is home to the Italic,

Venetic, Illyrian, Albanian, Germanic, Baltic, Slavic, Thracian and Greek branches of Indo-European. [22]

Both mainstream Urheimat solutions locate the Proto-Indo-European homeland in the vicinity of the Black

Sea.[23]

Dialectical variation




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Indo-European isoglosses, including the centum and

satem languages (blue and red, respectively), augment,

PIE *-tt- > -ss-, *-tt- > -st-, and m-endings.

It has been recognized since the mid-19th century,

beginning with Schmidt and Schuchardt, that a binary

tree model cannot capture all linguistic alignments;

certain areal features cut across language groups and

are better explained through a model treating linguistic

change like waves rippling out through a pond. This is

true of the Indo-European languages as well. Various

features originated and spread while Proto-Indo-European was still a dialect continuum.

[24]These

features sometimes cut across sub-families: for

instance, the instrumental, dative and ablative plurals

in Germanic and Balto-Slavic feature endings

beginning with -m-, rather than the usual -*bh-, e.g.

Old Church Slavonic instrumental pluralsyn-mi'with

sons',[25]

despite the fact that the Germanic languages

are centum, while Balto-Slavic languages are satem.

The strong correspondence between the dialectical relationships of the Indo-European languages and their

actual geographical arrangement in their earliest attested forms makes an Indian origin for the family

unlikely.[26]

Substrate influence

Dravidian and other South Asian languages share with Indo-Aryan a number of syntactical and morphological

features that are alien to other Indo-European languages, including even its closest relative, Old Iranian.

Phonologically, there is the introduction of retroflexes, which alternate with dentals in Indo-Aryan;

morphologically there are the gerunds; and syntactically there is the use of a quotative marker ("iti").[note 4]

These are taken as evidence of substratum influence.

It has been argued that Dravidian influenced Indic through "shift", whereby native Dravidian speakers

learned and adopted Indic languages. The presence of Dravidian structural features in Old Indo-Aryan is thus

plausibly explained, that the majority of early Old Indo-Aryan speakers had a Dravidian mother tongue which

they gradually abandoned.[27]Even though the innovative traits in Indic could be explained by multiple

internal explanations, early Dravidian influence is the only explanation that can account for all of the

innovations at once it becomes a question of explanatory parsimony; moreover, early Dravidian influence

accounts for the several of the innovative traits in Indic better than any internal explanation that has been

proposed.[28]

A pre-Indo-European linguistic substratum in South Asia would be a good reason to exclude India as a

potential Indo-European homeland.[29]

However, several linguists, all of whom accept the external origin of

the Aryan languages on other grounds, are still open to considering the evidence as internal developments

rather than the result of substrate influences,[30]

or as adstratum effects.[31]

Textual references

Mitanni

The earliest written evidence for an Indo-Aryan language is found not in India, but in northern Syria in Hittiterecords regarding one of their neighbors, the Hurrian-speaking Mitanni. In a treaty with the Hittites, the king

of Mitanni, after swearing by a series of Hurrian gods, swears by the gods Mitrail, Uruvanail, Indara, and

Naatianna, who correspond to the Vedic gods Mitra, Varua, Indra, andNsatya(Avin). Contemporary

equestrian terminology, as recorded in a horse-training manual whose author is identified as "Kikkuli the


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Geography of the Rigveda, with river names; the extent

of the Swat and Cemetery H cultures are indicated.

Mitannian," contains Indo-Aryan loanwords. The personal names and gods of the Mitanni aristocracy also

bear significant traces of Indo-Aryan. Because of the association of Indo-Aryan with horsemanship and the

Mitanni aristocracy, it is presumed that, after superimposing themselves as rulers on a native Hurrian-

speaking population about the 15th-16th centuries BC, Indo-Aryan charioteers were absorbed into the local

population and adopted the Hurrian language.[32]

Brentjes argues that there is not a single cultural element of central Asian, eastern European, or Caucasian

origin in the Mitannian area; he also associates with an Indo-Aryan presence the peacock motif found in theMiddle East from before 1600 BC and quite likely from before 2100 BC.[33]

Most scholars reject the possibility that the Indo-Aryans of Mitanni came from the Indian subcontinent as

well as the possibility that the Indo-Aryans of the Indian subcontinent came from the territory of Mitanni,

leaving migration from the north the only likely scenario.[note 5]The presence of some BMAC loan words in

Mitanni, Old Iranian and Vedic further strengthens this scenario.[35]

Rigveda

The Rigveda is by far the most archaic testimony ofVedic Sanskrit. Bryant suggests that the Rigveda

represents a pastoral or nomadic, mobile culture,[12]

centered on the Indo-Iranian Soma cult and fire

worship. The purpose of hymns of the Rigveda is

ritualistic, not historiographical or ethnographical, and

any information about the way of life or the habitat of

their authors is incidental and philologically

extrapolated from the context.[note 6]Nevertheless,

Rigvedic data must be used, cautiously, as they are the

earliest available textual evidence from India.

Views on Rigvedic society (pastoral or urban?)

Fortifications (pr), mostly made of mud and wood

(palisades)[36]are mentioned in the Rigveda.prs

sometimes refer to the abode of hostile peoples, but can also suggest settlements of Aryans themselves.

Aryan tribes have more often been mentioned to live in v, a term translated as "settlement, homestead,

house, dwelling", but also "community, tribe, troops".[note 7]Indra in particular is described as destroyer of

fortifications, e.g. RV 4.30.20ab:

satm asmanmyinm / purm ndro v asiyat

"Indra overthrew a hundred fortresses of stone."

This has led some scholars to believe that the civilization of Aryans was not an urban one.

However, the Rigveda is seen by some as containing phrases referring to elements of an urban civilization,

other than the mere viewpoint of an invader aiming at sacking the fortresses. For example, in Griffith's

translation of the Rigveda, Indra is compared to the lord of a fortification (prpati) in RV 1.173.10,[web 4]

while quotations such as a ship with a hundred oarsin 1.116.5[web 5]and metal forts(puras ayasis) in

10.101.8 all occur in mythological contexts only.[web 6]

There are other views such as, according to Gupta (as quoted in Bryant 2001:190), "ancient civilizations had

both the components, the village and the city, and numerically villages were many times more than the cities.




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Cluster of Indus Valley Civilization site

along the course of the Indus River in

Pakistan. See this (http://pubweb.cc.u-

tokai.ac.jp/indus/english/map.html) for a

more detailed map.

(...) if the Vedic literature reflects primarily the village life and not the urban life, it does not at all surprise

us.". Gregory Possehl (as cited in Bryant 2001:195) argued that the "extraordinary empty spaces between the

Harappan settlement clusters" indicates that pastoralists may have "formed the bulk of the population during

Harappan times".

Views on Rigvedic reference to migration

Talageri speculates that some of the tribes that fought against king Sudas and his army on the banks of theParusni River during the Dasarajna battle have migrated to western countries in later times,[37]as they are

connected with what he assumes are Iranian peoples (e.g. the Pakthas, Bhalanas).[38]

Just like the Avesta does not mention an external homeland of the Zoroastrians, the Rigveda does not

explicitly refer to an external homeland[39]or to a migration.[40][note 8]Later texts than the Rigveda (such as

the Brahmanas, the Mahabharata, Ramayana and the Puranas) are more centered in the Haryana and Ganges

region. This shift from the Punjab to the Gangetic plain continues the Rigvedic tendency of eastward

expansion.

Rigvedic Rivers and Reference of Samudra

The geography of the Rigveda seems to be centered around the

land of the seven rivers. While the geography of the Rigvedic

rivers is unclear in some of the early books of the Rigveda, the

Nadistuti hymn is an important source for the geography of late

Rigvedic society.

The Sarasvati River is one of the chief Rigvedic rivers. The

Nadistuti hymn in the Rigveda mentions the Sarasvati between

the Yamuna in the east and the Sutlej in the west, and later texts

like the Brahmanas and Mahabharata mention that the Sarasvati

dried up in a desert.[41]

Most scholars agree that at least some of the references to the

Sarasvati in the Rigveda refer to the Ghaggar-Hakra River,[42]

while the Afghan river Haraxvaiti/Harauvati Helmand is

sometimes quoted as the locus of the early Rigvedic river.[43]

Whether such a transfer of the name has taken place from the

Helmand to the Ghaggar-Hakra is a matter of dispute.

Identification of the early Rigvedic Sarasvati with the Ghaggar-Hakra before its assumed drying up early inthe second millennium would place the Rigveda BC,[web 7]well outside the range commonly assumed by

Indo-Aryan migration theory.

A non-Indo-Aryan substratum in the river-names and place-names of the Rigvedic homeland would support

an external origin of the Indo-Aryans. However, most place-names in the Rigveda and the vast majority of

the river-names in the north-west of South Asia are Indo-Aryan.[44]

Non-Indo-Aryan names are, however,

frequent in the Ghaggar and Kabul River areas,[45]the first being a post-Harappan stronghold of Indus

populations.

Srauta Sutra of Baudhayana

According to Romila Thapar, the Srauta Sutra of Baudhayana...

... refers to the Parasus and the arattas who stayed behind and others who moved eastwards to


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the middle Ganges valley and the places equivalent such as the Kasi, the Videhas and the Kuru

Pancalas, and so on. In fact, when one looks for them, there are evidence for migration.[web 8]

Kalpasutra notes that Pururavas had two sons by Urvasi, named Ayus and Amavasu, Ayus went east and

Amavasu went west.[web 8]

Iranian Avesta

The religious practices depicted in theRgvedaand those depicted in theAvesta, the central religious text of

Zoroastrianismthe ancient Iranian faith founded by the prophet Zarathustrahave in common the deity

Mitra, priests called hotin theRgvedaandzaotarin theAvesta, and the use of a hallucinogenic compound

that theRgvedacalls somaand theAvestahaoma. However, the Indo-Aryan deva'god' is cognate with the

Iranian dava'demon'. Similarly, the Indo-Aryan asura'name of a particular group of gods' (later on, 'demon')

is cognate with the Iranian ahura'lord, god,' which 19th and early 20th century authors such as Burrow

explained as a reflection of religious rivalry between Indo-Aryans and Iranians.[46]

Most linguists such as Burrow argue that the strong similarity between the Avestan language of the

Gthsthe oldest part of theAvestaand the Vedic Sanskrit of theRgvedapushes the dating of Zarathustraor at least the Gathascloser to the conventionalRgvedadating of 15001200 BC, i.e. 1100 BC, possibly

earlier. Boyce concurs with a lower date of 1100 BC and tentatively proposes an upper date of 1500 BC.

Gnoli dates the Gathasto around 1000 BC, as does Mallory (1989), with the caveat of a 400 year leeway on

either side, i.e. between 1400 and 600 BC. Therefore the date of the Avesta could also indicate the date of

the Rigveda.[47]

There is mention in theAvestaofAiryanm Vajah, one of the '16 the lands of the Aryans' as well as

Zarathustra himself. Gnoli's interpretation of geographic references in theAvestasituates theAiryanem

Vaejahin the Hindu Kush. For similar reasons, Boyce excludes places north of the Syr Darya and western

Iranian places. With some reservations, Skjaervo concurs that the evidence of the Avestan texts makes it

impossible to avoid the conclusion that they were composed somewhere in northeastern Iran. Witzel points to

the central Afghan highlands. Humbach derives Vajah from cognates of the Vedic root "vij," suggesting the

region of fast-flowing rivers. Gnoli considers Choresmia (Xvairizem), the lower Oxus region, south of the

Aral Sea to be an outlying area in the Avestan world. However, according to Mallory & Mair (2000), the

probable homeland of Avestan is, in fact, the area south of the Aral Sea.[48]

Later Vedic and Hindu texts

Texts like the Puranas and Mahabharata belong to a much later period than the Rigveda, making their

evidence less than sufficient to be used for or against the Indo-Aryan migration theory.

Vedic

Later Vedic texts show a shift of location from the Panjab to the East: according to the Yajur Veda,

Yajnavalkya (a Vedic ritualist and philosopher) lived in the eastern region of Mithila.[49]

Aitareya Brahmana

33.6.1. records that Vishvamitra's sons migrated to the north, and in Shatapatha Brahmana 1:2:4:10 the

Asuras were driven to the north.[50]In much later texts, Manu was said to be a king from Dravida.[51]In the

legend of the flood he stranded with his ship in Northwestern India or the Himalayas.[52]

The Vedic lands

(e.g. Aryavarta, Brahmavarta) are located in Northern India or at the Sarasvati and Drsadvati River.[53]

However, in a post-Vedic text the Mahabharata Udyoga Parva (108), the East is described as the homeland of

the Vedic culture, where "the divine Creator of the universe first sang the Vedas." [54]The legends of

Ikshvaku, Sumati and other Hindu legends may have their origin in South-East Asia.[55]




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The extent of the BMAC (after EIEC).

Puranas

The Puranas record that Yayati left Prayag (confluence of the Ganges & Yamuna) and conquered the region

of Sapta Sindhu.[56]His five sons Yadu, Druhyu, Puru, Anu and Turvashu correspond to the main tribes of

the Rigveda.

The Puranas also record that the Druhyus were driven out of the land of the seven rivers by Mandhatr and

that their next king Gandhara settled in a north-western region which became known as Gandhara. The sonsof the later Druhyu king Pracetas are supposed by some to have 'migrated' to the region north of Afghanistan

though the Puranic texts only speak of an "adjacent" settlement.[57][58]

Archaeological evidence

Attempts have been made to supplement the linguistic

evidence with archaeological data.[59]Erdosy notes that

... combining the discoveries of archaeology and

linguistics has been complicated by mutual ignoranceof the aims, complexity and limitations of the

respective disciplines.[60]

The two disciplines focus on two different problems:

linguistics tries to explain the linguistic map of south Asia,

while archaeology tries to understand the transition between

the Indus Valley Civilisation and the Gangetic

Civilisations.[61]Archaeological artifacts may not prove or

disprove migrations an sich,[note 9]and it may not be possible

to identify language within material culture,[62]but archaeological remains can reflect cultural and societal

change,[62]

which may correspond to changes in the population:

Evidence in material culture for systems collapse, abandonement of old beliefs and large-scale, if

localised, population shifts in response to ecological catastrophe in the 2nd millennium B.C. must

all now be related to the spread of Indo-Aryan languages.[62]

According to Erdosy, the postulated movements within Central Asia can be placed within a processional

framework, replacing simplistic concepts of "diffusion", "migrations" and "invasions".[63]

Population movements

Erdosy, testing hypotheses derived from linguistic evidence against hypotheses derived from arcaeological

data,[60]states that there is no evidence of "invasions by a barbaric race enjoying technological and military

superiority",[64]but

...some support was found in the archaeological record for small-scale migrations from Central to

South Asia in the late 3rd/early 2nd millennia BC."[59]

Shaffer & Lichtenstein contend that in the second millennium BCE considerable "location processes" took

place. In the eastern Punjab 79,9% and in Gujarat 96% of sites changed settlement status. According to

Shaffer & Lichtenstein,

It is evident that a major geographic population shift accompanied this 2nd millennium BCE




15/31

early 2nd millennium introduction of the

chariot to India is consistent with the

overall picture of the spread of this

innovation (Mesopotamia 1700, China

1600, N Europe 1300).

localisation process. This shift by Harappan and, perhaps, other Indus Valley cultural mosaic

groups, is the only archaeologically documented west-to-east movement of human populations in

South Asia before the first half of the first millennium B.C.[65]

Associated cultures

The Andronovo, BMAC and Yaz cultures have been associated with Indo-Iranian migrations, with separation

of Indo-Aryans proper from Proto-Indo-Iranians dated to roughly 20001800 BC. The Gandhara Grave,Cemetery H, Copper Hoard and Painted Grey Ware cultures are candidates for subsequent cultures

associated with Indo-Aryan movements, their arrival in the Indian subcontinent being dated to the Late

Harappan period.

It is believed that Indo-Aryans reached Assyria in the west and the Punjab in the east before 1500 BC: the

Hurrite speaking Mitanni rulers, influenced by Indo-Aryan, appear from 1500 in northern Mesopotamia, and

the Gandhara grave culture emerges from 1600. This suggests that Indo-Aryan tribes would have had to be

present in the area of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (southern Turkmenistan/northern

Afghanistan) from 1700 BC at the latest (incidentally corresponding with the decline of that culture).

Andronovo

The conventional identification of the Andronovo culture as

Indo-Iranian is disputed by those who point to the absence south of

the Oxus River of the characteristic timber graves of the

steppe.[66]

Based on its use by Indo-Aryans in Mitanni and Vedic India, its

prior absence in the Near East and Harappan India, and its 19-20th

century BC attestation at the Andronovo site of Sintashta,

Kuzmina (1994) argues that the chariot corroborates theidentification of Andronovo as Indo-Iranian. Klejn (1974) and

Brentjes (1981) find the Andronovo culture much too late for an

Indo-Iranian identification since chariot-wielding Aryans appear in

Mitanni by the 15th to 16th century BC. However, Anthony &

Vinogradov (1995) dated a chariot burial at Krivoye Lake to about

2000 BC and a BMAC burial that also contains a foal has recently

been found, indicating further links with the steppes.[14]

Mallory (as cited in Bryant 2001:216) admits the extraordinary difficulty of making a case for expansions

from Andronovo to northern India, and that attempts to link the Indo-Aryans to such sites as the Beshkentand Vakhsh cultures "only gets the Indo-Iranian to Central Asia, but not as far as the seats of the Medes,

Persians or Indo-Aryans". However he has also developed the "kulturkugel" model that has the Indo-Iranians

taking over BMAC cultural traits but preserving their language and religion while moving into Iran and India.

Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC)

Some scholars have suggested that the characteristically BMAC artifacts found at burials in Mehrgarh and

Baluchistan are explained by a movement of peoples from Central Asia to the south.[67]

Jarrige and Hassan (as cited in Bryant 2001:215216) argue instead that the BMAC artifacts are explained"within the framework of fruitful intercourse" by "a wide distribution of common beliefs and ritual practices"

and "the economic dynamism of the area extending from South-Central Asia to the Indus Valley."

Either way, the exclusively Central Asian BMAC material inventory of the Mehrgarh and Baluchistan burials




16/31

Geography of the Rig Vedic culture, with river names;

the extent of the Swat and Cemetery H cultures are also

indicated.

is, in the words of Bryant (2001:215), "evidence of an archaeological intrusion into the subcontinent from

Central Asia during the commonly accepted time frame for the arrival of the Indo-Aryans". However,

archaeologists like B.B. Lal have seriously questioned the BMAC and Indo-Iranian "connections", and

thoroughly disputed all the proclaimed relations.[web 9]

Gandhara grave culture

About 1800 BC, there is a major cultural change in theSwat Valley with the emergence of the Gandhara

grave culture. With its introduction of new ceramics,

new burial rites, and the horse, the Gandhara grave

culture is a major candidate for early Indo-Aryan

presence. The two new burial ritesflexed

inhumation in a pit and cremation burial in an

urnwere, according to early Vedic literature, both

practiced in early Indo-Aryan society. Horse-trappings

indicate the importance of the horse to the economy

of the Gandharan grave culture. Two horse burialsindicate the importance of the horse in other respects.

Horse burial is a custom that Gandharan grave culture

has in common with Andronovo, though not within the

distinctive timber-frame graves of the steppe.[68]

Indus Valley Civilization

Indo-Aryan migration into the northern Punjab is approximately contemporaneous to the final phase of the

decline of the Indus-Valley civilization (IVC).

Continuity

According to Erdosy, the ancient Harappans were not markedly different from modern populations in

Northwestern India and present-day Pakistan. Craniometric data showed similarity with prehistoric peoples

of the Iranian plateau and Western Asia,[note 10]although Mohenjodaro was distinct from the other areas of

the Indus Valley.[note 11]

[note 12]

Many scholars have argued that the historical Vedic culture is the result of an amalgamation of the

immigrating Indo-Aryans with the remnants of the indigenous civilization, such as the Ochre Coloured

Pottery culture. Such remnants of IVC culture are not prominent in the Rigveda, with its focus on chariotwarfare and nomadic pastoralism in stark contrast with an urban civilization.

Decline of Indus Valley Civilisation

The decline of the IVC from about 1900 BC is not universally accepted to be connected with Indo-Aryan

immigration. A regional cultural discontinuity occurred during the second millennium BC and many Indus

Valley cities were abandoned during this period, while many new settlements began to appear in Gujarat and

East Punjab and other settlements such as in the western Bahawalpur region increased in size.

Kenoyer notes that the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation is not explained by Aryan migrations,

[71][note 13]which took place after the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation.

According to Kennedy, there is no evidence of "demographic disruptions" after the decline of the Harappa

culture.[72][note 14]

Kenoyer notes that no biological evidence can be found for major new populations in




17/31

post-Harappan communities.[73][note 15]Hemphill notes that "patterns of phonetic affinity" between Bactria

and the Indus Valley Civilisation are best explained by "a pattern of long-standing, but low-level bidirectional

mutual exchange."[note 16]

Genetic evidence

The Austro-Asiatic tribals are hypothesized to have been the earliest inhabitants of India, while incomingIndo-European tribes may have displaced Dravidian-speaking tribals southward. However, the study's authors

posit that a major influx into India occurred from the Northeast as well. It has also been noted that there is an

underlying unity of present-day female lineages in India, and that historical gene flow has led to the

obliteration of congruence between genetic and cultural affinities.

Pre-Holocene origins

Some reports emphasize the finding that tribal and caste populations in South Asia derive largely from a

common maternal heritage of Pleistocene southern and western Asians, with only limited gene flow from

external regions since the start of the Holocene.

[74][75][note 17][note 18]

A 2011 genetic study "confirmed theexistence of a general principal component cline stretching from Europe to south India." They also concluded

that the Indian populations are characterized by two major ancestry components, one of which is spread at

comparable frequency and haplotype diversity in populations of South and West Asia and the Caucasus. The

second component is more restricted to South Asia and accounts for more than 50% of the ancestry in Indian

populations. Haplotype diversity associated with these South Asian ancestry components is significantly

higher than that of the components dominating the West Eurasian ancestry palette. Modeling of the observed

haplotype diversities suggests that both Indian ancestry components are older than the purported Indo-Aryan

invasion 3,500 YBP[web 11]

Aryan migrations

This finding alone does not rule out the possibility of an elitist and/or male-predominant Aryan invasion of

the Indian subcontinent as in fact the patterns of historical conquest and migration are ultimately reflected in

terms of sex-biased admixture, with the mitochondrial heritage being more stable and of more local origin and

the Y-chromosomal heritage reflecting an external influence upon the population genetic structure, as can be

seen in not only such regions as South Asia,[web 12]but also in such regions as Northeastern Africa (Semitic Y

chromosomes vs. Niger-Kordofanian mtDNA)[web 13]and Latin America (Iberian Y chromosomes vs.

Amerindian mtDNA).[web 14]

Furthermore, the majority of researchers have found significant evidence in

support of Indo-European migration and even "elite dominance" of the northern half of the Indian

subcontinent, usually pointing to three separate lines of evidence:[web 15]

the previously widespread distribution of Dravidian speakers, now confined to the south of India;

the fact that upper caste Brahmins share a close genetic affinity with West Eurasians, whereas low

caste Indians tend to have more in common with aboriginals or East Asians;

and the comparatively recent introgression of West Eurasian DNA into the aboriginal population of the

post-Neolithic Indo-Gangetic plain.[web 15][web 16][web 17]

Other studies also claim that there is genetic evidence in support of the traditional hypothesis of Indo-Aryan

migration. Basu et al. argue that the Indian subcontinent was subjected to a series of massive Indo-European

migrations about 1500 BC.[web 18]

In the case of paternal-line Y-chromosome DNA, the Indo-Aryan

migration is associated with the R1a haplogroup, especially the R1a1a subgroup, which clusters in Eastern

Europe and the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, and nicely dovetails with the observed similarities




18/31

between Lithuanian and Sanskrit, and more broadly, satem languages as a whole. The strongest such claims,

though, are based upon studies of autosomal DNA, not only Y DNA. Several such studies have isolated two

major components of ancestry amongst Indians, one being more common in the south, and amongst lower

castes, and the other more common amongst upper caste Indians, Indians speaking Indo-European languages,

and also Indians living in the northwest. This second component is shared with populations from the Middle

East, Europe and Central Asia, and is thought to represent at least one ancient influx of people from the

northwest.[web 18]According to one researcher, there is "a major genetic contribution from Eurasia to North

Indian upper castes" and a "greater genetic inflow among North Indian caste populations than is observedamong South Indian caste and tribal populations."

[web 19]

A more recent study has provided support for an influx of Indo-European migrants into the Indian

subcontinent, but not necessarily an "invasion of any kind", further corroborating the findings of previous

investigators, such as Bamshad et al. (2001), Wells et al. (2002) and Basu et al. (2003).

Ethno-linguistics

The terms North Indian and South Indian are ethno-linguistic categories, with North Indian corresponding to

Indo-European-speaking peoples and South Indian corresponding to Dravidian-speaking; however, becauseof admixture, these two groups often overlap.[web 20][web 21]Certain sample populations of upper caste

North Indians show affinity to Central Asian caucasians, whereas southern Indian Brahmins' relationship is

further.[web 19][web 22]

Language change resulting from the migration of numerically small superstrate groups would be difficult to

trace genetically. Historically attested events, such as invasions by Huns, Greeks, Kushans, Mughals and

modern Europeans, may have had negligible genetic impact, and if they did it can be hard to trace it. For

example, despite centuries of Greek rule in Northwest India, no trace of either the I-M170 or the E-M35 Y

DNA paternal haplogroups associated with Greek and Macedonian males lines have been found.[74]On the

other hand, evidence of E-M35 and J-M12, another supposed Greek or Balkan marker, has been found inthree Pakistani populations the Burusho, Kalash and Pathan who claim descent from Greek soldiers.

[76]

Controversy

The debate about the origin of Indo-Aryan peoples is highly controversial, relating to the indigenous origin of

peoples and culture, thus inflaming political agitation and sentiments.

Dravidian response

The Dravidian Movement bases much of its identity on the idea of the indigenous origin of Dravidians as

opposed to transgressing Indo-Aryans.[77]This in turn lead to further responses from Indian nationalists:

From a nationalist point of view, it is clear that the concept of an Aryan-Dravidian divide is

pernicious to the unity of the Hindu state, and an important aim for Hindutva and neo-Hindu

scholarship is therefor to introduce a counter-narrative to the one presented by Western

academic scholarship.[78][note 19]

Hindu nationalism

Nationalistic movements in India oppose the idea that Hinduism has partly endogenous origins.[1][79]

[80][note 20]For the founders of the contemporary Hindutva movement, the Aryan migration theory presented

a problem.[81]

The Hindutva-notion that the Hindu-culture originated in India was threatened by the notion




19/31

that the Aryans originated outside India.[81]Later Indian writers regarded the Aryan migration theory to be a

product of colonialism, aimed to denigrate Hindus.[82]According to them, Hindus had existed in India from

times immemorial, as expressed by Golwalkar:[82]

Undoubtedly ... we Hindus have been in undisputed and undisturbed possession of this land for

over 8 or even 10 thousand years before the land was invaded by any foreign race. (Golwakar

[1939] 1944)[82][note 21][note 23]

Racism

The debate inflames issues around racism and the idea of race, as the origin of the theory was intertwined

with the desire of many in the Western world to find the origin of a pure Aryan race, the division of castes by

racial basis, and the idea of an Indo-Aryan and Dravidian relating to language families rather than

race.[95][96]

Concurring views

According to Bryant, archaeologists in India remain quite skeptical:

The vast majority of professional archaeologists I interviewed in India insisted that there was no

convincing archaeological evidence whatsoever to support any claims of external Indo-Aryan

origins. This is part of a wider trend: archaeologists working outside of South Asia are voicing

similar views.[97]

Within India, alternative visions on the origins of the Aryan language and culture have been developed,

which emphasize indigenous origins.[1]They are rejected by mainstream scholars, since they neglect

linguistic research,[1]

and are contradicted by a broad range of research on Indo-European migration.[98]

"Indigenous Aryans"

The notion ofIndigenous Aryansposits that speakers of Indo-Aryan languages are "indigenous" to the Indian

subcontinent. Scholars like Jim G. Shaffer and B.B. Lal note the absence of archaeological remains of an

Aryan "conquest", and the high degree of physical continuity between Harappan and Post-Harappan

society.[web 24]They support the controversial[web 24]theory that the Aryan civilization was not introduced

by Aryan migrations, but originated in pre-Vedic India.[web 24]

Shaffer - Continuity

Jim Shaffer has noted several problems with the arguments that the ancient Harappans were Aryans.[99]

According to Shaffer, archaeological evidence consistent with a mass population movement, or an invasion of

South Asia in the pre- or protohistoric periods, has not been found. Instead, Shaffer proposes a series of

cultural changes reflecting indigenous cultural developments from prehistoric to historic periods.[100][note 24]

Shaffer contends:

There were no invasions from central or western South Asia. Rather there were several internal

cultural adjustments reflecting altered ecological, social and economic conditions affecting

northwestern and north-central South Asia.[102][note 9]

Lal - Fire altars




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Lal notes that at Kalibangan (at the Ghaggar river) the remains of what some writers claim to be fire altars

have been unearthed that are claimed to have been used for Vedic sacrifices, although the presence of animal

bones does not seem consistent with Vedic rites. In addition the remains of a bathing place (suggestive of

ceremonial bathing) have been found near the altars in Kalibangan.[110]

S.R. Rao found similar "fire altars" in

Lothal which he thinks could have served no other purpose than Vedic ritual.[111]

The sites in Kalibangan are

dated back to pre-Harappan times i.e. 3500 BC, well before any likely date for the Indo-Aryan migrations, so

this may suggest that Vedic rites are indigenous to India and not brought in from outside.[112]

Out of India Theory

In recent years, the concept of "Indigenous Aryans" has been increasingly conflated with an "Out of India"

origin of the Indo-European language family. This contrasts with the model of Indo-Aryan migration which

posits that Indo-Aryan tribes migrated to India from Central Asia. Some furthermore claim that all

Indo-European languages originated in India.[note 29]

These claims remain problematic.[note 30]

See also

The Arctic Home in the

Vedas by B G Tilak

Indo-Aryans

Aryan

Arya

Ariana

Aryavarta

Copper Hoard Culture

Indo-Aryan languages

Tamil nationalism

Rigveda

Indo-Iranians

Indo-Iranian languages

BMAC

Andronovo culture

Kurgan

Genetics and

archaeogenetics of South

Asia

Indigenous Aryan Theory

Out of India Theory

Notes

^However, this culture may also represent

forerunners of the Indo-Iranians, similar to the

Lullubi and Kassite invasion of Mesopotamia early

in the second millennium BC.

1.

^The "First urbanisation" was the Indus Valley

Civilisation.[15]

2.

^ abJainism and Buddhism did notoriginate from

the historical Vedic religion, but are indigenous to

India itself, just like Yoga and Samkhya.[note 22]

Hinduism itself is "a fusion of Arian and Dravidian

cultures".[86]Among its roots are the historical

Vedic religion of Iron Age India,[web 23]but also the

religions of the Indus Valley Civilisation,[87][88]

[89][90]the Shramana[91]or renouncer

traditions

[92]

of north-east India,

[91]

and "popular orlocal traditions".[92]The "Hindu synthesis"

emerged around the beginning of the Common

Era.[93][94]

3.

^Krishnamurti states: "Besides, the gVedas has

used the gerund, not found in Avestan, with the

same grammatical function as in Dravidian, as a

non-finite verb for 'incomplete' action. gVedic

language also attests the use of it as a quotation

clause complementary. All these features are not a

consequence of simple borrowing but they indicate

substratum influence (Kuiper 1991: ch 2)".

4.

^Mallory: "It is highly probable that the

Indo-Aryans of Western Asia migrated eastwards,

for example with the collapse of the Mitanni, and

wandered into India, since there is not a shred of

evidence for example, names of non-Indic

deities, personal names, loan words that the

Indo-Aryans of India ever had any contacts with

their west Asian neighbours. The reverse

possibility, that a small group broke off and

wandered from India into Western Asia is readily

5.




21/31

dismissed as an improbably long migration, again

without the least bit of evidence."[34]

^Leach (1990) as cited in Bryant (2001:222)

"Ancient Indian history has been fashioned out of

compositions, which are purely religious and

priestly, which notoriously do not deal with history,

and which totally lack the historical sense.(...)."F.E. Pargiter 1922. However "the Vedic literature

confines itself to religious subjects and notices

political and secular occurrences only incidentally

(...)". Cited in R. C. Majumdar and A. D. Pusalker

(editors): The history and culture of the Indian

people. Volume I, The Vedic age. Bombay :

Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan 1951, p.315, with

reference to F.E. Pargiter.

6.

^Mallory (1989) "...the culture represented in the

earliest Vedic hymns bears little similarity to that of

the urban society found at Harappa or

Mohenjo-daro. It is illiterate, non-urban,

non-maritime, basically uninterested in exchange

other than that involving cattle, and lacking in any

forms of political complexity beyond that of a king

whose primary function seems to be concerned with

warfare and ritual."

7.

^According to Cardona, "there is no textual

evidence in the early literary traditions

unambiguously showing a trace" of an Indo-Aryan

migration.[40]

8.

^a

b

Archaeological evidence of continuity need

not be conclusive. A similar case has been Central

Europe, where the archaeological evidence shows

continuous linear development, with no marked

external influences.[note 25]Archaeological

continuity can be supported for every

Indo-European-speaking region of Eurasia, not just

India.[note 26][note 27]Several historically

documented migrations, such as those of the

Helvetii to Switzerland, the Huns into Europe, or

Gaelic-speakers into Scotland are not attested in

the archaeological record.[note 28]

> As[109]

sums

up, "archaeology can verify the occurrence of

migration only in exceptional cases".

9.

^Comparing the Harappan and Gandhara cultures,

Kennedy states: "Our multivariate approach does

10.

not define the biological identity of an ancient

Aryan population, but it does indicate that the Indus

Valley and Gandhara peoples shared a number of

craniometric, odontometric and discrete traits that

point to a high degree of biological affinity."

Kennedy in[69]

^Kennedy: "Have Aryans been identified in theprehistoric skeletal record from South Asia?

Biological anthropology and concepts of ancient

races", in ,[59]at p. 49.

11.

^Cephalic measures, however, may not be a good

indicator as they do not necessarily indicate

ethnicity and they might vary in different

environments. On the use of which, however, see[70]

12.

^Kenoyer: "Although the overall socioeconomic

organization changed, continuities in technology,

subsistence practices, settlement organization, and

some regional symbols show that the indigenous

population was not displaced by invading hordes of

Indo-Aryan speaking people. For many years, the

'invasions' or 'migrations' of these Indo-Aryan-

speaking Vedic/Aryan tribes explained the decline

of the Indus civilization and the sudden rise ofurbanization in the Ganges-Yamuna valley. This

was based on simplistic models of culture change

and an uncritical reading of Vedic texts...",[71]

13.

^Kennedy: "there is no evidence of demographic

disruptions in the north-western sector of the

Subcontinent during and immediately after the

decline of the Harappan culture. If Vedic Aryans

were a biological entity represented by the

skeletons from Timargarha, then their biological

features of cranial and dental anatomy were not

distinct to a marked degree from what we

encountered in the ancient Harappans." Kennedy in[72]

14.

^Kenoyer: "there was an overlap between Late

Harappan and post-Harappan communities...with no

biological evidence for major new populations."

Kenoyer as quoted in[73]

15.

^Hemphill: "the data provide no support for any

model of massive migration and gene flow between

the oases of Bactria and the Indus Valley. Rather,

16.




22/31

patterns of phonetic affinity best conform to a

pattern of long-standing, but low-level bidirectional

mutual exchange. "Hemphill 1998 "Biological

Affinities and Adaptations of Bronze Age

Bactrians: III. An initial craniometric assessment",

American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 106,

329-348.; Hemphill 1999 "Biological Affinities andAdaptations of Bronze Age Bactrians: III. A

Craniometric Investigation of Bactrian Origins",

American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 108,

173-192

^"There is general agreement that Indian caste and

tribal populations share a common late Pleistocene

maternal ancestry in India." Sahoo et al. (2006)

17.

^Reich et al. (2009) speculate on pre-Aryan

'Proto-Indo-European': "It is tempting to assume

that the population ancestral to ANI [Ancestral

North Indian] and CEU spoke 'Proto-

Indo-European', which has been reconstructed as

ancestral to both Sanskrit and European languages,

although we cannot be certain without a date for

ANIASI [Ancestral South Indian] mixture."[web 10]

18.

^See also Breaking India19.

^See also "Dr. S. Kalyanaraman, Harvard

Universitys international scandal unravels a global

Hindu conspiracy (http://www.ivarta.com/columns

/ol_051219.htm).

20.

^See also "Savarkar,Essentials of Hindutva

(http://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/en

/essentials_of_hindutva.v001.pdf), and Edwin

Bryant, The Quest for the Origins of Vedic

Culture: The Indo-Aryan Migration Debate

21.

^Zimmer: [Jainism] does not derive from

Brahman-Aryan sources, but reflects the cosmology

and anthropology of a much older pre-Aryan upper

class of northeastern India - being rooted in the

22.

same subsoil of archaic metaphysical speculation

as Yoga, Sankhya, and Buddhism, the other

non-Vedic Indian systems."[85]

^Hindutva-theory faces other challenges as well. It

includes Jainism and Buddhism into its notions of

'Hinduness', as part of the Indian heritage. A recent

strategy, exemplified by Rajiv Malhotra, is the useof the term dhammaas a common denominator,

which also includes Jainism and Buddhism.[83]

Nevertheless, Jainism and Buddhism have distinct

origins.[84][note 3]

23.

^Shaffer: "Current archaeological data do not

support the existence of an Indo-Aryan or European

invasion into South Asia any time in the pre- or

protohistoric periods. Instead, it is possible to

document archaeologically a series of cultural

changes reflecting indigenous cultural

developments from prehistoric to historic periods".

Shaffer[100]

as cited in[101]

24.

^Husler, as cited in[103]

25.

^Mallory, in[104]

26.

^Bryant: "India is not the only Indo-European-

speaking area that has not revealed any

archaeological traces of immigration." As

[105]

27.

^,[106][107][108]

as cited in[105]

28.

^Bryant: "It must be stated immediately that there

is an unavoidable corollary of an Indigenist

position. If the Indo-Aryan languages did not come

from outside South Asia, this necessarily entails

that India was the original homeland of all the other

Indo-European languages."[113]

29.

^Bryant: "There is at least a series of

archaeological cultures that can be traced

approaching the Indian subcontinent, even if

discontinuous, which does not seem to be the case

for any hypothetical east-to-west emigration."[114]

30.

References

^ abcdeBryant 2001.1.

^a

b

Wells 2002.2.

^"Read Indussian", by Senthil Kumar A S, - Page

123

3.

^"Tense and Aspect in Indo-European Languages",4.

by John Hewson, Page 229

^Gregory L. Possehl (2002). The Indus

Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective.

Rowman Altamira. p. 238. ISBN 9780759101722.

5.

^Christopher I. Beckwith (2009),Empires of the6.


http://www.ivarta.com/columnshttp://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/enhttp://www.novapdf.com/http://www.novapdf.com/http://www.novapdf.com/http://www.novapdf.com/http://www.novapdf.com/http://www.novapdf.com/http://www.novapdf.com/http://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/enhttp://www.ivarta.com/columns


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Silk Road, Oxford University Press, p.30

^Burrow 1973.7.

^Parpola 1999.8.

^Mallory, Mair & 2000 257.9.

^http://www.veda.harekrsna.cz/connections

/Western-Asia.php

10.

^Kochhar 2000, p. 185-186.11.â

b

Bryant (2001:91)12.

^Bamshad (2001)13.

^ abAnthony & Vinogradov (1995)

Kuzmina (1994), Klejn (1974), and Brentjes (1981),

as cited in Bryant (2001:206)

14.

^ abcdSamuel 2010.15.

^ abSamuel 2010, p. 61.16.

^ abSamuel 2010, p. 48-51.17.

^Samuel 2010, p. 42-48.18.

^Samuel 2010, p. 49.19.

^Mallory & Mair (2000)20.

^Sapir (1949:455)

Latham, as cited in Mallory (1989:152)

21.

^Mallory (1989:152153)22.

^Mallory (1989:177185)23.

^Hock (1991, p. 454)24.

^Fortson (2004, p. 106)25.^Hock (1996), "Out of India? The linguistic

evidence", in Bronkhorst & Deshpande (1999).

26.

Êrdosy (1995:18)27.

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