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Page 1: INDIAN JOURNAL OF DALIT ANDhersindia.org/journal-archive-pdf/Journal-2018/... · the dalit and Tribal emancipationinto the ditch of failure. In such a midst of mist, a vigilant awareness
Page 2: INDIAN JOURNAL OF DALIT ANDhersindia.org/journal-archive-pdf/Journal-2018/... · the dalit and Tribal emancipationinto the ditch of failure. In such a midst of mist, a vigilant awareness
Page 3: INDIAN JOURNAL OF DALIT ANDhersindia.org/journal-archive-pdf/Journal-2018/... · the dalit and Tribal emancipationinto the ditch of failure. In such a midst of mist, a vigilant awareness

INDIAN JOURNAL OF DALIT AND TRIBAL STUDIES (IJDTS)

ADVISORY BOARDProf. Sukhdeo Thorat - Former Chairman UGC, & Chairman, Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Delhi.Prof. Nandu Ram - (Retd.) Dr. Ambedkar Chair Professor of Sociology and Presently NationalFellow(ICSSR)atJNU,NewDelhi.Prof. P.G. Jogdand - Former Dean, Faculty of Arts, Professor, Dept. of Sociology, University of Mumbai.Prof. Vimal Kirti - Former Head, Dept. of Pali and Prakrit, Nagpur University, Maharashtra.Prof. Chauthi Ram Yadav - Former Professor & Head Department of Hindi, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.Prof. Bibhuti Bhushan Malik - Professor, Dept. of Sociology & Director, Ambedkar Study Center, B.B.A. Uni versity, Lucknow,U.P.Prof. Rama Shankar Arya - Former Vice Chancellor, B.K.S. University, Ara, Bihar, Presently Head Department of Philosophy, Patna University, Patna

EDITORIAL BOARDProf. S. Zainuddin - Dept. of Sociology, AMU, Aligarh, U.P.Dr. Rajesh Paswan -CIS/SLL&CS,JNU,NewDelhi.Dr. Raj Kumar -Dept.ofPoliticalScience,DyalSinghCollege,Universityof Delhi.Dr. G.V. Ratnakar -Dept.ofHindi,MaulanaAzadNationalUrduUniversity, Hydarabad, A.P.Dr. Rusiram Mahananda -Dept.ofPoliticalScience,DeenDayalUpadhyayGorakpur University, Gorakpur, U.P.Dr. Ajay Sameer Kujur -DepartmentofEducation,GurughashiDasUniversity,Bilaspur,C.G.Dr. Pitambar Das - Department of Philosophy, M.G.K.V.P, Varanasi.Dr. Urvashi Gahlout - Dept. of Hindi, MMV, BHU, Varanasi, U.P.Dr. Vinita Chandra - Centre for Study of Social Exclusion & Inclusive Policy, BHU, Varanasi, U.P.

Office : IInd Floor, Sriram Complex, Hyderabad Gate, BHU, Varanasi-05, UPPublisher

• AllviewsandopinionsexpressedinIJDTSarethesoleresponsibilityoftheauthorconcerned. Neither the Editors nor Publisher can in anyway, be held responsible for them.

• AllPostofJournalarewithoutpay.

• AlldisputsaresubjecttoVaranasiJurisdictiononly.

Global Impact and Quality Factor : 0.565 (2015)

ISSN No. 2348-1757

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Editor's Note

TheStoryofDalitandTribalemancipationfromtheshacklesof theoddsofhumanityand life is stillabigquestionas Indiahasmarched on into the seventh decade of its independence. Uproar from thevariousquartersof India'scommunitiesandtheirdevelopmenthasbeenshiveringthetenderlatticesofinfrastructuremeantforthedevelopmentofthenumerousdowntrodden.Horizontalandverticalattacksonthemhavebeentraumatizingandcheckingtheirpacesofeffortsofcompel towalkdownthe lanesofpovertyandaffliction.SchemesandprogrammesareveryoftensaidtobedilutedastoputthedalitandTribalemancipationintotheditchoffailure.Insuchamidstofmist,avigilantawareness ismomentous forputtingthemon alert. To cater to the needs of such an awareness and vibrantconsciousnessfortheDalit,theIndianJournalofDalitTribalStudies(IJDTS) is an academic effort in this direction for assessing andevaluatingtheall-aroundtruthsandmythsclaimedfortheDalitsandTribalonallcounts.

ThefirstvolumeofIJDTSisenrichedwithagoodnumberofcontributions of prudent discussions of various burning issues likecasteism,socialjustice,reservation,womenemancipation,DalitsandIndian classics, as well as the views of Baba Saheb B.R. Ambedkar. We hopethetoilassuchanideationwillbringforthafruitfulvibrationamongst the Dalits as well as their counterpart for framing a new horizon of humanity and a good fortune. The IJDTS is a bilingual(Hindi and English) and bi-annual research journal, and its scope is spread over to all sorts of discussions on the downtrodden people.

I thankeachandeverymemberwhoassociatedwith IJDTSfor their roles inbringing it to come to light. Criticismand furtherdiscussion are solicited. Suggestions on its improvement andexcellence are always welcome.

With a humble hope of ray in its story of success….

Varanasi

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1

1. Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka 1-23

Dr. A. Ranjith Kumar2. The Expanse Of Hunger In The Outcaste: Akkarmashi 24-39

Arundhati Dey3. Traditional Medicines Of Kani Tribe In Pechiparai

(Kanyakumari District)40-45

Ms.J.Sharmila4. A Stand Against The Discrimination on The Basis of

Color And Creed In Maya Angelou’s I Still Rise46-51

Dr. Navratan Singh5. A Socio – Economic Analysis of Malai Pantarams At

Attathodu – A Study52-61

Priya Soman6. Socio Economic Problems Of Tribes In Attappadi,

With Special Reference To Sickle Cell Anaemia62-74

RASHID KK

Section-B7. ‘‘oefuele keie& kesâ GlLeeve ceW yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keâe Ùeesieoeve’’ 75-80

[e@0 DecejveeLe heemekeeve

ØekeerCe kegâceej heeue

8. efnvot je<š^ Deewj meeceeefpekeâ vÙeeÙe keâer DekeOeejCee 81-88

[e@ efkepeÙe kegâceej ef$eMejCe

9. yeewæ Oece& kesâ leeefòkekeâ efkekesÛeveeW ceW yegæ Ûeefjle keâe Dekeoeve 89-97

[e@0 Deefcele kegâceej

ContentsSection-A

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2 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

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Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

*Dr. A. Ranjith Kumar

Constitution of India guarantees equality before the law and equal protection under laws to all. At the same time, it throws a responsibility upon the state to give special protection for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in order to improve their social economic status. They have been denied even the most basic and rights from historical context as well as contemporary reality. The welfare policy is one of the instruments to improve the socio-economic conditions of Scheduled Caste. It is observed that the benefits of welfare policies and reservation policy are being used by urban SCs population. The fruits of welfare policies and reservation policy are not equal distributed among rural and urban SCs population.In the light of the above the researcher lunches following research questions: Why benefits of welfare policies did not reach to rural SCs population? Why Urban SCs populations are more benefited? Why not social and political mobilization takes place among SCs other than urban SCs population? Why Rural SCs are socially and economically at the bottom level even after 67 years of public administration? Why not mainstream political parties are not politically mobilizing Rural SCs Population? To answering these research questions, present study tries to understand literature gaps and review of literature have been collected and discussed such as spatial distribution, Temporal Variation, rural – urban variation to the Scheduled Caste in India general and Karnataka in Particular.

IntroductionThe population of the earth is distributed unevenly. Nearly

one-half of the world’s population is contained within 5 per cent of the total land area. In contrast, 57 per cent of the earth’s land area

*Research Associate, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, National Law School of India University, Bangalore

ISSN : 2348-1757Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Volume-6, Issue-2, July-Dec 2018, pages 1-23

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2 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

contains less than 5 per cent of the world population. A common way of describing the world pattern of population distribution is to identify a) major area of concentration, b) minor area of concentration and c) large relatively empty space (United Nation 1973:163). Fawcett identified four major areas of population concentration, namely, the Far East, India, Europe, and East Central North America (Fawcett 1947: 392). James recognized two major areas of concentration, 1. South-Eastern Asia, where roughly one half of the world population is crowed into less than one tenth of the earth’s habitable areas, and 2. Europe, where nearly one fifth of the world population occupies less than one twentieth of the habitable land area (James 1949:5).

James said that the fact of uneven population distribution is basic to the study of human societies and human institutions. Population density and arrangement are involved directly or indirectly in every economic, social, political, or strategic problem. Underling all the great domestic and international issues of our time are the facts of man’s relations to the earth (James 1949:5). Man is intimately bound to the earth; from earth materials he fashions the tools which give him economic power and the weapons which give him military power. Man’s civilizations have always been, and always will be, constructed on the foundations of the particular set of relations to the land (James 1949:5).Wenschow said that the unpopulated regions is found in the dry lands, the cold lands, in extensive areas of hot and humid lands with intensively leached zonal soils, and in scattered are of stony and difficulty terrain (Wenschow: 1950:48). Distribution of population is determined by land. There is close relationship between Land and living organism particularly human. Land performs all kinds of economic activates. British government had provided land todepressed classes (Scheduled Castes) for construction of houses and forming agricultural activities. Hence land is one of the main resources of population distribution. Spatial distribution of population is major role play in population studies and demography studies which means that the arrangement of a phenomenon across the Earth’s surface and a graphical display of such an arrangement is an important tool in geographical and environmental statistics. Within the major and minor areas of concentration and within the sparsely settled regions there are local agglomerations in metropolitan cites, cities, towns and villages,

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3 Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

and rural districts of relatively dense population as well as localities which are sparsely settled or totally uninhabited. The worldwide picture of population distribution is thus exceedingly complex.Objectives of the Study

1. To study the spatial pattern of Scheduled Caste population in Karnataka.

2. To identify the low and high concentration of Scheduled Caste population in Karnataka.

3. To examine the sex ratio of Scheduled Castes by residence in Karnataka.

4. To understand the literacy levels of Scheduled Caste population by sex and residence in Karnataka.

Hypotheses1. The social, economic and culture factors have impact on the

concentration of Scheduled Caste population in Karnataka. Whether social and economic factors affecting population distribution and population polices in Karnataka.

2. Geographical factors like geomorphology, land; climate has impact on the concentration of Scheduled Caste population in Karnataka. Globalization, urbanization and industrialization have impact on the migration of Scheduled Caste population to urban areas.

Factors Affecting the Distribution of PopulationThe factors which determine this pattern of population

distribution and its changes are as complex and varied. There are three main classes of factors (United Nation 1973:163). The factors which determine the distribution of population can be classified as 1. Physical factors, 2.Economic and Social Factors and 3.Demographic Factors. Apart from these there are some chance factors, such as physical and social disasters which also influence the distribution of population. The complex interaction of these factors is responsible for the emerging patterns of population distribution throughout the world which is represented in chart 1.

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4 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Methods of Studying Population DistributionThe population distribution can be studied by various methods

namely visual methods and statistical methods which are explained in chart 2.

Chart 1: Factors Affecting the Distribution of Population

Chart 2: Methods of Studying Population DistributionSpatial Distribution of SC: An overviewThe total population of Karnataka, as per 2011 Census

is61,095,297. Of this, 10,474,992 are Scheduled Castes (SCs). SC population constitutes 17.1per cent of the state as a whole and 5.2 per cent of the SC population of the Country and 101caste (list of caste represented in Annexure A) has been notified which has the highest numbers of SCs notified and living compared to other states/UTs of the Country. District wise distribution of SC population shows that Kolar district has the highest 30.3 per cent SC population, followed

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by Chamarajanagar (25.4%) and Gulbarga (25.3), whereas the least percentage of SC population (6.4 per cent) is recorded in Udupi district.

Table:1 Percentage of SC population to total population by residence,

District of Karnataka

Sl. No India/Karnataka/District

Percentage of SCs population to Total

populationTotal Rural Urban

1 India 16.6 18.5 12.62 Karnataka 17.1 20.0 12.63 Bagalkot 16.9 18.4 13.64 Bangalore 12.5 22.9 11.45 Bangalore Rural 21.6 25.1 12.06 Belgaum 12.1 12.6 10.77 Bellary 21.1 23.9 16.58 Bidar 23.5 25.9 16.39 Bijapur 20.3 21.7 15.710 Chamarajanagar 25.4 26.2 21.611 Chikkaballapura 24.9 28.0 14.112 Chikmagalur 22.3 24.3 14.713 Chitradurga 23.4 25.1 16.914 Dakshina Kannada 7.1 9.4 4.615 Davanagere 20.2 24.0 12.216 Dharwad 9.6 9.0 10.117 Gadag 16.4 18.6 12.318 Gulbarga 25.3 28.3 19.019 Hassan 19.4 21.3 12.520 Haveri 13.8 15.1 8.921 Kodagu 13.3 13.6 11.122 Kolar 30.3 31.0 28.8

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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6 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

23 Koppal 18.6 19.3 15.324 Mandya 14.7 14.8 14.125 Mysore 17.9 21.7 12.526 Raichur 20.8 21.8 17.827 Ramanagara 18.8 20.2 14.628 Shimoga 17.6 20.0 13.329 Tumkur 18.9 20.7 12.830 Udupi 6.4 6.6 5.831 Uttara Kannada 8.1 7.7 9.0

Yadgir 23.3 25.3 14.3Sources: Computed from Primary Census Abstract Data for Scheduled Castes, 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

Above table illustrate that district wise distribution of SC population in Karnataka and shows that Percentage of SC population to total population by residence, District of Karnataka, India. Kolar district has the highest 30.3 per cent SC population, followed by Chamarajanagar (25.4%) and Gulbarga (25.3%),Davanagere (24.9%), Bijapur(23.5%), Raichur(23.4%), Bellary(23.3%), Bangalore Rural(22.3%), Chikmagalur(21.6%), Yadgir(21.1%), Chitradurga(20.8%), Bidar(20.3%) and Chikkaballapura(20.2%) where as the least percentage of SC population (6.4%) is recorded in Udupi, Dakshina Kannada (7.1%), Uttara Kannada (8.1%) and Dharwad (9.6%). Kolar district has the highest (30%) rural SC population, followed by Gulbarga (28.3%) and Chamarajanagar (28%) and Udupi district has least percentage of rural SC population (6.6%).Kolar district has the highest (28.8%) urban SC population, followed by Chamarajanagar (21.6%) and Gulbarga (19%) and Dakshina Kannada district has least percentage of urban SCs population (4.6%). It is observed that Scheduled Castes population is not equally distributed among districts of Karnataka andKolar district has the highest SCs population in both rural and urban.

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Table:2Percentage of SC population to total SC population of the state by

residence

Sl. No

Name of the Districts

Percentage of SC population to total SC population of the state

Total Rural Urban1. Bagalkot 3.0 3.2 2.72. Bangalore 11.4 2.7 33.53. Bangalore Rural 2.0 2.4 1.14. Belgaum 5.5 6.0 4.35. Bellary 4.9 4.9 5.16. Bidar 3.8 4.4 2.37. Bijapur 4.2 4.9 2.68. Chamarajanagar 2.5 3.0 1.39. Chikkaballapura 3.0 3.6 1.310. Chikmagalur 2.4 2.9 1.211. Chitradurga 3.7 4.5 1.912. Dakshina Kannada 1.4 1.4 1.513 Davanagere 3.7 4.2 2.614 Dharwad 1.7 1.0 3.615. Gadag 1.7 1.7 1.616. Gulbarga 6.2 6.5 5.317. Hassan 3.3 4.0 1.618. Haveri 2.1 2.5 1.119. Kodagu 0.7 0.9 0.320. Kolar 4.4 4.4 4.621. Koppal 2.5 3.0 1.222. Mandya 2.5 3.0 1.523. Mysore 5.1 5.1 5.224. Raichur 3.8 4.2 2.9

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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8 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

25. Ramanagara 1.9 2.2 1.326. Shimoga 2.9 3.0 2.827. Tumkur 4.8 5.7 2.628. Udupi 0.7 0.7 0.729. Uttara Kannada 1.1 1.1 1.330 Yadgir 2.6 3.2 1.1

Total 100 100 100Sources: Computed from Primary Census Abstract Data for Scheduled Castes, 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

Above table shows that Percentage of SC population to total SC population of the state by residence in Karnataka. Bangalore district has highest (11.4%) SC population, followed by Gulbarga (6.2%) and Belgaum (5.5%) and least population is reported in Udupi (0.7%) and Kodagu (0.7%). Gulbarga district is highest rural SC population (6.5%) among the districts of Karnataka and followed by Belgaum (6%)and Tumkur (5.7%) and lease population is reported in Udupi district (0.7%). Bangalore district has highest (33.3%) SC population, followed by Gulbarga (5.3%) and Mysore (5.2%) and least population is reported in Kodagu (0.3%). From the data,it is observed that Scheduled Caste population is unequally distributed among the districts of Karnataka. Large number of SC population and Urban SC population are lives in Bangalore district and Gulbarga district is reported as largest rural SC population.

Table:3Sex ratio of Scheduled Caste population by residence, district of

Karnataka, India, 2011

Sl. No India/Karnataka/DistrictSex ratio

(females/1000males)Total Rural Urban

1. India 945 945 9462. Karnataka 990 987 9953. Belgaum 997 989 1026

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4. Bagalkot 1018 1016 10245. Bijapur 955 952 9736. Bidar 957 956 9607. Raichur 1001 1000 10078. Koppal 999 993 10409. Gadag 985 977 100710. Dharwad 995 963 101811. Uttara Kannada 1013 1002 103712. Haveri 960 956 98613 Bellary 1001 994 101814 Chitradurga 977 972 100815. Davanagere 980 978 98716. Shimoga 1007 1000 102717. Udupi 1039 1040 103818. Chikmagalur 1029 1026 104519. Tumkur 991 991 99420. Bangalore 972 965 97321. Mandya 1015 1013 102322. Hassan 1030 1030 103323. Dakshina Kannada 1021 1011 104324. Kodagu 1058 1061 103825. Mysore 993 989 100126. Chamarajanagar 982 981 98827. Gulbarga 965 963 97428. Yadgir 992 993 98829. Kolar 1003 996 102030. Chikkaballapura 983 982 98631. Bangalore Rural 989 990 98332. Ramanagara 986 982 1004

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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10 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Sources: Computed fromComputedfromComputed from Primary Census Abstract Data for Scheduled Castes, 2011, Office of the

Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Af-fairs, Government of India.

Table 3 shows that sex ratio of Scheduled Castes population by residence in Karnataka state. Kodagu district tops in the sex ratio (1058) followed by Udupi, Hassan, Chikmagalure, Dakshina Kannada, Bagalkot, Mandya, Uttara Kannada, Shimoga and Kolar. As per the sex ration among SCs population in rural and urban areas are concerned, the same trend in noticed Karnataka having more sex ratio as compared to the national average even the districts are also of same pattern. Kodagu district tops in the rural sex ratio (1061) and fifth place in urban sex ratio (1038).

Table:4Literacy rate by sex and differences of SCs Population, Districts of

Karnataka, India, 2011

Sl. No

India/Karnataka/District Persons Male Female M-F Differences

1. India 66.1 75.2 56.5 18.7

2. Karnataka 65.3 74.0 56.6 17.4

3. Belgaum 67.8 78.3 57.3 21

4. Bagalkot 58.9 70.8 47.4 23.4

5. Bijapur 59.6 71.8 46.9 24.9

6. Bidar 63.4 72.5 53.9 18.6

7. Raichur 53.4 65.1 41.9 23.2

8. Koppal 59.8 70.6 49.0 21.6

9. Gadag 62.9 73.9 51.8 22.1

10. Dharwad 73.5 81.7 65.2 16.5

11. Uttara Kannada 77.1 84.1 70.2 13.9

12. Haveri 65.6 74.4 56.4 18

13 Bellary 58.6 69.4 47.9 21.5

14 Chitradurga 66.2 74.8 57.4 17.4

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15. Davanagere 63.7 72.6 54.6 18

16. Shimoga 68.4 76.2 60.6 15.6

17. Udupi 78.6 84.2 73.2 11

18. Chikmagalur 67.6 75.3 60.2 15.1

19. Tumkur 66.2 74.8 57.7 17.1

20. Bangalore 78.6 84.2 72.8 11.4

21. Mandya 66.8 74.7 58.9 15.8

22. Hassan 66.5 74.6 58.7 15.9

23. Dakshina Kannada 75.9 82.3 69.6 12.7

24. Kodagu 72.7 79.8 66.0 13.8

25. Mysore 66.6 72.8 60.3 12.5

26. Chamarajanagar 61.6 67.3 55.8 11.5

27. Gulbarga 55.0 65.5 44.1 21.4

28. Yadgir 43.3 54.5 32.1 22.4

29. Kolar 70.6 78.5 62.9 15.630. Chikkaballapura 59.7 68.1 51.2 16.931. Bangalore Rural 68.6 76.7 60.5 16.232. Ramanagara 64.4 72.9 55.8 17.1

Sources: Computed from Primary Census Abstract Data for Scheduled Castes, 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner,

Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

Table 4 deals with Literacy rate by sex and differences of SCs Population, Districts of Karnataka, India, 2011. The literacy rate among SC population of Karnatak is lower (65.3) as compared to the national average of the same (66.1). Udupi and Bangalore District tops in the literacy rate (78.6) followed by Uttara Kannada, Dakshina Kannada, Dharwad, Kodagu, Kolar, Bangalore Rural, Shimoga, Belgaum, Chikmagalur, Mandya, Mysore, Hassan, Tumkur and Chitradurga. As per the male-female difference in literacy rate is concerned, Karnataka has the lower percentage point (17.4) as compared to the national average (18.7). among the districts of Karnataka, it ranges from 24.9 percentage points in Bijapur to 11 percentage points in Udupi.

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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12 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Table:5Literacy rate by residence and differences of SCs Population,

Districts of Karnataka, India, 2011

Sl. No

India/Karnataka/District Total Rural Urban

U-R

Difference India 66.1 62.8 76.2 13.4Karnataka 65.3 60.4 77.4 17

1. Belgaum 67.8 64.9 77.7 12.82. Bagalkot 58.9 56.1 67.1 113. Bijapur 59.6 56.9 72.2 15.34. Bidar 63.4 60.9 75 14.15. Raichur 53.4 49.1 68.5 19.46. Koppal 59.8 58.3 68.4 10.17. Gadag 62.9 59.9 71.1 11.28. Dharwad 73.5 63 80.2 17.29. Uttara Kannada 77.1 74.4 82.8 8.4

10. Haveri 65.6 63.5 77.8 14.311. Bellary 58.6 54.6 68.1 13.512. Chitradurga 66.2 63.9 79.4 15.513. Davanagere 63.7 60.6 76 15.414. Shimoga 68.4 64.6 78.4 13.815. Udupi 78.6 76.3 84.9 8.616. Chikmagalur 67.6 65.7 79.1 13.417. Tumkur 66.2 64 78.9 14.918. Bangalore 78.6 69.2 80.4 11.219. Mandya 66.8 64.6 77.7 13.120. Hassan 66.5 64.3 80.6 16.321. Dakshina Kannada 75.9 72.4 83.8 11.422. Kodagu 72.7 71.2 83.5 12.3

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23. Mysore 66.6 60.6 81.1 20.524. Chamarajanagar 61.6 59.3 75.6 16.325. Gulbarga 55 50.5 68.5 1826. Yadgir 43.3 40.7 62.7 2227. Kolar 70.6 63.9 86.4 22.528. Chikkaballapura 59.7 57.8 73.2 15.429. Bangalore Rural 68.6 67.3 76.2 8.930. Ramanagara 64.4 61.9 74.6 12.7Sources:Computed from Primary Census Abstract Data for Scheduled Castes, 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

Table 5 illustrates that literacy rate by residence and differences of SCs Population, districts of Karnataka, India, 2011. Urban-rural difference in literacy rate among the districts of Karnataka ranges from 22.5 percentage points in Kolar district to 8.6 percentage points in Udupi and 8.4 percentage points in Uttara Kannada district. Urban-rural difference of Karnataka SCs population is higher (17) as compare to the national average (13.4). It is noted that the benefits of education did not reach in rural areas.

Table:6Literacy rate on male-female difference by residence of SCs

Population, Districts of Karnataka, India, 2011

Sl. No

India/Karnataka/District

Total Rural UrbanM-F

DifferenceM-F

DifferenceM-F

Difference1. India 18.7 20 14.72. Karnataka 17.4 19.2 13.33. Belgaum 21 22.4 174. Bagalkot 23.4 24.2 20.95. Bijapur 24.9 26.2 19.56. Bidar 18.6 19.4 14.57. Raichur 23.2 24.3 19.8

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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14 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

8. Koppal 21.6 22.3 18.59. Gadag 22.1 23.5 18.610. Dharwad 16.5 20 14.611. Uttara Kannada 13.9 15 11.912. Haveri 18 18.9 13.113 Bellary 21.5 23.1 1814 Chitradurga 17.4 18.3 12.515. Davanagere 18 19 13.716. Shimoga 15.6 16.6 1317. Udupi 11 11.6 9.318. Chikmagalur 15.1 15.8 10.619. Tumkur 17.1 18.1 1220. Bangalore 11.4 15.3 10.721. Mandya 15.8 16.6 11.622. Hassan 15.9 16.6 11.623. Dakshina Kannada 12.7 13.7 10.824. Kodagu 13.8 14.2 10.225. Mysore 12.5 13.5 10.426. Chamarajanagar 11.5 12 9.127. Gulbarga 21.4 22.5 18.128. Yadgir 22.4 22.6 21.729. Kolar 15.6 18.3 9.630. Chikkaballapura 16.9 17.4 13.931. Bangalore Rural 16.2 16.9 12.732. Ramanagara 17.1 17.8 14.4Sources:Computed from Primary Census Abstract Data for Scheduled Castes, 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

Table 6 and shows that literacy rate on male-female difference byresidence of SCs Population, Districts of Karnataka, India, 2011. The literacy rate on Male-Female difference among SCs population of

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Karnataka is lower (Total -17.4, Rural- 19.2 and Urban-13.3) as compared to the national average (Total -18.7, Rural- 20 and Urban-14.4). Bijapur district has the highest percentage points in male-female difference in total (24.9), rural (26.2) among the district and Yadagri district has highest percentage points in male-female difference in urban (21.7). The rural male-female difference has highest percentage pointes when compared to urban male female difference. It is observed that the rural female literacy rate is low when compared to urban female literacy rate.

Table:7 Literacy Rate on Higher and Lower Percentage Points of Male-

Female DifferenceINDIA Total 18.7 Rural 20 Urban 14.7

KARNATAKA Total 17.4 Rural 19.2 Urban 13.3

Higher Percentage PointM-F Difference Lower Percentage PointM-F Difference

Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban

Bijapur

(24.9)

Bijapur

(26.2)

Yadgir

(21.7)

Chitradurga

(17.4)

Davanagere

(19)

Haveri

(13.1)

Bagalkot

(23.4)

Raichur

(24.3)

Bagalkot

(20.9)

Tumkur

(17.1)

Haveri

(18.9)

Shimoga

(13)

Raichur

(23.2)

Bagalkot

(24.2)

Raichur

(19.8)

Ramanagara

(17.1)

Chitradurga

(18.3)

Bangalore Rural

(12.7)

Yadgir

(22.4)

Gadag

(23.5)

Bijapur

(19.5)

Chikkaballapura

(16.9)

Kolar

(18.3)

Chitradurga

(12.5)

Gadag

(22.1)

Bellary

(23.1)

Gadag

(18.6)

Dharwad

(16.5)

Tumkur

(18.1)

Tumkur

(12)

Koppal

(21.6)

Yadgir

(22.6)

Koppal

(18.5)

Bangalore Rural

(16.2)

Ramanagara

(17.8)

Uttara

Kannada

(11.9)

Bellary

(21.5)

Gulbarga

(22.5)

Gulbarga

(18.1)

Hassan

(15.9)

Chikkaballapura

(17.4)

Mandya

(11.6)

Gulbarga

(21.4)

Belgaum

(22.4)

Bellary

(18)

Mandya

(15.8)

Bangalore Rural

(16.9)

Hassan

(11.6)

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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16 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Belgaum

(21)

Koppal

(22.3)

Belgaum

(17)

Shimoga

(15.6)

Shimoga

(16.6)

Dakshina Kannada

(10.8)

Bidar

(18.6)

Dharwad

(20)

Dharwad

(14.6)

Kolar

(15.6)

Mandya

(16.6)

Bangalore

(10.7)

Haveri

(18)

Bidar

(19.4)

Bidar

(14.5)

Chikmagalur

(15.1)

Hassan

(16.6)

Chikmagalur

(10.6)Davanagere

(18)

Chikkaballapura

(13.9)

Ramanagara

(14.4)

Uttara Kannada

(13.9)

Mysore

(10.4)

Davanagere

(13.7)

Kodagu

(10.2)

Bangalore

(15.3)

Kolar

(9.6)

Uttara Kannada

(15)

Udupi

(9.3)

Kodagu

(14.2)

Chamarajanagar

(9.1)

Dakshina

Kannada (13.7)

Bangalore (11.4)Mysore

(13.5)

Udupi

(11)

Chamarajanagar

(12)

Udupi

(11.6)

Sources: Computed from Primary Census Abstract Data for Scheduled Castes, 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

Table 7 revivals that comparison of Literacy rate on higher and lower percentage points of male-female difference by residence. The rural literacy rate of male-female difference is higher percentage point in Bijapur district (26.2) and lower in Udupi district (11.6). The urban literacy rate of male-female difference is higher percentage point in Yadgir district (21.7) and lower in Chikmagalurdistrict (10.6).Observation and Conclusion

India lives in rural and 68.89 per cent of people lives in rural and

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31.14 per cent of people live in urban areas (2011 Census). According to 2011 Census of India, 16.63 per cent of people belong to Scheduled Caste, 76.4% of rural SC population, 23.6 % of urban population. It is observed that rural population is higher than urban population. In Karnataka 61.33 and 38.67 percentages of the people lives in rural and urban respectively and 71.56 per cent of the SC population lives in rural remaining 28.44 per cent of the SC population lives in urban. Hence it is observed from the data nearly one third of the SCs and Non-SCs population are living in rural. Physical Factors and economic activates are affecting the distribution of population including SCs and Non-SCs. The physical factors like soil resources one the main factors to determination of population distribution. Agro economic activities and land is main assets to contribute national income particularly agrarian lands.

Kolar district of Karnataka has highest (30.3%) SCs population to total population of the district, rural (31%) and urban (28.8) SCs population has highest among the districts of Karnataka. The researcher tries to say thatthe energy and mineral resources contributes to distribution of population. Kolar district is popularly known as the golden land of India; for it is at the famous Kolar Gold Fields of this district that gold mining was first undertaken in the country during modern times.The important minerals of the district are gold, graphite, clay, steatite, silver and corundum. Gold recurs chiefly in quartz which in turn occurs as veins and lenses in schists. The major sources of employment are agricultural: dairy farming, sericulture and floriculture. The district is popularly known as the land of “silk, milk and gold”. Farmers in Kolar depend on borewell water for irrigation and drinking. (District Hand Book: 2011). Migration also one the factors affects population distribution and social and economic factors contributes to high concentration SCs population in Kolar district.

Bangalore district has highest (11.4%) percentage of SC population to total SCs population of the Karnataka and 33.5 per cent of SC lives in urban. Kodagu and Udupi have lowest (0.7%) percentage of SCs population. It is highly noted that SC has been migrating to Bangalore district and 5th most populous urban agglomeration in India. It is located in Southern India on the Deccan Pleteau. Its elevation is over 900 m (3,000 ft) above sea level, the highest of India’s major

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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18 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

cities.This city is sometimes referred to as the ‘Si l icon

Valley of India’ or ‘IT capital of India’ because of its role as the nation’s leading information technology (IT) exporter, Indian technologicalorganizations ISRO, Infosys, Wipro and HAL are headquartered in the city. A demographically diverse city, Bangalore isthe second fastest-growing major metropolis in India. Hence information technology is vital role play of population distribution.

Gulbarga district has highest rural (6.5%) SC population and Udupi district (0.7%) has lowest rural SCs population.Udupi district widely believed that the name of Udupi was derived from its Tulu name Odipu. The Tulu name in turn is associated with a temple at Malpe, devoted to Vadabhandeshwara. Another story is that the name Udupi came from the combination of the Sanskrit words Udu and Pa, which mean “stars” and “lord.” According to legend, the moon’s light was once reduced due to a curse by King Daksha, whose 27 daughters (the 27 stars, according to Hindu astrology) were married to the moon. The moon prayed to Lord Shiva to get back its original shine. Lord Shiva was pleased with the moon’s prayer and restored its shine. Legend says that the moon and his wives made their prayer at the Chandramouleeshwara temple at Udupi, creating a Linga that can be seen even today. According to this story, therefore, Udupi means the land of the “Lord of the Stars, the Moon” (udupi.nic.in). Due to these reason SCs concentration is very low in this district and caste system also affects distribution population. SCs community prefer to live in IT city which may be discrimination is very less when compared to other city. It tells us that discrimination can be avoided through education.

Kodagu district tops in the sex ratio (1058), rural sex ratio (1061) and fifth place in urban sex ratio (1038). Bijapur district has low in the sex ratio (955), rural sex ration (952) and urban sex ratio (973). Karnataka state sex ratio is higher than Bijapur district. The government of Karnataka may look Bijapur district to improvement of sex ratio and investigation will be initiated to study the status. As per the male-female difference in literacy rate is concerned, Karnataka has the lower percentage points (17.4) as compared to the national average (18.7). Among the districts of Karnataka, it ranges from 24.9

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percentage points in Bijapur to 11 percentage points in Udupi. Urban-rural difference in literacy rate among the districts of Karnataka ranges from 22.5 percentage points in Kolar district to 8.6 percentage points in Udupi and 8.4 percentage points in Uttara Kannada district. Urban-rural difference of Karnataka SCs population is higher (17) as compare to the national average (13.4). It is noted that the benefits of education did not reach in rural areas. It is concludes that education policy did not reach to rural SCs and rural SCs women. Government comes up to initiative to promote education among rural SCs and rural SCs women. Urban SCs populations are more benefited from education and rural SCs till have been neglected from mainstream of education process. References

• United Nation (1973): Determinates and consequences of Population Growth and trends, New York.

• Fawcett C.B (1947): The Numbers And Distribution Of Mankind, The Scientific Monthly,Vol. 64, No. 5, pp.389-396.

• Preston E James (1949): Geography of Man,Ginn and Company Publication, Boston.

• Wenschow (1950):Atlas FürHöhereLehranstalten,

• Primary Census Abstract Data for Scheduled Castes, 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

• www.udupi.nic.in

• Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner(2011): Bangalore District Hand Book,Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

ANNEXURE AList of Scheduled Castes in Karnataka

1.

Sl. No. Name of the Caste1 Adi Andhra2 AdiDravida

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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20 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

3 Adi Karnataka4 Adiya (in Coorg district)5 Ager6 Ajila7 Anamuk8 Aray Mala9 Arunthathiyar10 Arwa Mala11 Baira12 Bakad

13 Bant (in Belgaum, Bijapur, Dharwar and North Kanara districts)

14 Bakuda15 Balagai16 Bandi

17 Banjara, Lambani, Lambada, Lambadi, Lamani, Sugali, Sukali

18 Bathada19 Beda Jangam, BudgaJangam20 Bellara

21 Bhangi, Mehtar, Olgana, Rukhi, Malkana, Halalkhor, Lalbegi, Balmiki, Korar, Zadmalli

22

Bhambi, Bhambhi, Asadaru,Asodi, Chamadia, Chamar, Chambhar, Chamgar, Haralayya, Harali, Khalpa, Machigar, Mochigar, Madar, Madig, Mochi, Muchi, TeleguMochi, KamatiMochi, Ranigar, Rohidas, Rohit, Samgar

23 Bhovi, Od, Odde, Vaddar, Waddar, Voddar, Woddar24 Bindla25 Byagara26 Chakkiliyan

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27 Chalavadi, Chalvadi, Channayya28 Chandala29 ChennaDasar, HolayaDasar30 Dakkal, Dokkalwar31 Dakkaliga32 Dhor, Kakkayya, Kankayya33 Dom, Dombara, Paidi, Pano34 Ellamalwar, Yellammalawandlu35 Ganti Chores36 Garoda, Garo37 Godda38 Gosangi39 Halleer40 Halsar, Haslar, Hulasvar, Halasvar41 HandiJogis42 Hasla43 Holar, Valhar44 Holaya, Holer, Holeya45 HoleyaDasari46 Jaggali47 Jambuvulu48 Kadaiyan49 Kalladi50 Kepmaris51 Kolupulvandlu52 Koosa53 Koracha, Korachar54 Korama, Korava, Koravar55 Kotegar, Metri56 Kudumban

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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22 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

57 Kuravan58 Lingader59 Machala60 Madari61 Madiga62 Mahar, Taral, DheguMegu,63 Mahyavanshi, Dhed, Vankar, MaruVankar64 Maila65 Mala66 Mala Dasari67 Mala Hannai68 Mala Jangam69 Mala Masti70 Mala Sale, Netkani71 Mala Sanyasi72 Mang, Matang, Minimadig73 Mang Garudi, Mang Garodi74 Manne75 Masthi76 Mavilan77 Meghval, Menghvar78 Moger79 Mukri80 Mundala81 Nadia, Hadi82 Nalkadaya83 Nalakeyava84 Nayadi85 Pale86 Pallan

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87 Pambada88 Panchama89 Panniandi90 Paraiyan, Paraya91 Paravan92 Raneyar93 Samagara94 Samban95 Sapari96 Sillekyathas97 Sindhollu, Chindollu98 Sudugadu Siddha99 Thoti100 Tirgar, Tirbanda101 Valluvan

Sources: A-10 Individual Scheduled Caste Primary Census Abstract Data, 2011, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.

*****

Spatial Distribution of Scheduled Caste in Karnataka

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The Expanse of Hunger in The Outcaste: Akkarmashi

*Arundhati Dey

The term Dalit suggests one who is ‘broken’or ‘downtrodden’. Sharankumar Limbale’s autobiography The Outcaste: Akkarmashi penned at a young age of twenty-five is a tale of oppression and violence. The whole narrative in The Outcaste: Akkarmashi revolves around the axis of hunger - be it physical hunger, hunger for identity, or, hunger for affection and respect. The portrayal of certain eventsin this first-person narrative evokes a compassion among readers for the characters, who are the victims of circumstances as well as the upper caste’s whims and fancies. This paper tries to bring to the fore, how Dalits are the victims of hunger at various levels by focusing on the vivid portrayal of the author’s pursuit for identity; the fractured self that is like an open wound for him; humiliation that the people of his community face for being untouchables; the thick chains of poverty that do not allow them a handful of grains to eat and fill their stomachs. Limbale through his personal narrative urges for a caste-free social system, to free the Dalit community from the shackles of various facets of hunger. This paper also tries to fathom the voice of the Dalits, who were considered voiceless through ages. Limbale projects before the readers an objective account of his life and creates a realistic and painful image of his community in conflict with the contemporary social and cultural constructs through the imagery of hunger.

Keywords: Dalit, Hunger, Outcaste, Akkarmashi, Identity, Women, Poverty.

*M.Phil. Scholar, Christ (Deemed to be) University, Bengaluru

ISSN : 2348-1757Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Volume-6, Issue-2, July-Dec 2018, pages 24-39

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The term ‘Dalit’ has its roots in the Rig Veda where one can find the earliest reference to the caste system in the following hymn which points out that it is out of the mouth of Brahma that Brahmins were born, Kshatriyas were born from his arms, the Vaishyas were born from his thighs, and Shudras from his feet, thus signifying that Brahmins were superior of the lot and Shudras were the inferiors:

“Bhrahmnoasayamukhamasit /Bahu rajanayahkurta /UrutadasayYadvaishya /Padabhayam Sudro ajayat.” (Prasad and Gaijan, 2007, p.1)Dr. B.R. Ambedkar rejected this idea of caste system. He

refused to accept that human beings should be socio-culturally marginalized for belonging to the lower sections of society. In the words of Blackshaw, “Dalits are identified as backward because of their socio-economic, religious status … Socially they are outcaste, economically they are backward, and from religious point of view they are lower caste” (Blackshaw, 2010, p.113). Along with Mahatma Phule, Dr. Ambedkar started a political movement from the freedom of Dalits from the shackles of this age-old caste system. According to Raj Kumar in Dalit Personal Narratives: Reading Caste, Nation and Identity, “writing an autobiography is a special act for the members of this group who use the genre to achieve a sense of identity and mobilise resistance against different forms of oppression” (Kumar, 2015, p.5). It is only in the past few decades that life narratives of Dalit people have gained prominence in the socio-academic arena, be it Daya Pawar’s Balute (1978), Laxman Mane’s Upara (1980), Bama’s Karukku (1992), or Sharankumar Limbale’s The

Outcaste: Akkarmashi (1984). In the book Touchable Tales: Publishing and Reading Dalit Literature, S. Anand writes, “While Dalit tales seem to have become touchable, the creators and protagonists of these tales continue to deal with dehumanizing untouchability, which is reinventing itself in various subtle and crude ways” (Anand, 2007, p.4).

Translated from Akkarmashi in Marathi language to The Outcaste: Akkarmashi in English by Santosh Bhoomkar in 2003, Sharankumar Limbale in his personal narrative portrays the state of

The Expanse of Hunger in The Outcaste: Akkarmashi

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26 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

limbo that he faced, for being born to a high caste father and a low-born mother. In

the Indian society, a child is known by his father’s name or the caste that one belongs to. But Limbale was deprived of both. Since his mother Masamai was a keep to his biological father, Hanmanta Limbale, the latter refused to give him his name. Moreover, Sharan was neither a pure Marata nor a Mahar. Hence, he was without a proper caste identity. Bama in her autobiography Karukku, which is translated into English by Lakshmi Holmstrom, is of the opinion, “In this society, if you are born into a low caste, you are forced to live a life of humiliation and degradation until your death” (Bama, 2000, p.23).‘Akkarmashi’ in Marathi language means ‘illegitimate’, or ‘an outcaste’. Although the search for an identity is the foci of the whole narrative, hunger plays an important role too, throughout the autobiography. In the words of Ekta Singh in the book Caste System in India, “… hunger has been a powerful motif in the works of many writers in India ... Because the act of eating takes such an essential place in day-to-day life … motif of hunger becomes a powerful force that drives the action and plot of many works of art” (Singh, 2009, p.31-32). It is not just hunger for food, but hunger for an identity of one’s own, hunger for love and affection, hunger for respect, and hunger to get rid of the social system which treats Dalits as untouchables. In ‘The Author’s Note’ to The Outcaste: Akkarmashi, Sharankumar Limbale (2008) says, “I have always lived with the burden of inferiority. And this book is a tale of this burden” (Limbale, p.x). Autobiographies are personal as well as historical documents. They are also painful histories of a community excluded from mainstream society for centuries. Peter Shaw in his essay “The Uses of Autobiography” contends, “… an autobiography is a record, hence an historical document” (Shaw, 1968, p.136). The Dalit personal narratives thus become an act of making space historically for voices which may otherwise slip through the cracks of hegemonic discourses of history. As Dr. C.B. Bharti in “The Aesthetics of Dalit Literature” writes, “The aim of Dalit literature is to protest against the established system which is based on injustice and to expose the evil and hypocrisy of the higher castes” (Prasad and Gaijan, 2007, p.6).

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Physical hungerAt the very beginning of the narrative, Sharankumar Limbale

reminisces about his school picnic where the high caste students sat with their teachers under a shade and shared each other’s food. The low caste pupils were asked to sit a little far away and after the meal was over, “The teacher asked the high-caste boys and girls to collect the leftovers on a piece of paper and give it

to us… It contained crumbs of different kinds of food and their spicy smell filled the air. We squatted in a circle and stuffed ourselves greedily” (Limbale, 2008, p.3). It was a welcome change from just dry bhakaris (bread) and water. In The Outcaste: Akkarmashi by Sharankumar Limbale, hunger is elevated to a higher plane, “Bhakari is as large as man. It is as vast as the sky, and bright like the sun. Hunger is bigger than man. Hunger is more vast than the seven circles of hell. Man is only as big as a bhakari, and only as big as his hunger. Hunger is more powerful than man” (Limbale, 2008, p.50).

On the other hand, Sharan’s grandmother used to fill her stomach by making bhakaris from the undigested jowar collected from the faeces of cows grazing in the fields, “Santamai picked up such lumps of dung and on the way home washed the dung in the river water, collecting only the clean grains” (Limbale, 2008, p.10). While she used to feed her grandson bhakaris made from the jowar collected through begging or doing menial jobs like cleaning of lavatories, collecting garbage, sweeping; she herself used to eat the bhakaris which smelt of cow-dung. Limbale says, “Starvation was written in our lot from the moment of our birth. Most of the time all my sisters went to sleep without eating anything. …Mother gulped only water. Dada satisfied his hunger by smoking bidies” (Limbale, 2008, p.21).

Whenever there would be a wedding in the village, the air would smell of mouth-watering food. While “Guests were invited to the feast. Outside, we swallowed our own saliva” (Limbale, 2008, p.7). He writes that it seemed as if one stomach was not enough for all the food: “God endowed man with a stomach. So man began to enjoy eating and drinking. At the wedding feast there was so much to eat and drink that it made choosing difficult” (Limbale, 2008, p.8). The Dalits were the last of the lot to be called inside for a feast and they would

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wait outside the tent for hours. Sharan writes, “Our clay stoves were not lit on such days. Not even the tiniest

living creature stayed behind … Masamai never attended such feasts. I went with Santamai” (Limbale, 2008, p.8). The Dalits were served only kheer. Sharan would finish off what he was served and go again and again for repeated servings of kheer to fill his stomach. Since Masamai was alone at home, he wanted to take some kheer for her, but he was caught red-handed, his plate of kheer was snatched away from him and he was beaten for his deed. Although he failed, his grandmother Santamai was successful in sneaking away some kheer from the wedding. They boiled it with jaggery and water and had it as evening meal.

Out of self-respect, Sharan would be ashamed to go to village feasts just for food, but his mother Masamai would force him, because there would be no other food at home. For his mother Masamai, hunger was greater than self-respect. She would scold him if he refused to go, “From where should I produce food for you? Go and find out if anyone would like to buy me in the market You won’t be happy until you swallow me” (Limbale, 2008, p.9). Hunger made her treat her body like a commodity, as something which can be exchanged for a few grains of food.Even within the Dalit community, there are some sub-castes who are considered untouchable by others. Sharankumar Limbale in his personalnarrative describes such an incident where his grandmother, Santamai who belonged to the Mahar community scolded Sharan, for he had given water to his friend, who was a Mang, “Why do you play with that boy? Is there no one else in the whole village to play with? Don’t give him water in that vessel. If he touches it, he’ll defile it. Go away” (Limbale, 2008, p.20). The Mahars considered the Mangs to be untouchables and vice versa. Sharankumar Limbale writes that this kind of discrimination points out that “…our minds were not only divided they were also contaminated” (Limbale, 2008, p.20). Driven out by Santamai, they went to the reservoir meant for Mangs and drank the water since they were very thirsty. But on going back home, both were beaten black and blue – one for defiling the water of the reservoir and hanging out with a Mang, the other for letting a Mahar boy defile the water of a reservoir reserved only for people belonging to the Mang community.

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Sharankumar Limbale writes, “Wednesday was market day in our village. Every Wednesday Dada gave me ten paise and with that money I went around the market from morning till evening. Some people ate chiwda, others bananas, or jalebi. I just kept looking at my ten paise and swallowed my saliva” (Limbale, 2008, p.20). In the end, he would buy a small sweet like pedha, take a small bite of it and carry the rest of it home, for his mother, suppressing his hunger, “I used to be very hungry and constantly cried for bhakari. I couldn’t bear my hunger … To us food was like nectar” (Limbale, 2008, p.21). On market days, his sisters would go around the whole place stealing eatables from vegetable carts. He writes, “We knew we shouldn’t steal, but then how could we feed ourselves? Who steals out of habit? The poor steal for the sake of hunger” (Limbale, 2008, p.21). His little sister Vani would eat the banana skins discarded by people on the roadside to satisfy her craving for food. When he complained about this to his mother, she would ask him to leave his sister alone and let her eat whatever she wants, “Let her eat worms and live. Why do you make it a matter of prestige?” (Limbale, 2008, p.20). Most of the days his family members would go without food.

To fill their stomachs, Sharan and his friends would smash honeycombs and eat the honey, go to catch crabs near the river bank, break ant-hills and eat the queen ant. Limbale recalls one suchincident where there was just one bhakari left for three people – his grandmother Santamai, Dada, and Sharan himself. While Sharan was confused, his grandmother brought a tin box infront of him and told him that it contains flour to make bhakaris, so he can have the bhakari which is there. Sharan says, “After I ate, … I opened the tin box and found that she had put a big stone inside it to make it heavy” (Limbale, 2008, p. 97). Santamai would give up her share of food for the kids. Limbale writes, “Santamai’s face would then look as if she was staring at a graveyard. She made me eat and went hungry herself” (Limbale, 2008, p.41).

Sharan reminisces one incident when a bus arrived with loads of jaggery, “After bringing the jaggery down, Dada told me that there was still some left on the top … The heat had melted the jaggery … I scraped it off in flakes. There was quite a lot …” (Limbale, 2008, p.45). He collected all the jaggery as well as discarded tea-powder from the

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nearby tea-stall. They made black tea and had it multiple times, plates after plates, to satiate their hunger for food. Limbale writes, “There would have been no wars if there was no hunger. What about stealing and fighting? If there was no hunger what would have happened to sin and virtue, heaven and hell, this creation of God?” (Limbale, 2008, p.50-51).

While in college, Sharan was penniless. He would barely have money for tea, “Our plight made us introspective. There were so many Dalit students like us. This pain of poverty was not just mine. We all existed like grains crushed in a stone grinder” (Limbale, 2008, p.83).Hunger for identity

The social marker of status within Indian society has always been through caste identity, which has its source in the religious scriptures where the ‘chaturvarna’ system has been prescribed – Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. It was the caste system which led to social stratification resulting in injustice for the lower caste – the Shudras. In the Introduction to The Outcaste: Akkarmashi by G.N. Devy, it is written,“The deprivation of the Shudras continued endlessly since the economic motives received a religious sanction from the Brahmin class that had been entrusted with the upkeep of the scriptures” (Limbale, 2008, p.xv). Through this personal narrative, Limbale not only questions his mother’s decision to bear the fruit of a sin committed, he also questions his identity: “Which family would claim me as its descendant?

Whose son am I, really?” (Limbale, 2008, p.37). When the school teacher decided to enroll Sharan’s name in the school register due to his regular attendance, the only thing that bothered the latter was his father’s name, “I did not know my father’s name. Strange that I too could have a father” (Limbale, 2008, p.45). Later the name of Hanmanta Limbale, his biological father, was added to the school records. When Hanmanta came to know about it, he tried all possible means to remove his name as the father of Sharan – be it by threatening or by offering bribe. Since the headmaster of the school was an honest and an upright person, he didn’t pay heed to Hanmanta’s tactics and pleadings, rather he said, “The mother of this boy will say who the father is, and I will register only that name in the record” (Limbale, 2008,

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p.45). Sharankumar Limbale writes in his autobiography that he would be ever grateful to his headmaster for standing against a powerful person like Hanmanta and giving Sharan his due name and justice.

Even the village barber refused to shave his head owing to his caste identity. He shouted at him, “Don’t stand here. I am not going to shave your head” (Limbale, 2008, p.22). Although the barber used to shave buffaloes of the village, he refused to shave Sharan’s head because he belonged to the Mahar community, thus throwing light on the fact that the position of a Mahar

was less than that of an animal. Sharan as well as other men of his community to stay away from public humiliation would go to different villages closeby, to shave their heads, since no one would be aware of their caste identity there. Since Sharan and his sisters were Akkarmashis, “… they are accepted neither by the Mahar community nor by the Lingayat community, so we live in a semi-Maharwada of our own” (Limbale, 2008, p.38). After Sharan finished his seventh grade, it required of him to go to the village of Chungi, which was nearby, for further studies in high school. Limbale says, “We were supposed to apply for a freeship when we entered high school. The application form was to be signed by my parentsand the sarpanch” (Limbale, 2008, p.58). Since his biological father Hanmanta was not legally wedded to his mother, Masamai, so until this time, Sharan used to write the name of his mother Masamai as the legal guardian. According to him, “This is almost a tradition – a Patil, always a big landowner, has a Dalit woman as his whore. … Children born to such a whore have no legal father because there is an unbridgeable gap between such a father and son” (Limbale, 2008, p.58-59). In such a condition, Sharan compares himself to “a snapped kite in the storm” (Limbale, 2008, p.60) and puts forth the dilemma of being born as a half-caste.

In the essay ‘The Search for Identity’, John Bickford has explained the concept of crisis of identity that youths face, and he says that in the words of Fromm, “The problem of the sense of identity is not … merely a philosophical problem. … The need to feel a sense of identity stems from the very condition of human existence, and it is the source of the most intense strivings”(Bickford, 1972, p.191). In his personal tale of suffering and quest for an identity of his own, Sharankumar

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Limbale vividly paints the emotions when for the first time he saw his biological father, Hanmanta Limbale, the Patil of Baslegaon. It was during the month of Shravan that festivities were held in his village for about seven days to pay respect to Lord Shiva,“Singers of devotional songs would gather … People came from Baslegaon too. Hanmanta was one of the singers in the group … Who in this group could be my father? Even if he was there I wouldn’t recognize him and my father won’t recognize me, even if he knew that I was his offspring. This really hurt me” (Limbale, 2008, p.60). It was in the evening that Sidramappa Patil brought Hanmanta to Masamai’s hut so that they could have dinner together. Sharankumar Limbale writes, “I was woken up from my sleep and handed over to Hanmanta. He made me sit in his lap … I was excited that I had found my father at last. No one would humiliate me, now that he had come” (Limbale, 2008, p.61). But a question kept flickering in his subconscious mind - whether he would be accepted by his paternal relatives, whether he would be allowed to enter his father’s house, would he be given food to eat and water to drink there. In The Outcaste: Akkarmashi, Limbale questions his fragmented identity, “My father lives in a mansion, my mother in a hut,and I on the street. Where will I die? Where are my roots exactly?” (Limbale, 2008, p.62). His curiosity for his father, his paternal home, his kith and kin in Baslegaon made him eager to go and visit the place. But he was afraid of the dejection he might face, the tortures and humiliation he might have to endure since he was born out of an illegitimate relationship. Although he didn’t receive true love from his mother, Sharan was afraid to leave his mother alone, “I felt like the sparrow who suffers because its nest is destroyed. Who should I go to? Who would claim me when both my mother and father rejected me?” (Limbale, 2008, p.64).

It is while going to high school that Limbale discovers the power of education. He writes, “We hated the very idea of untouchability. With our education, there grew in us a sense of pride. …We loathed the low esteem that was imposed on us …” (Limbale, 2008, p.76). The untouchables were not allowed to enter the main premises of a temple. But Sharan and his friend Parshya showed the audacity to enter the temple of Ithoba in their village. They were spared of humiliation because no one saw them except friend Parshya’s father who happened to be outside the temple gate by chance. Sharan asks

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a philosophical question while pondering on the discrimination that Dalits face in their day to day lives, “God discriminates between man and man ... What kind of God is this that makes human beings hate each other? We are supposed to be the children of God, then why are we considered untouchable?” (Limbale, 2008, p.62).

Throughout his life, Sharan had to bear the burden of being born an ‘Akkarmashi’. It is through his autobiography that Limbale throws light on what it is like to be born an outcaste, “I was afraid of my caste because I couldn’t claim my father’s caste and religion. In a sense I was not aMahar, because high-caste blood ran in my body. Could I drain this blood out of my body? My own body nauseated me” (Limbale, 2008, p.82). His marriage proposals also got rejected mainly becauseof his identity as a half-caste. He questions, “Will anyone marry my sisters? … Will society accept us? … Or are they going to be victims like my mother?” (Limbale, 2008, p.65). While Sharankumar Limbale’s father belonged to the Lingayat community, his mother was a Mahar. He was brought up by his grandmother’s lover, whom he considered to be his grandfather, Mahmood Dastagir Jamadar, a Muslim, who “… has groomed me with great affection, as if I were his own child. Neither his religion nor my caste was a hindrance to us. Is it man who is a hindrance to religion or is it the other way round? … Is religion made for man or man made for religion?” (Limbale, 2008, p.39). However, these social barriers didn’t stop him from getting an education. He embraced Buddhism because he didn’t want himself to be torn between born as a Hindu and brought up by a Muslim. The teachings of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and the Dalit Panther Movement helped him break the shackles of crisis of identity. J.V. Pawar in “I Have Become the Tide” has deftly brought out the struggle for identity that Dalit youth face,

“I’m now the sea; I soar, I surge, /…In every inch of the rising struggle /I stand erect.” (Anand and Zelliot, 2014, p.142)Hunger for love, care, and affection.The Outcaste: Akkarmashi by Sharankumar Limbale is not just

a tale of a particularSharan, it is true of all the Dalits who go without proper food for days, toil from morning to evening doing menial jobs.

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In his autobiography, he himself says, “…Santamai started her job of sweeping the market ground. I followed her, … We either begged or picked up whatever we could from the market. That was our only remuneration because the village council never paid us” (Limbale, 2008, p.24). Moreover, Dalit women are the victims of hunger at various levels –be it sexual hunger of the upper caste men, oppression and torture by the men of their own caste, hunger to feed herself as well as her children, hunger for a little love and care. According to G. Buhler in The Laws of Manu (1886), “ … women were considered inferior to men by the religious scriptures like Manusmriti and if she belongs to the lower caste, she has the burden of religion, her father, brother and husband” (Buhler, p.327-328).

The women are victims of adultery. Be it Sharan’s own mother, Masamai, who had been exploited by the high-caste Patils; Santamai, his grandmother, who was deserted by her own husband after he married another woman who could bear him children, or his sister Nagi who was exploited by a Patil’s son, although he married her in the end. Each of the women characters in the narrative were hungry for love and care, but they receive betrayal in return.

Masamai, his mother was happily married to IthalKamble and bore him two sons. But the Patil of Baslegaon, Hanmanta Limbale, lured her into his bed which led to her divorce with IthalKamble, “This separated her from her suckling baby, and her four-year old son Dharma. … The relationship between a husband and a wife can come to an end, but what about the relationship between a mother and her sons?” (Limbale, 2008, p.36). Although IthalKamble remarried, since, “A man can eat paan and spit as many times as he likes, but the same is not possible for a woman. It is considered wrong if a woman does that. Once her chastity is lost it can never be restored” (Limbale, 2008, p.36). Although Masamai was free to live as per her wish after her divorce with IthalKamble, but she lost the chance to become a wife of another person. Sharan is the fruit of that sin that was committed by Hanmanta Limbale and Masamai. As soon as he came to know that Masamai was pregnant with his seed, he deserted her. Limbale writes, “After my birth the mansions of the Patil community must have become tense. My first breath must have threatened the morality of the world … Why did my mother say yes to the rape which brought me

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into the world? Why did she put up with the fruit of this illegitimate intercourse…?” (Limbale, 2008, p.36-37).

It was during this time that Yeshwantrao Sidramappa, the Patil of Hanoor came to Masamai’s rescue and made her his keep. The author himself says, “People who enjoy high-caste privileges, authority sanctioned by religion, and inherit property, have exploited the Dalits of this land” (Limbale, 2008, p.38). This in turn, have resulted in the birth of children who are left without a father’s name, without a caste, without an identity. He writes, “There are Dalit families that survive by pleasing the Patils sexually” (Limbale, 2008, p.38). Since Sidramappa, whom Sharan used to call as Kaka, took care of Masamai, the latter bore eight children with him. But he didn’t marry her. He instead married a woman who belonged to his own caste. Sharankumar Limbale in his autobiography muses over an incident where they had to go to Kaka’s mansion since the latter’s father was very ill: “Masamai got up very early and had her bath. She tidied me up and Nagi … My mother felt as if she was going to her husband’s house for the first time like a bride … Masamai bent down to touch the old man’s feet as if she were his daughter-in-law” (Limbale, 2008, p.54). Although she was a whore to the Patil, but she loved him deep within, “If Kaka didn’t turn up, mother didn’t eat anything the whole day. She kept waiting for him.

Sometimes Kaka wouldn’t turn up for days and our mother would get anxious. She wondered if Kaka had deserted her” (Limbale, 2008, p.56). Masamai was a victim of sexual hunger of the upper caste men, “To be born beautiful among Dalits is a curse. …Masamai was beautiful and she suffered for it…” (Limbale, 2008, p.37-38). Although she had given birth to six daughters with YeshwantraoSidramappa Patil, but Masamai looked forward to having a son with him. In the end, when she bore him a son, “… she began to quarrel with Kaka, demanding some share of his property for her son. Kaka began avoiding her” (Limbale, 2008, p.56). He would instead go to Jani, his first keep, who was a Gondhali by caste. Masamai felt betrayed the very day Sidramappa had brought Hanmanta Patil to her hut. Limbale narrates, “… Kaka and my mother started a fierce quarrel. My mother cursed and abused Kaka, and drove him out of our house. She held a chappal in her hand and meant to hit Kaka with it … She drove both Kaka and Hanmanta out of the house” (Limbale, 2008, p.61). It was

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later that Sharan came to know about the real reason behind his mother Masamai driving them away. Yeshwantrao Sidramappa Patil was trying to force Masamai to engage in indecent activities with Hanmanta Limbale, without even thinking about her self-respect. In his book Either/Or, eminent philosopher Soren Kierkegaard (1974) says, “… the experience of choosing imparts to a man’s nature a solemnity, a quiet dignity …” (Kierkegaard, p.180-181), but Masamai in not being allowed to choose whether she wants to have a sexual relationship with a certain person is violated of her moral dignity and autonomy over her body as well as individual freedom. Although the high caste Patils, “… did provide bread but in exchange satisfied their lust with our women. I can’t bear to think of Masamai caught between bread and lust. Who will rescue my mother? She will die blemished, an object of someone’s lust, …” (Limbale, 2008, p.64). Sharankumar Limbale writes that his mother’s sole purpose was to satisfy the Patil and make him happy, “… she was not my mother in the true sense. Half of her was my mother and the other half a woman for that Patil … Hermilk meant for me went dry even as her arms were busy embracing the Patil. My mother was snatched away from me” (Limbale, 2008, p.65).

Santamai, his grandmother’s hunger for love and care makes her live with Mohammad Dastagir Jamadar, a Muslim, after she was deserted by her own husband. In Muslim tradition, a man can marry four wives. Although Mohammad Dastagir Jamadar was married to another woman, but she couldn’t bear him children. After she deserted him, he started living with Santamai. He loved her without paying heed to their difference of religion. On the other hand, Limbale’s sister Nagi was cheated and physically abused by her husband on an everyday basis.

This leads her to get involved in a love affair with Nandu, the son of a senior Patil. The Mahar women were not only victimized by the upper caste men, even the men from their own caste treated them badly. Limbale writes, “They sold themselves to be loved and cared for by someone. They hadn’t sold their bodies to appease their lust” (Limbale, 2008, p.64). Sharankumar Limbale in his narrative also draws reference to the plight of three other women - Kondamai, Devki and Dhanavva. Their neighbour Kondamai had a troubled relationship with her husband, Kendubaap. He was a drunkard who would physically

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assault her, “Many times we heard Kondamai shouting and crying in the middle of the night. We were disturbed whenever we heard her cries. On such nights nobody from our Maharwada was able to sleep. There was a rumour that Kerubaap had cheated on Kondamai” (Limbale, 2008, p.48). Limbale writes that he had seen Kondamai coming to meet his mother Masamai with bruises on her back which would tell the tale of her suffering. Devki was an unmarried woman who used to work at Girmallya’s farm. Sharan in his autobiography narrates, “Her occupation was performing abortions. Women who were pregnant but didn’t want a child came to her for help. After all, one’s prestige is more precious than life” (Limbale, 2008, p.67). But as fate would have it, Devki who used to perform abortions, became pregnant one day, “She gave birth to a child early one morning. Before sunriseshe buried the baby under the garbage” (Limbale, 2008, p.67).Limbale writes, he could “… see the resemblance between a sow eating her own piglet and Devki” (Limbale, 2008, p.67). Dhanavva, was another woman of his village who was sexually assaulted by her own father resulting in her pregnancy. But her father was unapologetic about his crime. According to him, “I have sown the seed from which she has grown as a plant. Now why shouldn’t I eat the fruits of this plant?” (Limbale, 2008, p.67). The Dalit women are doubly marginalized – first, due to their caste, and second, due to their gender. Men looked down upon them hungrily, as if their bodies were just juicy flesh of meat. The Dalit women had no control over their lives, earning, even their own bodies. In this personal narrative, Sharankumar Limbale recalls an incident which ashamed him as a human being. For college admissions, Santamai had gone with Sharan to a moneylender to loan some money from him. Sharan narrates that the moneylender was drunk when they went to meet him and since they were too poor to even buy food for themselves leave alone buying new clothes, “Santamai’s blouse was torn exposing her breast. The moneylender kept staring at the peeping breast, but he refused to lend us the money” (Limbale, 2008, p.82). Sharankumar Limbale was utterly disgusted at the moneylender’s behaviour towards his grandmother, Santamai, “His look spread like poison in my heart. I wished that the blouse of this moneylender’s mother or sister was torn so that I could stare at their breasts. I burned within. Our poverty was detestable. I wanted to rebel against such humiliation” (Limbale,

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2008, p.82).Sharankumar Limbale through his autobiography The Outcaste:

Akkarmashi makes the readers aware of the various perspectives of hunger and how it turns a man into a thief and a woman into a whore, and the children ‘Akkarmashis’. According to Alok Mukherjee in Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature (2010), “Limbale’s rejection of the hegemony of the caste-based universal, challenges the neat binary world of postcolonial theory by calling attention to the internal contradictions of Indian society” (Limbale, p.IX). It is through his narrative that he makes the readers aware of the plight of the Dalit community and how the caste system makes them marginalized from the mainstream society. It is through the imagery of hunger that one can fathom the predicament the Dalits face in their daily lives due to their caste identity.References

• Anand, M. R., & Zelliot, E. (2014). An Anthology of Dalit Literature: Poems. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House.

• Anand, S. (2007). Touchable Tales: Publishing and Reading Dalit Literature. Chennai: Narayana Publishing Private Limited.

• Bama. (2000). Karukku. Chennai: Macmillan India Limited. • Bickford, J. (1972). The Search for Identity. The School

Counselor, 19(3), 191-194. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23896712

• Blackshaw, T. (2010). Key Concepts in Community Studies. London: Sage Publications Limited.

• Buhler, G. (1886). The Laws of Manu. Oxford: Clarendon Press.• Kierkegaard, Soren. (1974). Either/Or. Trans. Walter Lowrie.

Princeton: Princeton University Press.• Kumar, Raj. (2015). Dalit Personal Narratives. New Delhi: Orient

Blackswan Private Limited.• Limbale, Sharankumar. (2008). The Outcaste: Akkarmashi. New

Delhi: Oxford University Press.• ---. (2010). Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature. New Delhi:

Orient Blackswan.• Prasad, A. N., & Gaijan, M.B. (2007). Dalit Literature: A Critical

Exploration. New Delhi:

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• Sarup And Sons.• Shaw, P. (1968). The Uses of Autobiography. The American

Scholar, 38(1), 136-150. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41209637

• Singh, E. (2009). Caste System in India. New Delhi: Kalpaz Publications.

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Traditional Medicines of Kani Tribe in Pechiparai (Kanyakumari District)

*Ms.J.Sharmila

Indigenous medicine is considered to be the most important component of indigenous people which is widely practiced among the tribal communities. According to 2011 census about 1% of the total population in Tamil Nadu is tribal people. Out of which the majority were Kani people. They are largely found in Kanyakumari District. The chief places of Kani settlements include the forest areas of Pechiparai, Vilavancode, Kalkulam, Thovalai and Agastheeswaramtaluk. These indigenous people live in harmony with nature. The forest where they lived in was filled with herbal plants. The lifestyle of the people living here has a lot of medicinal value which makes the people to be healthy throughout their lifespan. They rarely get affected by diseases.

IntroductionKanyakumari is located in the southern tip of Tamil Nadu. Out

of the total district area about 30.2% of area is forest. These forest are about 75 million years old. The district was once a part of Travancore kingdom. It joined with Tamil Nadu only on 1st November 1956.1There were nearly 112 Kani settlements in Travancore kingdom but at present only 47 settlements were found in Kanyakumari district. The kani people were found only in hilly areas living in harmony with nature. They are considered to be the natural protectors of forest.2The main occupation of the people is agriculture, fishing and honey collection. Among their occupation agriculture is the most important. They followed shifting cultivation. They abandon the place once the soil loses their fertility. In early days the people enjoyed the right of hunting in forest.3

*Assistant Professor, Deptt. of History Lady Doak College Madurai

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They were the original inhabitants of the area and will live only in fertile area. ‘VanaSastha’ was the chief god and ‘kali’ was their chief goddess. Their language was in unwritten form. They speak a language which is a mixture of 4 languages viz Kannada, Tuluvam, Tamil and largely Malayalam. They call their language their as ‘Malampaasha’ or the language of the hills. Pechiparai, Kottur, Vithirai and Kallaram served as the headquarters of Kani settlements. These areas were locally called by the people as ‘Kanipattru’ which means Kani headquarters. Among them the most significant is Pechiparai. 4

History Of The TribeThe word ‘Kan’ means ‘forest’. ‘Kani’ also refers to the

measurement of land. They were also called as “Malaivelan”, ‘Malaiarasargal’ and ‘Malayaran’. The Travancore government had given them full rights in forest. They lived there independently and each person in the family was given 5 acres of land with patta. Once they served in king’s army as experts in guerilla warfare. During kingship period once in a year, the people had the practice of visiting the king’s palace with forest fruits (kanigal) to see the king. Therefore they came to be called as ‘Kanikarargal’. In modern day the people of Kerala celebrate this day as ‘Vishu’.5

The physical appearance of the people include dark skin, circular head, curly hair, broad flat nose and with short or medium height. Their origin is traced to Agastya. Kanikaras were the grandsons of Agastya. These people have inherited medicinal values from their forefathers.6

Lifestyle Of The PeopleThe people lived in environment friendly Bamboo houses built

with bamboo woods and filled it with dry leaves. These houses were locally called as ‘vaevuezhaveedu’. Living in this type of houses has a lot of health benefits like breathing of pure and cool air. It is believed by the people that these trees will absorb the negative energies and energise the homes. 7

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The dry leaves in the below picture is mainly used for the construction of their houses.

The people follow a unique form of Stone boiling cooking. Firstly, they create a fire with woods. A flat stone is heated and the product to be cooked is kept on stone and cooked as the stone has the capacity to retain heat for a long time.

They were experts in honey collection. A kani can easily trace the honey wherever it is available. They are doing this for generations. The local person who prescribes medicine to the people was called as ‘Vaithiyar’. They have deep knowledge about the use of medicinal plants.8 A kani tribe 74 years old women Lakshmikutty was awarded ‘Padmashree’ by Central Government who can prepare 500 medicines from her memory. She had saved the life of many from poisonous infections. As a member of kani tribe, she teaches in folklore medicines.9

The people mainly take tuber foods locally called as ‘Kilangu

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vagaigal’. Their food always included fish. They also ate rice and forest vegetables, fruits, mushrooms and honey. The people also used natural resources in war.10On an occasion the king refused to meet the kani people who went to see the king with fruits, honey and vegetables. So the malayarasan got angry and decided to bring the king outside the palace. For which they collected the leaves of plants which expels bad smell when burnt and set fire to it outside the palace. Immediately the palace was closed with iron gate. The tribal people collected the nest of ‘eagle’ and ‘pullu’ (oriental magpie robin) which will be built with medicinal plants. These nest were collected and dropped in water. It has the capacity to move in opposite direction of the flowing water and damages the Iron Gate. This shows the forest knowledge of the kani tribe people who lived like real kings in the forest and as its protectors.11

A few most commonly used local medicines include• BidensPilosa locally called as KutthanPaachilai which is used

along with Aloe vera, honey and ghee to cure stomach ache.• FicusRetusa, locally called as Kottal – the fresh fruit of this plant

along with honey is taken twice a day to improve body stamina.• PadarKothamalli juice from the leaf of this plant is applied

externally to stimulate hair growth.• Kodithulasi and Naaithulasi are used locally to cure cough,

fever and cold.• TrichopusZeylanicusGaertn locally called as ArokkiaPachilai is

used to cure asthma long with honey.• Cholorophytumlaxum locally called as NeerootiKizhangu paste

is applied over swellings• Calanthemasuca,Curculigoorchioides (Nilappanai) ,

Hemidesmusindicusvarindicus (Nannaari) , Kaempferiagalangal (commonly called as aromatic ginger or Kacholam in tamil), Rauvolfiaserpentina (CivanAvalpori), Saracaasoca (Ashoka Tree), Trichopuszeylanicusvar. Travancoricus (SaashthanKizhangu / aarogyapacha)and Thotteasiliquosa(flowering plant in pipevine family) are the common plants found in this forest.12

• KaradaKodi is used to cure Snake bite and other poisonous infections.

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• VeliParuthi (PergulariaDaemia) locally used to heal wounds.• Keezhaneelli(Phyllanthusniruri)juice is given twice a day to

cure Jaundice.• Navarapachilei (Oregano) is commonly used by the people to

cure cough and cold among children.• MoodillaThaazhi(Cassythafiliformis )and MullillaThottavaadi

(Mimosa Pudica) cures skin allergy.13

Most of the traditional medicines are used by tribal people. The kani people believe that one who goes to collect medicinal plants must be with pure mind as these plants has the power of god. The people believe in herbal medicines and magic. They keep the combinations of medicines to heal as secret.14

ConclusionIt is apt to say with Engels, “If we corrupt nature once, it will

spoil us several times”. If we live in harmony with nature, it will protect us too by its medicinal value. The kani people lives as best example of living with nature. When there was cultural transition, the people got affected by various new and unknown diseases. Most of the deliveries are taking place at home because they live in an isolated hilly area which is separated from urban areas. Lack of hospitals and schools were the main problems that the present day kani tribe faces. Though the people were offered 10 lakh rupees and a government job to a family, the people did not accept to leave the forest. They completely depend upon forest for their livelihood and the people keep their environment clean. The medicinal knowledge of the people was inherited from their forefathers. Even the people from urban areas visit the kanivaithyar to get medicines. This shows the greatness of indigenous tribal medicines. This worthy medicinal knowledge of the people, their culture and healthy lifestyle of the people are in declining stage in the name of development.References

1. Human Development Report, Kanniyakumari District, State Plannning Commission, Tamil Nadu, 2017, p.9.

2. Personal interview with Reghu, District Secretary, Tamil Nadu Tribal Welfare Department.

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3. The Indian Journal of Adult Education Vol.51, Indian Adult Education Association, 1990, p.31.

4. Personal interview with S.R.Sekar, Ex councilor of Kadaiyalumoodu.5. Sanmugam, ‘VanaUrimaiSattam – oruvaralaatrythiruppumunai’,

Tamil Nadu Hill people society, p.8.6. Nalini B, ‘Kani Tribes ofKodayar Forest – A study on their health,

culture and Eco system’, Aravali books international, 2001, p.347. Ibid.p.43.8. Personal interview with Sugumaran, farmer and inhabitant of

Mothiramalai in Pechiparai.9. Modi hea ls herba l leader Lakshmikutty, The H indu,

Thiruvananthapuram, Dated January 29, 2018.10. Davidson Sargunam S, Selvin Samuel A &Kaviyarasan V, Mushrooms

in the food culture of the Kaani tribe of Kanniyakumari district, Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge, Vol.1, p.151.

11. Shanmugam, Opcit.,p.11.12. Pushpakarani R &Natarajan S, ‘Ethnomedicines used by kaniyakaran

tribes in Kaniyakumari district – Southern Western Ghats of Tamil Nadu’, Journal of Applied Pharmeaceutical Science, Vol.4, 2014, p.58.

13. Personal interview with local vaithiyar named KamalamKani.

14. Personal interview with Shreenivasan, honey collector from Kottur.

*****

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A Stand Against The Discrimination on The Basis of Color and Creed in Maya Angelou’s I Still Rise

*Dr. Navratan Singh Or the man is the only Jawahar hai Bay Baha And the man is worse that the bad guy. Black is also a man hat is upside down. The blonde is also the man that piece of moon. Bad shakal is a good person so that is the man.1

Nazir Akbarabadi These are well known lines written in 18th century in

Agra, in Urdu Language which keep the man in centre with out any discrimination of colour and creed, but despite of many of these types of universal appeals the vices in human society appeared in different forms. It appeared in the form of colour, creed, caste, religion, region and nationalities. It divided men into many groups which became a big challenge the world organisations to unit men as the man. This type of discrimination can be benefited to particular group of men but very harmful to another group. And since the ages the literature in many languages in making a bridge between the gaps of men and literature, sometime this gaps it peacefully maintained and sometimes it become revolutionary.

The present poem is a revolutionary one which demands the equal rights for black people especially the black women in which the black woman decides to break the iron made slavery by her firm determination. This beautiful poem is an bitter experience of an African American poet Maya Angelou (1928-2014). The poem’s first word-’you’ is important. This poem is clearly addressed to others. It is not simply a private, lyric meditation. Much of its energy derives from

*Assistant Professor, Depatt of English MG Kashi Vidhyapith, Varanasi

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its bold and cheeky-self assertiveness. Clearly addressed to the white oppressors of black persons, for other living blacks and even for the black ancestors. The poem is both highly political and highly personal. The speaker is implicitly responding to decades and even centuries of oppression and mistreatment. Her tone, then never sounds arrogant or cocky. Instead, most readers are likely to feel immense sympathy with her spirited rejection of further oppression.

It seems highly significant that the first kind of oppression the speaker mention is an oppression rooted in writing.

You may write me down in history With your bitter twisted lies.2 The poem itself is a direct response to this kind of oppressive

writing. The speaker transforms writing, one of the most important means of domination into an instrument of liberation. The poem does not begin by emphasizing physical subjugation or literal violence. Instead it begins by emphasizing the ways the wrong kinds of writing can imprison the minds of both oppressors and the oppressed. First and foremost, those who would help in liberating blacks must first liberate their minds and challenge the thinking of their oppressors.

It is only the third line of the poem which indicates the physical oppression “You may trod me in the very dirt” but the phrasing here seems more metaphorical than literal. Metaphorically to tread another person into the dirt is to treat that person with enormous disrespect and almost shocking violence. Yet no sooner does the speaker imagine being abused in this way than she immediately responds:-

But still, like dust, I will rise The reference to the “dust” is variously effective. It implies that

something normally seen as merely bothersome can actually possess a kind of resilience and strength. It implies that something normally considered easy to control can, simply because of its pervasiveness and volume creates. In the next stanza the speaker asks a question from the oppressor as well as from oppressed. The speakers asks the oppressors why are they unhappy if she is rising against the harsh oppression of slavery. She on the other hand sympathises and energies on the other hand sympathises and energies the oppressed that they

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need not to be gloom if she is rising against the oil wells. She questions why her sassiness seems to make her oppressors more miserable and tells them that she: has a joy inside her that would suggest unlimited potential and a bright future as if she had an oil well in her living room which would guarantee these things.

Does your sassiness up set you? Why are you beset with gloom ? ‘cause I walk like I have got oil wells, Pumping in my living room. In the next stanza the poet shows the movement towards

equality as something that is organic and that is going to happen regardless, of an individual’s reaction to it. In some ways it takes some of the combativeness out of the poem, the tide is not going to stop for anyone whatever effort they might make, the sun and the moon still rise and set according to the tides, not according to the desire of men. By comparing the movement towards equality and demanding that the wrongs of the history be left in the past be seen as inevitable as the tides. The poet removed the conflict from the poem and from the situation she is writing about, advising her oppressors that their efforts to ties her to history are futile.

Just like moons and like suns, With the certainty of tides Just like hopes springing high Still I rise. The poet has decided not to succumb any more against the

inhuman system of slavery and color discrimination. She does not want to be weak because to be weak is miserable. She is resilient. She decides that she no longer will accept racism, misogyny or any fewer rights but equality.

Do you want to see me broken, Bowed head and lowered eyes Shoulders falling down like teardrops Weaken by my soulful cries. The self respect and confidence of the poet is reflected in the

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next stanza. Her spirit of revolt against the oppression has decided to move forward.

Does my haughtiness offend you? Don’t you take it awful hard ‘Cause I laugh like I have got gold mines Digging in my own backyard. The courage and determination to break the iron chains of

slavery is cited here in this next stanza when the poet does not have the fear of bullet, sword, harsh arguments hate and prejudices. She wants to rise with bold intentions.

You may shoot me with your words. You may cut me with your eyes You may kill me with your hatefulness. But still, like air I will rise. The boldness and the harshness of poet’s ideas are reflected

in the following stanza because she is a woman and also shows the conflict within her male oppressors who find her very attractive by are angry about this, and turn their anger towards her instead. This is the first stanza where she is not presenting herself as an African American person but as a sexy black woman. The reference to the “diamonds at the meeting of my thighs” is the only overtly sexual reference in the poem. As the stanza reveals:

Does my sexism upset you? Does it come as a surprise That I dance like I, ve got diamonds At the meeting of my thighs ? The next stanza is a declaration of a move towards the future

and is also the most direct reference to the slavery of the past that has been intimated earlier but never clearly stated. “History shame” references slavery and the way in which history casts shame on those, who participated in it. The term also explains why her contemporaries are trying to rewrite history in order to hide some of the events. The past rooted in pain references, the abuses carried out and the pain caused by segregation The poet compares herself with ocean with its

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power that is not easily over come but also refers to the entire African American community as the black ocean that is moving forward with power and might. As the lines express :

Out of huts of history’s shame I rise Up from a past that rooted in pain I rise I am a black ocean, leaping and wide Welling and swelling, I bear in the tide. In the last stanza of the poem the poet is shocked when it

appears as the poem, although combative at times, has been relatively ambiguous regarding whom the poet sees her oppressors to be and what history has occurred between them. These lines clear up an ambiguity, by calling herself the hope and the dream of the slaves. Angelou is positioning herself as the representative of those African, Americans who lived through both segregation and the end of it. She is staring that as a free woman, with choices, opportunities and rights she is culmination of all the hopes, dreams of those who went before her. It is also a very dramatic way in which to end the poem and makes her affirmation to rise what ever is thrown at her declaration to be more than her circumstances and a promise to her ancestors not to let their sacrifices be in vain:

Leaving behind rights of terror and fear I rise Into a day break that wondrously clear I rise Bringing the gifts that my ancestors gave I am the dream and the hope of slaves, I rise I rise I rise Therefore the poem is not just the black women but for every

body. Not only for me and you but for all together. The poet wants a

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fairness not in the skin but in the mind and heart where each of us stands equally well. This movement of literature is for social justice for everyone of us. These should not be any discrimination on the basis of caste color, race creed, religion, region and nationalities. This poem was sung by Nelson Mandela at his inauguration in 1994 having spent 27 years in prison. It is as valuable even today as it was in 1994.Woks Cited

1. Akbarabadi Nazir- Kavita Kosh, Uttar Pradesh Hindi

Institute, Mahatma Gandi Marg Lucknow

1992, Ed by Nazir Mohammad.

2. http://www. poetryfoundation.rog-poem.

*****

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A Socio – Economic Analysis of Malai Pantarams At Attathodu – A Study

*Priya Soman

Tribalsare considerdas a social group existing outside of or before the development of states. A tribe is a group of distinct people, dependent on their land for their livelihood, who are largely self-sufficient, and not integrated into the national society. Tribal’s in Kerala are living on the hill ranges, mainly on the Western Ghats bordering Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The mountainous regions of Kerala are inhibited by the tribal communities. They are reckoned as the descendants of the Negrito race. Malai Pantarangal is one of the most important tribes in Kerala. The Malai Pantaram was mainly found in the deep forest near by Achankoil in central Travancore. They had their own socio – economic problems and government’s effort didn’t be sufficient to overcome their problems.

A STUDY ON THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITION OF MALAI PANTARAMS AT ATTATHODU

Tribal areviewed, developmentally or historically, as a social group existing outside of or before the development of states. A tribe is a group of distinct people, dependent on their land for their livelihood, who are largely self-sufficient, and not integrated into the national society. It is perhaps the term most readily understood and used by the general public to describe such communities.The tribal people are entitled to many importances in the tradition and the history of India. As a human society is an active presence in India’s great Ithihasa and Puranas. In the story of Mahabharata, Vyasa revealed Hidumbi as the

*Guest Lecturer faculty Department of History Christian College, Chengannur, Alappuzha, Kerula

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lover of Bhima, she and her son Khadolkhlajan were tribes and the Ekalavya traced in martial arts was also a tribe. And the great monk and the author of Ramayana, Valmiki was also a tribe named Ratnakara.The tribes in India from an important part of total populationThe tribal population of India constitutes nearly 8% of the total population..

India has the largest concentration of tribal people in the world. Tribal administration was a central subject under the government of India act of 1935. The government classified aboriginal into excluded and Partially Excluded Areas which did not leave any jurisdiction and control to the provisional Government. In India the tribal peoples were mainly settled in north eastern India and South.Tribals In Kerala

Tribals in Kerala or Adivasis of Kerala are the indigenous population found in the southern Indian state of Kerala. Most of the tribal people of Kerala live in the forests and mountains of Western Ghats, bordering Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.Tribals in Kerala are living on the hill ranges, mainly on the Western Ghats bordering Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The mountainous regions of Kerala are inhibited by the tribal communities. They are reckoned as the descendants of the Negrito race. A majority of these tribes of Kerala build their settlements in the forest grounds and also on the top of the mountains. Kerala was popularized in the settlements of tribes the names Adiyan, Arandan, Eravallan, Malapulaya, Irula, Kadar, Kurichyas, Kurumba, Malayaraya, Malavedar, Malankurava,Mannan, Muthuvar or Mudugar. The tribal people who have settled down in different landscape even before 1000 years in all over the world are called the Gothrajanatha. From the different stages of the old era and also in various places like the forests, plateaus and plains these tribal’s had started their settlement. The nature has very important role in every tribe’s life.In Kerala there are still 37 Scheduled Tribes out of 48 tribal communities; their number is only 1.26% of the state’s population. What this figure indicates is that the rate of the assimilation of the aboriginals of Kerala has been extremely rapid. In the past few years 11 tribal communities have been declassified on account of the social and cultural porgress they have made.

Among the Scheduled Tribes of Kerala the numerically

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dominant ones are the Pulayans, Paniyans, Maratis, Malayarayar, Kurumans, Kurichiyans, and Irulas. The numerical strength of each remaining tribes is more or less 1,000. .

Most of these tribes are forest-dwellers and food-gatherers. Increasingly, they are found living on the fringes of the forests near the highways and the villages of the plainspeople, yet apart from them. This frontier existence of the tribals is highly symbolic. They are caught between two worlds. Their forest home cannot support them any longer, for food in forests is getting scarce because of the state policy against deforestation.

There are fewer and fewer wild animals to hunt; there is also a legal ban on hunting. For rice and clothes they have to depend on the plainspeople who continue to exploit the helplessness of the tribals. The few tribesmen who go to towns looking for jobs soon find it difficult to cope with the demands of civilization and return home to jungles to live on the edge of culture and nature.

Tribal people groups who are food-gatherers (without any habit of agricultural practice), with diminishing population and very low or little literacy rates can be called as Primitive Tribes. Cholanaikkans, Kurumbas, Kattunaikans, Kadars and Koragas are the five primitive tribal groups in Kerala. They constitute nearly 5% of the total tribal population in the State. Cholanaikkans can be said as the most primitive of them and found only in the Malappuram District. Only a handful of families are living in the Mancheri hills of Nilambur forest division. Kattunaikans, another lower-hill community related to Cholanaikkans, are mainly seen in Wayanad district and some in Malappuram and Kozhikode districts. Kadar population is found in Trisur and Palakkad districts. Kurumbas are living in the Attappady Block of Palakkad district. The Koraga habitat is in the plain areas of Kasaragod district

The native Adivasis of the district belong to various sects like Paniyas, Kurumas, Adiyars, Kurichyas, Ooralis, Kattunaikkans and Uraali Kurumas. They are mostly physically distinguishable with darker skin and stout built physique. They often live in houses made of thatched roof, mud, bamboo and brick houses set in swampy valleys and plateaus. Though many of them said to be primitive tribes, all of them have a story of migration to the hills. It is likely to believe that these

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tribes were living there for several centuries! “The story of tribes on the Western Ghat mountainous ranges have is less than 300 years”, says Philipose Vaidyar who had visited and stayed with several of these tribal groups. Cholanaikkan is said to be the most primitive and a vanishing tribe. “Discussions with them and the history during the British times, the capture of local kings and their fights have much to reveal about their migration from the valley to the hills” he says. Read more about Tippu Sulthan and Pazhassi King and learn how some people were lost in the deep forests. The Irular people of Idukki districts complaint about the heavy taxes they had to pay to the kings which resulted in their exodus from the Kochi kingdom to that of an animal kingdom. History of British period approves this.Malai Pantarams In Attathodu.

Malai Pantarangal is one of the most important tribes in Kerala. The Malai Pantaram was mainly found in the deep forest near by Achankoil in central Travancore. These tribes mostly settled in the areas of Attathodu and regions along with it in Pathanamthitta district. Attahodu area is asmall village filled with beautiful forest in the district of Pathanamthitta. It is surrounded by Pathanamthitta Taluk towards south, Elenthoor Taluk toward west, Konni Taluk toward east and Kanjirapally Taluk towards north.

Malai Pantaram, which are isolated families, they became wandered in the forest solitary. Generally the Malai pantaram live in families of two or three in a locality. For decreasing the distribution of food items, in which they gained by hunting. A major part of Malai Pantaram tribe of Kerala was placed in the Pathanamthitta district, which are in the area of the place Attathodu and their nearby region which are: Muzhiyar, Nilakkal, Chalkkayam, Plappali etc there were scattered.Social And Economical Conditions

The tribal’s living in the tribal colony called Attathodu, in the 9th ward of Sabarimala forest region in Pathanamthitta district is called Malai pantarangal. There were not more than 6-7 families. The knowledge of the outer society about these societies is very limited. Most of the people in both the rural and urban area don’t know about the existence of this tribe living in the Attathodu. It is since 2005,

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that this isolated tribe, living in the forest has been found out and we tried to get in contact with them. The tribal’s spread among the areas of Attathodu, Calakkayam, Nilakkal, Muzhiyar, Plappilli, Rajampara, Angammodi had a traditional way of dressing till the time they were being found out by the other world. The modern way of dressing like saree and mundu were adopted by them, the modernist society entered to their Zone. Earlier they used leafs and bark of trees for dressing1.

They battered and then dried the Antiracism toxic-aria bark ( Arayanjilitholi) and they cut out the Vanda testate (Maravazha) and then wilt it and used these as their dress. The contact of several social associations or departments and the countnous company of the people outside the forest made the way for them to choose the present mode of dressing. This tribal living is small huts keep migrating to other places2. This is for their living and well-being

The collection of Frankincense (kunthirikkam), forest honey, yam (kizhangu) ponnambu are there main way of making money for their living. During the earlier stages they collected food only for single day (daily use up to date use). And it’s after that they began the collection of honey and Frankincense knowing the behavior and features of the forest, they go to forest during March (Meenamasam) to collect the Honey. As some times this requires a long period of journey, they took their families with them. The Malai Pantarams move from place to place with the quantity of money, water, frankincense, Kuttamanthal that they get from that place3.

Their huts are made of bamboo, straw and grass. They usually keep footwear outside the house. Leather made of cow-skin is considered as polluting and not used. They are good hunters and are skilled gatherers of forest products such as wax and honey. They use to breed pigs, goats and poultry. They are non-vegetarian in food habits but do not eat beef. Drinking alcohol is occasional. Cultivation is a recent development among themalai Pantarams. The forest Department used to employ them as guards and for labour. Malai Pantarams are animists and worshiped trees, rocks, hills and snakes. Due to interaction with the outside communities, they also worship primitiveHindu deities and celestial bodies like sun and moon.

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I f t h e m o n t h o f m a r c h i s t h e p e r i o d o f p r o s p e r i t y f o r t h e m t h e n t h e m o n t h o f m o n s o o n (june, july) is a period of distraction (ruin), loss, diseases, risk and danger. During monsoon the tribal’s in the colony of Attathodu face starvation and diseases. In contrast with attathodu the tribes living in chalakkayam, Nilaykkal, plaappailli, Rajampara face more starvation than the former.

Even though they use Rise, salt and Chilly, the main food of Malai Pantarangal in Attathodu is Panambodi, Manthal (Kaatumathal/Kattukachi/noora), which is a traditional food item. They dig out, fried (smoked) and then eat the Kattumathal. Without having any utility of plates and due to the lack of knowledge about the plates, in the earlier period these tribal’s used to fried the Kattumanthal and then this came to be their main food. For this technique they still use the primitive fire starting method. This is a piece of bamboo. They fill this with the cotton of Elave tree. They place a piece of iron bar in one of its end and they rub it withawhite stone to make fire4. This technique is used by Malai Pantarangal for baking.

Grant from government is available for the tribal’s in their present social condition. Govterenment of Kerala` has organized rice, pea and rupees 450 for each month for their food safety. Even though govt. has organized such plans, these were not available to them. The things that they get sometimes by the organization were mostly being destroyed by wild animals. The people of Attathodu knew a special hymn to protect them from the attack of wild animals. This knowledge of hymns has been transferred to generation after generation. These hymns are learned by the children from their childhood itself. They grew and feed pet dogs in each homes to know to the presence of wild animals and to stop them from entering near their zone5.

The tribal’s of Attathodu have a great knowledge about herbs for treatment. When they face body pain they use forest herbs as the primary way treatment. A main medicine used by them for treating body pain, is called “urappatta”. The bark of Uthira tree, Uruppatta is out freshly and this being battered and it‘s treated with water and this wetted material is than converter to pulp. This is then used as medicine. They use the hospital facility if and only if the primary method of

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treatment didn’t attain any result.The Malai Pantarams who are living in forest are illiterate. With

respect to this, they face tolerance in all way6. Women in Attathodu are having a pitiful life. These women’s are being tolerated by men outside the forest. The women’s of Malai Pantaram tribe living in Chalakkayam face more exploitation and are being attacked by society. These innocent and illiterate tribal people are largely exploited by the society. The tribal’s in Attathodu, mostly wish to live within the forest itself. It is mainly because of climatic condition in the modern society that these tribal’s are not coming to our society. They can’t also afford the change from their forest atmosphere. These lead too many diseases. Another major reason behind, that not being coming tour society is due to the fear of attack and exploitation from our society. They didn’t keep relation.

They prey both the nature and human deities. They also worshiped the trees in accordance with the tradition. As they have considered both nature and forest as god, “maladaivam”, they are able to live a peaceful life and with this custom they very less diseases but when they came out of the forest to the outer society, they would not accept the atmosphere and the change in climate, causes diseases7. Kallel urali or vadakkanpurathurali is a human deity that change in climate, causes diseases. Kallelurali orvadakkanpurathrali is a human deity that is being worshiped by the tribal’s of Attathodu. According to their belief and myth, kallelurali was a person among their tribe. They believed that he became vanish when his devotional hymns increased. It is said that the hut and place in which kallelurali lived still exists. This place is known as “Uralikkala”. Kalleluruli who has once disappeared has then become as Malai Daivam and the Malai Pantarangal in Attathodu came to warship him. Now they devote alcohol, coconut, betel leaf, areca nut, rice flakers, and sugar candy to their Gods. Children have diseases they prey to become mentally matured (4 years of age). When the children have diseases they prey to Malai Daivangal. They believed that in doing so, the disease will be decreased. Women’s are not permitted to enter into these worshiping areas. Men wear new dresses while they enter into these temples. They sing devotional songs to impress the Mala Daivangal.

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They didn’t have any type of festivals. They have a simple marriage custom. There exists system of monogamy and polygamy in the tribe of Attathod. Men have the right to accept 2 or 3 women as their wife8. According to their tradition; the groom has to give betel leaf and areca nut to the bride’s home, to take the bride. This group of people believes in clearness (shudhi) and fault (ashudhi). The people of this tribe have a customs of isolating the pregnant women’s.

They will make pregnant women’s to live in another small hut built near their own hut9. This hut is known as “mattaveedu”. The new born baby and the mother will be allowed to enter their hut only after 90 days, after having religious body clearness (dehashudhi). During the time of pregnancy women’s have to live alone. Only old women’s are allowed to stay with them. If there is no old women’s have to live alone only old women’s are allowed to stay with them. If there is no old women’s in their tribe, then these young women’s have to do all alone look after themselves and to cook, during their pregnancy period. The entry of the mother and the baby is conducted like a small celebration; they prepare and give sweets (payasam) and small sadhya (food) to the people of their tribe. They also follow the custom of keeping girl’s away from the family at the time when they became physically matured period10. This house’s which are used by them are called ‘puraveedu’. This type of cultures makes them different from the modern society.

The leader among the tribes of Attathodu, ‘Urumuppan’ has a very important place among them. They believe that the main duty or dharma of the muppan is to pray hymns to Malai Daivangal for treatment to get someone cured. If their present Urumuppan dies, then the next successors as Urumuppan will be the one who have a grey hair. If there is not an aged man in that tribe, then there won’t be any Urumuppan at all11. To give a person the place of muppan, they have special hymns or customs. Dravidian tradition is followed in their culture. As a traditional custom, the Urumuppan should live an isolated life. Then they won’t have a relation with their family. Their funeral system is in a different way. A person who dies among them is cremated without any rituals. Then the hut which they lived is dismantled and put above where they have been cremated and after they will leave that place behind and will shift to other place. They will never again return to this place.

Women are treated equally to men, in marked contrast to the

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Hindu peoples of the lowlands. While Malapandaram women gather vegetable foods, haul water, find firewood, and do the cooking, men normally do the hunting and harvesting of wild honey. The divisions are not rigid, however: men may help gather firewood and assist with cooking meat, while women may help hunt small animals. The simplicity of their gathering and hunting economy fosters individual self-sufficiency and economic independence, so social relationships tend to be based on positive feelings rather than economic dependence. Marriage for the Malapandaram is an extremely loose monogamous convention: they do not emphasize long-term, binding relationships. Spouses often exhibit quite warm feelings toward one another—but when the warmth cools, the relationship ends. Recently, however, Malapandaram women in some communities are reporting that they live in fear of sexual harassment, both by outsiders and by their own men.

Infants are held and carried about constantly by their mothers, who nurse them on demand. Children have the freedom to explore without restraint and to handle sharp tools such as axes and billhooks. When children in the two to four age bracket cry, they are quickly soothed, and if the mother is too busy to respond then other adults or children will. However, by the time they are five or six years old, children have been socialized into patterns of individual autonomy, they have lost their emotional ties with their parents (though they may continue to show some affection), and they often live with adults other than their own parents. Adults only limit children’s autonomy by controlling their expressions of aggression against other children or adults.

The Malapandaram are very timid, nonviolent, and retiring in their relationships with outsiders. The agents of forest contractors frequently patrol their territories and attempt to cajole, sometimes coerce, and, at times, physically assault the Malapandaram to force them to gather more forest products for them. The forest dwellers have thus learned their shyness and timidity as a response to those practices, and they still tend to hide from the agents when they are about.

By conducting awareness classes to them, we can help them to overcome their social problems. Spread of education only can help these tribes. Besides that, by providing vocational education, they got a special chance to mingle with the rest of the society and they can earn their own. The government of Kerala and the Central government

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should join their hands together to provides them, necessary grants and aids by the time. If it is possible, we can upgrade the soci0 –economic backwardness of the Malaipantarams of Attanthodu,without cut their connection with their habitat.End notes

I. Iyer, Krishna L.A. Social History of Kerala, Madras, Book Centre publication, 1968, P.72.

II. Perumpanani, Seelia Thomas, Keralathile Aadivasikalude jeevithavum samskaaravum,Mal. Kottayam, Current Books, 2010, P.64.

III. Gopalkrishnan, P.K. Keralathinte Samskarika Charithram, Mal. Trivandrum, The State Institute of Languages, 1984, p.6

IV. Samuel, Bijin, Kadintemakkale Thedi, Orila, Mal, Thanal, Febin Excel Vennikulam, Issue 1, 2013, P.11.

V. Iyer, Krishna L.A. Op. Cit.P.68.VI. Karattil, Naseeb, Dhurithakkayam, Malayala Manorama Daily, 30

July 2011, P.4. VII. Nellimukal, Samuel, A Study Of Social History, Kottayam, K.S. Books,

2003, P.33. VIII. Perumpanani, Seelia Thomas, Op.Cit.P.65.

IX. Iyer, Krishna L. A.Op.Cit.P.105.X. Ibid.P.104.

XI. Iyer, Krishna L.A. Op.Cit.P.126.Bibliography

1. Iyer, Krishna L.A. Social History Of Kerala, Madras, Books center Publication, 1968.

2. Perumpanani, Seelia Thomas, Keralathile Aadivasikalute Jeevithavum Samskaravum, Kottayam, Current Books, 2010.

3. Samuel,Bijin, Kadintemakkale Thedi,, Orila, Mal, Thanal, Febin Excel Vennikulam, Issue 1, 2013.

4. Nellimukal, Samuel, A Study Of Social History, Kottayam, K.S. Books, 2003.

5. Malayala Manorama Daily, 30 July 2011.6. Malayala Manorama Daily, Nov 2011.7. The Hindu Daily,(Eng),13th Nov 2013.

*****

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Socio Economic Problems of Tribes in Attappadi, With Special Reference To Sickle Cell Anaemia

*RASHID KK

The tribal colony of ‘‘Attappadi” is situated in the north east side of Palakkad district in Kerala. It is the first tribal block in India. There are mainly three tribes in Attappadi; they are Irula, kurumba, and Muduga.By years they are suffering from poor socio economic background and related problems. Among them a total number of people are suffering from a disorder called sickle cell anaemia, which is a genetic disease of red blood cells. This disease transmits from one generation to the next generation, if both parents have sickle cell haemoglobin traits in their bodies. As per some unofficial reports the tribal people stricken by this disease is more than 1500,and recently a study by the health department of Kerala identified 26 more cases of sickle cell anaemia among the indigenous people of attappadi. Remedial measures are still going on, but situations shows that those are not much effective. So this paper tries to analyse the influence of sickle cell anaemia among the tribes of Attappady and the role of their socio-economic background.

IntroductionAttappadi is the first tribal block of India. Located in Kerala

in the district of Palakkad. The total population is 69,723. There are mainly three tribes in attappadi named Irula, muduga, and kurumba. In 1951 the total ST population of attappady were 10, 200 consisting 90.2% of the total population. But according to the latest reports it is just 44 %.( see table 1).By years they are suffering from a deadly genetic disease known as sickle cell anaemia. Sickle cell anaemia is a red blood cell disorder. It is inherited, which means that the disorder passed by

*Indigenous Culture Studies, Central University of Jharkhand, Ranchi, Jharkhand

ISSN : 2348-1757Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Volume-6, Issue-2, July-Dec 2018, pages 62-74

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the genes from parents to children. There are many forms of sickle cell anaemia. In all forms at least one of the two disordered genes causes a person’s body to make haemoglobin‘s’. When a person has two haemoglobin ‘SS’ the disease is called sickle cell anaemia. In this disorder, structural deforming occurs in the haemoglobin molecules of red blood cells and when the level of oxygen in the blood decreases red blood cells undergo change in transform in to sickle cell shaped cells. It is common among people who have ancestral relations in sub-Saharan Africa, South America, Cuba, and Central America. Painful or prolonged erection, poor eyesight or blindness, confusion, lung infection, arthritis are some of the major symptoms. It was known in Africa by different names. The scientific research of the disease sparked off by the famous scientist James Herrick in 1910. He found some peculiar, elongated, sickle shaped red corpuscles in a student who were suffering from strong anaemia. The disease further characterized by enlarged speech, painful crisis organ damage, impaired mental functions and increased susceptibility to infection and untimely death. The sickle cell disease was found in 72 districts of central, western and southern India, and current situation ofAttappaditribal colony is a common symbol of them.

Table:1population details of Attappadi from 19514 to 2011.

Year Total Population St Population Percentage

1951 11300 10200 90.2%1971 39181 16536 42.2%1991 62033 24228 39.062011 69723 30460 44%

Objective of the studyFind the socio economic problems of tribes in attappadi and

how this situation makes tribal life more distressing, especially sickle cell anaemia patients.Methodology

Both primary and secondary data are used in study. A structured questionnaire was prepared and interviewed the tribal

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people including sickle cell anaemia patients, doctors, social workers, and hospital faculties. The secondary data for the study is collected from various books, journals, annual report of ITDP and internet. Tribes of AttappadiKurumbas

The Kurumbas are foragers and shifting cultivators inhabiting in the forest area of attappady valley, and living the dense forest of attappadi valley in Palakkad district. Their dialect is known as kurumba bhasha (bhasha stands for language).

The kurumba families are nuclear. They used to marry from another clan of their community. According to Mathur (1977) the kurumba had a dual organisation, moieties, having altogether eight clans. The polygamy often results in the formation of compound families where a husband and his wives and their live together with old aged family members. Their society is politically acephalous

As a primary economic activity they were doing shifting cultivation. Major crops are ragi, red gram, Chama, maize, and ground nuts.Their mooppan (leader) Andmannukkaran (priest cum agricultural specialist) will predominate them to do cultivation and other activities. Nowadays selling of the forest products such as honey, wax, herbals, turmeric, and wild ginger uphold their livelihood.Mudugar

They are believed to be the earliest migrants to attappadi from Coimbatore district of Tamil Nadu about 15th century. This indigenous group distributed in to pudar and agali panchayats of Palakkad district. They speak muduga bhasa which have similarities with Tamil and Malayalam.

Mudugars are also non vegetarian, but unlike kurumbas they refuse to eat beef. Hunting gathering and trapping were their primary dependency for survival. But now in the changed situation as other tribes of India they have many restrictions to hunt and gather.Ragi (finger millet) is their staple food. Apart from this rice, wheat, wild roots, and tubers are also a part of their diet.

They are the practisers of exogamy and marrying from kurumba community is very common among them. Family structure of this

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community is nuclear. Their religious believes are similar to Hinduism, and theyworship malleswaran (lord Shiva of the malleswaram peak).Irula

Irula is one of the major indigenous communities in Kerala. They belong to the race Negrito which is very common in India and believed as true African race. The word Irula stands for the dark one (Derived from the Tamil word irul which means dark). Besides attappadi they inhabits in the areas of adjoining attappadi in tamilnadu and karnataka.

Once they were hunters gatherers and shifting cultivators, now majority of Irula are concentrates on basket and mat making, animal husbandry etc. they also gather some minor forest materials to sell in the outside market.

They have eleven sub clans, Vizarumooppan, Sambar, Karatti, Kurungan, Vellanka, Devana, Kuppill, Kupperpunger, Perathara and Uppli. They used to do interracial marriage from all their clans. Like mudugas and kurumbas their family organisation is also nuclear. Their leader is called Mooppan, he takes control over the Irula society by giving advice in compliment situations, and taking decisions.

Table:2 Tribal population details attappadi

No Community No. of families Male Female Total

1 Irular 9370 13161 13747 269082 Kurumbar 666 1295 1256 25513 Mudugar 980 1645 1852 3497

Total 11016 16101 16855 32956Backwardness in Socio-Economic Back Ground

Socio economic status encompasses income, educational attainment, financial security, health status. It can also encompass quality of life attributes as well as opportunities and privileges afforded to people within society. Exaltation of a society is always based on the strength in socio economic status.

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The block of Attappady came into exist in1962. Attappady Block consisting of Agali, Puthur and Sholayur Grama Panchayats spreads over an area of 745 Sq. Km. As it shares its boundary with Tamilnadu, the accessibility to Tamilnadu influences its Socio-economic and cultural life.Economic Background

In common way tribal societies have very simple economic activities. The tribal population is characterized by a heterogeneous cultural pattern with variegated conditions and activities largely depending on nature. Major income source of tribes living in this area is from agriculture allied sectors and collection of minor forest materials. They collect minor forest products such as soap nut, dammar resin, cardamom, gooseberry, oil seeds, honey, bee wax etc. Rearing is also very important. Major chunk of minor forest produce collected in Kerala is from Attappadi. But the deforestation seizes their income source.

Lack of water sources and deforestation are now serious threat to Agricultural Development in this area. The main water sources are the river Bhavani, Siruvani and Varagar. In summer season these rivers are almost remain lean and dry. The people resort to rain water and small rivulets for drinking water and irrigation purposes. In some areas people pay 1500/unit except the transportation fee. Due to poor transportation condition they have to pay extra to the drivers. This is very swingeing condition for them. except rearing and gathering badly they get some minor jobs for 10-15 days per month. During this period they spend the major share of their income only for getting water.Health Sector

Health and nutrition are the two important part of social development and also Nutrition has widely recognized as a basic pillar for social and economic development. Without them basic health is a distant dream. Infant death and malnutrition among Attappadi tribes is very strong. Nutrition is essential in childhood to ensure healthy growth, good immune system and neurological development. Economic growth and human development needs well-nourished population, who can think critically and creatively. ‘Child malnutrition impacts cognitive function and contribute to poverty through impeding

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individuals ability to lead productive lives. In addition, it is estimated that more than one-third of under –five deaths are attributable to under nutrition’ (Liu et al; Black et al, 2008).

In Attappady tribal health condition is eminently deplorable. Their life is distressing because of unhealthy condition. Malnutrition is the main cause of most of all the problems in Attappady. Many women in this area are suffering from chronic malnutrition. Pregnancy induced hypertension, indoor air pollution, anaemia infant death are the other major health problems. Another notable one is most of the hamlets lack basic facilities for maintaining sanitation and environmental hygiene. This also a major reason for health problems in Attappadi.

Infant death from 2013-2017, Source: The Hindu online edition, Dec19.

EducationEducation is the most important thing to do for the betterment

of entire society; unfortunately the educational background of Attappadi is extremely poor. In Attappadi half of the represents still remaining illiterate and majority are women. It is possible to enhance quality of tribal life through elementary education. Education helps to reduce poverty, making them aware of health and nutrition, overcoming exploitation by middle man, awareness regarding upliftment schemes, discourage early marriages etc. ‘a score of studies during 1960’s: Sen (1960), Banerjee (1962), Bapat (1966), Saxena (1964), Srivastava

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(1966), Sachidananda (1967) pointed out that ‘poverty and ignorance are the basic reasons of the backwardness of the tribes and emphasized the need of education for the tribal children.’(Tribal education trend and future scenario, b c das p no: 42). Here they explore the need of mother tongue as a medium of instruction. The other reasons which impede the tribal from getting education are lack of accessibility,poor health, early marriage, financial problems, and lack of hostel facilities. The government offers them major part of the fee, but students are not going to these institutions because of distance problem and lack of interest.

Table:3Details of tribal students studying in various institutions

INSTITUTION NO. OF STUDENTS1 Lower Primary 16532 Upper Primary 10263 High Schools 9884 Higher Secondary 6185 Vhse 1906 Under Graduate 2217 Post Graduate 98 Poly Technic 2

DiscussionMarriage and suffusion of the disorder

The institution of marriage is socially sanctioned and in most of all the communities it is not a free choice. Marriage and family are key structure in most societies. Exogamy and endogamy are the types of marriage. Tribes of Attappadi follow both exogamy and endogamy. Exogamy can be defined as a social rule that requires an individual to marry from his/her own community. It is defined through kinship rather than ethnicity. Exogamy is the system which a person requires to marry from his/her own community. The occurrence of endogamy is not as common as exogamy; there is no particular universal type of social group to which the endogamous rules apply unlike exogamy.In modern social situations endogamy is not rare. Rural people especially

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indigenous communities follow this as their traditional way of life. The function of endogamy is probably to regulate marriage in a way that preserves the cultural identity of a group. Irula and muduga are traditionally exogamists. They marry from outside of their communities. But kurumba are primarily endogamists, in earlier period it was very strict rule to marry from their own community. Unlike earlier time this generation shows the tendency to practice exogamy.

If a couple with AA and SS genotype marry, all their children will be AS, and AS marry SS, there is 50% chance their children will be SS. When SS marries SS all their children will be SS. In this area people with SS genotype is more, and many of them are unaware about this problem.

Communication problems A language is the way of expressing feelings and ideas .The trio

have their own and unique language, muduga speaks muduga bhasa which is a mixed combination of Tamil and, Malayalam. Kurumba speaks kurumba bhasa. Language of Irula has similarities with Tamil, Malayalam and Kannada. As settlers of inside area, they won’t get many opportunities to interact with the main stream society, except a less people. Commonly they are not very good at speaking Malayalam and Tamil. They interact with mixture language of Malayalam and Tamil. This lack of communication leads to lack of representation in civic bodies, lack of education and awareness among tribes, they are not availing treatment from hospitals or actively seeking cures and other hurdles

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in combating the condition.Educational backwardness

“Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world” says nelson Mandela. Illiteracy reflects in every aspect of their social life. Illiteracy prevents society from developing at a steady rate. Mostly illiterate people are unable to support themselves. They always look for help from others. And it gives a huge opportunity to the people to exploit them. It also increases poverty in the society. Illiterate people always earn the low wages in the society. If they find a job also; it is job for people with lowest skills, and education. The total literacy rate of Attappady is 53%. Even the educated people are not doing any skilled jobs. Gathering and pastoring helps them to wear through a day. An anaemic patient needs best nutritional food to live a healthy life, without a job of good wage it is hard to maintain. And the malnourished situation makes their life thicken, especially people with sickle cell traits in their body. The youngsters of Attappadi don’t want to concentrate on studies, they finding time to involve in jobs and other activities. Lack of accessibility, health condition distance to educational institutions from home, early marriage, poor economic back ground are the basic reasons of non-proliferation of education in this area.

Table:4literacy rate of attappadi tribes

Irula 60.01%

Muduga 56.36%

Kurumba 69.92%

Total 62%

Remedial measures Camps held in schools

After the death of Manikandan 8th class student of Sholapur tribal high school conducted physical screening for anaemia using

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medical officers in 33 schools of Attappady. They screened9800 students and out of them 554 are found to be anaemic(less than 10gm %). Out of that29 students were found to be less than 7gm%, four students with ‘HB’ less than 5gm% were admitted and given blood transfusion in gtsh kottathara.

A joint venture was held focusing on health awareness coordinated by santhi medical information centre with the support of oruma health club. The main objective was to achieve a target of “18/45” (to achieve a body weight of 45 within 18 years.) It started on 14/10/2016 and covered all the schools and completed on 2/11/21016. During these screening investigations including haemoglobin estimation, blood grouping, and BMI calculations are arranged.

Table:5Details of camps held in schools

Total schools covered 34Total students 10800Total samples collected 9800Total samples tested 9800HB below 10gm% 554HB below 7gm% 29HB below 5gm% 4

Nutrition kit per patient The government provides a nutrition kit per patient worth rs

500. It includes:• Finger millet powder•Wheat powder• Kidney bean• Coconut oil• Iodised salt• Currant•Dates

Socio Economic Problems of Tribes In Attappadi, With Special .....

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72 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

•Molasses• Soya been

Available treatmentsHydroxyurea therapy, iron tablets, folic acid tablets

This therapy can ameliorate the clinical course of sickle cell anaemia. ‘In some adults with three or more painful crises per year. Maximal tolerated doses of hydroxyurea may not be necessary to achieve a therapeutic effect. The beneficial effects of hydroxyurea do not become manifest for several months, and it must be carefully monitored. The long term s safety of hydroxyurea in patients with sickle cell anaemia is uncertain’. This is the most common treatment used in attappadi for SSA patients. And they distribute iron and folic acid tablets too. It helps them to maintain their health

There are 3 primary health centres in Attappady. Each of them is settled in three villages, Sholayur, Puthur and Vatttulukkii. And one community health centre in Agali panchayat. There are 5 mobile medical units to distribute the medicines to the door step. Block PHC (primary health centre) is also a dependable source for the tribes. And around 60 Asha workers are appointed to access the need of Tribes and to guide them in to governmental offers. Through 175 anganvadis the government distributes nutritional food for the pregnant women.Blood transfusion

This process is done when the patient gets a HB of below 5%. Regular blood transfusions are used for primary and secondary stroke prevention children with sickle cell anaemia. Immediate blood transfusion provides when severe sudden anaemia strikes due to acute splenic sequestration. It is also helpful in acute chest syndrome, preoperatively and during pregnancy.

Table:6 Health institutions of attappadi

Health Institutions of Attappadi1 Primary Health Centre 32 Community Health Centre 13 Tribal Specialty Hospital 1

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4 Mobile Medical Units 55 Family Welfare Sub Centre 286 Ayurveda Dispensary 37 Homeo Dispensary 48 Anganwadis 175

Concluding RemarksProvide enough fund to improve the literacy rate, government

should provide all the expenses of tribal students.Transportation facility in government expenseShould open more schools in remote areasThere are 108 social kitchens started to provide the tribes

nutrition food, they are not functioning well due to lack of funds. The government should make arrangements to solve this problem on time.

Lack of good roads is a life or death factors for the tribal patients. There must be some necessary actions to improve the transportation facilities.

Should allow necessary fund to the house making scheme.Improve the facilities of Government College, especially

hostels.Door step blood tests.Supply of free water in summer period.Dr Firoz suggests the permanent solution of problems of

tribal is enabling them to cultivate the land they own with their traditional crops. In order to achieve this approach which combine the plus points of their traditional methods of cultivation and modern agricultural technique which acceptable to the natives need to be adopted.

To ignore the exploitation of meddlers the government should establish direct collection centres in this area.

Presently there are only three ambulances in attappadi. Government must allow at least two ambulances per hamlet.

Socio Economic Problems of Tribes In Attappadi, With Special .....

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74 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

The condition of government college hostel is terrible, they should regenerate the hostel.

The supply ofrice through ration stores should replace by their traditional foods such as ragi (food-grass) and pulses.

Introduce treatments such as born marrow transplantation and genetic therapy, which is scientifically proved as a permanent cure for sickle cell anaemia.

References • Preemie p thachil 2016 Socio-economic problems of Irula tribes

in Attappadiarea, Indian Journal of Economics and Development, Vol 4 (11), November 2016 ISSN (online): 2320-9836, ISSN (Print): 2320-9828

• M C Behra, 2010 Interventions and Tribal Development: Challenges before Tribes in India in the era of Globalisation, Serials Publications Pvt. Ltd.

• B C Das 2009, Tribal education trends and future scenario.ISBN9788184840261, Regal publishers.

• K.A. SHAJI DECEMBER 19, 2017 23:31 IST UPDATED: DECEMBER 20, 2017 18:55 IST infant deaths in Attappady this year. http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/kerala/14-infant-deaths-in-attappady-this-year/article21954189.ece

*****

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‘‘oefuele keie& kesâ GlLeeve ceW yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keâe Ùeesieoeve’’

*[e@0 DecejveeLe heemekeeve**ØekeerCe kegâceej heeue

yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keâe veece DeeOegefvekeâ Yeejle kesâ efvecee&leeDeeW ceW efievee peelee nw~

FvneWves Dehevee mechetCe& peerkeve je<š^-efvecee&Ce ceW ueiee efoÙee~ Gvekeâe pevce Skeâ Ssmes heefjkeej (Ûeceej) ceW ngDee Lee pees YeejleerÙe meeceeefpekeâ kÙekemLee ceW meyemes efveÛeues heeÙeoeve hej Deelee nw~ yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keâes yeÛeheve ceW mkeâtue kesâ meceÙe ner Fve peeeflekeeoer meeceeefpekeâ yegjeFÙeeW keâe meecevee keâjvee heÌ[e leLee Deheves efkeÅeeueÙeer peerkeve cebs ner Fmekeâe Ieesj efkejesOe keâj efoÙes Lebs~

yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece yeeuÙekeâeue mes ner yengle yeÌ[s mkeeefYeceeveer leLee keâòe&kÙeefve… LeW~ Gvekesâ mkeeefYeceeveer kÙeefòeâlke keâes nce Fme Iešvee mes peeve mekeâles nQ efkeâ peye GvneWves DeÚtle Úe$eeW keâes oer peeves keeueer Úe$eke=efòe keâes Ùen keânkeâj "gkeâje efoÙee efkeâ Gvekesâ yeÌ[s YeeF& mejkeâejer veewkeâjer ceW nQ leLee Gvekesâ heeme peceerve Yeer nw efpemeceW DeÛÚer hewoekeej nes peeleer nw DeleŠ GvnW Úe$eke=efòe keâer pe™jle veneR nw, Ùen Úe$eke=efòe Gvekeâer peien efkeâmeer otmejs pe™jlecebo keâes os oer peeÙes~ GvneWves peeefleiele YesoYeeke leLee ÚgDeeÚtle keâes keâjerye mes cenmetme efkeâÙee Lee~ Deheves mkeâtue kesâ meceÙe mes ner GvneWves meceepe mes meYeer Øekeâej keâer meeceeefpekeâ yegjeFÙeeW pewmes ÚgDee-Útle leLee peeefleiele Yeso-Yeeke Deeefo keâes otj keâjves kesâ efueS mebIe<e& Meg™ keâj efoÙee Lee~ Deheves mkeâtue ceW GvneWves peeefle kesâ DeeOeej hej heerves kesâ heeveer keâe IeÌ[e jKes peeves hej Gmes heâesÌ[ efoÙee leLee mkeâtue ØeMeemeve mes meYeer Úe$eeW keâes Skeâ ner IeÌ[s mes heeveer heerves keâer Deheveer yeele keâes cevekee efueÙee~ Fme Iešvee ves yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece kesâ Devoj Skeâ veÙee DeelceefkeÕeeme hewoe efkeâÙee efpememes efkeâ Deeies Deeves keeueer mebIe<e&hetCe& ÛegveewefleÙeeW mes ueÌ[ves nsleg ken Deheves Deehekeâes ÂÌ{Øeefle%e efkeâÙes~ Fmeer Iešvee mes yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece kesâ meeceeefpekeâ

*Deefmešsvš Øeeshesâmej SJeb Deefmešsvš [eÙejskeäšj, meeceeefpekeâ yeefn<keâjCe Skeb meceekesMeer veerefle DeOÙeÙeve kesâvõ keâeMeer efnvot efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙe keejeCemeer**MeesOe Úe$e,meeceeefpekeâ yeefn<keâjCe Skeb meceekesMeer veerefle DeOÙeÙeve kesâvõ keâeMeer efnvot efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙe keejeCemeer

ISSN : 2348-1757Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Volume-6, Issue-2, July-Dec 2018, pages 75-80

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›eâeefvle keâe ØeejcYe neslee nw~peiepeerkeve jece Deye Oeerjs-Oeerjs meceepe ceW kÙeehle ™efÌ{keeoer meeceeefpekeâ yegjeFÙeeW kesâ

efke™æ mebIe<e& nsleg #ecelee Øeehle keâj jns LeW~ Deye ken peeefleiele YesoYeeke keâes DeÛÚer lejn mecePe ieÙes Les~ peeefleÙeeW keâe GÆke keâwmes ngDee? leLee Gvekeâe cetue keäÙee nw? peeefleÙeeW keâes Flevee cenlke keäÙeeW efoÙee peeves ueiee? ÚgDee-Útle keâe Gûce keâwmes ngDee Deeefo meYeer ØeMveeW kesâ Gòej keâes {gÌ{ves nsleg GvneWves DeveskeâeW hegmlekeâeW keâe ienve DeOÙeÙeve efkeâÙee leLee ken Fme efve<keâ<e& hej hengBÛes efkeâ meceepe ceW kÙeehle ÚgDee-Útle DeceevekeerÙe nw leLee Fmekeâe keâesF& Oeeefce&keâ DeeOeej veneR nw DeleŠ Fve meeceeefpekeâ yegjeFÙeeW keâes meceepe mes meceehle keâjvee nesiee keäÙeeWefkeâ Ùes meceepe ceW Yeso-Yeeke hetCe& efkeYeepevekeâejer efkeÛeej hewoe keâjleer nw~ Gvekeâe keânvee Lee efkeâ Deepe keâe meceÙe neueele mes efkeõesn keâjves keâe nw keäÙeeWefkeâ efyevee efkeõesn efkeâÙes kegâÚ Yeer neefmeue nesves keeuee veneR nw~ Fmekesâ efueS GvneWves meceepe ceW meeceeefpekeâ Ûeslevee efkekeâefmele keâjves keâer DeekeMÙekeâlee keâes cenmetme efkeâÙee leLee Fmekesâ efueS meke&ØeLece Deheves efyeKejs ngS meceepe keâes peesÌ[ves keâe ØeejcYe Meg™ efkeâÙee~ GvneWves Fmeer ›eâce ceW DeÚtleeW keâes mebieef"le keâjves leLee GveceW meceepe kesâ Øeefle Ûeslevee hewoe keâjves kesâ efueS DeÚtle yeefmleÙeeW ceW peevee ØeejcYe efkeâÙee~ Gvekesâ meecetefnkeâ efkekeâeme nsleg ken DeÚtleeW kesâ meeLe efceueles Deewj yew"les Deewj Gvekesâ Devoj DeelceefkeÕeeme hewoe keâjles efkeâ ken Yeer meceepe kesâ DeefYeVe Debie nw~ ken GvnW Deheves yeÛÛeeW keâes efMeef#ele keâjves kesâ efueS Øeeslmeeefnle keâjles Les efpememes Gvns Ùen %eele nes mekesâ efkeâ Ùen osMe Gvekeâe Yeer Glevee ner nw efpelevee efkeâ meceepe kesâ DevÙe ueesieeW keâe nw~ GvneWves GvnW Gvekesâ DeefOekeâejeW Deeefo mes heefjefÛele keâjeÙee leLee DevÙeeÙe kesâ efKeueeheâ ueÌ[ves kesâ efueÙes Øesefjle efkeâÙee~ Fme Øekeâej Oeerjs-Oeerjs yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece DeÚtleeW kesâ Gæej nsleg leLee GveceW efkeÕeeme peeie=le keâjves nsleg ØeÙeeme Meg™ keâj efoÙes~

keâuekeâòee efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙe ceW Deheveer mveelekeâ keâer heÌ{eF& kesâ oewjeve ner GvneWves pevekejer 1929 ceW cepeotjeW Deewj oefueleeW keâer Skeâ meYee keâe DeeÙeespeve efkeâÙee~ Fme meYee ceW efkeefYeVe ØeosMeeW kesâ oefuele Skeb cepeotjeW ves Yeeie efueÙee leLee Fme meYee keâes mecyeesefOele keâjles ngS GvneWves keâne efkeâ ‘‘osMe keâe efkekeâeme nce meYeer hej efveYe&j keâjlee nw~ nceW ogMceve mes meekeOeeve ke mebieef"le jnves keâer DeekeMÙekeâlee nw~’’ Fme meYee kesâ meheâue DeeÙeespeve kesâ yeeo yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keâer Úefke Skeâ megOeejkeeoer veslee kesâ ™he ceW GYejer~ peiepeerkeve jece ves Deiemle 1929 ceW DeefKeue YeejleerÙe jefkeoeme meYee keâer mLeehevee keâer efpemekeâe cegKÙe GösMÙe oefueleeW keâes mebieef"le keâjvee, GvnW efMeef#ele keâjvee leLee veMeeyevoer keâe ØeÛeej keâjvee Lee~ GvneWves oefueleeW keâes mebieef"le jnves kesâ meeLe-meeLe GvnW veMee mes otj jnves keâer meueen oer keäÙeeWefkeâ Gvekeâe ceevevee Lee efkeâ Ùeefo oefuele keie& kesâ ueesie veMee keâe meskeve keâjvee yevo keâj oWies lees kes yeÛele keâjvee ØeejcYe keâj oWies efpememes Gvekeâe jnve-menve leLee Gvekeâe peerkeve mlej

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megOejsiee~ yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keânles nQ efkeâ ncebs efYe#ee veneR ÛeeefnS, nceW nceeje DeefOekeâej ÛeeefnS leLee Fmes Øeehle keâjves kesâ efueS nceW ØeÙelve keâjles jnvee ÛeeefnS~ Fme Øekeâej peiepeerkeve jece oefuele keie& kesâ ueesieeW ceW meeceeefpekeâ Ûeslevee efkekeâefmele keâjves keâe Øemeej keâjles jns~

yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece peeefle-ØeLee keâes Øeeke=âeflekeâ veneR yeefukeâ ke=âef$ece ceeveles LeW~ ken keânles nQ efkeâ YeejleerÙe meceepe keâe DeeOeej peeeflekeeo yeve Ûegkeâe nw~ ueesieeW kesâ Devoj peeeflekeeo Fme Øekeâej Iej keâj Ûegkeâe nw efkeâ Fmekeâe Devle nesvee cegefMkeâue nw~ pees Yeer Oece& efnvot Oece& kesâ mecheke&â ceW DeeÙee ken efnvot meceepe kesâ peeeflekeeo kesâ keâuebkeâ mes keâuebefkeâle ngS efyevee veneR jn mekeâe~ peeeflekeeo keCe& kÙekemLee mes hewoe ngF& nw~ Ùeefo peeeflekeeo keâe Devle keâjvee nw lees meke&ØeLece keCe& kÙekemLee keâe Devle keâjvee nesiee~ GvneWves je<š^erÙe Âef<škeâesCe Deheveeles ngS keâne efkeâ Yeejle keâes efpelevee vegkeâmeeve peeeflekeeo ves hengBÛeeÙee nw Glevee vegkeâmeeve efkeosMeer Dee›eâceCekeâeefjÙeeW kesâ Éeje Yeer vener hengBÛeeÙee ieÙee~ yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece ves keCe& kÙekemLee leLee peeeflekeeo keâer Fme YeÙeekenlee keâes osKekeâj Fmes Kelce keâjves nsleg kegâÚ GheeÙe megPeeS- Gvekesâ Devegmeej Ùen keâevetve yevee osvee ÛeeefnS efkeâ Skeâ ner peeefle kesâ m$eer Deewj heg®<e keâer Meeoer kewOe veneR ceeveer peeÙesieer Deewj Ùeefo keâesF& mepeeleerÙe efkekeen keâjlee nw lees Gmes jepÙe Éeje oefC[le efkeâÙee peeÙesiee, Flevee ner veneR ken efkeâmeer Yeer Øekeâej kesâ mejkeâejer heo Deewj mejkeâejer meneÙelee kesâ efueS DeÙeesiÙe mecePee peeÙesiee~ Ùeefo Ssmee nes ieÙee lees efveefMÛeÙe ner 40 mes 50 ke<eeX ceW peeeflekeeo ™heer keâesÌ{ mes Úgškeâeje heeÙee pee mekeâlee nw~

DeefKeue YeejleerÙe oefuele keie& ueerie kesâ DeOÙe#e kesâ ™he ceW keâeÙe& keâjles ngS peiepeerkeve jece keâe oefueleeW kesâ veslee kesâ ™he ceW efÛevleve meowke Ùen jnlee Lee efkeâ efyeKejs ngS DeÚtle peeefleÙeeW pewmes nefjpeve Deeefo kesâ efueS osMe kesâ meeke&peefvekeâ mLeeveeW, ceefvojeW, kegâDeeW, YeespeveeueÙeeW, Oece&MeeueeDeeW, hee"MeeueeDeeW Deeefo kesâ efyevee YesoYeeke hetCe& GheÙeesie keâer kÙekemLee efkeâme Øekeâej keâjeF& peeÙe~ Deiemle 1936 ceW GvneWves Skeâ yengle yeÌ[er meYee keâe DeeÙeespeve ueKeveT ceW efkeâÙee~ DeefKeue YeejleerÙe oefuele keie& ueerie kesâ lelkeekeOeeve ceW ngF& Fme meYee keâer DeOÙe#elee yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece ves efkeâÙee leLee Fme meYee ceW ieebOeer peer ves oefueleeW keâes mecyeesefOele keâjles ngS GvnW mebieef"le nesves keâer yeele keâner leLee GvneWves Deb«espeeW keâer ‘yeebšes Deewj jepe keâjes’ keâer yegefveÙeeoer veerefle kesâ yeejs ceW yeleeÙee~ GvneWves keâne efkeâ ‘‘Deb«espeeW keâer hetjer meeefpeMe Ùen nw efkeâ kes Yeejleke<e& kesâ ueesieeW keâes Oece&, Yee<ee Deewj peeefle kesâ veece hej yeebšvee Ûeenles nQ Deewj nce hej Deheves Meemeve keâe efMekeâbpee cepeyetle yeveeÙes jKevee Ûeenles nQ~ nefjpeveeW keâes ncemes Deueie keâjves keâer Ûeeue Deb«espeeW keâer ner nQ~... mkeeOeervelee keâer ueÌ[eF& mecetÛes YeejlekeeefmeÙeeW keâer ueÌ[eF& nw~ Ùen ueÌ[eF& Oece& Ùee peeefle efkeMes<e keâer veneR nw~’’ Fmeer meYee cebs Dehevee DeOÙe#eerÙe Yee<eCe osles ngS yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece ves keâne efkeâ ‘‘peeleerÙe Ieškeâ ceveg<Ùe keâer ÙeesiÙelee, efvecvelee Deewj GÛÛelee kesâ efvejLe&keâ efyevog veneR nw~..... ieebOeer peer kesâ ØeYeeke ves kegâÚ ner meceÙe ceW peeefle Deewj Oece& kesâ yeerÛe Deeves keeueer Gve yegveerÙeeoer keâefÌ[ÙeeW keâes

‘‘oefuele keie& kesâ GlLeeve ceW yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keâe Ùeesieoeve’’

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78 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Ì{eruee ke ueÛeeruee keâj efoÙee nw~ osMe kesâ nce cetue efvekeemeer nQ~ cenelcee ieebOeer kesâ vesle=lke ceW nce mkeeOeervelee keâer ueÌ[eF& ceW Gvekesâ meeLe nQ~ efnvot Oece& ceW nefjpeveeW keâes Deheveeves mes Fme yengmebKÙekeâ mecegoeÙe ceW Skeâ efkeÕeeme peiee nw~ nce meYeer oefuele ieebOeer peer kesâ meeLe nw~’’ Fme Øekeâej peiepeerkeve jece ves Deheves Yee<eCeeW Éeje oefueleeW keâes mebieef"le keâjves keâe keâeÙe& keâjles jns leLee Gvekesâ GlLeeve nsleg Gvekeâe ceeie& ØeMemle keâjles jns~ yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece ves YeejleerÙe efMe#ee ØeCeeueer keâes ueÛeeruee yeveeves keâe hetCe& ØeÙelve efkeâÙee~ Gvekesâ DeLekeâ ØeÙeemeeW mes ner DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ keieeX kesâ efkeÅeeefLe&ÙeeW keâes Úe$eke=efòeÙeeB Øeoeve keâer peeves ueieer~ GvneWves osMe kesâ meYeer efkeÅeeueÙeeW, efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙeeW leLee DevÙe Mew#eefCekeâ mebmLeeveeW Deeefo ceW DevegmetefÛele peeefleÙeeW kesâ efueS Deevegheeeflekeâ Deej#eCe efouekeeÙee~ Fmekesâ Deueekee FvneWves Fve keieeX kesâ Úe$eeW kesâ efueS Úe$eekeemeeW keâer Yeer kÙekemLee keâjkeeF&~

yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece mkeleb$elee Deevoesueve ceW oefueleeW keâe ØeefleefveefOelke yeÌ{-ÛeÌ{keâj keâj jns Les leLee ken ßeefcekeâeW kesâ Deevoesueve keâes Yeer vesle=lke Øeoeve efkeâÙes~ Fme Øekeâej peiepeerkeve jece ßeefcekeâeW kesâ Skeâ yeÌ[s veslee kesâ ™he ceW meeceves DeeÙes~ Fmekeâe heefjCeece Ùen jne efkeâ osMe kesâ Devleefjce kesâvõerÙe cebef$eceC[ue ceW 2 efmelecyej 1946 keâes GvneWves ßece ceb$eer kesâ ™he ceW heo «enCe efkeâÙee~ Fmekesâ yeeo mkeleb$elee heMÛeele Yeer ken hegveŠ mkeleb$e Yeejle kesâ ßece ceb$eer yeves~ ßece ceb$eer jnles ngS GvneWves ßeefcekeâeW kesâ keâuÙeeCe nsleg Deveskeâ keâeÙe& efkeâÙes~ ßece ceb$eer jnles ngS GvneWves Ssmes Yeer keâevetveeW pees ßeefcekeâeW kesâ ueeYe ceW yeeOekeâ LeW GvnW GvneWves Ùee lees mebMeesefOele Ùee Gvekesâ efueS veÙes DeefOeefveÙece yeveeÙes~ efpememes efkeâ ßeefcekeâeW kesâ efnleeW keâes DeefOekeâ mes DeefOekeâ mebjef#ele efkeâÙee pee mekesâ~

GvneWves hetbpeerheefleÙeeW Éeje ßeefcekeâeW kesâ Mees<eCe Deeefo keâer ÛeÛee& keâjles ngS keâne Lee efkeâ ‘‘ÙeÅeefhe nceW 15 Deiemle 1947 keâes jepeveereflekeâ mkeleb$elee Øeehle ngF& nw uesefkeâve Deye Yeer nce DeeefLe&keâ mkeleb$elee Øeehle keâjves ceW DemeceLe& jns nQ~ keemleefkekeâ mkeleb$elee iejeryeer Deewj efvej#ejlee kesâ Gvcetueve ceW lees nw ner meeLe ner osMe kesâ ueeKeeW cesnvekeâMe ueesieeW keâes mecegefÛele DeeßeÙe, mkemLe jnves keâer heefjefmLeefleÙeeB Deewj Øeefleefove keâce mes keâce oes yeej Yeespeve cegnwÙee keâjeves ceW efveefnle nw~ Ùen leYeer mebYeke nes mekeâlee nw peye hetbpeerheefle Deewj ßeefcekeâ Deeheme ceW pegÌ[kee YeeFÙeeW keâer lejn kÙekenej keâjWies Deewj ßeefcekeâeW keâer keâef"veeFÙeeW keâes mecePeles ngS hetbpeerheefle Oeve kesâ kegâÚ ner neLeeW ceW mebÛeÙe keâes jeskesâbies~’’ Deeies ken ßeefcekeâeW keâer oMee megOeejves nsleg keânles nQ efkeâ ßeefcekeâ DeYeer Ssmeer efmLeefle ceW veneR nQ efkeâ ken Deheveer ceebieeW Deeefo keâes ceeefuekeâes Ùee mejkeâej kesâ mece#e jKe mekesâ~ DeleŠ Ssmes meceÙe ceW Ùen DeekeMÙekeâ nw efkeâ mejkeâej Gvekeâer meneÙelee Skeb Gvekesâ keâuÙeeCe nsleg Deeies DeeÙes leLee Gvekeâer cepeotjer ceW ke=efæ Skeb keâeÙe&oMeeDeeW ceW megOeej Deeefo kesâ efueS keâeÙe& keâjs~ GvneWves ßeefcekeâeW kesâ mecemÙeeDeeW kesâ meceeOeeve nsleg keâesÙeuee, keâheÌ[e, hešmeve, ÛeceÌ[s keâer kemlegDeeW kesâ efvecee&Ce Deewj meerceWš GÅeesie mes mecyeefvOele ef$ehe#eerÙe meceerefleÙeeW keâer mLeehevee keâer~ 1948 ceW GvneWves keâesÙeuee

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Keeve DeewÅeesefiekeâ meefceefle ieef"le keâer~ Fme meefceefle ceW Keeve ceeefuekeâeW, cepeotjeW Deewj mejkeâejer ØeefleefveefOe Meeefceue ngS~ Fme meefceefle keâe cegKÙe keâeÙe& keâesÙeuee KeeoeveeW ceW keâeÙe& keâjves keeues cepeotjeW keâer vÙetvelece cepeotjer efveOee&jCe, Gvekesâ mkeemLÙe leLee peesefKece mes Gvekeâer megj#ee Deeefo hej efkemleej hetke&keâ efkeÛeej-efkeceMe& keâjvee Lee~

yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece efomecyej 1956 ceW jsue ceb$eeueÙe mecneueves kesâ yeeo GvneWves jsue keâe efkekeâeme lees efkeâÙee ner meceepe megOeej keâe Yeer keâeÙe& efkeâÙee~ GvneWves ÚtDee-Útle keâes efceševes nsleg jsue keâes Skeâ ceeOÙece kesâ ™he ceW Ûegvee~ GvneWve Demhe=MÙelee pewmeer meeceeefpekeâ yegjeF& keâes otj keâjves kesâ efueS jsue efkeYeeie kesâ DeefOevemLe meYeer ØeOeeve keâeÙee&ueÙeeW keâes efveo&sMe efoÙes efkeâ mšsMeveeW hej Ùeeef$eÙeeW keâes heeveer efheueeves nsleg Yeleer& keâjles meceÙe yeeefucekeâer peeefle kesâ DeYÙeefLe&ÙeeW keâes efkeMes<e ØeeLeefcekeâlee oer peeÙes~ Fme Ssefleneefmekeâ keâoce mes peneb iejerye Skeb keâce heÌ{s-efueKes DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ueesieeW keâes veewkeâjer efceueer keneR otmejer Deesj Demhe=MÙelee Skeb ÚtDee-Útle keâes efceševes ceW cenlkehetCe& meheâuelee Yeer efceueer~ GvneWves jsue efkeYeeie kesâ Fefleneme ceW henueer yeej jsue keâce&ÛeeefjÙeeW kesâ heoesVeefle kesâ efueS ‘heoesVeefle ceW Deej#eCe’ veerefle keâes meKleer mes ueeiet keâjves kesâ efveo&sMe efoÙes~ Fme Øe&keâej ken jsuekes kesâ DevegmetefÛele leLee DevegmetefÛele pevepeeefle kesâ keâce&ÛeeefjÙeeW keâes meeceeefpekeâ vÙeeÙe efoueeves ceW meheâue ngS~ lelheMÛeeled GvneWves Yeejle mejkeâej kesâ meYeer mejkeâejer efkeYeeieeW ceW heoesVeefle ceW Deej#eCe keâes efve…e hetke&keâ ueeiet keâjkeeÙee~ oefueleeW kesâ je<š^erÙe veslee nesves kesâ veeles GvneWves oefueleeW kesâ GlLeeve nsleg nj mecYeke ØeÙeeme efkeâÙes efpemeceW efkeâ ken keâeheâer no lekeâ meheâue Yeer jns~

yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece oefuele keieeX kesâ Skeâ je<š^erÙe veslee kesâ ™he ueesieeW kesâ yeerÛe ueeskeâefØeÙe LeW ÛetBefkeâ ken Kego Skeâ oefuele Les~ DeleŠ YeejleerÙe meeceeefpekeâ kÙekemLee keâer peeefleiele yegjeF& keâe GvnW Deepeerkeve obMe Pesuevee heÌ[e~ j#ee ceb$eer kesâ ™he ceW 24 pevekejer 1978 keâes Gvekesâ Éeje keejeCemeer ceW [e@0 mechetCee&vevo keâer cetefle& keâe DeveekejCe efkeâÙee ieÙee~ DeveekejCe kesâ kegâÚ meceÙe heMÛeeled kegâÚ yeÇeÿeCe mecegoeÙe kesâ ueesieeW Éeje [e@0 mechetCee&vevo keâer cetefle& keâes iebiee peue mes OeesÙee ieÙee~ Fme ogYeeiÙehetCe& Iešvee ves Gvekesâ ùoÙe keâes keâeheâer kÙeefLele efkeâÙee~ neueebefkeâ Fme Iešvee keâe osMekÙeeheer efkejesOe ngDee, efkeâvleg Ùen Iešvee nceW Ùen yeele meesÛeves hej cepeyetj keâj osleer nw Ùeefo Skeâ keâwefyevesš ceb$eer kesâ meeLe Fme Øekeâej keâe peeefleiele Ie=efCele keâeÙe& efkeâÙee pee jne lees Skeâ Deece oefuele meeLe efkeâme Øekeâej keâe kÙekenej efkeâÙee peelee nesiee~ Deheves peerkeve kesâ keâšg DevegYekeeW ves GvnW meeceeefpekeâ yegjeFÙeeW mes ueÌ[ves keâer ØesjCee oer~ Gvekeâe keânvee Lee efkeâ efpeme Oece& ceW ceveg<Ùe keâes ceveg<Ùe veneR ceevee peelee nw ken Oece& veneR yeefukeâ heeKeC[ nw~ GvneWves oefuele meceepe mes Gve heeKeC[eW kesâ efke™æ efkeõesn keâjves keâe Dee£enve efkeâÙee~

yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece ves Kego keâes keâYeer Yeer efkeâmeer peeefle efkeMes<e keâer ceeveefmekeâlee lekeâ ner meerefcele veneR efkeâÙee~ Gvnebsves meceepe mes Demhe=MÙelee, cepeotjeW, iejeryeeW leLee oefueleeW Deeefo keâer mecemÙeeDeeW keâes otj keâjves keâe lees ØeÙeeme efkeâÙee ner, Gmekesâ Deueekee ken meceepe kesâ

‘‘oefuele keie& kesâ GlLeeve ceW yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keâe Ùeesieoeve’’

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80 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

DevÙe iecYeerj mecemÙeeDeeW pewmes meeceeefpekeâ kegâjerefleÙeeW, DebOeefkeÕeemeeW Deeefo hej efvece&celee hetke&keâ Øenej efkeâÙee~ efveŠmevosn yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece ves oefuele keieeX kesâ GlLeeve ceW cenlkehetCe& Yetefcekeâe efveYeeF&~ lelkeâeueerve ØeOeeveceb$eer jepeerke ieebOeer ves Gvekesâ yeejs ceW keâne efkeâ ‘‘yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece osMeYeòeâeW keâer heerÌ{er kesâ ceneved kÙeefòeâlke LeW~ nceW yeeyet peer kesâ DeeoMeeX keâes hetje keâjves kesâ efueS DeLekeâ ØeÙeeme keâjvee nw~ osMe kesâ efueS yeeyet peer ves Dehevee peerkeve meceefhe&le keâj efoÙee~ kes DevegmetefÛele peeefle leLee DevÙe keieeX keâer meeceeefpekeâ, DeeefLe&keâ Demeceevelee keâer meceeefhle kesâ efueS mebIe<e& kesâ Øeleerkeâ Les~’’ yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece Dehevee mechetCe& peerkeve YeejleerÙe meceepe keâes megÂÌ{ keâjves ceW ueiee efoÙee efkeâvleg ken peeefle, Oece&, leLee #es$e Deeefo keâes je<š^ kesâ Ghej keâYeer veneR ceeves, GvneWves je<š^ kesâ mevoYe& ceW mkeÙeb keâne Lee efkeâ ‘‘peneB je<š^ keâer Skeâlee Deewj DeKeC[lee keâe ØeMve Deelee nw keneB ve peeefle ve Oece&, ve Yee<eee Deewj ve #es$e yeÌ[e nw~ je<š^ keâer leguevee ceW Ùes meYeer Úesšs heÌ[ peeles nQ~ je<š^ nw lees Ùen meye nQ~ peye je<š^ ner veneR nesiee lees keäÙee Ùes meye nceejs mece#e neWies? FmeefueS ceQ keânlee ntB efkeâ je<š^ mekee&sheefj nw~’’ DeleŠ nce keân mekeâles nQ efkeâ yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece Éeje osMe Skeb meceepe kesâ efueS efkeâÙes ieÙes keâeÙe& DelegueveerÙe nw~ kele&ceeve jepeveereflekeâ heefjØes#Ùe ceW Yeejle keâes Ssmes jepevesleeDeeW keâer DeekeMÙekeâlee nw pees efveŠmkeeLe& Yeeke mes meceepe Skeb osMe kesâ Øeefle meceefhe&le neskeâj keâeÙe& keâj mekesâ~mevoYe&-

1. ceewÙe&, Deesce ØekeâeMe, ‘DeeOegefvekeâ Yeejle kesâ efvecee&lee yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece,’ ØekeâeMeve efkeYeeie Yeejle mejkeâej, veF& efouueer,2008~

2. Øemeeo, Fb0 jepesvõ,‘peiepeerkeve jece Deewj Gvekeâe vesle=lke,’ keäkeeefuešer yegkeäme heefyueMeme& SC[ ef[mš^erkÙetšme&, keâevehegj,2015~

3. Øemeeo, Fb0 jepesvõ,‘ cegefòeâ kesâ De«eotle yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece,’ peiepeerkeve Deeßece š^mš, veF& efouueer,2006~

4. kegâceej,njerMe,‘ Ùegieheg™<e peiepeerkeve jece, efyenej efnvoer «evLe Dekeâeoceer, hešvee,2000~5. ÛebÛejerkeâ,keâvnwÙeeueeue,‘ DeeOegefvekeâ Yeejle keâe oefuele Deevoesueve,’ Ùetefvekeefme&šer heefyuekesâMeve,

veF& efouueer,2014~6. ieewlece, SmeÊ SmeÊ Deewj ÛebÛejerkeâ, keâvnwÙeeueeue (mebheeokeâ), ‘meceleecetuekeâ meceepe kesâ

he#eOej yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece,’ efmeæeLe& yegkeäme, efouueer,2015~7. Keesyee, veheâs efmebn,‘Ùegie heg™<e yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece,’ yeeyet peiepeerkeve jece keâuee mebmke=âefle

leLee meefnlÙe Dekeâeoceer,efouueer~

*****

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81

efnvot je<š^ Deewj meeceeefpekeâ vÙeeÙe keâer DekeOeejCee

*[e@ efkepeÙe kegâceej ef$eMejCe

Ùen mLeeefhele efmeæeble nw efkeâ efkeosMeer DeeÙe& yeÇeÿeCeeW ves F&mee hetke& 1500 Yeejle kesâ cetueefvekeeefmeÙeeW keâes Úuehetke&keâ hejeefpele keâj meòee hej keâyÌpee efkeâS leLee Deheves Devegmeej Meemeve meceepe, mebmke=âefle, Oece& Deewj efkeOeeve keâer mLeehevee efkeâÙee~ keemleke ceW keso DeeÙeeX keâe efkeOeeve nw efpemeceW GvneWves Ûeelegke&CÙe& efkeOeeve keâer mLeehevee keâj mechetCe& meceepe keâes Fmeer efkeOeeve kesâ Deveg™he kÙekeefmLele efkeâÙee~ meejs kesoesòej yeÇeÿeCeer «ebLeeW ceW Ûeelegke&CÙe& keâer kÙeeKÙee, ØeMebmee Deewj Devegceesove efkeâÙee ieÙee~ Fme yeÇeÿeCeer efkeOeeve kesâ Devegmeej meejs ßes… heo, ßes… keâeÙe& Deewj ßes… DeefOekeâej yeÇeÿeCeeW kesâ efueS megjef#ele efkeâS ieS leLee meejs efveke=â<š keâeÙe& cetueefvekeeefmeÙeeW kesâ Thej Leeshe keâj GvnW mechetCe& ceevekeerÙe DeefOekeâejeW mes kebefÛele keâj efoÙee ieÙee~ Met™ ceW DeeÙeeX kesâ Oece& keâes keCee&ßece Oece& DeLekee yeÇeÿeCe Oece& kesâ veece mes peevee peelee Lee~ keäÙeeWefkeâ DeeÙeeX keâe Oece& Ûeelegke&CÙe& hej DeeOeeefjle Deewj yeÇeÿeCe-efnle ceW yeÇeÿeCeeW Éeje Øeefleheeefole nw~ Ùener keCee&ßece Oece& DeeOegefvekeâ keâeue ceW efnvot Oece& kesâ veece mes Øeefmeæ ngDee~ kele&ceeve ceW Yeejle Skeâ Oece&efjhes#e ueeskeâleebef$ekeâ ieCejepÙe nw peyeefkeâ efnvoglkekeeoer Fme osMe keâe veece efnvogmleeve jKeves kesâ meeLe Fmes efnvotje<š^ Ieesef<ele keâjves kesâ DeefYeÙeeve ceW petš ieS nQ efpemeceW Gvekeâe Yeejer mkeeLe& Deewj <e[Ùeb$e Úghee nw~

Skeâ meceÙe Lee peye yeÇeÿeCe Yeer Deheves keâes efnvot veneR, ‘DeeÙe&‘ keânueeves ceW ieewjke cenmetme keâjles Les~ Fmekeâe yepen Lee ‘efnvot‘ Meyo keâe efkeosMeer nesvee~ keemleke ceW ’efnvot’ Meyo efkeosef<eÙeeW Éeje efoÙee ieÙee Skeâ ieeueer nw efpemes yeÇeÿeCeeW Éeje keâYeer mkeerkeâeÙe& veneR Lee~ jepeejece ceesnve jeÙe (1772-1833) Deewj oÙeevebo mejmkeleer (1824-1883) ves ’efnvot’ Meyo keâes keâYeer veneR mkeerkeâej efkeâÙee; Ùener keâejCe nw efkeâ jepeejece ceesnve jeÙe 1828 ceW yeÇÿe-meceepe Deewj oÙeevebo mejmkeleer 1875 ceW DeeÙe&-meceepe keâer mLeehevee keâj Deheves keâes DeeÙe&

*meneÙekeâ efveosMekeâ (cesef[keâue DevegYeeie) mesue ieÌ{Jee PeejKeC[~

ISSN : 2348-1757Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Volume-6, Issue-2, July-Dec 2018, pages 81-88

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82 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

nesves keâe ØeceeCe efoÙee~ hejvleg osMe ceW DeeS meceeefpekeâ-jepeveereflekeâ Deewj Oeeefce&keâ heefjke&leveeW kesâ keâejCe peye cevegkeeefoÙeeW keâes DeuhemebKÙekeâ nes keâj meŸeeÛÙegle nesves keâe YeÙe hewoe ngDee lees kes ve kesâkeue efnvot nesvee mkeerkeâej efkeâÙee yeefukeâ yengpeveeW keâes Yeer efnvot Oece& ceW <e[Ùeb$e hetke&keâ Meeefceue keâj efueÙee leeefkeâ Gvekesâ celeeW keâe meceLe&ve Øeehle keâj kes Meemeve Deewj meòee keâer kegâmeer& hej keâyÌpee pecee mekesâb~ Gvekeâe KÙeeue Lee efkeâ yengpeveeW keâes efnvotOece& kesâ veece hej mebieef"le efkeâÙee pee mekeâlee nw leLee efnvoglkekeeo keâer Yeekeveelcekeâ ceenewue yevee keâj GvnW Deheves he#e ceW efkeâÙee pee mekeâlee nw leeefkeâ Gvekeâer mebKÙee Deewj Meefòeâ keâe Fmlesceeue meceÙeevegmeej Ûegveeke Deewj meeceØeoeefÙekeâ obieeW ceW efkeâÙee pee mekesâ~ FvneR meesÛe kesâ lenle Meemekeâ keie& kesâ ueeieeW ves DeÚtle-oefuele keâns peeves keeues mecegoeÙeeW keâes Deheveer ueeYe kesâ efueS efnvot Oece& ceW Meeefceue keâj efueÙee efkeâvleg GvnW efnvot Oece& ceW ken mLeeve veneR efoÙee efpeme hej ken mkeÙeb efkejepeceeve nw~ Fme Øekeâej jepeveweflekeâ ueeYe kesâ GösMÙe mes yeÇeÿeCeeW ves yengpeveeW keâes efnvot yeveeÙee~

peye-peye efnvoglkekeeefoÙeeW keâes hekeâÌ[ mes meòee keâe ueieece Keermekeâves keâe YeÙe meleeleer nw, kes meeceØeoeefÙekeâ YeekeveeDeeW keâes YeÌ[keâe keâj efnvot keesš keâe OegÇkeerkeâjCe keâjves ceW petš peeles nQ~ efkeâvleg efnvoglkeeoer Flevee ner hej mebleg<š veneR nQ, kes efnvot kesâ veece hej meòee hej DeefOekeâej lees keâj efueS efkeâvleg Deye kes osMe keâes efnvotje<š^ Ieesef<ele keâj Ûeelegke&CÙe& kesâ efmeæeble keâes mebkewOeeefvekeâ ™he mes mLeeefhele keâj osvee Ûeenles nQ~ efnvotje<š^ Ieesef<ele nes peeves mes yeÇeÿeCeeW keâe meòee hej mebkewOeeefvekeâ Deewj Oeeefce&keâ ™he mes mLeeÙeer DeeefOehelÙe nes peeÙesiee Deewj meejs iewj-yeÇeÿeCe Gvekeâer oemelee mkeerkeâej keâjves kesâ efueS ceÌpeyetj nes peeSbies~ Ùener keâejCe nw efkeâ efnvot cenemeYee, je<š^erÙe mkeÙeb meskekeâ mebIe, efkeÕe efnvot heefj<eo leLee Fmekesâ meejs Deeveg<eebefiekeâ mebie"ve efnvot Oece& Deewj efnvot je<š^ keâes ceefnceecebef[le keâjles jnW nQ Deewj ’efnvot peerkeve ner je<š^ peerkeve, ’efnvoglke ner je<š^erÙelee nw’ Deeefo-Deeefo pegceues ieÌ{ keâj Fmekeâe og<ØeÛeej keâjles nQ~

efkeveeÙekeâ oeceesoj meekejkeâj efnvot je<š^keeo kesâ pevekeâ ceeves peeles nQ~ meekejkeâj ves efnvot, efnvogFpce, efnvoglke Deewj efnvog[ce kesâ DeLe& keâes mhe<š efkeâÙee Deewj Yeejle keâes efnvotje<š^ Ieesef<ele keâjves keâer Ùeespevee kesâ efueS 1922 ceW ’efnvog cenemeYee’ veece keâe Skeâ mebie"ve keâer mLeehevee keâer~ 2022 ceW efnvot cenemeYee kesâ meew meeue hegjs nesves nQ, Ùener keâejCe nw efkeâ kele&ceeve efnvotlkekeeoer mejkeâej 2022 lekeâ efnvotje<š^ kesâ efkeMes<eleeDeeW kesâ Devegkeâtue meejs ue#Ùe hegjs keâj efokÙe Deewj YekÙe Yeejle efvecee&Ce keâer Iees<eCee keâj oer nw~ meekejkeâj kesâ Devegmeej DeeÙe& kes ØeLece peeefle Les efpevneWves efmevOeg veoer kesâ leš hej Ùe%e keâer Deiveer Øepkeefuele efkeâS Les~ kes mehleefmevOeg veoer kesâ Deemeheeme heâwue ieÙes Deewj je<š^erÙelee keâer Yeekevee efkekeâefmele efkeâS~ Ûegefkeâ efmevOeg Meyo keâe ØeÙeesie $e+ikeso ceW ngDee nw Deewj heâejme kesâ ueesie (hejmeerÙeve) GÛÛeejCe-Yeso kesâ keâejCe efmevOeg kesâ efnvot keânles Les FmeefueS efnvot Meyo ØeeÛeerve nw, keso-keefCe&le nw leLee

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83 efnvot je<š^ Deewj meeceeefpekeâ vÙeeÙe keâer DekeOeejCee

je<š^erÙelee keâe Øeeflekeâ nw efpemekesâ veece hej osMe keâe veece efnvogmleeve heÌ[e nw~

Ùeneb efkeÛeejCeerÙe leLÙe Ùen nw efkeâ heâejme kesâ ueesie efmevOeg keâes efnvot keânles Les~ heâejme kesâ ueesie efkeosMeer Les DeleŠ efnvot Meyo efkeosMeer ngDee~ Ùeefo efnvot Meyo efkeosMeer ngDee lees Ùen je<š^erÙelee keâe Øeeflekeâ keâwmes nes mekeâlee nw? mkeosMeer lees efmevOeg Meyo nw~ 01 efomecyej 1939 keâes efnvot cenemeYee kesâ keâuekeâlee je<š^erÙe DeefOekesMeve ceW efoS ieÙes Yee<eCe ceW meekejkeâj ves mhe<š ™he mes keâne efkeâ ‘efnvot Meyo mes Deb«espeer ceW yeves Meyo efnvogFpce keâe DeeLe& nw ken Oeeefce&keâ efkeÛeejOeeje DeLekee Oece&-oMe&ve efpemekeâe Devegceesove efnvot ueesie keâjles nQ~ (otmejs MeyoeW ceW efnvot Oeeefce&keâ efkeÛeejOeeje keâes efnvogFpce keânles nQ~) otmeje Meyo efnvoglke keâneR DeefOekeâ kÙeehekeâ nw~ efpemeceW efnvogDeeW kesâ Oeeefce&keâ efkeÛeejOeeje kesâ DeueekeW Gvekesâ meebmke=âeflekeâ, Yee<eeÙeer, meeceeefpekeâ Deewj jepeveereflekeâ henueg Yeer Meeefceue nw~ Ùen Meyo keâceesyesme efnvot jepeleb$e kesâ DeefOekeâ meceerhe nw Deewj Fmekeâe efvekeâš efnvoer Devegkeeo efnvogÙeve nesiee~ leermejs Meyo efnvog[ce keâe leelheÙe& efnvot mecegoeÙe mes nw~ Ùen efnvot peiele keâe meecetefnkeâ veece nw pewmes Fmueece cegefmuece peiele keâe Øeeflekeâ nw~’ ‘efnvoglke Skeâ Meyo veneR, kejCe Fefleneme nw~ FmeceW ve kesâkeue DeOÙeeeflcekeâ Ùee Oeeefce&keâ Fefleneme , yeefukeâ mece«e Fefleneme meceeefnle nw~’ efnvoglke ceW efnvot peeefle kesâ mecemle efkeÛeejOeejeDeeW Deewj ieefleefkeefOeÙeeW keâe meceekesMe nw~ meekejkeâj Deeies keânles nQ efkeâ Gvekeâer mebmLee ’efnvot cenemeYee je<š^erÙe meYee nw~ Ùen efnvog[ce efnvot peiele kesâ meebieesheebie je<š^erÙe peerkeve mes DeFheves Deehe keâes peesÌ[leer nw meeLe ner Gmekesâ meYeer meeceeefpekeâ, DeeefLe&keâ, meebmke=âeflekeâ Deewj meyemes yeÌ{ keâj jepeveereflekeâ henuegDeeW mes peesÌ[leer nw Deewj efnvot je<š^ keâer mkeleb$elee, Meefòeâ Deewj mecceeve yeÌ{eves keeues meYeer IeškeâeW keâer j#eeLe& Deewj mebkeæ&veeLe& Deewj Fme ue#Ùe Øeehleer keâe DeheefjneÙe& meeOeveeW kesâ heeves kesâ efueS keâšeryeæ nw~’ meekejkeâj efnvot je<š^ efvecee&Ce kesâ efueS pece&veer kesâ efnšuej keâer veepeer heešer& kesâ lepe& hej efnvot vekeÙegkekeâeW keâer heâewpe lewÙeej keâjves hej peesj osles nQ~ efkeveeÙekeâ oeceesoj meekejkeâj keâer vesle=lke ceW efnvotcenemeYee Éeje efnvot ÙegkekeâeW kesâ mewvÙekeâjCe keâe DeefYeÙeeve Ûeueevee Yeejle keâes efnvot je<š^ efvecee&Ce keâe ner efnmmee Lee~

meekejkeâj keCe&kÙekemLee keâes efnvot je<š^erÙelee mes peesÌ[les nQ Deewj efkeÛeej kÙeòeâ keâjles nQ efkeâ-keCe&-kÙekemLee nceejer je<š^erÙelee keâer henÛeeve nw~ kes Ùeneb lekeâ keânles nQ efkeâ-efpeme osMe ceW keCe&kÙekemLee veneR nw ken ceusÛÚeW ef(keosefMeÙeeW) keâe osMe nw~ Ùeeves pees keCe&kÙekemLee keâes vener ceevelee nw ken efkeosMeer nw~ meekejkeâj kesâ heeferjYee<ee kesâ Devegmeej ’efnvot ken nw pees Yeejle ke<e& keâes Dehevee efhele=Yetefce Deewj hetpÙe Yetefce ceevelee nw~ meekejkeâj kesâ Devegmeej ’cegmeueceeve Deewj F&meeF& ÙeÅeefhe efnvoglke kesâ meYeer efkeMes<eleeDeeW mes heefjhetCe& nw hejvleg kes Yeejle keâes hegCÙeYetefce veneR ceeveles nQ~ Gvekeâe hegCÙeYetefce Dejye, efheâefueefmleve nw~ Gvekeâe veeÙekeâ meYeer efkeosMeer cetue

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84 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

kesâ nQ~’ meekejkeâj keâe cele nw efkeâ efnvoglke kesâ efueS meceeve Yee<ee, meceeve jsme (peeefle), meceeve je<š^ Deewj meceeve mebmke=âefle pe™jer nw~ peeefle Deewj je<š^ efnvoglke kesâ efueS DeefvekeeÙe& nw~ Dele: meekejkeâj kesâ celeevegmeej meòee efnvot Meemekeâ (yeÇeÿeCe)kesâ ner DeOeerve nes~ meòee hej iewj-efnvogDeeW keâe ØeYetlke ve nes~ mkejepe ceW efnvoglke ØeYeekeer jns~ Meemekeâ Ùeefo keâesF& iewj-yeeÿeCe efnvot nw lees jepeieg™ yeÇeÿeCe ner jnsiee~ meekejkeâj yeÌ[s ner ieke& mes keânles nQ-nce efnvot mkeÙeb ceW Skeâ mLeeÙeer je<š^ nQ~ Gvekeâe ceebie nw efkeâ osMe keâe veece efnvogmleeve nesvee ÛeeefnS keäÙeeWefkeâ efnvogmleeve nceejer efhele=Yetefce Deewj hegCÙeYetefce oesveeW nw~ efnvogmleeve veeefcele osMe keâer je<š^Yee<ee mebmke=âle Deewj jepeYee<ee mebmke=âleefve<š efnvoer nesvee ÛeenerS~

meekejkeâj kesâ yeeo meved 1925 ceW [e@0 kesâMeke yeefuejece ns[nskeej pees ceneje<š^ kesâ Skeâ efÛeleheekeve yeÇeÿeCe Les, ves je<š^erÙe mkeÙeb meskekeâ mebIe keâer mLeehevee keâer~ meekejkeâj Deewj ns[nskeej ves efnvotje<š^ kesâ DeefYeÙeeve keâes Deeies yeÌ{eÙee~ mebIe kesâ otmejs mejmebIeÛeeuekeâ Sce Sme ieesuekeuekeâj ves mebIe kesâ mecemle efjefle, veerefle Deewj oMe&ve ceW efkemleej efoÙee~ ieesuekeuekeâj yeerSÛeÙet ceW ØeeCeer efke%eeve kesâ kÙeeKÙeelee Les~

Gvekeâe ceevevee Lee keâer keCe& kÙekemLee hej DeeOeeefjle meceepe keâer jÛevee "erkeâ kewmee nw pewmee Meejerj keâer yeveekeš nw ‘ceeveke Mejerj ceW efkeefkeOe DekeÙeke nesles nQ, Gvekesâ Deekeâej Deewj keâeÙe& Yeer Deueie-Deueie nesles nQ uesefkeâve keâesF& Yeer DekeÙeke Meejerj keâer yegjeF& kesâ efueS keâece veneR keâjlee hejmhej hetjkeâ leLee hejmhej Devegkeâtuekeâ kÙekenej Gvekeâe nesles jnlee nw Mejerj keâer jÛevee Deewj Gvekesâ efkeefYeVe DebieeW ceW efkeÅeceeve meecebpemÙe Yeeke meceepe ceW Yeer nes mekeâlee nw ’ Fme Øekeâej peerkeceeve ceeveke keâer lejn meceepe keâer jÛevee keâes keCe& kÙekemLee keânles pees meke& Meefòeâceeve hejceelcee keâe Ûelegefo&keâ DeefYekÙeòeâ mke™he nQ l ßeer ieesuekeuekeâj Deheveer yeele keâes mener "njeves kesâ ØeÙeeme ceW Deeies keânles nQ-‘ceveg<Ùe kesâ DekeÙeke meceeve lees veneR nesles, efkeâvleg hejmhejevegkegâue ( Deeheme ceW efkevee efkekeeo Deewj efkejesOe efkeâÙes efceuepegue keâj ) jnles nQ kes Deheves-Deheves mLeeve hej Deheves ÙeesiÙe (keCee&vegmeej efkeefnle keâce&) keâjles jnles nQ DeleŠ meceepe keâer Ssmeer jÛevee ner DeefOekeâ efškeâeT nesieer peneB meceeve iegCe Deewj meceeve DebleŠkeâjCe keeues Skeâ$e Dee keâj (Skeâ keCe& kesâ ™he ceW heefjCele nes keâj) efkekeâeme keâjles ngS peerkeve Ùeeheve keâjves kesâ efpeme ceeie& mes DeefOekeâ meceepeesheÙeesieer efmeæ nes mekesâb , Gmekesâ Devegmeej Ûeue mekesâb ’ ‘meceepe Skeâ peerkeceeve mebkeâuhevee nesves kesâ keâejCe nce meye meceepe kesâ Debie nQ , Skeâ ogmejs kesâ meeLe mecejme nQ ’ Fme Øekeâej Sced Sme ieesuekeuekeâj kesâ Devegmeej keCe& kÙekemLee kesâ Devegmeej efceuepegue keâj peerkeve Ùeeheve keâjvee mecejmelee nw ieesuekeuekeâj kesâ celeevegmeej ‘ceveg<Ùe keâe meÛÛee Oece& Ùener nw keâer Gmekeâe (keCe& kesâ Devegmeej efkeefnle keâce& ) pees Yeer keâle&kÙe nes , Gmes yeervee GbÛe-veerÛe keâe efkeÛeej efkeâÙes , Gmekeâer ßes…lece ÙeesiÙelee kesâ meeLe ken keâjs meYeer keâeÙe& hetpeemke™he nQ Deewj

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85 efnvot je<š^ Deewj meeceeefpekeâ vÙeeÙe keâer DekeOeejCee

GvnW hetpee keâer Yeekevee mes ner efkeâÙee peevee ÛeeefnS ceQ peeefle keâes ØeeÛeerve keâkeÛe kesâ ™he ceW osKelee ntB ’ ieesuekeuekeâj Flevee ner hej veneR ®keâles nw , kes efueKeles nQ – ‘Deheves pevceefmeæ kÙekemeeÙe (hewef$ekeâ hesMee) mes heefjkeej keâe hees<eCe keâjvee Deewj Deevebo mes MeebleefÛele nes keâj hejce lelke keâe efÛebleve Deewj meûgCeeW keâe Dee£eve keâjvee Ùen nes mekeâlee Lee ’ ßeer ieesuekeuekeâj kesâ Fme meceepe oMe&ve kesâ Devegmeej Ùeefo keâesF& Yebieer peeefle keâe kÙeefòeâ heKeevee meeheâ keâjves kesâ efueS ueieeÙee ieÙee nw lees Gmes Fmes heefke$e keâce& ceeve keâj keâjles ngS efyevee efkeâmeer efkejesOe Deewj efMekeâeÙele efkeâÙes peerkeve peervee ÛeeefnS Flevee ner veneR , Ùener keâce& hewef$ekeâ kÙekemeeÙe kesâ ™he ceW heerÌ{er oj heerÌ{er Gmekesâ kebMepeeW keâes Yeer keâjles jnvee ÛeeefnS keäÙeeWefkeâ ‘Ùeefo %eeve oeve mes yeÇeÿeCe ßes… yevelee nw, lees #eef$eÙe Me$eg-mebnej keâj Glevee ner ßes… nw kewMÙe pees ke=âef<e kÙekemeeÙe keâjles ngS meceepe keâe hees<eCe keâjlee nw leLee Megõ pees Deheveer efMeuhekegâMeuelee Skeb ßece mes meceepe keâer meskee keâjlee nw, ßes…lke ceW efkeâmeer mes keâce veneR ceeves ieS nQ ’ Ùeeves ßeer ieesuekeuekeâj efkeâmeer Yeer heefjefmLeefleÙeeW ceW Megõ keâes %eeve neefmeue keâj ßes… yeveves osves kesâ he#e ceW veneR nQ kes Ûeenles nQ keâer Megõ Deewj DeÚtle Deheves keCeeX kesâ Devegmeej efkeefnle keâceeX keâes keâjves ceW ner ßes…lee keâe DevegYeke keâjs leLee meceepe ceW mecejmelee yeveeS jKes ken Deheves mes Thej kesâ keCeeX keâer yejeyejer keâjves keâer keâuhevee Yeer ceve ceW ve ueeÙes ieesuekeuekeâj Skeâ Deesj keânles nQ efkeâ keCe& kÙekemLee kesâ Debleie&le GbÛe-veerÛe keâe efyevee efkeÛeej efkeâÙes meYeer keCeeX keâes Gmekeâe efkeefnle keâce& mecejme Yeeke mes keâjvee ÛeeefnS peyeefkeâ otmejer Deesj keânles nQ keâesF& Yeer efnvot pevcepeele efnvot neslee nw ÙeneB lekeâ keâer ceelee kesâ ieYe& ceW mes yenej Deeves kesâ hetke& Yeer ken efnvot neslee nw ( We are all born as Hindus even before we emerge from the womb of the mother.) Ùeefo pevce mes meYeer efnvot nQ lees keâesF& pevcevee yeÇeÿeCe Deewj keâesF& pevcevee Megõ keäÙeeW ? peye meYeer pevcepeele efnvot nQ lees pevce mes ner keâesF& GbÛe Deewj pevce mes ner keâesF& veerÛe keäÙeeW ? Fme Øekeâej ßeer ieesuekeuekeâj kesâ mkeÙeb keâer yeeleW hejmhej efkejesOeer efmeæ neslee nw

pevemebIe kesâ DeOÙe#e hebef[le oerveoÙeeue GheeOÙeeÙe kesâ Devegmeej keCe& kÙekemLee Deleer ØeeÛeerve nesves kesâ keâejCe Ùen je<š^ keâer Skeâelce Meefòeâ nw ‘keCee&ßece Oece& kesâ Devegmeej peervee ner mkeleb$elee nw, Ssmee hebef[le oerveoÙeeue GheeOÙeeÙe keâe ceevevee Lee ’ Fvekesâ Devegmeej ‘efnvogpeerkeve je<š^peerkeve’ nw oerveoÙeeue GheeOÙeeÙe keCe& kÙekemLee keâes Skeâ ‘efkeješ heg®<e’ mes leguevee keâjles Les ßeer GheeOÙeeÙe kesâ Devegmeej efpeme Øekeâej Mejerj ceW efYeVe-efYeVe Debie nesles ngS Yeer Deeheme ceW efceuekeâj Mejerj keâes peerkeble yeveeS jKeles nQ efpememes Mejerj keâe hees<eCe Deewj mebkeOe&ve nesles jnlee nw, Gmeer Øekeâej Mejerj ™heer meceepe keâes mecevÙekeÙe hetCe& mebÛeeueve kesâ efueS keCe& kÙekemLee kesâ Debleie&le Mejerj kesâ efYeVe-efYeVe Debiees ™heer keCeeX keâer jÛevee keâer ieF& nw ‘keCeeX keâer keâuhevee efkeješ heg®<e kesâ ÛeejeW DebieeW mes keâer ieF& nw efkeješ heg®<e kesâ efmej ceW mes %eeveer

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(yeÇeÿeCe) hewoe ngDee , yeengDeeW ceW mes Metjkeerj (#eef$eÙe) hewoe ngDee , Gmekesâ G® (peebIe) ceW mes kÙeeheejer (kewMÙe) hewoe ngDee Deewj hewj mes keâejeriej Ùee efMeuheer (Metõ ) hewoe ngS hewj , neLe , efmej Skeb G® kesâ efyeÛe keâesF& mebIe<e& nw keäÙee ? Deiej mebIe<e& ceeve keâj ÛeueW lees Mejerj Ûeuesiee ner veneR keäÙeeWefkeâ Mejerj DeLekee hewj ceW Skeb efmej ceW mebIe<e& neslee ner veneR mebIe<e& keâe ØeMve ner veneR , yeefukeâ oesveeW ceW keâesF& Ûeerpe Ùeefo nw lees Skeâelcelee nw osn ceW efpeme Øekeâej Skeâelcelee nesleer nw kewmeer Skeâelcelee Fme heg®<e ™heer meceepe ceW nesveer ÛeeefnS Ùeeves %eeveer, Metjkeerj, kÙeeheejer Deewj efMeuheer meye efceuekeâj Skeâ nQ pees meceepe keâer kÙekemLee keâes Skeâelce Yeeke mes mebÛeeefuele keâjles nQ Ùes Debie Skeâ ogmejs kesâ hetjkeâ ner veneR , GveceW hetCe& DeefYeVelee Skeb DeelceerÙelee nw ’ Ùeeves Mejerj kesâ Debie Ûeens hewj nes Ùee cegKe, efpeme Øekeâej Ùes efyevee PeieÌ[e efkeâÙes hejmhej efceuepeguekeâj Mejerj keâe hees<eCe keâjles nQ , Gmeer Øekeâej meYeer keCeeX keâes Deeheme ceW efceuepegue meceepe keâes Deeies yeÌ{evee ÛeeefnS hewj Mejerj keâe DeOece efkeâvleg DelÙeepÙe Debie nw pees keâYeer cegKe yeveves keâer keâesefMeMe veneR keâjlee nw ; "erkeâ Gmeer Øekeâej Megõ Yeer hewj keâer Yeebefle meyemes veerÛes keâe keCe& nw efpemes TBÛes keCeeX keâer lejn ßes… yeveves keâe ØeÙeeme veneR keâjvee ÛeeefnS Ùeeves Yebieer keâe yesše heerÌ{er oj heerÌ{er efvemhe=n Yeeke mes PeeÌ[t Leeces jns leLee yeÇecnCe keâe yesše heerÌ{er oj heerÌ{er keâuece ogmejs efkeâ Yebieer keâYeer Ùen Gcceero ve keâjs keâer Gmes keâuece hekeâÌ[ves keâe keâYeer Dekemej Yeer efceuesiee ÙeneB ieesuekeuekeâj Deewj oerveoÙeeue Fme efmeæeble hej Skeâcele nQ Deye Fve mebefIeÙeeW keâes keâewve yeleeS keâer ceeveke Mejerj efkeefYeVe leb$eeW keâe mecevÙeefkele Skeâ hetCe& FkeâeF& nw efpemeceW keâesF& leb$e ogmejs leb$e DeLekee Debie keâes veerÛe veneR ceevelee efkeâvleg keCe& kÙekemLee ceW pevce mes ner yeÇeÿeCe GbÛe Deewj Megõ keâes veerÛe ceevee ieÙee nw efpemekeâe ØeceeCe efnvot Meem$eeW ceW Yeje heÌ[e nw leLee Ùes Yeso kele&ceeve meceepe ceW mhe<šleŠ ÂMÙeceeve nw ceeveke Meejerj Skeâ hetCe& Deewj mkeleb$e FkeâeF& nw efpemes keCe& kÙekemLee kesâ ÛejeW IeškeâeW mes leguevee veneR efkeâÙee pee mekeâlee Yeiekee efyeÇies[ kesâ ueesie Fme Øekeâej kesâ Yeso-efkeYeso hetCe& meeceeefpekeâ mebjÛevee ceW efceuepegue keâj jnves keâer mecejme Øeke=efle keâes ‘Skeâelce ceevekekeeo’ keânles nQ yeue Fme Øekeâej Skeâelce ceevekekeeo DeLekee Skeâelce je<š^keeo ‘keCe& kÙekemLee’ keâe Skeâ Deewj vekeerve veece nQ pees megveves ceW mebmke=âleefve<š Deewj ØeYeekekeâjer ueielee nw uesefkeâve nw Skeâ Kelejveekeâ OeejCee nw Deewj YeÇecekeâ Meyo nw mhe<š nw, mebIe kesâ meeceeefpekeâ mebkeâuhevee kesâ Deveg™he meceepe kÙekemLee ceW yengpeve ceeveefmekeâ oemelee kesâ meeLe peerles ngS ceveeke heMeg mes kegâÚ DeefOekeâ veneR ceevee ieÙee nw Ùener meceepe kÙekemLee mebIe-veerle kele&ceeve mejkeâej yeneue keâjvee Ûeenleer nw Ùeefo iewj yeÇeÿeCe , yeÇeÿeCeeW pewmeer meeceeefpekeâ Øeefle…e, Dekemej Deewj DeefOekeâej keâer yeele keâjles nQ lees kes osMeõesner nQ keäÙeesefkeâ Ùen keCe& kÙekemLee kesâ efmeæeble kesâ efke®æ nw FmeerefueS meYeer efnvoglkekeeoer mebie"ve kesâ vesleeieCe kesâkeue mecejmelee keâer yeele keâjles nQ, mecelee keâer veneR Fmekeâe DeLe& nw peeefle Deewj

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87 efnvot je<š^ Deewj meeceeefpekeâ vÙeeÙe keâer DekeOeejCee

keCe& DeeOeeefjle efke<ecelee keâes ceve mes mkeerkeâej keâj yengpeveeW keâes yeÇeÿeCeeW kesâ oeme kesâ ™he ceW jnles ngS meceepe ceW menÙeesie Deewj meblegueve yeveeS jKe keâj mecejmelee keâe heefjÛeÙe osvee ÛeeefnS

‘Skeâelce je<š^keeo’ DeLee&le ‘oneness of the country’ DeLekee ‘Unitary form of Governments’ Deej0 Sme0 Sme0 keâe ue#Ùe nw l Ùen efnvot je<š^ keâer DeeOeejefMeuee nw Fme DeefYeÙeeve keâes meheâue yeveeves kesâ efueS ßeer ieesuekeuekeâj kele&ceeve meceleecetuekeâ mebefkeOeeve keâes yeoue osvee Ûeenles nQ keäÙeeWefkeâ Ùen efnvogje<š^ efvecee&Ce ceW yeeOekeâ nw ieesuekeuekeâj Deheveer Øeefmeæ hegmlekeâ ‘yebÛe Dee@heâ Lee@š’ ceW efueKeles nQ- ‘Let the constitution be re-examed and redrafted , so as to establish this unitary form of Government.’ (mejkeâej kesâ Skeâelce mke®he keâer mLeehevee kesâ efueS mebefkeOeeve keâe hegvehe&jer#eCe Deewj hegveue&sKeve Ìpe™jer nw ) ßeer ieesuekeuekeâj Oece& keâes heefjYeeef<ele keâjles ngS efueKeles nw keâer-nceejer Oece& keâer heefjYee<ee oesnjs DeLe& ceW nw henuee, ceeveke-ceve keâe hegveefve&cee&Ce efpemeceW cegKÙe ™he mes ‘Yeeiekeo ieerlee’ keâer Yetefcekeâe nesieer Deewj otmeje Harmonious corporate existense (mecejme mebieef"le Deefmlelke) pees ueesieeW keâes meeceeefpekeâ ™he mes Skeâ meeLe peesÌ[s jKes Fme Øekeâej efnvoglkekeeoer mebie"veeW keâer mecejmelee keâe efmeæeble oemelee Deewj efke<ecelee hej DeeOeeefjle nw efpemeceW mLeeÙeer ™he mes ‘yeÇeÿeCe kesâ neLe ceW keâuece , #e$eerÙe kesâ neLe ceW leuekeej , kewMÙe kesâ neLe ceW lejepet Deewj Megõ kesâ neLe ceW PeeÌ[t jnsiee leLee Megõ keâes PeeÌ[t ÚesÌ[ keâj keâuece hekeâÌ[ves keâer mkeleb$elee veneR nesieer ’ Ùener nw Deej0 Sme0 Sme0 keâe meceepe oMe&ve

ØeMve nw, keäÙee Deepe keâer heerÌ{er Keemekeâj Decyes[keâjer efkeÛeejOeeje mes efmebefÛele Deewj Øesefjle Ùegkee Ssmeer meceleeefkenerve Deewj oemeleehetCe& mecejmelee keâer DekeOeejCee keâes mkeerkeâej keâjsieer? keäÙee mecelee kesâ DeYeeke ceW mecejmelee mebYeke nw? mecelee keâe celeueye nw Yebieer Deewj yeÇecnCe oesveeW kesâ yesšs keâes megØeercekeâesš& keâe pepe Deewj efkeâmeer Oeece keâe MebkeâjeÛeeÙe& yeveves kesâ Dekemej Deewj DeefOekeâej meceeve ™he mes efceuevee keemleke ceW meceevelee keâer yeele keâjvee keCe& kÙekemLee keâer DekeOeejCee keâes Okemle keâjvee nw pees efkeâ mebefIeÙeeW keâes veehemebo nw, FmeerefueS Ùes mecelee keâer yeele ve keâj mecejmelee keâer yeele keâjles nQ mebIe keâer Fme YeÇcecetue veerefle keâes yengpevees keâes mecePevee nesiee efpeme Ûeelegke&CÙe& keâer efmeæeble ves efkeiele 3500 meeueeW mes Yeejle kesâ 90% Deece pevelee keâes vejheMeg yevee keâj jKee Gmekeâe ceefnceeceb[ve keâj efnvoglkekeeoer ueesie efkeâme ceeveefmekeâlee keâe Gpeeiej keâjles nQ, Ùen yengpevees keâes mecePeves keâer pe™jle nw ‘ jeef<š^Ùe mkeÙeb meskekeâ mebIe keâer veerefle ‘meceepekeeo Deewj Øepeeleb$e’ oesveeW keâe Ieesj efkejesOeer nw

efnvoglkekeeoer ‘meceepekeeo’ kesâ mLeeve hej ‘mecevkeÙekeeo’ keâer yeele keâjles nQ ‘ Fvekesâ Devegmeej meceepekeeo YeejleerÙe mebmke=âefle Deewj hejcheje kesâ Øeeflekegâue nQ’ mebIe YeejleerÙe jeef<š^Ùe Okepe keâes veneR, ‘YeiekeeOkepe’ keâes je<š^keeo keâe Øeeflekeâ ceevelee nw ken Fmeer kesâ Deeies velecemlekeâ

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88 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

nesvee ieke& keâer yeele mecePelee nw ‘FvnW ‘Ùe%e mebmke=âefle’ ceW efkeMekeeme nw leLee Yeiekeûerlee Fvekeâe DeeoMe& «evLe nw efnvogje<š^ mebefkeOeeve Deewj Meemeve kesâ mebIeerÙe {eÛes keâe efkejesOeer nw Ùes mebefkeOeeve ceW GheyebefOele Deej#eCe, DeuhemebKÙekeâ Deewj Oece&efvejhes#elee keâer DekeOeejCee keâe Øeyeue efkejesOeer nQ. efnvoglkekeeefoÙeeW ves efnvogje<š^ kesâ efpeme mke®he keâer keâuhevee keâer nw GmeceW meeceeefpekeâ vÙeeÙe keâer keâesF& mebYeekevee veneR nw. FmeceW m$eer meMeefòeâkeâjCe keâer keâesF& DeeMee veneR keâer pee mekeâleer . keemleke ceW ‘efnvot Oece&/ peerkeve heæefle Oeeefce&keâ Deewj meeceeefpekeâ oesveeW ner Âef<škeâesCe mes meceevelee keâe efkejesOeer nw’ ‘efnvot Oece& meeceevelee keâe Me$eg nw mkeleb$elee keâe ØeeflejesOeer nw Deewj Yeele=lke keâe efkejesOeer nw’ meejebMeleŠ Ùen keânvee DeYeer<š nesiee efkeâ ‘iegueeceer keâes mkeerkeâej keâjvee Deewj yeÇecnCeeW keâe oeme yeves jn keâj keCee&ßece Oece& keâe heeueve keâjvee ner efnvot oMe&ve ceW mecejmelee nw’ efnvogje<š^ yengpeveeW kesâ efueS Ùeelevee ie=n nw. Ùen yeÇeÿeCeeW kesâ efueS mkeie& lees yengpeveeW kesâ efueS vejkeâ nQ.

kele&ceeve ceW yengpeveeW keâes efkeÛeej keâjvee nw keâer Gmes mebIe keâer Ú©e mecejmelee keâer veerefle hej Ûeuevee nw keâer mebefkeOeeve keâer meceevelee kesâ efmeæeble keâe DevegmejCe keâjvee nw yengpeveeW keâes ef[meerpeve, SkeäMeve Deewj FchueerceWšsMeve jCeveerefle kesâ lenle meeceeefpekeâ ›eâebefle nsleg ßesCeeryeæ Demeceevelee ( Graded Inequality) keâe Ûe›eâkÙetn leesÌ[vee. [scees›eâsmeer, mebefkeOeeve, õefkeÌ[ Fefleneme, Oece& Deewj mebmke=âefle keâer j#ee Deewj mebkeOe&ve keâjvee. yeÇeÿeCekeeo mes cegefòeâ kesâ efueS mebkeâuhe keâjvee .yeÇeÿeCeer Meem$eeW kesâ Øeefle heefke$elee keâe Yeeke ve<š keâjvee .hejmhej yesšer-jesšer keâe mecyevOe Deheveevee .yegæ-hegâues-Decyes[keâjer efceMeve Deewj cetkeceWš keâes Deeies yeÌ{eveeefnvot Oece& keâer keâerÛeÌ[Ùegòeâ KeeF& mes yeenj efvekeâuevee .Deheves hetke&peeW kesâ Oece&, yeewæ Oecce Deewj mebmke=âefle keâer Deewj keeheme cegÌ[vee .GÛÛe efMe#ee, lekeâefvekeâer efMe#ee Deewj efkeosMe efMe#ee kesâ efueS efpeo hewoe keâjvee .efMe#ee keâes hesš Deewj heefjkeej lekeâ ner efmeefcele ve jKe Gmes meceepe meskee kesâ ue#Ùe lekeâ ues peevee Deeefo keâeÙeeX keâes Deheves peerkeve keâe hejce GösMÙe ceve keâj mebefkeOeeve , meòee Deewj mebmke=âefle keâer j#ee ceW jòeâ keâer Debeflece yetbo lekeâ mebIe<e& kesâ efueS Â{mebkeâefuhele nes peevee nesiee.

Yekeleg meyye cebieuece

*****

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89

yeewæ Oece& kesâ leeefòkekeâ efkekesÛeveeW ceW yegæ Ûeefjle keâe Dekeoeve

*[e@0 Deefcele kegâceej

leLeeiele yegæ keâes mechetCe& efkeÕe ceW ueeskeâkeâuÙeeCekeâejer kesâ ™he ceW ueesie peeveles nQ, efpeme %eeve kesâ yeue hej leLeeiele yegæ ves mechetCe& ceeveke peiele keâes mecelee, mkeleb$eelee, yebOgelee, cew$eer, oÙee, keâ™Cee keâe hee" heÌ{eÙee~ Gme %eeve Øeeefhle kesâ efueS leLeeiele yegæ keâes lehe keâe meneje uesles ngS mecyeesefOe keâes Øeehle efkeâÙee Deewj Deble ceW ieÙee kesâ yeesefOe ke=#e kesâ veerÛes mebhetCe& %eeve keâer Øeeefhle ngF&~

leLeeiele yegæ keâes peye yeesefOe ke=#e kesâ veerÛes kewMeeKe hetefCe&cee1 keâes %eeve keâer Øeeefhle nes ieF& leye GvneWves pees keâeÙe& keâejCe keâe efmeæeble DeÛÚer lejn mes mecePe Ûegkesâ Les~ Deveelcekeeo keâer Øeefle ceW ÂÌ{lee hetke&keâ efmLej Les~ leLeeiele yegæ ves Deheves-Deehe keâes peieeÙee Deewj cenekeâ™Cee mes Ùegòeâ neskeâj peiele keâes Meebefle Øeoeve keâjves kesâ efueS Oecee&sheosMe keâjves keâe efveMÛeÙe efkeâÙee~ GvneWves efveMÛeÙe efkeâÙee efkeâ nceW mebmeej keâes ogŠKeeW mes cegefòeâ efoueeves kesâ efueS Oece& keâe GheosMe Iegce-Iegce keâj keâjvee ÛeeefnS~

mebmeej keâes ogŠKe mes cegòeâ keâjves kesâ efueS mebkeâefuhele nesves kesâ yeeo leLeeiele yegæ ves Deheves Deehe mes ØeMve efkeâÙee efkeâ Oecee&sheosMe, ceQ meke&ØeLece efkeâmes oBt? GvnW meyemes henues Deueej keâueece keâe Ùeeo DeeÙee pees leLeeiele yegæ kesâ efkeÛeej ceW efkeÉeve, yegefæceeve Skeb mecePeoej Les~ leye leLeeiele yegæ ves Ùen efveefMÛeÙe efkeâÙee efkeâ meke&ØeLece Gmes ner Oecee&sheosMe keâ™Biee~ uesefkeâve yegæ keâes helee Ûeuee efkeâ Deueej keâueece keâer ce=lÙeg nes Ûegkeâer nw, Fmes peevekeâj GvnW keâeheâer ogŠKe Skeb Deheâmeesme ngDee~ hegveŠ Oecee&sheosMe kesâ efueS GvneWves Gõkeâ-jeceheg$ee keâes Oce& keâe GheosMe osves keâe ceve yeveeÙee~ efkeâvleg Ùen peevekeâj keâer kes Yeer Deye peerefkele veneR nQ~ leye GvneWves Gve heeBÛe efYe#egDeeW keâes Oece& keâe GheosMe keâjves keâe efveMÛeÙe efkeâÙee pees efvejbpevee veoer kesâ leš hej Gvekesâ meskee ceW Les~ pees Gvekesâ lehemÙee Deewj keâeÙe keâuesMe keâe heLe lÙeeie osves hej Demebleg<š nes ieS Deewj GvnW ÚesÌ[keâj Ûeues ieÙes Les~

*hešvee efJeÕeefJeÅeeueÙe, hešvee-efyenej~

ISSN : 2348-1757Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Volume-6, Issue-2, July-Dec 2018, pages 89-97

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90 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

leye leLeeiele yegæ ves meesÛee efkeâ Gve heeBÛeeW efYe#egDeebs ves cesjer yeÌ[er meskee Skeb cesjs efueS Gmeves yengle keâ<š G"eÙee nw~ FmeefueS keäÙeeW ve GvnW ner Oece& keâe GheosMe otB? peye leLeeiele yegæ ves Gvekesâ yeejs ceW helee ueieeÙee leye helee Ûeuee efkeâ kes meYeer keejeCemeer meejveeLe kesâ $e+ef<eheleve kesâ ce=ieoeÙe ceW jnles nQ, Ùen peevekeâj leLeeiele yegæ keejeCemeer keâer Deesj Ûeue efoS~

heeBÛeeW efYe#egDeeW ves peye leLeeiele yegæ keâes Deeles osKee lees Deeheme ceW GveueesieeW ves Ùen yeele efkeâÙee efkeâ leLeeiele yegæ keâe nceueesie mkeeiele veneR keâjWies~ Gve heeBÛeeW efYe#egDeeW ceW mes Skeâ ves Deheves efce$e mes keâne-osKeeW ßekeCe ieewlece Ûeuee Dee jne nw, ken heLe YeÇ<š nes ieÙee nw Deewj mecemÙee keâe ceeie& lÙeeie keâj keâece Yeesie keâe heLe Gmeves Dehevee efueÙee nw~ ken heeheer nw, FmeefueS nceW ve Gmekeâe mkeeiele keâjvee ÛeeefnS ve Gmekesâ mecceeve ceW G"keâj KeÌ[e nesvee ÛeeefnS Deewj ve ner Gmekeâe hee$e Deewj Ûeerkej «enCe keâjvee ÛeeefnS~’’ nceW Gmekesâ efueS Deemeve jKe osvee ÛeeefnS, FÛÚe nesves hej ken Fme hej yew" peeÙesiee~’’ kes meye Fme yeele mes mencele Les~

uesefkeâve yegæ kesâ meceerhe Deeles ner kes heeBÛeeW efYe#eg mebkeâuhe hej ÂÌ{ veneR jn mekesâ~ yegæ kesâ kÙeefòeâlke ves Gvns Flevee ØeYeeefkele efkeâÙee efkeâ kes meYeer Deemeve mes G"keâj KeÌ[s nes ieS~ Skeâ ves leLeeiele yegæ keâe hee$e efueÙee, Skeâ ves Ûeerkej mecYeeuee Deewj Skeâ ves Deemeve efyeÚeÙee Deewj otmeje heeBke Oeesves kesâ efueS heeveer ueskeâj DeeÙee~ Ùen meÛecegÛe Skeâ DeefØeÙe DeefleefLe keâe DemeeOejCe mkeeiele Lee Fme Øekeâej pees Ghes#ee keâjvee Ûeenles Les kes mkeÙeb ßeæekeeve yeve ieS~

kegâMeue-#esce nesves kesâ yeeo yeewæ efYe#egDeeW ves yegæ mes ØeMve efkeâÙee-‘‘keäÙee Deehe Deye Yeer leheMÛeÙee& leLee keâeÙee-keâuesMe ceW efkeÕeeme jKeles nQ~’’3 leye leLeeiele yegæ ves GvnW keâne keâer veneR~ leLeeiele yegæ ves keâne oes efmejs kesâ yeeleW nQ oes-oes efkeâveejeW keâer~ Skeâ lees keâece Yeesie keâe peerkeve Deewj otmeje keâeÙe-keâuesMe keâe peerkeve~ Skeâ keâe keânvee nw efkeâ KeeDees-efheÙees-ceewpe GÌ[eDees keäÙeeWefkeâ keâue lees cejvee ner nw~ otmeje keâe keânvee nw- leceece keemeveeDeeW keâe cetueesÛÚeso keâj oes keäÙeebsefkeâ kes hetve&pevce keâe keâejCe nw~ leLeeiele yegæ ves Fve oesveebs keâes cees#eeLeer& kesâ Ùeesie veneR ceevee nw~

leLeeiele yegæ keâe yeleeÙee ieÙee ceeie& ceOÙece ceeie& keânueelee nw~ leLeeiele yegæ ceOÙece ceeie& kesâ ceeveves keeues Les- yeerÛe keâe ceeie& pees efkeâ ve lees keâeceYeesie keâe ceeie& nw ve ner keâeÙe-keâuesMe keâe ceeie& nw~ leLeeiele yegæ ves heefj›eepekeâeW mes ØeMve hetÚe efkeâ-peye-leye efkeâmeer kesâ ceve ceW heeefLe&keâ Skeb mkeieer&Ùe ceeieeX kesâ keâecevee yeveer jnsieer, leye-lekeâ keäÙee Gmekeâe mecemle keâeÙe-keâuesMe keâecele=<Cee keâes Meeble veneR keâj mekeâles lees keâeÙe-keâuesMe keâe oefjõ peerkeve efyeleeves mes Deehe, Deheves keâes keâwmes peerle mekeâles nQ~ heefj›eepekeâeW ves Gòej efoÙee-pewmee Deehe keânles nQ kewmee ner nw~

peye-Deehe mkeÙeb efkepeÙeer nesieW leye ner Deehe keâecele=<Cee mes cegòeâ nes mekeâles, nQ leye

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91 yeewæ Oece& kesâ leeefòkekeâ efkekesÛeveeW ceW yegæ Ûeefjle keâe Dekeoeve

Deehekeâes keâeceYeesie keâer keâecevee veneR jnsieer Deewj leye Øeeke=âeflekeâ FÛÚeDeeW keâer hetefle& efkekeâej GlheVe veneR keâj heeÙesiee~ leLeeiele yegæ ves keâne efkeâ Deehe Deheves Meejerefjkeâ DeekeMÙekeâleeDeeW kesâ Deveg™he Keeve-heeve keâe ØeÙeesie keâjs~ meYeer Øekeâej keâer keâecekeemeveeSB Gòespekeâ nesleer nw~ keâecegkeâ Deheves keâecekeemevee kesâ iegueece neslee nw~ meYeer keâeceYeesieeW kesâ Ûekeäkeâj ceW heÌ[s jnvee, ieBkeejeheve Deewj veerÛe keâce& nw~ uesefkeâve ceQ legcns keânlee ntB efkeâ- Mejerj keâer mkeYeeefkekeâ DekemLeeDeeW kesâ hetefle& ceW yegjeF& veneR nw~ Mejerj keâes mkemLe yeveeSB jKevee Skeâ keâle&kÙe nw~ DevÙeLee legce Deheves ceveesyeue keâes ÂÌ{ yeveeSB veneR jKe mekeâesies Deewj Øe%ee ™heer Øeoerhe veneR jKe mekesâiee~ ns heefj›eepekeâeW Fme yeele keâes mecePe uees efkeâ Deeoceer keâes Fve oesveeW Deble keâer yeeleeW mes meoe yeÛevee ÛeeefnS~ Skeâ lees Gve ÛeerpeeW kesâ Ûekeäkeâj ceW heÌ[s jnves mes efpevekeâe Deekeâ<e&Ce keâeceYeesie mecyeefvOe le=<Cee hej efveYe&j keâjlee nw~ Ùen Skeâ efvecve keâesefš keâer yeele nw DeÙeesiÙe nw, neefvekeâj nw leLee otmejer Deesj leheMÛeÙee& DeLekee keâeÙe-keâuesMe mes~ keäÙeeWefkeâ ken keâ<šØeo nw, DeÙeesiÙe nw~ Fve oesveebs Deblees mes, Fve oesveeW Deeflekeeoer yeeleeW kesâ yeerÛe ceW Skeâ ceOÙece ceeie& nw~ heeBÛees heefj›eepekeâeW ves Gvekeâer yeele OÙeeve mes megvee~ kes meYeer Ùen veneR peeveles Les efkeâ yegæ ves ceOÙece ceeie& kesâ yeejs ceW keäÙee keâne~ FmeefueS Gve ueesieeW ves ØeMve efkeâÙee-peye nce Deehekeâe meeLe ÚesÌ[keâj Ûeues DeeSB, Gmekesâ yeeo mes Deehe keâneB-jns, keäÙee-keäÙee efkeâÙee? leye leLeeiele yegæ ves GveueesieeW keâes hetjer keâneveer yeleeÙee efkeâ efkeâme Øekeâej ieÙee hengBÛes, keâwmes Ûeej mehleen kesâ efvejblej meceeefOe kesâ yeeo GvnW ken veÙee yeesOe Øeehle ngDee~ efpememes kes veÙes ceeie& keâes ØeMemle keâj mekesâ~ Fve meejer yeeleeW keâes megveves kesâ yeeo heefj›eepekeâeW ves Gme veÙes ceeie& keâes efkemleej hetke&keâ peeveves kesâ efueS keâeheâer Glmegkeâ nes G"s~ Gve ueesieeW ves leLeeiele yegæ mes ØeeLe&vee keâer efkeâ- kes GvnW Gme meboYe& ceW yeleeSB leye leLeeiele yegæ ves GveueesieeW keâer yeelebs mkeerkeâej keâj efueÙee~

‘‘leLeeiele yegæ ves henueer yeele GveueesieeW keâes Ùen yeleeÙee efkeâ Gvekesâ Oece& keâes Deelcee-hejceelcee mes kegâÚ uesvee-osvee veneR nw~ Gvekeâes Oece& kesâ keâce&keâeC[ kesâ ef›eâÙee-keâueeheeW mes Yeer kegâÚ uesvee osvee veneR nw~’’

leLeeiele yegæ kesâ Oece& keâe kesâvõ efyevog Deeoceer Deewj Fme he=Lekeer hej jnles meceÙe, Deeoceer keâes Deeoceer kesâ Øeefle melkeâle&kÙe nesvee ÛeeefnS~ leLeeiele yegæ ves keâne Ùen Gvekeâer henueer mLeehevee nw~ Gvekeâer otmejer mLeehevee Ùen nw efkeâ Deeoceer ogŠKeer nw, keâ<š ceW nw Deewj oefjõlee keâe peerkeve kÙeeflele keâj jne nw~ mebmeej ogŠKe mes Yeje-heÌ[e nw Deewj Oece& keâe GösMÙe Fme ogŠKe keâe veeMe keâjvee nw~ Fmekesâ Deefleefjòeâ Oece& Deewj kegâÚ veneR nw~ ogŠKe kesâ Deefmlelke keâer mkeerke=âefle Deewj ogŠKe kesâ veeMe keâjves keâe GheeÙe Ùener Oece& keâe DeeOejefMeuee nw~

Oece& kesâ efueS Skeâ cee$e Ùener mener DeeOej nes mekeâlee nw, pees Oece& Fme ØeeLeefcekeâ yeele keâes Debieerkeâej veneR keâjlee nes, ken Oece& keânueeves ueeÙekeâ veneR nw~

leLeeiele yegæ ves Gve heefj›eepekeâeW keâes Ùen keânles ngS mecePeeÙee efkeâ pees keâesF&

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92 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

yeÇeÿeCe Ùee ßekeCe Oece& GhekesMe mes Ùen Yeer veneR mecePe heelee efkeâ mebmeej ceW ogŠKe nw Deewj ogŠKe kesâ veeMe keâe GheeÙe nw~ Ssmes ßekeCe Ùee yeÇeÿeCe cesjs efkeÛeej ceW ßekeCe Ùee yeÇeÿeCe veneR nes mekeâlee~ leye heefj›eepekeâeW ves hetÚe ogŠKe Deewj ogŠKe keâe efkeveeMe, Ùeefo Deehekesâ Oece& keâe DeeOejefMeuee nw lees nceueesieeW keâes yeleeSB keâer Deehekeâe Oece& keâwmes ogŠKe veeMe keâj mekeâlee nw~ leye leLeeiele yegæ ves GvenW mecePeeÙee efkeâ Gvekesâ Oece& kesâ Devegmeej Ùeefo nj Deeoceer henues heefke$elee kesâ heLe hej Ûeues, otmeje Oece& kesâ heLe hej Ûeues Deewj leermeje Meerue ceeie& hej Ûeues lees Fme ogŠKe keâe Skeâeefvlekeâ efvejesOe nes mekeâlee nw Deewj leLeeiele yegæ ves keâne efkeâ Ssmes Oece& keâe Deeefke<keâej keâj efueÙee ieÙee nw~

heefj›eepekeâeW ves leye leLeeiele yegæ mes Deheves Oece& keâer kÙeeKÙee keâjves efkeâ ØeeLe&vee keâer~ yegæ ves heefj›eepekeâeW keâer ØeeLe&vee mkeerkeâej keâjkesâ meyemes henues heefj›eepekeâeW keâes heefke$elee kesâ heLe keâes mecePeeÙee leLeeiele yegæ ves heefj›eepekeâeW mes keâne-keâesF& Yeer Deeoceer pees DeÛÚe yevevee Ûeenlee nw Gmekesâ efueS Ùen DeekeMÙekeâ nw efkeâ ken keâesF& DeÛÚeF& keâe ceeheoC[ mkeerkeâej keâjs~ cesjer heefke$elee kesâ heLe kesâ Devegmeej DeÛÚs peerkeve kesâ heeBÛe ceeheoC[ nw:-

1. efkeâmeer ØeeCeer keâe efnbmee ve keâjvee

2. Ûeesjer ve keâjvee

3. kÙekeefYeÛeej ve keâjvee

4. DemelÙe ve yeesuevee

5. veMeerueer ÛeerpeW «enCe ve keâjvee~

‘‘ceQ keânlee ntB efkeâ nj Deeoceer kesâ efueS Ùen hejceekeMÙekeâ nw efkeâ ken Fve heeBÛeMeerueeW keâes mkeerkeâej keâjW, keäÙeeWefkeâ nj Deeoceer kesâ efueS peerkeve keâe keâesF& ceeheoC[ nesvee ÛeeefnS, efpememes ken Deheveer DeÛÚeF&-yegjeF& keâes ceehe keâj mekesâ~ cesjs Oecce kesâ Devegmeej kes hebÛeMeerue peerkeve keâer DeÛÚeF&-yegjeF& ceeheves keâe ceeheoC[ nw~’’

leLeeiele yegæ ves Fmekesâ yeeo Gve heefj›eepekeâeW keâes Dee<šebefiekeâ ceeie& keâe GheosMe efoS, ‘‘leLeeiele yegæ ves DeeÙe& Dee<šebefiekeâ ceeie& keâes Gòece ceeie& keâne nw, Fmekesâ Dee" Debie nw-

mecÙeekeâd-Âef<š, mecÙkeâ- mebkeâuhe, mecÙekeâd

kÙeeÙeece, mecÙekeâ-mce=efle, mecÙekeâ-keekeâd

mecÙekeâd-keâcee&vle, mecÙekeâd Deepeerke leLee

mecÙekeâd meceeefOe~

Fmecebs Meerue, meceeefOe Deewj Øe%ee keâe meceekesMe nw~ mecÙekeâd-Âef<š keâe Meer<e& mLeeve

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93 yeewæ Oece& kesâ leeefòkekeâ efkekesÛeveeW ceW yegæ Ûeefjle keâe Dekeoeve

nw keäÙeeWefkeâ mecÙekeâ-Âef<š mes efkeMeesefOele Meerue Deewj meceeefOe F<š nw~’’

leLeeiele yegæ meke&ØeLece mecÙekeâd-Âef<š keâer kÙeeKÙee keâer, pees Dee<šebefiekeâ ceeie& ceW ØeLece Deewj ØeOeeve nw~ mecÙekeâ-Âef<š keâe cenlke mecePeves kesâ efueS leLeeiele yegæ ves heefj›eepekeâeW mes keâne-‘‘ns heefj›eepekeâeW legcnW Fmekeâe yeesOe nesvee ÛeeefnS efkeâ Ùen mebmeej Skeâ keâejeieej nw Deewj Deeoceer Fme keâejeieej ceW keâwoer nw~’’ Fme keâejeieej ceW Flevee DebOekeâej nw efkeâ kegâÚ Yeer efoKeeF& veneR oslee~ keâwoer keâes ÙeneB lekeâ efoKeeF& veneR oslee efkeâ ken keâwoer nw~ Flevee ner veneR yengle DeefOekeâ meceÙe lekeâ Fve DebOesjer keâes"jer ceW heÌ[s jnves kesâ keâejCe Deeoceer Skeâoce DebOee nes ieÙee nw yeefukeâ Gmes Fme yeele ceW Yeer yeÌ[e mebosn nes ieÙee nw efkeâ ØekeâeMe veece keâer keâesF& Ûeerpe Yeer nes mekeâleer nw~ ceve Skeâ Ssmee meeOeve nw efpemekesâ ceeOÙece mes Deeoceer keâes ØekeâeMe keâer Øeeefhle nes mekeâleer nw~ uesefkeâve Fve keâejeieej keeefmeÙeeW kesâ efoceeie keâer DekemLee Ssmeer veneR nw efkeâ Ùen GösMÙe hegje keâj mekesâ~ Fvekeâe efoceeie peje mee ØekeâeMe Deeves oslee nw~ Flevee ner nw efkeâ efpevekesâ heeme DeeBKe nw ken Fmes osKe mekesâ efkeâ DebOekeâej veece keâer keâesF& kemleg nw~ Fme efueS Ssmeer mecePe yeÌ[er meoes<e nw~

uesefkeâve ns heefj›eepekeâeW? keâwoer keâer efmLeefLe Ssmeer efvejeMeepevekeâ veneR nw~ pewmee Ùen efoKeeF& oslee nw, keäÙeeWefkeâ Deeoceer ceW Skeâ yeue nw efpemes mebkeâuhe yeue Ùee FÛÚe Meefòeâ keânles nw~ peye Deeoceer kesâ mecegKe keâesF& GheÙegòeâ neslee nw lees FÛÚe Meefòeâ keâes peeie=le Deewj ef›eâÙeeMeerue yeveeÙee pee mekeâlee~ Deeoceer keâes Ùeefo keâneR mes Flevee mee ØekeâeMe efceue peeÙe efkeâ ken Ùen osKe mekesâ efkeâ Gmes Deheveer FÛÚe Meefòeâ keâe Ssmee mebÛeeueve keâj mekeâlee nw efkeâ ken Deble ceW Gmes yebOevecegòeâ keâj os~ FmeefueS Deeoceer ÙeÅeefhe yebOeve ceW nw lees Yeer mkeleb$e nes mekeâlee nw efkeâ Skeâ ve Skeâ efove ken mkeleb$e neskeâj jnsiee~ Ùen FmeefueS efkeâ nce efpeme efoMee ceW Yeer Deheves ceve keâes ues peevee Ûeens lees nce Gmes Gme efoMee ceW ues pee mekeâles nQ~ ceve ner nw pees nceW peerkeve ™heer keâejeieej keâe keâwoer yeveelee nw Deewj Ùen ceve ner nw pees nces keâwoer yeveeS jKelee nw~ uesefkeâve ceve ner efpemes yeveeÙee nw, ceve ner Gmes ve<š keâj mekeâlee nw~ ceve Deheves ke=âefle keâes veeMe Yeer keâj mekeâlee nw~ uesefkeâve ceve Deheves ke=âefle keâes veeMe leye Yeer keâj mekeâlee, Ùeefo Fmeves Deeoceer keâes yebOeve ceW yeeBOee nw lees «erkeâ efoMee ceW De«emej nesves hej Ùener Deeoceer keâes yebOevecegòeâ keâj mekeâlee nw~ Fme keâece keâes mecÙekeâd-Âef<š keâj mekeâlee nw~

leLeeiele yegæ mes heefj›eepekeâeW ves hetÚe efkeâ mecÙekeâd keâe Debeflece GösMÙe keäÙee nw?

leLeeiele yegæ ves Gve ueesieeW keâes yeleeÙee efkeâ ‘‘DeefkeOee keâe efkeveeMe ner mecÙekeâd-Âef<š keâe GösMÙe nw~ Ùen efceLÙee Âef<š efkejesOeveer nw Deewj DeefkeÅee keâe DeLe& nw Deeoceer ogŠKe keâes ve peeve mekesâ~ Deeoceer ogŠKe kesâ efvejesOe kesâ GheeÙe keâes ve peeve mekesâ~’’ mecÙekeâ Âef<š keâe celeueye nw- Deeoceer keâce&keâeC[ kesâ ef›eâÙee-keâueehe keâes kÙeLe& mecePes~ Deeoceer Meem$eeW keâer heefke$elee keâer efceLÙee efkeÕeeme mes cegòeâ neskeâj Ùen ve mecePelee jns efkeâ keâesF& Yeer yeele Øeke=âefle

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94 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

kesâ efveÙeceeW kesâ efke™æ Ieš mekeâleer nw~ Fmekeâe celeueye Ùen neslee nw efkeâ Deeoceer Ssmeer meye efceLÙee OeejCeeDeeW mes mkeleb$e nes peeÙes pees Deeoceer kesâ ceve keâer keâuhevee cee$e nw Deewj efpevekeâe Deeoceer keâe DevegYeke Ùee ÙeLeeLe&lee mes efkeâmeer Øekeâej keâe mecyebOe veneR nw~ Deeoceer keâe ceve Deewj efkeÛeej mkeleb$e nes Ùener mecÙekeâ-Âef<š keâe GösMÙe nw~

nj Deeoceer keâer kegâÚ DeeMeeSB Skeb Deekeâeb#eeSB leLee cenelkeekeâeb#eeSB nesleer nw~ mecÙekeâ mebkeâuhe keâe celeueye nw nceejer DeeMeeSB Deewj Deekeâe#eebSB GÛÛe keâesefš keâer nes, efvecve keâesefš keâe ve nes, nceejs ÙeesiÙe nes, DeÙeesiÙe ve nes~

leLeeiele yegæ ves mecÙekeâd keeCeer keâe cenlke keâes mecePeeles ngS keâne efkeâ Ùeefo Deeoceer melÙe yeesues, DemelÙe ve yeesues, Deeoceer otmejs kesâ yegjeF& vee keâjs, Deeoceer otmejs kesâ yeejs ceW Peg"er yeeleW ve keâjs meeLe ner Deeoceer efkeâmeer kesâ Øeefle ieeueer-ieueewpe Ùee keâ"esj keÛeveeW keâe kÙekenej ve keâjs, meYeer Deeoceer meYeer kesâ meeLe efkeveceÇ keeCeer keâe kÙekenej keâjs, Deeoceer kÙeLe& keâer yesceleueye cegKe&lee hetke&keâ yeeleW ve keâjlee jns yeefukeâ Gmekeâer keeCeer yegefæ mebiele nes, meeLe&keâ nes Deewj meesGösMÙe nes~

mecÙekeâd keeCeer efkeâmeer kesâ YeÙe keâer Ghes#ee veneR jKelee nw Deewj ve efkeâmeer kesâ he#eheele keâer~ keâesF& yeÌ[e Deeoceer Gmekesâ yeejs cebs keäÙee meesÛesiee Ùee mecÙekeâ keeCeer kesâ kÙekenej mes Gmekeâer keäÙee neefve nes mekeâleer nw~ mecÙekeâd keeCeer keâe ceeheoC[ ve efkeâmeer Thej keâer Deeoceer keâe Dee%ee nw Deewj ve efkeâmeer kÙeefòeâ keâes kÙeefòeâiele ueeYe hengBÛeevee~ mecÙekeâd keâceeËle Ùeesie kÙekenej keâe efMe#ee oslee nw~ nceeje Ùen keâeÙe& Ssmee nw efpemekesâ mece#e nces-otmejeW keâer YeekeveeDeeW Deewj DeefOekeâejeW keâe KÙeeue jKeW~ mecÙekeâd-keâceeËle keâe ceeheoC[ Ùen nw efkeâ keâeÙe& peerkeve kesâ pees cegKÙe efveÙece nw, Gvemes DeefOekeâ mes DeefOekeâ mecevkeÙe jKelee nes~ peye efkeâmeer Deeoceer keâe keâeÙe& Fve efveÙeceeW mes mecevkeÙe yevee keâj jKelee nw lees Gmes nce mecÙekeâd keâceeËle keân mekeâles nQ~ ØelÙeskeâ kÙeefòeâ keâes Deheveer peerefkekeâe keâceeveer heÌ[leer nw~ uesefkeâve peerefkekeâe keâceeves kesâ lejerkeâes ceW keâeheâer Devlej neslee nw~ kegâÚ lejerkesâ yegjs Skeb Yeues nw~ yegjs lejerkesâ Gmes keânles nw efpemekesâ keâjves mes efkeâmeer keâer neefve nesleer nw~ DeÛÚs lejerkesâ Gmes keânles nQ~ efpememes Deeoceer efyevee efkeâmeer keâes neefve Skeb DevÙeeÙe hengBÛeeles ngS Deheveer peerefkekeâe keâceelee nw~ Fmes mecÙekeâd Deepeerefkekeâe keânles nQ~

mecÙekeâd-kÙeeÙeece DeefkeÅee keâes veeMe keâjves keâer ØeLece meerÌ{er ceeveer peeleer nw~ Ùen ogŠKeo keâejeieej Éej lekeâ hengBÛeves keâe jemlee nw, leeefkeâ Gmes Keesuee pee mekesâ~ mecÙekeâd-kÙeeÙeece kesâ Ûeej GösMÙe nw:-

1. Dee<šebefiekeâ ceeie& efkejesOer efÛeòe-hjke=efleÙeeW keâer Glheefòe keâes jeskeâvee~

2. Ssmeer efÛeòe Øeke=efleÙeeW keâes okeevee, pees GlheVe nes ieF& nes~

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3. Ssmeer efÛeòe Øeke=efleÙeeW keâes GlheVe keâjvee, pees Dee<šebefiekeâ ceeie& kesâ DeekeMÙekeâleeDeeW keâer hetefle& ceW meneÙekeâ nes~

4. Ssmeer GlheVe efÛeòe - Øeke=efleÙeeW ceW Deewj Yeer DeefOeke=efæ keâjvee leLee Gvekeâe efkekeâeme keâjvee~

mecÙekeâd-mce=efle- mecÙekeâd-mce=efle keâe celeueye neslee nw efkeâ nj yeele hej OÙeeve efoÙee peeÙe Ùen ceve keâer meleled peeie™keâlee nw~ ceve ceW pees DekegâMeue efkeÛeej G"les nQ, Gvekeâer Ûeewkeâeroejer keâjvee, mecÙekeâd mce=efle keâe ner otmeje veece nw~ leLeeiele yegæ ves heefj›eepekeâeW keâes mecePeeles ngS keâne efkeâ pees Deeoceer mecÙekeâd-Âef<š, mecÙekeâd-mebkeâuhe, mecÙekeâd-keeCeer, mecÙekeâd ›eâceeËle, mecÙekeâd Deepeerefkekeâe, mecÙekeâd-kÙeeÙeece mecÙekeâd-mce=efle keâes Øeehle keâjvee Ûeenlee nes~ Gmekesâ ceeie& ceW heeBÛe yeeOeeSB DeeSBieer~ kes heeBÛeeW Fme Øekeâej nw:-‘‘ueesYe, És<e, DeeuemÙe, efkeefÛeefkeâlmee leLee DeefveMÛeÙe~ Fve yeeOeeDeebs keâes pees keemleke ceW keâÌ[s yebOeve nw~ Fmes peerle uesvee Ùee leesÌ[vee DeekeMÙekeâ nw~ Fve yebOeveeW mes cegòeâ nesves keâe GheeÙe meceeefOe nw~ uesefkeâve ns heefj›eepekeâeW ÙeneB Ùen mecePe uesvee pe™jer nw efkeâ mecÙekeâd meceeefOe Skeâ ner yeele veneR nw~ Fve oesveeW ceW keâeheâer yeÌ[e Devlej nw~’’

meceeefOe keâe celeueye kesâkeue efÛe$e keâer Skeâe«elee nw~ FmeceW LeesÌ[e Yeer mebosn veneR nw efkeâ Fmekesâ ceeOÙece mes kewmes OÙeeveeW keâes Øeehle efkeâÙee pee mekeâlee nw efpemekesâ jnles ngS Ùes heeBÛeeW mebÙeespeve Ùee yebOeve mLeefiele jnles nQ~ uesefkeâve OÙeeve keâer Ùes DekemLeeSB DemLeeÙeer nw~ FmeefueS mebÙeespeve Ùee yebOeve Yeer DemLeeÙeer leewj hej mLeefiele jnles nQb~ DeekeMÙekeâlee Fme yeele keâer nw efkeâ efÛeòe ceW mLeeÙeer heefjkele&ve ueeÙeer peeÙe, FmeØekeâej keâe mLeeÙeer heefjkele&ve mecÙekeâd meceeefOe kesâ Éeje ner ueeÙee pee mekeâlee nw~ ‘‘efmehe&â meceeefOe Skeâ vekeâejelcekeâ efmLeefle nw, keäÙeeWefkeâ Ùen efmehe&â mebÙeespeveeW keâes DemLeeÙeer leewj hej mLeefiele jKeW, FmeceW ceve keâe mLeeÙeer heefjkele&ve efveefnle veneR nw, mecÙekeâd meceeefOe Skeâ Yeekeveelcekeâ kemleg nw~ Ùen ceve kesâ kegâMeue keâceeX keâes Skeâe«elee kesâ meeLe efÛevleve keâjves keâe DeYÙeeme keâjkeelee nw Deewj Fme Øekeâej ceve keâer mebÙeespeveeslheVe DekegâMeue keâceeX keâer Deesj Deekeâef<e&le nesves keâer Øeke=efòe keâes ner meceehle keâj osleer nw~ mecÙekeâd-meceeefOe ceve keâes kegâMeue Deewj ncesMee kegâMeue ner kegâMeue meesÛeves keâer Deeole [uekeeleer nw~ mecÙekeâd meceeefOe ceve keâes ken Dehesef#ele Meefòeâ osleer nw efpememes Deeoceer keâuÙeeCejle jn mekesâ~’’

leovlej leLeeiele yegæ ves Gve heefj›eepekeâeW keâes Meerue keâe ceeie& mecePeeÙee~ GvneWves Gve ueesieeW keâes yeleeÙee efkeâ Meerue kesâ heLe keâe heefLekeâ nesves keâe celeueye nw Fve meoiegCeebs keâe DeYÙeeme keâjvee:- 1. Meerue 2. oeve 3. Ghes#ee 4. vew<›eâcÙe 5. keerÙe& 6. Meebefle 7. melÙe 8. DeefOe…eve 9. keâ™Cee 10. cew$eeer~

Gve heefj›eepekeâeW ves yegæ mes Meerue kesâ heLe kesâ meoiegCeeW keâe ÙeLeeLe& DeLe& leLeeiele yegæ mes mecePeves kesâ efueÙes ØeeLe&vee efkeâÙee~ leye leLeeiele yegæ ves Gve meYeer ueesieeW keâes ceve ceW

yeewæ Oece& kesâ leeefòkekeâ efkekesÛeveeW ceW yegæ Ûeefjle keâe Dekeoeve

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96 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

GlheVe mebkeâeDeeW keâes efcešeles ngS keâne-Meerue keâe celeueye veweflekeâlee DekegâMeue ve keâjves keâer Øeke=efle Deewj kegâMeue keâjves keâer Øeke=efle, yegjeF& keâjves ceW ueppee, YeÙe ceevevee nw~ ueppee-YeÙe kesâ keâejCe heeheeW mes yeÛes jnves keâe ØeÙeeme keâjvee ner Meerue nw~

leLeeiele yegæ kesâ Meerue ceW hebÛeMeerue DeeflecenlkehetCe& nw~ kes hebÛeMeerue nwŠ-

heeCeeefleheelee kesjceCeer efmekeäKeeheob meceeefoÙeeefce

DeefoVeoevee kesjceCeer efmeKeeheob meceeefoÙeeefce

keâecesmegefYeÛÚe Ûeeje kesjYeCeer efmekeäKeeheob meceeefoÙeeefòeâ

cegmeekeeoe kesjceCeer efmekeäKeeheob meceeefoÙeeefce

megjecesjÙe ceppe heceeoúelee kesjceCeer efmekeäKeeheob meceeefoÙeefòeâ

Fmeer hebÛeMeerue kesâ DeeOej hej leLeeiele yegæ ves efkeÕe peve keâes FbmeeefveÙele kesâ jemles hej Ûeueves keâe ceeie&oMe&ve efkeâÙee nw~ Ùen hebÛeMeerue FbmeeefveÙele keâer Ssmeer IeefveYetle efkeMes<elee nw, efpemekeâes efkeÕe kesâ ceeveke peceele ceW keâneR mes vekeâeje veneR pee mekeâlee nw~

ØeeefCe efnbmee veneR keâjvee, Ûeesjer veneR keâjvee, kÙeefYeÛeej veneR keâjvee, Pet” veneR yeesuevee leLee veMeeheeve veneR keâjvee ÛeeefnS~ Ùes heeBÛe Meerue ceveg<Ùe meceepe keâer megKe Meebefle keâe DeeOeej mlebYe nw~ GheÙe&gòeâ hebÛeMeerue ner efkeÕe kesâ nj keâesves ceW Meemeve-ØeMeemeve kesâ efkeefOe kÙekemLee kesâ DeeOeej mleYe nw~

Meerue veneR ceevevee Deeflele ceW Yeer ›eâeFce Lee, Deepe Yeer ›eâeFce nw Deewj keâue Yeer ›eâeFce jnsiee~ yegæ ves DehejeOe jefnle meceepe kesâ ØemLeehevee kesâ efveefcele Meerue keâer yegefveÙeeo [eueer nw~ peneB Meerue nw~ keneB DehejeOe veneR nw~ peneB Meerue veneR nw keneB DehejeOe ner DehejeOe nw~

yegæ kesâ hebÛeMeerue keâes Deepe kesâ meboYe& ceW efkeMues<eCe keâjkesâ osKee peeÙe lees nj efkeâmeer keâes ienje DeeMÛeÙe& nesiee~ keâesš&, keâÛenjer ceW efpeleves cegkeâoceW nQ, meYeer efkeâmeer ve efkeâmeer Meerue Yebie kesâ keâejCe nw~ Ûeens Ùen keâesš&- keâÛenjer efyenej keâe nes~ Yeejle kesâ efkeâmeer keâesš& keâe nes, Ùee efkeÕe kesâ efkeâmeer keâesš& keâe nes~ meYeer vÙeeÙeeueÙe ceW cegkeâoceW Meerue Yebie keâjves kesâ cegkeâoceW nQ~ Ùen yengle ner DeeMÛeÙe& pevekeâ leLÙe nw~

pesueeW ceW yebo keâwefoÙeeW keâes Gvekeâes pegce& kesâ DeeOeej hej heÌ[leeue efkeâÙee peeÙe lees Ùen heeÙee peelee nw efkeâ meYeer kesâ meYeer keâwoer efkeâmeer ve efkeâmeer Meerue Yebie kesâ keâejCe ner mepee heekeâj pesueeW ceW yebo nw~ Ùes keâwoer Ûeens efyenej ceW nes Ùee Yeejle kesâ efkeâmeer pesue Ùee efkeÕe ceW efkeâmeer pesue kesâ neW, Ùen Yeer yengle DeeMÛeÙe& pevekeâ leLÙe nw~ yegæ keâe efveefce&le efkeâÙee ngDee Meerue Deepe Yeer Øemeebefiekeâ nw Deewj Deeflele ceW Yeer Øemeebefiekeâ jnsiee~ Fmeer ceeie& hej Ûeuekeâj

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97

yegælke Øeehle efkeâÙee pee mekeâlee nw, megKe-Meebefle efceue mekeâleer nw~

meboYe& metÛeer1. [e@Ê Yeercejeke jecepeer Decyes[keâj, yegæ Deewj Gvekeâe Oece&, efmeæeLe& yegkeäme, ØeLece mebmkeâjCe,

efouueer, 3 heâjkejer 2007, he=Ê-51

2. Pee Skeb ßeerceeueer, efÉpesvõ veejeÙeCe, ØeeÛeerve Yeejle keâe Fefleneme, efnvoer ceeOÙece keâeÙee&vkeÙeve efveosMeeueÙe, efouueer efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙe, efouueer, he=Ê- 152-53

3. [e@Ê Yeercejeke jecepeer Decyes[keâj, yegæ Deewj Gvekeâe Oecce,, efmeæeLe& yegkeäme efouueer, he=Ê 75

4. Pee Skeb ßeerceeueer, efÉpesvõ veejeÙeCe, ØeeÛeerve Yeejle keâe Fefleneme, efnvoer ceeOÙece keâeÙee&vkeÙeve efveosMeeueÙe, efouueer efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙe, efouueer, he=Ê- 153-54

5. Leehej, jesefceuee, Yeejle keâe Fefleneme, jepekeâceue ØekeâeMeve, veF& efouueer, hešvee, he=Ê- 57-58

6. [e@Ê Yeercejeke jecepeer Decyes[keâj, yegæ Deewj Gvekeâe Oece&, efmeæeLe& yegkeäme ØeLece mebmkeâjCe, 3 heheâjkejer 2007, he=Ê-51 efouueer, he=Ê-77

7. kener

8. Pee Skeb ßeerceeueer, efÉpesvõ veejeÙeCe, ØeeÛeerve Yeejle keâe Fefleneme, efnvoer ceeOÙece keâeÙee&vkeÙeve efveosMeeueÙe, efouueer efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙe, efouueer, he=Ê-153-54

9. kener

10. kener

11. [e@Ê Yeercejeke jecepeer Decyes[keâj, yegæ Deewj Gvekeâe Oecce, efmeæeLe& yegkeäme ØeLece mebmkeâjCe, 3 heheâjkejer 2007, efouueer, he=Ê-80

12. yeewæ DeeÛeej mebefnlee, Decyes[keâj efceMeve ØekeâeMeve, hešvee, he=Ê- 14

13. kener

14. kener, he=Ê- 14-15

*****

yeewæ Oece& kesâ leeefòkekeâ efkekesÛeveeW ceW yegæ Ûeefjle keâe Dekeoeve

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ISSN 2348-1757

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