Alana  Ackerman  

Socialist   Discourse   vs.   Capitalist   Practice   in   Ecuador:   The   Tension   Seen   Through   an  Immigration  Lens    

The  paper   I  propose  to  present   is  the  result  of  fieldwork  I  carried  out   in  Ecuador  between  2010   and   2012   for   my   Master’s   thesis,   and   focuses   on   the   current   tension   in   Ecuador  between   the   government’s   discourse   based   on   twenty-­‐first   century   socialism   and  contradictory   capitalist   practices  masked   by   this   discourse.   I   intend   to   locate   this   tension  specifically  in  the  field  of  Ecuadorian  immigration.  

Ecuador  is  well-­‐known  as  a  country  of  emigration,  especially  after  the  1999  dollarization  of  the  economy  and  ensuing  financial  crisis,  but  it  is  also  a  significant  receiving  country,  mostly  of  migrants  from  Colombia,  Peru,  and  the  U.S.  The  current  Ecuadorian   immigration  policy,  which  establishes  visa  categories  and  procedures,  dates  back  to  1971,  a  time  of  military  rule  in   the   country’s   history.   This   policy   eases   immigration   for   “desirable”   foreigners   who  contribute  to  the  strengthening  of  the  capitalist  economy—“investors,”  “businessmen,”  and  “real  estate  holders”—as  well   as   “spouses”  of  Ecuadorian  men,  a   category   that  evidences  patriarchal  values   (the  woman  as  a  political   subject  as  she  relates   to  her  husband)—while  making   “undesired”   immigration   more   difficult   for   those   who   do   not   contribute   to   the  strengthening  of   the   capitalist   system,   such  as  political   refugees   (mostly  Colombians)   and  economic  migrants  (mostly  Peruvians).  

Partly  in  reaction  to  the  financial  crisis  of  1999  and  the  corrupt  neoliberal  rule  that  followed,  the  population  voted  in  2006  for  Alianza  País,  a  party  that  advocates  “twenty-­‐first  century  socialism.”  In  2008,  a  new  Constitution  was  ratified  in  which  an  article  declares  the  end  of  the  concept  of  the  “foreigner”  and  introduces  the  concept  of  “universal  citizenship.”  Despite  this  utopian  socialist  discourse   in  the  state’s  magna  carta,  an   immigration  policy  based  on  exploitative  and  patriarchal   ideals   remains   in   force   today,   influencing  different   foreigners’  experiences  of  the   immigration  process   in  vastly  different  ways.  Thus,   I  argue  in  my  paper  that  socialist  discourse  in  Ecuador  appeases  the  electorate  while  allowing  old  asymmetrical  models  to  continue  operating  with  little  debate  or  denouncement."  

Nilufer  Akalin  

Dispossessed   immigrants:   The   reproduction   of   racialization   in   the   times   of   austerity  measures  

  In   the   last  decade,  major  social,  economic  and  political  developments   in   the  South  European  countries  have  brought  migration  on  to  the  centre  stage  in  political  discourse  with  a   rise  of   racist  and  xenophobic  discourses  against  migrants.  The  social,  political   stand  and  attitudes  toward  the  excluded  body  (immigrant)  had  started  to  be  articulated  through  the  demolishment  of  the  subject   in  the  era  of  the  symbolic  demolishment  of  the  human  body  under  serious  conditions  of  living  in  financial  crisis.  This  paper  seeks  to  make  a  contribution  

to  this   line  of  research  on  how  the  social  conflicts  of  the   industrial  world  are  translated   in  racial   terms   just   as   the   financial   crisis   and   the  existence  of  Neo-­‐Nazi   party   in  Greece  was  becoming   the   manner   to   divide,   rank   human   beings   by   reference   to   selected   embodies  properties   to   subordinate,   exclude,   and   exploit   them.   Regarding   the   current   political   and  economic  situation,  some  material  trajectory  can  be  traced  through  racialization  and  racism  that  are  being  implied  in  Greek  society.    This  research  paper  focuses,  as  a  case  study,  on  the  understanding   of   how   inequality   is   structured   and   reproduced   under   global   capitalism,  addressing  the  patterns  of  behavior,  organizational  outcomes,  state  policies,  practices  and  articulations  of  ethnoracial   inequality  and  control.  This  paper  also  aims  to  demonstrate  to  what   extent   the   austerity   measures   produce   a   new   form   of   racialization.   Therefore,   it  situates   the   relationship  of   immigrants,   the  state  and  Golden  Dawn  at   the  central  axes   to  understand  why  and  how  the  austerity  measures  produce  racialization.  

Barbara  Allen    

Alexander  Shlyapnikov  under  Arrest,  1935-­‐7    

Alexander   Shlyapnikov,   an   Old   Bolshevik   and   leader   of   the   Workers'   Opposition   in   the  Russian  Communist  Party  from  1919  to  1921,  was  arrested  by  the  NKVD  in  January  1935,  as  were   many   other   former   oppositionists   in   the   wake   of   the   Kirov   murder.   Interrogated   in  1935-­‐6,   he  was   tried   and   executed   in   1937.   Charges   escalated   from   counterrevolutionary  activity   and   anti-­‐Soviet   agitation   to   terrorism   and   conspiracy   to   assassinate   Stalin.  Shlyapnikov   contested   the   charges   and   refused   to   implicate   others.   The   interrogation  protocols  and  his  written  statements  attached  to  the  protocols  reflect  his  struggle  to  reveal  the   absurdity   of   the   charges   against   him   and   to   preserve   his   own   sense   of   identity   as   a  revolutionary.   At   his   closed   trial   by   the   military   collegium   of   the   USSR   Supreme   Court   in  September   1937,   he   denied   all   the   charges   against   him   and   confessed   that   he   was   only  guilty   of   having   had   ‘a   liberal   attitude   toward   those   persons   around   him.’     His   behavior  differed  significantly  from  that  of  other  Old  Bolsheviks  such  as  Zinoviev  and  Kamenev,  who  confessed   in   public   trial,   supposedly   for   the   benefit   of   the   party.   He   asserted   that   his  confession  to  outlandish  charges  would  not  serve  the  party’s  interests.  

Riya  Mary  Al'Sanah  

The  struggle  for  democracy  in  the  Tunisian  revolution    

Tunisia  has  been  held  up  by  the  international  community  as  the  prime  example  of  a  country  succeeding   in   a   “democratic   transition   process”   in   contrast   to   Egypt,   Syria   or   Libya:   it   is  politically  stable,  it  has  adopted  a  new  constitution  praised  by  the  international  community,  it   has   carried   out   transparent   elections,   and   it   has   signed   a   loan   agreement   with   the  International  Monetary  Fund.    

However,   the   reality   in   Tunisia   is   much   more   complicated.   The   Tunisian   bourgeoisie   and  remnants   of   the   Ben   Ali   regime   are   reasserting   themselves   through   increased   repression  against  political  decent  and  growing  calls  against  industrial  action  and  for  a  “social  truce”.  

This  paper  will  look  at  democratic  forms,  as  promoted  from  above  by  the  Tunisian  elite  and  international   organisations   and   contrast   them   with   revolutionary   democratic   structures  developed   from   below.   We   will   discuss   the   substance   and   nature   of   the   democratic  transition   taking   place   in   Tunisia   today.   Furthermore,   we   will   address   whether   the  democratic  structures  developed  by  the  revolutionary  movement  can  offer  an  alternative  to  the  promoted  model  of  neoliberal  democracy."  

Valentina  Alvarez  

Experience   of   domestic   work   in   Chile:   social   reproduction   an   identity   construction   of   the  working  classes    

During   the   1970’   decade,   the   Domestic   Labour   Debate   reflected   about   the   relevance   of  domestic   labour   to   capitalism   in   order   to   unveil   the   particular   place   of  women   into   class  struggle.  Despite  differences  among  DLD  theorist,  they  all  agreed  that,  through  producing  a  docile  workforce  or  maintaining  a  reserve  army  of  labour  -­‐to  put  some  examples-­‐,  capitalism  was   the   main   beneficiary   of   women’s   domestic   labour.   Therefore,   they   thought,  revolutionary  practices  can  only  be  deployed  when  domestic  labour  is  rejected,  socialized  or  done  while  its  bearers  –women-­‐  engage  in  proletarian  struggles.  

Some  years  before  that  debate,  domestic  work  and  childcare  experiences  of  Chilean  women  from  popular  sectors  in  1970  questioned  such  statements.  They  showed  how  reproductive  labour  did  not  only  benefit  capitalism.  Working  class  women  were  producing  in  daily  basis  a  sense   of   dignity   for   their   families   that   invested   them   with   authority   for   their   struggle.  However,   they  did   so  by   reproducing   traditional   gender   roles.   In   that   vein,   I   argue   that   is  necessary   to   enquiry   domestic   work   beyond   the   economic   reductionism   of   DLD   to  understand  its  multiple  dimensions.  To  account  for  particular  experiences  and  the  meanings  attached  to  them  can  shed  light  in  that  direction.  

Leandro  BeatrizAlves  

 Moments  of  danger,  moments  of  opportunity:  Trade  unions  and  climate  change  

That  trade  unions  (TUs)  are  “fading  away”  is  widely  accepted.  Explanations  for  this  draw  on  broader  societal  processes,  e.g.  the  reduction  of  manufacturing   in   industrialised  countries,  where  TUs  were  strongest,  the   increase  of  the  service  and  IT  sector,  where  they  have   less  experience   in   organising,   and   the   casualisation   of   employments.   Paradoxically,  individualisation  processes  occur   in  a   situation  where   the  needs  of  a   collective  and  global  response  to  global  crises  (financial,  food,  ecological)  are  acute.    

In   the   case   of   TUs   this   is   especially   true   against   the   background   of   globalisation,   which  strengthens  the  power  of  Transnational  Corporations  to  relocate  production  and  dictate  the  working  conditions  in  the  Global  South  as  well  as  in  the  Global  North  and  to  set  workers  in  competition   to   each   other   (Chan/Ross   2003,   Cowie,   2001).   TUs   are   the   only   kinds   of  organisations   that   are   present   in   virtually   every   country   around   the   globe   (The   ITUC  represents   175   million   workers   in   155   countries   and   territories   and   has   311   national  affiliates.).  Thus,  potentially  they  are  the  only  force  to  challenge  the  power  of  TNCs.    

In   reality,   though,   they   are   struggling   with   structural   transformations   including   the  diversification  of  the  workforce  in  terms  of  feminisation  and  ethnic  diversity  (Schierup  et.  al.  2006,   Ward   1990,   Mulinari/Neergaard   2003).   Furthermore,   new   international   bodies   and  the  political  recognition  of  climate  change  have  exerted  pressures  on  unions  to  re-­‐formulate  their  policies  (Hyman/Ferner  1994).  The  overdetermination  of  these  processes  constitutes  a  transitional  phase  where   social   actors  have   to   reconsider   the  parameters  of   their  actions.  Unions   have   to   simultaneously   reassure   their   traditional   membership,   recruit   new  members,   cooperate   with   other   social   movements   as   well   as   global   organisations   (e.g.,  World  Bank,   IMF),  act  on  a  global   level  but   remain  rooted  at   the   local,  and  accommodate  new  issues  like  climate  change  and  North-­‐South  divide.  

In  other  words,  unions  are  living  what  Walter  Benjamin  has  called  “moments  of  danger”.  In  contrast   to   the   notion   of   “crisis”   Benjamin’s   term   denotes   not   only   the   threat   of  disintegration   but   also   the   threat   of   “conformism   that   is   about   to   overpower”   tradition  (Benjamin  1974).      

Selected  Unions:  1.  The  metal  workers’  unions  are  arguably  the  best  organised  and  largest  world-­‐wide  and  are  also  those  facing  the  greatest  challenges  from  climate  change  policies,  relocation   of   production   from   the   North   to   the   South,   and   redundancies   due   to  technological  innovation.  Their  international  (IMF),  regional  (EMF),  and  national  branches  in  the  selected  countries  will  constituted  one  of  the  two  major  case  studies  of  our  study.  The  metal  sector  in  most  countries  of  the  European  Union  has  a  comparatively  high  percentage  of  migrant  workers,  which  will  make   it   possible   to   investigate  whether   these  workers   are  having  an  important  role  in  shaping  new  union  policies.    

2.   About   one   third   of   the   world’s   workers   are   employed   in   the   agricultural   sector.  Agriculture   is   integrated   into  the   issues  of  climate  change  and  the  North-­‐South  divide:  On  the  one  hand   it   is   the  sector  most  hardly  hit  by  the  effect  of  climate  change,  while  at   the  same  time,  it  produces  significant  effects  on  climate  change.  It  also  plays  a  significant  role  in  the  North-­‐South  relationships,  since  predominantly  Northern  companies  are  responsible  for  the   advancement   of   agribusiness   threatening   farming   on   small   scale   in   countries   of   the  South.   The   IUF   and   other   unions   of   food   workers   are   forming   alliances   with   non-­‐union  associations  like  “Via  Campesina”  to  address  these  conflicts.  As  opposed  to  the  metal  sector  where  the  majority  of  workers  are  men,  about  70%  of  the  agricultural  workers  are  women.  

Thus  a  combined  study  of  these  two  sectors  will  allow  us  to  better  compare  the  influence  of  gender  relations  on  new  union  policies.      

The  selected  countries:  The  core  of  our  investigation  is  in  Europe  looking  at  the  national  and  local  unions  in  the  metal  and  agricultural  sector:  Sweden,  UK  and  Spain.  Unions  in  all  these  countries  have  made  huge  efforts  to  integrate  climate  change  issues  into  their  policies  and  to  engage  with  environmental  organisations,  whereby  Spanish  unions  seem  most  advanced.  In  order  to  gain  a  broader  insight  into  different  regimes  of  countries  of  the  South  we  have  chosen   Brazil,   South   Africa   and   India.   All   three   countries   are   integrated   into   the   global  economy,  while  having  different  trade  union  histories.    

We  have   conducted   an   average  of   20   in-­‐depth   life-­‐histories   interviews   (per   country)  with  union   officials   responsible   for   the   departments   of   Environment   and/or   International  Relations  and  members  of  rural  organisations  (such  as  MST  –  Landless  Workers’  Movement  and  MMC  –  Rural  Women  Movement  from  Brazil)  and  rural  unions.    

We  aim  to  present  our  findings  at  the  Eleventh  Annual  Conference.  

Maurice  Andreu          

Did  the  leadership  of  the  Communist  International  believe  that  capitalism  could  not  survive?    

The   leadership   of   the   Communist   International   thought   certainly   that   its   revolutionary  action   should   put   capitalism   to   its   end.   This   historical   confidence   had   an   economic   and  political  basis:  the  world  war  crisis  of  1914  revealed  all  the  limits  of  capitalism  and  created  the  conditions  of  its  reversal.  The  CI,  almost  always,  explained  its  failure  by  the  mistakes  and  the  weakness  of  the  revolutionaries,  not  by  capitalist  ability  to  rise  again  from  its  ashes.  My  paper  will  confirm  that  the   leadership  of  the  Comintern  believed  that  capitalism  would  be  soon  dead…  But  there  is  sometimes  a  kind  of  ambiguity.  I  shall  speak  of  two  cases:  Lenin,  in  1921,  when  the  CI  takes  the  turn  of  «  United  Front  »  and  Bukharin,  in  1928,  when  the  words  «  general  crisis  of  capitalism  »  are  introduced  in  the  Program  of  the  Comintern.  

Thanos    Andritsos          

In  search  of  unity:  From  the  multiple  geographies  of  resistance  to  the  “common  place”  of  a  renewed  class  project.    

Greece,   from   2009   onwards,   became   the   epicenter   of   the   global   financial   crisis.   In   this  period   very   intense   social   struggles   took   place.   Many   studies   for   the   so   called   “greek  resistance”   seem   to   focus   on   highlighting   unilaterally   only   certain   aspects   (such   as   the  mobilization   in   the  squares  of  aganaktismenoi,  experiments  of  self-­‐organization  and  social  solidarity,   local  and  environmental  struggles,  workers'  strikes,  the  electoral  rise  of  the  left,  etc.)  and  lack  in  an  overall  picture  and  perspective.    

The   current   paper   understands   all   the   major   battles   as   moments   in   the   evolution   of   the  power  relations  and  the  class  struggle  inside  the  Greek  society.  Our  main  goals  are  a)  to  map  the  current  social  movements’  geographies  and  b)  to  highlight  the  issue  of  unification  of  all  the  struggles  under  a  common  anti-­‐systemic  context.  

In  this  order,  we  can  trace  three  processes  of  unifying:  

1.    “Unifying”   as   a   demand  of   the  movements:     An   ""internal""   process   coming   from  the  development,  the  discourse  and  the  political  practices  of  the  movements.  

2.   “Unifying”   as   a   consequence   of   dominant   politics:   An   ""external""   process   coming  primarily   from   the   government’s   practice   to   target   every   single   popular   mobilization   as  unified  threat.  

3.     “Unifying”   as   a   common   radical   theoretical   resultant.  A   current   attempt   in   the   radical  theory‘s  discourse  to  search  for  a  unified  political  subject.  

 

Taking  into  account  these  processes,  the  paper  seeks  for  the  preconditions  for  a  shift  from  the  multiple  geographies  of  resistance  to  a  “common  place”  of  the  renewed  class  project."  

Ricardo  Antunes          

The  International  Working  Class  150  Years  After  and  its  Challenges  Today    

The   International  Workingmen's  Association   (IWA)  was  born   in   London  on   September  28,  1864   with   the   essential   principle:   “the   emancipation   of   the   working   classes   must   be  conquered   by   the   working   classes   themselves.”   What   does   it   mean   to   think   of   an  international   organization   of   the   working   class   today?   Given   the   globalized   shape   of  capitalism,   has   it   not   become   even   more   urgent   to   create   a   new   project   of   international  working-­‐class  organization?  In  order  to  explore  these  crucial  questions,  we  must  initially  try  to   understand   the   new   morphology   of   labor   and   some   of   its   principal   tendencies.   Stable  work  is  being  replaced  by  atypical  labour.  How  is  it  possible  to  organize  this  new  proletariat?  How  can  this  growing  sector  of  the  working  class  advance  toward  class  consciousness,  under  conditions   of   the   transnationalization   of   capital?   How   can   it   link   up   with   the   more  traditional  sectors  of  the  working  class?    

Just  as  capital  is  a  global  system,  the  world  of  labor  and  its  challenges  are  also  increasingly  transnationalized.   Given   that   the   destructive   logic   of   capital   is   seemingly   multiple   but   in  essence  unitary,  if  these  vital  poles  of  labor  don’t  ally  themselves  organically,  they  will  suffer  the   tragedy   of   greater   precarization.   If,   on   the   other   hand,   they   forge   ties   of   solidarity,  defining   and   planning   their   actions,   they   may   have   greater   power   than   any   other   social  force  to  demolish  the  capital  system  and  thereby  begin  delineating  a  new  way  of  life."  

Stephen  Ashe          

‘Whatever  happened   to   the   labour  movement?’  A  Gramscian  analysis   of   the   electoral   rise  and  ‘fall’  of  the  British  National  Party    

In   ‘Whatever   happened   to   the   Labour  Movement?’   Thomas   Linehan   provided   a   historical  analysis   of   support   for   the   British   Union   of   Fascists,   the   National   Front   and   the   British  National  Party,  as  well  as  the  role  that  the  labour  movement  has  played  in  preventing  such  parties  from  making  greater  political  inroads  in  working  class  areas  during  the  1930s  and  the  1970s.  For  Linehan,  the  emergence  of  the  British  National  Party  in  2002  can  be  put  down  to  a  unique   combination  of   structural,   political   and   ideological   factors.   In  particular,   Linehan  emphasises  the  weakening  of   the  traditional   tripartite  alliance  between  the  working  class,  the   Labour   party   and   the   trade   union  movement.   This   paper  will   test   Linehan’s   thesis   by  exploring   the  electoral   rise   and   ‘fall’   of   the  BNP   in  Barking   and  Dagenham  between  2004  and   2010.   This   paper   will   argue   that   a   richer,   deeper   analysis   of   the   BNP’s   electoral  breakthrough  and   subsequent  demise   can  be  gained  by  drawing    upon  Antonio  Gramsci’s  carceral   writings   on   hegemony   (Gramsci,   1971),   and   in   particular   by   developing   a   wider  analyses  of  the  relationship  between  the  local  state  and  civil  society.  

Abigail  Bakan          

Marxism,  Intersectionality  and  Indigenous  Feminism    

Global  capitalism  has  proven  to  be  tenaciously  resilient,  manifest  not  only  in  its  continuing  exploitation,   but   also   in   processes   of   gender   and   racial   oppression.   While   the   linkages  among  gendered  and  racialized  oppression,  and  class  exploitation,  have  been  the   focus  of  some   Marxist   feminist   theorists   (Himani   Bannerji,   Angela   Davis,   Collette   Guillaumin),   it   is  American   legal   feminist   theorist   Kimberlé   Crenshaw   who   has   helpfully   coined   the   term  “intersectionality”,  applied  primarily  to  the  US  context.  This  increasingly  influential  concept  has  significantly  broadened  the  potential  ground  on  which  to  link  anti-­‐racist  feminism  with  Marxist   theory.   Scant   attention,   however,   has   specifically   addressed   the   contributions   of  indigenous  feminism,  though  formative  in  anti-­‐racist  theory  and  practice  in  North  America.  This   lacuna   is   evidenced   in   both   intersectional   feminist   and   Marxist   feminist   scholarship.  However,  Marx’s  interest  in  indigenous  societies  –  not  least  gender  relations  in  indigenous  societies  –  was   significant   (Ethnological  Notebooks,  1880-­‐82),  and  considerably   influenced  Engels’   Origin   of   the   Family,   Private   Property   and   the   State.   This   paper   (i)   theorizes   the  significance   of   attention   to   indigenous   feminist   contributions   regarding   intersectional  feminist  and  Marxist  feminist  conversations;  and    (ii)  attends  to  the  specific  tenacity  of  the  North  American  states  as  case  studies,  exemplifying  such  theorization.  I  suggest  that  Marxist  understandings   of   the   gendered   and   racialized   experiences   of   imperialism,   social  reproduction,   and   anti-­‐colonial   resistance,   can   be   considerably   advanced   through   an  engagement  with  the  contributions  of  indigenous  feminism.  

Laurent  Baronian          

Marx  and  living  labour    

I  propose  to  present  issues  of  my  book  "Marx  and  living  labour"  (Routledge,  2013)  related  to  the   question:   How   capitalism   survives?   The   basic   idea   linking   all   the   chapters   together   is  that  Marx,  from  his  early  economic  works,  conceived  the  labour  of  any  kind  of  society  as  a  set  of  production  activities  and  analysed  the  historical  modes  of  production  as  specific  ways  of  distributing    and  exchanging  these  activities.  On  the  contrary,  political  economy  considers  the  labour  only  under  the  form  of  its  product,  and  the  exchange  of  products  as  commodities  as  the  unique  form  of  social  labour  exchange.  For  Marx,  insofar  as  the  labour  creating  value  represents   a   specific  mode  of   exchanging   the   society's   living   labour,   general   and   abstract  labour  cannot  not  only  be  defined  as  the  substance  or  measure  unit  of  the  commodity,  as  in  Smith  or  Ricardo,  but  foremost  as  an  expense  of  living  labour,  i.e.  of  nerves,  muscles,  brain,  etc.  Hence  the  twofold  nature  of  living  labour,  as  a  concrete  activity  producing  a  use  value  and   an   expense   of   human   labour   in   general   producing   exchange   value.   Marx   himself  claimed  that  this  twofold  nature  of  labour  creating  value  was  its  main  and  most  important  contribution   to   economic   science.   This   book   aims   at   showing   how   both   determines   the  original  categories  and  economic  laws  in  Capital  and  constitutes  the  profound  innerspring  of  Marx's  critique  of  political  economy.  The  role  and  function  of  living  labour  is  highlighted  by  showing   how,   on   the   one   hand,   the   opposition   between   living   and   dead   labour   is   at   the  origin  of   the  deepest  contradictions  of   the  capitalist  mode  of  production,  whereas  on   the  other  hand  capitalism  survives,  i.e.  overcomes  its  contradictions  and  pushes  its  own  limits,  only  be  appropriating  more  extensively  and  intensively  the  social  productive  forces  created  by  the  living  labour  of  individual  producers  developing  cooperation  links.  The  contradictions  based  on  opposition  between  living  and  dead  labour  suggest  a  Marxian  interpretation  of  the  current  crisis  which  must  be  distinguished  from  underconsumption  and  stagnation  theories  of  crises.  

Emmanuel  Barot          

One-­‐dimensional  Man,  fifty  years  after    

This   year   marks   the   50th   birthday   of   "One-­‐Dimensional   Man"   :   what   remains   of   our  Marcusian   lovings   ?   Marked   by   so-­‐called   “pessimism”,   exalting   the   "Great   Refusal"   of  outsiders,   and   lamenting   the   integration  of   the  proletariat   to   capital,  Marcuse  ushered   in  the  era  of  post-­‐proletarian  multitudes  and  supposedly  at  this  time  gave  up  Marxism,  turned  to  revisionism  and  fell  into  an  anarcho-­‐leftist  romantic  utopism.  Is  this  statement  really  valid  ?  Actually  he  kept  the   idea  that  capitalism  was  not  able  to  digest  any  form  of  struggle,  an  heterodox  but  close  relationship  to  Marxism,  and  maintained  the  strategic  question  of  how  organize   the   class   struggle   facing   an   ultra-­‐violent   late   capitalism.   What   lessons   are   to   be  learned  from  these  dialectical  ambivalences  ?  

Pritish  Behuria          

Balancing  Violence  and  Ideas:  Historical  Strategies  of  Elite  Capital  Accumulation  in  Rwanda  

Strategies   of   Primitive  Accumulation   in   Rwanda   have   traditionally   been   organized   around  primary   commodities   -­‐   particularly   coffee.   Rwanda's   own   'natural   economy'   was  complicated   by   its   colonial   history   and   the   introduction   of   cash   crop   production   in   this  respect.  Immediately,  the  ethnic/class  heirarchy  prevalent  in  the  country  became  an  arena  of  competition  around  the  capacity  to  push  farmers  to  grow  increasing  coffee.  Chiefs,  at  this  time,  were  rewarded  on  the  basis  of  their  capacity  to  organize  labour  in  this  respect  through  coercion   and   creating   collective   identities.   As   the   country   became   independent,   the  heirarchy   was   further   altered,   as   traditional   'class'   divisions   became   'ethnic'   divisions   in  order  to  collectivize  violence  and  incite  revolution.  The  first  two  governments  continued  the  same  strategy  of  accumulation  and  managed  their  elites  through  the  distribution  of  rents  in  these   sectors.   Crucially,   coffee   became   part   of   the   national   effort   and   became   bound   on  ideas   of   'economic   nationalism'.   This   was   also   woven   in   the   fabric   of   ethnic   opposition  against  traditional  Tutsi  leadership.  

The   Post-­‐Genocide   Government   has   attempted   to   break   away   from   traditional   class  dynamics  around  primary  commodity  specialization.  It  has  served  to  both  disperse  elites  and  labour  to  different  sectors,  thus  reducing  the  capacity  for  resistance  from  below  and  within  the   elite   bargain   in   the   country.   The   destructive   forces   of   capitalism   have   accompanied  economic  development  in  the  country  and  the  central  governing  apparatus  legitimizes  itself  on  the  basis  of  violence,  rather  than  the  force  of  a   'national  effort'   in  the  same  way  as   its  predecessors.  

This   paper   will   study   strategies   of   elite   capital   accumulation   that   have   taken   place  historically   in   Rwanda,   contrasting   the   balancing   of   violence   and   ideas   in   managing  resistance  from  its  elites,  as  well  as  'from  below'."  

Riccardo  Bellofiore          

Which  crisis,  which  capitalism?  Marxian  political  economy  and  Financial  Keynesianism.  

This  paper  presents  an  analysis  of  the  crisis  combining  a  Marxian  and  a  Financial  Keynesian  perspective.   Both   are   framed   in   a   long-­‐run   perspective   of   the   capitalist   dynamics.   The  tendency   of   the   rate   of   profit   to   fall   has   to   be   interpreted   as   affirmed   to   the  countertendencies   winning   over   the   tendency,   and   through   the   change   in   the   forms   of  capitalisms.   Neither   the   classical   versions   of   the   fall   of   the   rate   of   profit   or   an  underconsumptionist   view  are   tenable;   the   same  can  be   said  against   the   traditional  post-­‐Keynesian  analyses  of  the  crisis.    

Each   crisis   erupts  because  of   the   contradictions   in   the   idiosyncratic   factors  explaining   the  ascent.   We   are   experiencing   the   crisis   not   of   a   generic   Neoliberalism   or   a   void  financialisation,  but  of  a  money  manager  capitalism,  which  was  built  upon  a  concentration  without   centralisation   of   capital,   new   forms   of   corporate   governance,   aggressive  

competition,  a  capital  market  inflation,  indebted  consumption.  A  world  able  to  gain  in  new  forms  the  same  good  (or  rather,  bad)  old  exploitation,  to  provide  internally  demand,  and  to  present  itself  as  a  stable  Great  Moderation.    

The  paper  will  show  how  this  constituted  a  financially  privatised  Keynesianism,  based  on  a  new  monetary  policy  and  a  new  autonomous  demand  driving  the  process,  a  configuration  which   was   necessarily   unsustainable.   The   paper   will   show   how   the   crisis   evolved   from   a  Great  Recession   to  a   Lesser  Depression,   looking  at   the   specificities  of   the  European  crisis,  which   (like   the   global   crisis)   is   not   due   to   trade   imbalances,   nor   to   government   public  deficits,  even  not  the  euro  in  itself."  

Bernhard  H.  Bayerlein      

The  Abortive  Women's  International  (1919-­‐1943)  

Within  the  global  deployment  of  the  so-­‐called  mass  or  solidarity  organizations  for  different  social   categories   and   specific   objectives   as   segments   of   the   wider   framework   of   the  communist   movement,   women   occupied   a   special   place.   The   paper   shoes   that   from   an  institutional,   personal   and   cultural   perspective   the   women’s   organizations   prefigured   a  “Women’s   International”   together  with  unions,   cooperatives,   intellectuals,   anti-­‐colonialist,  anti-­‐fascist   initiatives   ...   The   paper   verifies   how   feminism   and   gender   solidarity   in   the  "Comintern  solar  system"  were  thwarted  and  short-­‐circuited  by  Stalinism  and  transformed  into  an  appendage  of  Soviet  structures  and  "cultural  diplomacy".  

Anindya  Bhattacharyya          

Abstract  oppression  and  social  reproduction  

The  Marxist  concept  of  oppression  is  used  to  describe  a  wide  variety  of  social  phenomena  involving   systematic   discrimination   against   a   minority.   Racism   and   sexism   are   the   basic  examples   but   the   category   has   ramified   over   the   decades,   taking   in   Islamophobia,  homophobia,   transphobia,   ablism   to   name   but   a   few.   In   recent   years   there   has   been  renewed   interest   on   the   left   in   how   these   oppressions   interact   –   the   intersectionality  debate  –  and  how  they  relate  to  exploitation  of  workers  and  the  antagonism  between  ruling  and  working  class.  

Clearly  these  oppressions  have  something  in  common:  otherwise  we  would  not  group  these  phenomena   under   a   single   term,   or   deploy   similar   arguments   across   the   gamut   of  oppressions  (eg  the  argument  that  they  weaken  the  working  class  by  pitting  worker  against  worker).   Yet   for   all   this   there   does   not   seem   to   be   any   Marxist   theory   of   oppression   in  general  -­‐  what  I  call  abstract  oppression.  What  is  X-­‐ism,  where  X  is  an  unspecified  political  minority?  Are  all  oppressions  ""the  same""  or  are  there  significant  differences  between,  say,  racism  and  sexism?  

This  paper  seeks  to  outline  an  approach  to  oppression  in  the  abstract.  The  aim  is  to  set  the  various  Marxist   theories  of   concrete  oppressions  on  a   rigorous  conceptual   foundation  –  a  necessary   step   if   notions   of   intersectionality   etc   are   ever   to   move   beyond   empirical  description.  It  ends  by  indicating  how,  if  abstract  oppression  is  the  ""superstructure"",  then  social  reproduction  is  the  ""base"".  By  understanding  oppression  abstractly  we  gain  a  better  grasp  of  how  the  are  undergirded  and  perpetuated  by  political  economy:  the  replenishment  of   labour   power   through   childrearing   and   immigration   is   intimately   linked   to   sexism   and  racism   respectively.   This   approach   can   lay   the   foundation   ""grand   unified   theory""   of  exploitation   and   oppression   that   can   act   as   a   framework   for   understanding   all   these  phenomena  as  a  totality."  

Ian  Birchall          

Rereading  Rosmer  in  2014    

1914  was  a  major  victory   for   the  capitalist  order.  A  growing  European  socialist  movement  was,   in   Trotsky’s   words,   so   reduced   that   at   Zimmerwald   it   was   possible   to   seat   all   the  internationalists   in  four  coaches.  As  Michael  Gove’s  recent  elucubrations    show,   it   is  still  a  site  of  ideological  contest.  Lazy  clichés,  like  “nation  overrides  class”  or  “Second  International  Marxism”   are   inadequate   to   offer   an   explanation.   Alfred   Rosmer’s   uncompleted   Le  Mouvement  ouvrier  pendant  la  guerre  (2  vols,  1936,  1959)  makes  a  valuable  contribution  to  our   understanding.   Rosmer   combines   the   memoirs   of   an   anti-­‐war   activist   with   archival  research,  and  draws  on  Georges  Dumoulin’s   fascinating  pamphlet   Les  Syndicalists   français  pendant   la   guerre   (1918).   Trotsky   rightly   urged   that     “every   serious   proletarian  revolutionary  ought  to  read  -­‐  more  exactly,  to  study  -­‐  Rosmer’s  book”.  Rosmer  came  from  the  syndicalist  tradition,  but  recognised  that  syndicalism  was  part  of  the  problem;  he  was  an  independent   thinker   who   did   not   endorse   Lenin’s   strategy   of   revolutionary   defeatism.  Rosmer’s  stated  aim  was  “to  recall  what  happened  yesterday,   to  relate  the  facts,   to  show  their  interconnection,  and  to  draw  out  their  meaning;  the  lesson  must  then  be  so  clear  that  it  will  provide  the  reply  to  the  agonising  questions  of  the  present.”  

David  Black        

Sohn-­‐Rethel's  Neo-­‐Kantian  Marxism  -­‐  A  Critique    

"Alfred   Sohn-­‐Rethel   located   the   origin   of   philosophical   abstraction   in   the   ""false  consciousness""   brought   about   by   the   new   money   economy   of   Greek   Antiquity.   In   the  Enlightenment   the   conceptual   barrier   Kant   put   between   phenomenal   reality   and   the  ""thing-­‐in-­‐itself""   expressed,   in   Sohn-­‐Rethel's   view,   the   reified   consciousness   stemming  from   commodity-­‐exchange   and   the   division   of   mental   and   manual   labor.   Because   Sohn-­‐Rethel   saw   the   entire   history   of   philosophy   as   branded   by   a   timeless   universal   logic,   he  dismissed   Hegel's   concept   of   ""totality""   as   ""idealist""   and   Hegel's   critique   of   Kantian  dualism  as  irrelevant  to  Marx's  critique  of  political  economy.  

David  Black  suggests  that  Marx's  exposition  of  the  fetishism  of  commodities   is  historically-­‐specific   to   capitalist   production,   and   therefore   cannot   explain   the   origins   of   philosophy,  which  Black   shows   to  have   involved   various  historical   developments   in  Greek   society   and  culture  as  well  as  monetization.  Just  as  Hegel's  critique  of  Kantian  formalism  informs  Marx's  critique  of  capital,  Hegel's  writings  on  how  the  proper  organization  of   labor  might  abolish  the   barrier   Aristotle   put   between   production   and   the   ""Realm   of   Freedom""   prefigure  Marx's  efforts  to  formulate  of  an  alternative  to  capitalism.  

Paul  Blackledge          

Engels  and  the  Problem  of  Working-­‐Class  Reformism  

Thrown   into  sharp   relief  by   the  events  of  August  1914,  working-­‐class   reformism  has  been  amongst   the   most   important   strategic   issues   facing   the   revolutionary   left   over   the   last  century.  Thirty  years  ago  Carol  Johnson  famously  argued  that  part  of  the  problem  faced  by  the   twentieth-­‐century   left   was   that   Marx   had   nowhere   developed   a   coherent   theory   of  working-­‐class  reformism.  In  this  paper  I  explore  Engels’s  tentative  attempts  to  fill  this  gap  in  the  decade  or  so  after  Marx’s  death.  Taken  up  by  Lenin  and  Luxemburg  alongside  Kautsky  and  Bernstein,   Engels’s   arguments  have  been  a   source  of   recurring  debate  ever   since   the  publication  of  his  supposed  “Testament”  in  1895.  In  this  paper  I  argue  that  this  literature  is  marked  by  a  tendency  to  proceed  from  a  fairly  one-­‐dimensional  view  of  the  revolutionary  politics  Marx  and  Engels  elaborated  around  1848.  By  reading  Engels   later  political  writings  against   the  backdrop  of  an  attempt   to  unpick   this   caricatured   interpretation  of  his  earlier  revolutionary  perspective   I  hope   to   shine  a  new   light  on   the  debates  of   the  1890s  with  a  view  to  informing  contemporary  strategic  debate.  

Eric  Blanc          

National  Liberation  and  Bolshevism  Reexamined    

This  paper  analyzes   the  socialist  debates  on  the  national  question  up  through  1914   in   the  Czarist   empire.   I   argue   that   an   effective   strategy   of   anti-­‐colonial   Marxism   was   first   put  forward   by   the   non-­‐Russian   socialists,   not   the   Bolsheviks.   Lenin   and   his   comrades   lagged  behind   the   borderland   Marxists   on   this   crucial   issue   well   into   the   Civil   War—and   this  political   weakness   helps   explain   the   Bolshevik   failure   to   build   roots   among   dominated  peoples.  Consequently,  the  Bolsheviks  were  either  too  numerically  weak  and/or  indifferent  to   national   aspirations   to   successfully   lead   socialist   revolutions   in   the   borderlands,  facilitating   the   isolation   of   the   Russian   workers’   government   and   the   subsequent   rise   of  Stalinism."  

Claire  Blencowe          

Feminist  Investments  in  Biopolitical  Life:  Racism,  Progress  &  Methods  of  Critique    

This   paper   begins   with   the   story   of   eugenicist   feminism,   pointing   to   the   entangled  genealogies  of  biopolitical  governance,   racism  and   twentieth  century  European  and  North  American  feminist  politics.  It  goes  on  to  question  the  'assertion  of  contingency'  as  a  tactic  in  undermining  biopolitical  knowledges  and  investments  -­‐  suggesting  that  such  assertions  have  acted   to   mask,   rather   than   to   dislodge,   biopolitical   racism   within   feminist   politics   as  elsewhere.   Contingency,   development   and   progress   are   technologies   of   attachment   that  invest   feminist   agency   in   biopolitical   life   (and   so   economies   of   endless   growth   and  expansion).   These   investments   persist   in   contemporary   landscapes   in   which   race,  population  and  growth  are  understood  as  aspects  of  culture,   religion  and  education  more  than   biology.   The   paper   highlights   the   dangers   of   denying   and   denouncing,   rather   than  attending   to,   our   own   investments   in   despicable   politics.   It   calls   for   'generous   methods'  (M'charek)  in  the  study  of  feminist  racism.  

Mark  Blum          

Max  Adler's  social  theory:  a  foundation  for  more  effective  interpersonal  cooperation    

The  Austro-­‐Marxist  Max  Adler’s  theoretical  career  included  the  development  of  a  concept  of  societal   socialization   which   was   not   fully   appreciated   by   his   peers,   nor   consequently   by  posterity.    Only  his  student,  and  later  prominent  Marxist  Lucien  Goldmann  ,  comprehended  the  full  implications  of  his    concept  of  what  might  be  called  ‘micro-­‐sociological’  socialization  [Vergesellschaftung].         Adler’s   conceptual   turn   stresses   that   every   society   has   its   own  manner   of   organizing   an   interdependence   insofar   as   each   develops   structures   that   must  fulfill   the  cognitive   imperative  of  a    practical  vision  of   the   totality  of   its  participants.    Past  forms  failed  in  their  governing  hegemonies    to  realize  the  equality  and  interpersonal  depth  of   cooperation   that   socialism   could   effect.       Max   Adler’s   understanding   of   interpersonal  relations,  while    preceding  even  the  group  dynamics  movement  that  emerged  in  the  1920s  and  1930s  (Moreno,  Lewin),  insisted  on  not  only  a  more  refined  knowledge  of  the  dynamics  of  human  cooperation,  but   a   clear  understanding  of   the   institutional  problems   that   could  obstruct   knowledgeable   interaction.     Lucien   Goldmann   wrestled   with   this   problem   of  interpersonal   understanding     in   the   1950s.     As   Max   Adler   and   to   a   degree   Otto   Bauer,  Goldmann   knew   that   only   by   a   more   public   recognition   of   how   the   norms   of   collective  cooperation  were  distorted  within  societal  institutions  in  a  capitalist  culture  could  effective  socialization    be  realized.    Training   in  cooperative  empathy  finally  had  to  meet  the  wall  of  normative  praxis   in   the  everyday  world.    Max  Adler  understood  that  every  human  culture  over   time   has   its   own  manner   of   structuring   cooperative   association   [vergesellschaften]   .      Each   manner   of   organization   generates   values   that   justifies   its   praxis.         But,   a   socialized  society   required   a   discerning   interdependent   depth   of   knowing   into   how   human  cooperation   occurs   or   founders.     The   “functional   democracy”   which   the   Austro-­‐Marxists  strove   for,   that   is   the   interdependent   equality   of   all   participants   in   any   societal   effort,  required  a  new  address  of  how  cooperation  could  actually  be  realized.    The  works  councils  were   a   functioal   address   of   this   democratic   socialization,   but   even   they   often   foundered  

because  of   the   lack  of   insight   into  an  effective  association    of  differing  persons,  skills,  and  temperaments.     Socialization   today   still   suffers   under   the   lack   of   micro-­‐sociological  discernment   of   association   as   it   is   practiced   in   societal   institutions,   and,   without   further  development   of   the   group   dynamic   understanding   of   its   praxis   in   everyday   efforts   of  cooperative  activity,  a  socialization  from  the  top  down—by  mandate—only  reproduces  how  cooperation   has   occurred   within   the   historical   norms   of   capitalist   and   pre-­‐capitalist      societies.  

Félix  Boggio  &  Stella  Magliani-­‐Belkacem      

The  'democratic  question'  today  and  the  struggle  for  hegemony.    

Although   it   has   been   entangled   for   a   long   time   with   a   stalinist   political   practice,   the  'democratic   question'   has  had  a   rich  marxist   legacy.   From  Marx   to   Lenin   through  Kautsky  and   Gramsci,   the   main   thinkers   of   classical   social   democracy   and   communism   have  consistently   pointed   out   the   unifying   potential   of   democratic   demands   for   revolutionary  politics.  Theoretically,  a  strand  of  marxist  thinking  that  started  with  Gramsci  and  was  taken  upon  by  Poulantzas  and  post-­‐althusserian  authors  has  developed  a  new  problematization  of  ""democracy"".  Neither  mere  liberalization  of  State  institutions  nor  simply  self-­‐organization  at   the   grassroots,   ""democracy""   is   a   dialectical   process   of   unification   and   leadership-­‐building  of  the  oppressed  and  exploited  against  their  ""passivization""  by  State  apparatuses  and  authoritarian  statism.    

Against   this   rich   background   of   theory   and   practice,   contemporary   socialist   organizing  seems  to  lag  behind  it:  'democracy'  is  either  reduced  to  procedural-­‐formal  processes  inside  social  movements   and   socialist   parties   or   it   is   considered  of   limited   relevance   for   today's  struggles   in   the  West.  While   it   seems   completely   straightforward   to   imagine   the   unifying  potential  of   'down  with  Mubarak'   in  Cairo,   'democratic  demands'   in   the  West  are  thought  only  in  the  terms  of  'solidarity'  against  repression  in  particular  struggles  or  through  the  lens  of  antifascism.  

Our   paper   aims   first   at   acknowledging   this   gap   between   marxist   theorizing   and   socialist  organizing.  This  gap  is  indeed  an  index  of  several  methodological  pitfalls:  a  division  between  East   and   West,   a   'stageist'   understanding   of   bourgeois   institutions,   an   instrumental  conception   of   democratic   demands   (as   simply   providing   stepping   stones   for   the   worker's  movement).  Secondly,  we  want  to  raise  the  question  of  the  racial  divide  at  work  in  this  gap.  It   is   indeed  clearly   the  case   that  non-­‐white  people  have  struggled  more   than  often   in   the  last   40   years   against   State   repression,   mass   incarceration   and   in   favor   of   more   inclusive  institutions  (both  at  the  narrowly  political  level  and  at  the  economic  level).  Is  not  the  left's  weakness   in   relation   to   democratic   demands   also   a   symptom   (and   a   reason)   for   its  incapacity  to  relate  to  non-­‐white  struggles?  

Lastly,  we  want  to  emphasize  how  democratic  demands  may  provide  today  a  fertile  ground  for  a  left  strategy:  first  as  a  way  to  bridge  the  gap  with  non-­‐white  communities  in  resistance,  secondly   because   social   and   economic   struggles   cannot   succeed   without   attacking   the  authoritarian   character   of   neoliberal   institutions,   thirdly   because   democracy   lays   the  foundations  of  a  non-­‐nationalist  narrative  for  a  people's  unity  in  the  struggle  for  hegemony.  

Patrick  Bond,  Ama  Biney  and  Castro  Ngobese  

South  Africa’s  Elite  Transition:  looking  backward  and  forward  South   Africa's   twenty-­‐year   elite   transition   -­‐   from   racial   apartheid   to   neoliberalism,   in   the  process  amplifying  unemployment,   inequality  and  ecological  destruction  -­‐   follows  patterns  witnessed   in   many   other   neo-­‐colonial   African   regime   changes   dating   to   the   late   1950s.  However,   there  are  several  political   initiatives   from  the   left  which  hold  promise,   including  the   breakaway   by   the   largest   trade   union   from   its   alliance   with   the   ruling   party.   This  discussion  about  past,  present  and   future   features  one  of   the   transition's   leading  political  economists   (Patrick  Bond),   the   former  editor  of   the  Pambazuka  African  ezine   (Ama  Biney)  and   the   spokesperson   of   the   National   Union   of   Metalworkers   of   South   Africa   (Castro  Ngobese).  

Mathieu  Bonzom          

How  immigration  control  survives  in  the  US:  the  current  immigration  regime,  hegemony  and  strategy    

This   paper   is   an   analysis   of   immigration   control   in   the   US   today,   in   terms   of   hegemony.  Laws,  enforcement  policies,  and  debates  surrounding  them,  have  been  shaped  by  successive  administrations  and  legislatures  so  as  to  combine  various  sets  of  political  demands,  mainly  those  of  big  business  owners,  opponents  of  mass  immigration,  and  immigrants  themselves.  In  a  logic  akin  to  that  of  the  historic  bloc,  this  generates  power  by  assembling  demands  that  are  not   immediately  and  fully  compatible.  The  stability  of  such  an   immigration  regime  can  only  be  maintained  by  a  political  process   implementing  numerous  ad  hoc  reforms.  Hence,  only   some   of   the   many   government   interventions,   such   as   the   1986   Immigration   Reform  and  Control  Act  (IRCA),  rework  all  dimensions  of  this  overarching  regime:  anti-­‐immigration  measures  and  a  mass  legalization  plan.  The  limited  character  of  each  set  of  policies  (or  their  enforcement)  allows  for  the  reproduction  of  a  subaltern  population  of  immigrants.  The  IRCA  illustrates   the   general   goals   of   the   immigration   regime:   satisfying   employers'   demands   in  the  best  possible  way,  by  harnessing  and   reproducing  both  anti-­‐immigrant   sentiment  and  immigrant   consent   to   contingent   statuses   (this   reproduction   is  ensured  by   simultaneously  rewarding  those  impulses  and  preventing  their  full  satisfaction).  

While  focusing  on  immigration  in  the  neoliberal  era,  it  will  be  possible  to  show  elements  of  synchronic   and   diachronic   continuity,   with   race   relations   more   generally,   and   with   the  treatment  of  immigrant  and  racial  minorities  in  a  less  recent  past.  

The   hegemonic   dynamic   makes   it   difficult   for   immigrant   movements   to   come   up   with   a  strategy   that   does   not   end   up   allowing,   or   indeed   contributing   to,   the   perpetuation   and  relaunching  of  the  regime.  At  the  same  time,  the  reproduction  of  immigrant  consent  can  cut  both  ways:  when  it  is  fragilized  by  political  circumstances  prioritizing  coercion,  mobilization  opportunities  appear,  as  was  the  case  in  2006,  and  arguably  has  been  ever  since.  

Instead   of   wallowing   in   the   sophistication   of   hegemonic   apparatuses,   identifying   the  blocking  points  they  create  should  feed  contributions  to  counter-­‐hegemonic  strategy.  One  of  several  racial  issues  to  be  tackled  that  way  is  the  immigration  regime.  The  sense  of  defeat  following   the   short-­‐term   victory   of   the   2006   mass   movement,   has   been   enhanced   by  Democratic   party   policies   intensifying   or   allowing   more   coercion,   and   channeling   the  movement's   demands   into   ""Comprehensive   Immigration   Reform""   bills   that   could   be  termed   ""IRCA   2.0"".   Mobilizations   around   immediate   demands   like   stopping   all  deportations  (""Not  1  More""  campaign)  and  tactical   innovations   involving  ""coming  out""  and   daring   acts   of   civil   disobedience   (aiming   at   demonstrating   that   the   risks   of   being  undocumented  are  lower  than  they  seem  especially  when  people  get  organized),  appear  as  important   contributions.   Frequently   embraced   by   immigrant   leaders   with   an   ultimate  ""legalization  for  all""  agenda,  those  perspectives  do  not  directly  demand  a  legalization  plan  but  avert   the  divisive   logic  of   IRCA-­‐like  bills   (selective   legalization,   repression,   relaunching  the  regime).  They  may  thus  be  better  suited  to  both  rebuilding  the  dynamic  and  reinventing  the  strategic  goals  of  immigrant  mobilization,  in  a  counter-­‐hegemonic  fashion.  

Tobias  Boos          

From  ¡Que  se  vayan  todos!  to  a  binarising  state  perspective    

The   Latin-­‐American   discussion   about   populism   has   a   long   and   rich   tradition.   Since   the  election  of  the  so  called  progressive  governments  in  the  region  there  have  been  numerous  contributions  to  the  debate,  especially  with  regard  to  Ernesto  Laclau´s  concept  of  populism.  One  of   the   first  and  most   interesting  critiques  of  his  approach  was  already   formulated  by  Portantiero  and  de  Ìpola  in  1981.  In  this  article  they  observe  a  kind  of  organicist  hegemony  that   characterizes   existing   populist   governments   which   reduces   the   heterogeneity   of  popular  demands.  

The  paper  utilizes  Antonio  Gramsci´s  concepts  of  common  sense  and  moral  and  intellectual  leadership   and   stresses   their   fundamental   role   in   regard   to   the   process   of   gaining  hegemony.  By  exploring  the  representations  of  kirchnerist  militants  and  sympathisers  about  the  current  balance  of   forces  and  the  political   situation   it   shows  that   their   interpretations  contain  a  very  specific  idea  of  the  state  structuring  their  vision  of  politics.  

Derek   Boothman          

The  communist  movement  in  Turin:  an  extended  essay  by  Gramsci  

There  has  recently  come  to  light  the  handwritten  original  version  of  the  longest  single  piece  written  by  Gramsci  before  the  highly  influential  essay  on  the  Southern  question  on  which  he  was  working  at  the  time  of  his  arrest  in  1926.  This  earlier  essay,  on  the  factory  council  and  communist   movement,   including   the   role   of   the   weekly   journal   L’Ordine   Nuovo,   was   his  direct  and   immediate  assessment  of   the  events   leading  up   to   the  red   two  years   (“biennio  rosso”)   in   Turin,   a   city   defined   in   the   essay   as   “the   Petrograd   of   the   Italian   proletarian  Revolution”.  It  deals  in  particular  with  the  mass  general  strike  of  April  1920,  news  of  which,  according   to   the  manuscript’s  opening   lines,  was   received  enthusiastically   in  Russia.  At   its  height  the  month-­‐long  strike  involved  half  a  million  people  out  of  a  regional  population  of  4  million,   the  working-­‐class  mass  being   “led   solely  by   the   [Turinese]   Section  of   the  Socialist  Party,  comprised  in  its  absolute  entirety  of  communist  workers”.  According  to  an  annotation  in  another  hand  on  a  later  typed-­‐up  version,  the  essay  consists  of  fifteen  pages  with,  as  was  Gramsci’s  wont,  very  few  corrections,  and  dates  to  the  summer  or  early  autumn  of  1920.  It  thus  predates  both  the  founding  congress  of  the  Italian  Communist  Party  (January  1921)  and  Gramsci’s  eighteen-­‐month  stint  as  an  Italian  representative  in  Moscow  on  the  Executive  and  Presidium  of  the  Comintern.  Printed  versions  of  the  essay,  published  at  the  time,  are  hard  to  come  by  in  any  language,  and  in  any  case  such  writings  were  normally  subject  to  editing  for  length,  or  in  order  to  cut  material  judged  extraneous  to  other  national  experiences  (not  to  mention  possible  inaccuracies  in  translation),  and  so  the  manuscript  version  assumes  added  importance.  As  well  as  its  purely  historical  interest,  as  a  comment  by  a  leading  participant  in  the   events   themselves,   what   emerges   is   an   early   attempt   by   Gramsci   to   give   a   detailed  break-­‐down  of  class   forces  and  of   the  organizations  of   the  urban  working  class,   to  discuss  the  question  of  power  in  society  –  and  the  value  even  of  defeats  –  and  to  define  a  politics  of  alliances.  In  the  space  allotted,  we  shall  try  to  illustrate  the  main  lines  of  the  document  and  put  them  into  the  context  of  Gramsci’s  subsequent  development.  

Toby  Boraman          

Polynesian   involvement   in   the   New   Zealand   strike   wave   from   the   late   1960s   to   the  mid-­‐1980s    

Marxists   in  Anglophone  countries  have  largely  neglected  the  role   indigenous  peoples  have  played   in  class  struggle,  often  based  on  the  assumption   that   indigenous  people  are  highly  marginal   to   that   struggle.   Furthermore,   despite   wage   labour   being   an   integral   part   of  Polynesian  life  in  New  Zealand,  studies  of  Polynesians  in  New  Zealand  have  largely  ignored  it.   Commentators   often   assume   that   Polynesians   are   marginalised   victims   of   capital  (including   colonialism   and   imperialism)   and   racism.   Even   labour   historians   have   almost  totally   ignored   the   role  Polynesians  have  played   in   the   labour  movement.   Far   from  being  helpless   victims,   many   Polynesians   participated   in   numerous   struggles   in   the   workplace  during   the   upturn   in   workplace   dissent   in   New   Zealand   from   the   late   1960s   to   the   mid-­‐1980s.  Indeed,  Māori  workers  were  generally  at  the  forefront  of  this  struggle.  Many  Pasifika  migrants   and   their   descendants   also   became   active   and   important   participants   in   labour  

struggle  by  the  mid-­‐  to  late  1970s,  although  some  barriers  to  involvement  remained.  In  the  workplace,  many  Polynesians  brought  aspects  of  their  culture  to  their  struggle  to  humanise,  minimise  and  resist  wage  work.  As  such  they  often  created,  adopted  and  adapted  various  forms   of   informal   and   formal   resistance   in   the   workplace.   To   some   extent,   aspects   of  Polynesian  culture  shaped  many  strikes  and  other  forms  of  dissent.  While  a  major  fusing  of  class   and   ethnicity   occurred,   by   the   early   1980s   bitter   conflict   developed   between   some  advocates  of  Maori  sovereignty  and  some  trade  unions.  This  paper  will  examine  Polynesian  involvement   in   workplace   unrest   in   three   industries   –   the   timber   industry,   the   meat  processing  industry  and  the  cleaning  industry."  

Kajsa  Borgnäs  

An  ecological  Marxist  critique  of  the  “green  growth”  and  “no-­‐growth“  concepts    

The   political   idea   of   “green   growth”   motivates   most   of   today’s   so   called   sustainability  policies  in  developed  countries.  As  a  counter-­‐argument,  ecological  economists  have  coined  the  idea  of  “no-­‐growth”  or  steady  state  economics  as  a  sustainability  goal.  Whereas  on  the  one  hand  the  former  serves  as  an  attempt  to  reconcile  the  demands  of  capitalist  economies  and   democratic   states   on   behalf   of   any   real   ecological   sustainability,   no-­‐growth   theories  often   underestimate   the   forces   and   logics   of   both   capital   and   state.   Taking   an   ecological  Marxist   and   Marxist   crisis   theory   perspective   as   its   starting   point,   this   article   scrutinizes  green  growth  and  no-­‐growth   logics  and  argues   that   strategies  need   to  be  more   radical   in  order  to  achieve  a  truly  sustainable  economy.  

Bruno  Bosteels          

Marx  in  Times  of  Riots:  The  Late  Writings  of  José  Revueltas  

  This   paper   addresses   the   late   political   writings   of   the   Mexican   activist-­‐writer   José  Revueltas,  between  Essay  on  a  Headless  Proletariat  and  the  posthumous  texts  collected  in  Mexico  1969:  Youth  and  Revolution.  Revueltas  will   appear  as   the   supreme   theorist  of   the  contemporary  moment,  defined  as   the  age  of   riots   in   search  of  new   forms  of  politics  and  dominated  by  anarcho-­‐communist   ideas  and  practices.  Where  Revueltas  was  looking  back,  trying  to  resituate  his  own  work  in  light  of  the  cooptation  of  the  Mexican  Revolution  from  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century,  this  work  as  become  uncannily  prescient  of  current  events  at   the  start  of   the  new  millennium.   In  studying  these   late  writings,   finally,   I  will  be  preparing  their  upcoming  translation  for  the  Historical  Materialism  book  series  from  Brill.  

Ulrich  Brand          

Growth  and  Domination.  Shortcomings  of  the  (De-­‐)Growth  Debate  

The  growth  critical  debate  could  be  more  fertile  if  economic  growth  were  considered  more  carefully  in  its  connection  with  the  ruling  capitalist  and  patriarchal  modes  of  production  and  living.   In   this   way,   we   can   understand   economic   growth   as   a   social   relation   which   is  

Here   the   ‘hegemonic   apparatus’   of   the   Soviet   state   during   the   NEP   period   required  continual  adjustment  to  guard  against  encouraging  separatist  sentiments  on  the  part  of  the  mainly  rural  Ukrainian-­‐speaking  population,  while  avoiding  resentments  on  the  part  of  the  mainly  Russian-­‐speaking  urban  proletariat.    In  addition  to  these  problems,  the  modalities  of  the   concessions   made   were   affected   by   the   emergence   of   a   relatively   wealthy   peasant  minority   and   petty   urban   capitalists   as   a   direct   result   of   the   NEP   itself,   as   well   as   the  complications   brought   about   by   the   presence   of   significant   national   minorities   (Jewish,  Greek,  Romanian  etc)  within  the  Ukrainian  SSR.    

Debates  over  the  formulation  of  Soviet  policy  in  Ukraine  occupied  all  the  leading  Bolsheviks  from  the  intense  debates  about  general  nationality  policy  in  1923  until  the  regime’s  move  to  crush  peasant  resistance  to  collectivisation  at  the  end  of  the  decade.  There  was  an  intense  dialogue   between   Ukrainian   Party   leaders   (Rakovskii,   Lebed,   Shumskii,   Korniushin)   and  those  at  the  Centre  (Zinovʹ′ev,  Bukharin,  Stalin),  which  can  be  traced  through  arguments  at  the  major  Party  congresses  and  in  correspondence  and  other  documentation  that  circulated  between  State  and  Party  agencies.  There   is  a   considerable   level  of   sophistication   in   these  debates  that  reveal  the  ways  in  which  the  notion  of  hegemony  was  developed  and  applied  throughout  the  decade.  Consideration  of  such  material  shows  that  Gramsci’s  writing  about  the  linguistic  and  cultural  dimensions  of  hegemony  in  no  way  exhaust  Marxist  consideration  of  the  question  in  the  1920s,  but  were  to  some  extent  dependent  upon  these  discussions.  This  has   importance  both   in  understanding   the   relationship  of  early  Soviet   thought   to   the  former  colonies  of  the  USSR,  but  also  in  understanding  some  of  the  contours  of  the  political  situation  in  Ukraine  today."  

Heather   Brown          

Transcending  Dualisms:  Marx’s  Philosophy  of  Nature  and  Labor    

As  the  most  recent  report  from  the  UN  on  Climate  Change  argues,  it  is  no  longer  possible  to  ignore  the  effects  of  human  destruction  of  the  environment.    Some  form  of  climate  change  in   the   present   is   inevitable   and   will   have   significant   impacts   on   various   ecosystems   and  societies.    The  goal  according  to  the  UN  International  Panel  on  Climate  change  is  in  part  to  mitigate   these  effects.     The  question   remains,  however,  how  do  we  approach   the  human  costs  of  climate  change  and  the  uneven  effects  of  a  reversal  of  this  process?    In  recent  years  there   has   been   a   significant   return   to   Marx   to   theorize   questions   of   race,   gender   and  economics   in   light   of   the   contradictions   and   crises   of   late   capitalism.     The   same   has   also  been   true   of  Marxist   ecology.     However,  many   of   these   recent   studies   take   up   particular  aspects   of   Marx’s   and/or   Engels’s   work   relative   to   environmental   concerns   rather   than  provide  a  complete  philosophical  perspective  of  Marx’s  ecology.    These  studies  certainly  do  provide  an  important  starting  point  for  a  Marxian  ecological  perspective  that  does  not  carry  the  burden  of   Soviet   style   anti-­‐ecological   development   and   in   fact,   illustrates   that  Marx’s  perspectives   on   ecology   could   not   be   further   away   from   these   types   of   perspectives.      Arguing   that   Marx   and/or   a   Marxian   perspective   on   the   environment   is   compatible   with  

particular  ecological  concerns  is  not  enough,  however.    If  we  are  able  to  find  an  alternative  to  the  rapacious  nature  of  capitalist  economic  development  that  leaves  many  behind,  then  we  must  create  a  fully  worked  out  philosophical  perspective  on  ecology  that  takes  account  of  various  forms  of  human  oppression  as  well.     It   is  hoped  that  this  paper  will  begin  to  fill  this  philosophical  gap  and  show  that  Marx  provided  an  outline   for  a   theory  of   the  human  impact  on  the  environment  that   is  useful   for  today,  albeit  with  some  problematic  aspects.    Looking  at   the  whole  of  Marx’s  work,   I  argue  that  his  continuing  emphasis  on  overcoming  dualisms  and  especially  regarding  humanity’s  relation  to  nature  provides  a  starting  point  for  a  theory  of  ecology  that  can  account  for  both  human  effects  on  nature  and  the  seemingly  parallel  oppression  based  on  race,  gender  and  class  without  privileging  one  aspect  over  the  others.  

Iain   Bruce          

"Climate  Change,  Pachamama  and  Socialism  in  the  21st  Century"    

"The  paper  will  bring  together  three  overlapping  themes,  in  order  to  help  understand  one  of  the   greatest   opportunities,   and   dilemmas,   for   the   international   resistance   to   climate  change.  

1.   Drawing  on  unpublished  reports  and  original  interviews  with  key  participants,  it  will  recount  the  intervention  of  the  ALBA  countries  in  the  Copenhagen  COP  of  2009,  when  the  leaders  and  delegations  of  Venezuela,  Bolivia  and  Cuba  linked  up  with  mobilizations  outside  the  conference  to  block  the  attempt  by  the  United  States  and  others  to  impose  a  non-­‐deal.  It  will  examine  how  this   led  to  the  People’s  Summit  on  Climate  Change   in  Cochabamba   in  2010,  then  how  the  stance  subsequently  weakened  at  Cancún  and  Durban.  

2.   It  will  look  at  how  the  indigenous  and  landless  movements,  with  their  practices  and  philosophies   around   the   defence   of   Pachamama   and   ‘good   living’   (buen   vivir,   sumak  kawsay)  helped  to  inform  and  put  pressure  on  the  stance  of  the  ALBA  governments,  putting  Latin  America  (for  a  time  at  least)  at  the  forefront  of  the  climate  change  movement.  

3.   Thirdly,  it  will  look  at  the  contradiction  running  through  the  middle  of  the  Bolivarian-­‐Alba  processes,  which  combine  the  impulse  of  these  movements  with  a  deeply  entrenched  dependence   on   oil   and   gas,   and   powerful   strands   of   developmentalist   and   extractivist  economic   policy.   Contradictions   which   have   led   to   direct   confrontations   in   a   number   of  cases.  

Finally,   the  paper  will  seek  to   identify  key  challenges  that  would  need  to  be  overcome  for  the  potential  expressed  at  Copenhagen  and  Cochabamba  to  be  recovered  and  continued.  

Iain  Bruce  is  a  British  journalist  and  film  maker,  formerly  a  BBC  correspondent  in  Brazil  and  Venezuela,  currently  working  as  Executive  Editor  at  Telesur  in  Caracas.  He  is  the  author/co-­‐author   of   ‘The   Porto   Alegre   Experience:   direct   democracy   in   Brazil’,   Pluto   Press,London,  

2004;  'The  Real  Venezuela:  making  socialism  in  the  21st  century',  Pluto  Press,  London,  2009.  Between   2010   and   2012   he   made   a   series   of   four   documentaries   for   Telesur   on   climate  change   issues   in   Latin   America.   He   also   contributes   on   Latin   America   to   International  Viewpoint  and  is  a  supporter  of  Socialist  Resistance.  

Dick   Bryan   Michael   Rafferty      

Re-­‐thinking  employment  through  finance    

"In   the   growing   literature   on   ‘financialization’,   there   is   little   engagement   with   the   labour  market.   That  which  exists   focuses  predominantly  on   the   idea  of   shareholder   value,   and  a  competitive  pressure  that  comes  into  a  workplace,  with  direct  ramifications  for  labour.  But  here   finance   expresses   analytically   as   an   exogenous   pressure.     So   how   do   we   think   of  employment,   and   the   appropriation   of   surplus   value,   as   a   process   into   which   financial  modes  of  calculation  have  entered.   In  particular,  how  do  we  frame  the  pricing  of  risk,  and  strategy  shifting  of  risk  in  the  employment  context  (and  how  does  the  conception  of  surplus  value  itself  change  when  we  consider  the  pricing  of  risk)?    

In  this  paper,  we  try  to  think  employment  through  the  discourse  of  finance,  both  to  feature  the  pricing  and  trading  of  risk    -­‐  a  process  that  needs  to  be  integrated  into  the  conception  of  surplus   value   –   and   so   that   the   analysis   of   class   in   relation   to   ‘financialization’   can   be  advanced.  At  the  moment,   finance  and  class  operate  on  quite  different  analytical  terrains.  To  think  the  connections  requires  that  there  be  ways  to  frame  each  in  relation  to  the  other  via   more   than   the   discipline   of   shareholder   value.     Accordingly,   this   paper   frames  employment   and   surplus   value   via   the   categories   of   options   and   swaps,   so   that   these  connections  might  be  explored."  

Tom   Bunyard          

'Dialectical,  Strategic  Thought':  An  Outline  of  the  Model  of  Praxis  that  Supports  Guy  Debord's  Theory  of  'Spectacle'  

Guy   Debord’s   famous   concept   of   ‘spectacle’   is   perhaps   one   of   the   most   widely  misunderstood  and  misappropriated  ideas  in  contemporary  theory.  This  paper  will  respond  to  that  problem  by  offering  a  clarification  of  the  concept,  advanced  via  a  discussion  of  the  philosophical   positions   that   inform  Debord’s   often  dense   formulations.   Through  doing   so,  the  paper  will  show  that  the  conceptual  framework  that  the  theory  rests  upon  possesses  far  greater  sophistication  and  complexity  than  is  often  acknowledged,  insofar  as  it  contains  the  following,  still  largely  ignored  components:  1)  a  philosophical  anthropology;  2)  a  speculative  philosophy  of  history;  3)  an  ethics;  4)  the  rudiments  of  an  epistemology;  5)  an  idiosyncratic  version  of  Hegelian  Marxism;  6)  a  dialectical  conception  of  strategy.  Through  outlining  those  elements   the   essay   will   advance   the   following,   broader   argument.   Debord’s   work   is   best  understood   as   a   20th   Century   re-­‐articulation   of   the   classical   19th   Century   concern   with  realising   philosophy   in   lived   praxis;   after   all,   the   heralded   supersession   of   spectacular  

representation,   in   all   of   its   various   formulations   within   his   thought,   essentially   revolves  around  the  need  to  begin  consciously  making  history,  as  opposed  to  merely  contemplating  and  interpreting  its  results.  Therefore,  if  his  theory  is  indeed  to  be  viewed  as  having  become  ‘more  relevant   than  ever’,  as  many  of  his  more  enthusiastic  commentators  would  have   it,  then   that  key  orientation   towards  praxis   should   form  part  of   its  purported  relevance.  The  paper  will  show  that  such  a  claim  to  pertinence  can  indeed  be  made:  that  whilst  the  theory  may  be  of   limited  value  as  an  account  of  modern  capitalism,  the  model  of  praxis  that  one  can  draw  from  its  conceptual  mechanics  –  a  model  that  amounts,  we  will  argue,  to  a  highly  politicised  ethics  –  may,  nonetheless,  be  of  contemporary  interest.  

Florian  Butollo        

The  Transformation  of  the  Chinese  Economy  –  A  Leap  beyond  Cheap  Labour?  

China´s   current   growth   pattern   is   ridden   with   contradictions.   Excessive   reliance   on  investments   and   exports   has   brought   about   macroeconomic   imbalances   while   a  proliferation   of   workers   struggles   is   indicating   the   limits   of   the   authoritarian   model   of  control.   Since   over   a   decade,   the   Chinese   government   therefore   seeks   to   refurbish   the  growth  model   by   a   combined   policy   effort   for   industrial   upgrading   and   the   promotion   of  harmonious   labour   relations.  This  presentation  attempts   to  assess   the  perspectives  of   the  reform  programme  with  an  awareness  of  its  structural  limitations.  These  consist  of  a  uneven  global   economic   structure   that   may   impede   a   progress   towards   knowledge-­‐intensive  production  models,  as  well  as  an  internal  power  structure  with  strong  ties  to  the  established  “extensive”   regime   of   accumulation.   On   the   other   hand,   growth   of   the   domestic   market,  state   involvement   in   industrial   upgrading   and   technology   development,   and   a   “vertical  clustering”  of  industries  create  favourable  conditions  for  industrial  upgrading.  The  evolving  political  economy  thus  shows  contradictory   tendencies   in  which   there   is  a  proliferation  of  high-­‐tech   industries   and   advanced   manufacturing   on   the   one   hand   and   a   persistence   of  cheap   labour   segments   and   authoritarian   type   of   industrial   relations   on   the   other.   Our  analysis   tries   to   come   to   terms   with   these   contradictory   tendencies   and   assess   their  implications  for  economic  development  and  social  conflict.  

Damien   Cahill        

Neoliberal  Doctrine  as  Ideology  

Recent   scholarship  on  neoliberalism  has   drawn  attention   to   the   role   played  by  neoliberal  doctrines  and  think  tanks  in  the  neoliberal  transformation  of  states  and  economies  since  the  1970s.  Much  of  this  scholarship  has  accorded  a  strong  independent  causal  role  to  neoliberal  doctrines  in  the  making  of  neoliberal  policies.  Concurrently  however,  several  scholars  have  also   noted   discrepancies   between   neoliberal   doctrines   and   actually   existing   neoliberal  policies  and  economic  changes.  This  paper  proposes  that  a  historical  materialist  framework  is  uniquely  placed  to  understand  both  the  important  role  played  by  neoliberal  doctrines  in  

the  roll  out  of  neoliberal  policy,  as  well  as  why  actually  existing  neoliberalism  is  not  simply  a  mirror  of  neoliberal  doctrines.   It  argues  that  the  role  played  by  neoliberal  doctrines   in  the  roll  out  of   actually  existing  neoliberalism   is  best  appreciated   if   such  doctrines  are   read  as  ideology.   The   paper   draws   upon   Marx’s   distinction   between   essence   and   appearance   in  Capital  to  argue  that  neoliberal  doctrines  are  ideological  in  the  sense  that  they  offer  both  a  partial   reflection   of   transformations   to   capitalist   economies   since   the   1970s,   as   well   as  masking  the  key  social  relations  at  the  heart  of  such  transformations.  

Ankica  Cakardic          

Theory  of  accumulation  and  Luxemburgian  analysis  of  reproductive  labour  and  current  crises    

"While  writing  “An  Anti-­‐Critique:  The  Accumulation  of  Capital,  or  What   the  Epigones  have  Made   of   Marx’s   Theory”   where   she   very   concisely   outlines   her   thesis   on   capital  accumulation   Rosa   Luxemburg   argues   that   the   economic   roots   of   imperialism   can   be  derived   from   the   accumulation   of   capital   and   that   imperialism   in   general   represents   a  specific   mode   of   accumulation.   From   that   point   onwards   she   will   develop   her   critique   of  Marx,  especially  when  it  comes  to  the  third  part  of  the  second  volume  of  ""Capital""  where  Marx  analyses  the  question  of  reproduction.      

With  a  summary  review  of  this  discussion,  we  will  try  to  see  whether  it  is  possible  to  offer  a  Luxemburgian   analysis   of   the   current   crisis,   and   reflect   on   the   methodological   and  theoretical   framework   we   would   need   to   consider.   In   the   end   we   will   try   to   use   this  instrument   for   the   materialistic   analysis   of   women's   reproductive   labor   and   its   economic  role  in  the  accumulation  of  capital,  taking  into  account  the  relation  between  the  productive  and  unproductive  labor  as  it  is  decomposed  in  Rosa  Luxemburg’s  several  texts  from  1902nd  to  1914th."  

Lindberg   Campos   Filho    

The   fight   against   Brazilian   capitalist   patriarchy   and   racism:   exploitation,   rape   culture   and  urban  lynchings  

The  aim  of  this  paper  is  an  analysis  of  the  intensification  of  exploitation  by  early  twentieth-­‐first  century  Brazilian  capitalism  through  homo  and  transphobia,   sexism  and  racism   in   the  light  of  the  formation  of  Brazilian  bourgeois  society   in   late  nineteenth  century.   I  analyse  a  number  of  different  examples  from  mass  culture  and  of  social  dynamics  and  practices,   for  instance,  the  first  gay  kiss   in  a  nationwide  soap  opera  broadcast,   the  widespread  Brazilian  sexism,   the   increasing   visibility   of   lynchings   in   urban   peripheries   and   domestic   workers's  working   conditions.   These   realities   reveal   that   Brazilian   capitalism   combines   oppression  with  exploitation  in  order  to  sophisticate  and  legitimise  the  latter.  In  addition  to  that,  I  take  into   consideration   the   process   of   transition   from   slavery   based   to   a   mass   consumption  society   in   the   turn  of   the   century   to  highlight   the   specific   and   local   conditions   that  made  

such  social  structure  possible.  I  briefly  evaluate  the  corresponding  responses  given  by  social  movements   and   revolutionary   organizations   in   Brazil   and   possible   perspectives.   Even  though  it  can  be  observed  a  series  of  significant  advancements,  especially  in  terms  of  LGBT  visibility  and  racial  oppression,  capitalist  accumulation  and  private  property  are  untouched  which,   I   argue,   are   the   real   basis   of   oppression   and   one   of   the   reasons   why   Brazilian  capitalism  still  survives.  I  use  theoretical  frameworks  provided  by  cultural  materialist  critics  such  as  Fredric  Jameson,  Raymond  Williams,  Roberto  Schwarz,  Antonio  Candido  and  Maria  Elisa  Cevasco  in  order  to  deepen  this  analysis.  

Cagri   Carikci          

Neoliberal   Transformation   of   the   State,   Class   Struggle   and   Capital:   Lessons   from  Privatisation  of  Turkey’s  Mining  Sector    

"The  issue  of  privatisation  in  public  sector  and  its  effects  on  the  relations  between  the  state,  capital  and  classes  have  been  broadly  discussed  in  recent  years.  This  paper  aims  to  make  a  critical   analysis   of   the   privatisation   in   the   mining   sector   in   Turkey   during   the   Justice   and  Development  Party  (AKP)  period  to  identify  the  specific  political  policies  and  strategies  AKP  has  pursued  in  this  process  and  their  implications  on  the  state’s  neoliberal  transformation.  Within   this   framework,   this   paper   will   analyse   the   place   of   the   mining   sector   in   Turkey’s  economy  and  explain  the  significance  of  the  privatisation  process  in  terms  of  reproduction  of  labour  and  class  struggle.  

An  effort  will  be  made  to  express,  through  a  two-­‐way  dynamic  analysis,  the  influence  of  the  state  regulation  over  social  relations  and  the  impact  of  class  struggle  –which  is  implicit  in  the  way  the  society  functions–  on  the  state,  institutions  and  reforms.  Also  an  emphasis  will  be  laid  on   the   importance  of   the   relations  and   conflict  between  different   fractions  of   capital  during  the  AKP  period.  

The   paper   concludes   that   behind   these   privatisations   lies   a   political   process,   which   has  deepened  the  domination  of  the  capital  over  the  state."  

Samuel  Carlshamre          

History,  Heritage,  science  and  ideology:  Marxist  Arabic  Turath-­‐studies  post-­‐1967  

"This   presentation   is   to   examine   the   relationships   between   Heritage   and   History,   science  and  ideology  in  the  writings  of  a  number  of  Arabic  Marxist  historians  in  the  period  between  1967  and  1991,  in  the  cultural  journal  al-­‐Tariq,  belonging  to  the  Lebanese  Communist  Party.  While   the   issue  of   coming   to   terms  with   the   cultural,   religious  and  philosophical  Heritage  (turath)   of   Arabic-­‐Islamic   civilisation   had   been   an   important   part   of   Arabic   cultural   and  political   discussions   at   least   since   the   beginning   of   the   nahda   in   the   middle   of   the   19th  century,  the  defeat  of  the  Arab  states  in  the  1967  June  war  against  Israel  ushered  in  an  era  of  crisis,  and  thus  renewed  focus  on  the   issue,  culminating  throughout  the   late  1970s  and  

early   1980s   in   a   number   of   multi-­‐volume   studies   of   the   subject   written   from   a   Marxist  perspective.    

In   this   presentation,   however,   the   focus   will   lie   rather   on   the   debates   and   discussions  carried  out   in   al-­‐Tariq,   debates   in  which,  more   clearly  perhaps   than   the  monographs,   the  internal  deliberations  and  conflicts  within  the  Marxist  circles  came  to  be  highlighted.  For  the  writers   involved   in   these  debates  –  such  as  Husayn  Muruwwah,  Tayyib  Tizini,  Mahdi  Amil,  Tawfiq  Sallum  and  many  more  –  the  subject  in  itself  presented  a  number  of  problems,  such  the  questions  of  relationship  of  base  and  superstructure,  ideology  and  scientificity,  use  and  truth   in   the   writing   of   history,   and   not   least   that   of   the   relationship   between   the   very  categories  or  knowledge  objects  of  History  and  Heritage  themselves.   In  this  relationship   is  highlighted   the   potentially   conflicting   uses   and   functions   of   (writing   about)   the   past,  tentatively   formulated  as   the   tension  between   identity   formation   (Heritage)  and   scientific  knowledge  (History).  

In  this  paper,  then,  the  focus  will  be  on  the  very  foundations  of  the  Arabic  discourse  about  Heritage  from  a  Marxist  perspective.  From  a  theoretical  view  point  grounded  in  the  ideas  of  Historical  Materialism  –  with  pretence   to   represent  actual,   scientific   knowledge  about   the  past  –  what  use  could  there  be  in  approaching  such  a  object  of  knowledge?  If  not  discarded  altogether,   then   how   did   it   need   to   be   transformed,   to   become   manageable   by   the  theoretical  tools  of  Marxism?  What  is  the  relationship  that  is  to  be  established  between  the  past   and   the   present   to   be,   and   how   does   it   compare   to   other   such   formulations,  represented   by   non-­‐Marxist  writers   on   the   subject?   Is   the   project   at   hand   fundamentally  one  of  negative  critique,  or  of  positive  re-­‐appropriation?    

While  this  discussion  can  shed  light  on  some  important  specific  issues  and  predicaments  of  Arabic  society  and  the  left  in  these  societies,  it  also  ties  in  with  questions  and  theories  of  a  decidedly   universal   validity,   such   as   the   relationship   between   materiality   and   culture,  cultural   heritage   and   history,   as   developed   not   least   by   Marxist   theoreticians   such   as  Frederic  Jameson  and  Walter  Benjamin."  

Thomas   Carmichael          

The  Aesthetic  Ideology  of  the  Later  Althusser  

"In  the  ‘Initiation  à  la  philosophie  pour  les  non-­‐philosophes,’  recently  published  in  France,  a  text   composed   in   the   late   1970s,   contemporaneous   with   his   several   meditations   on   the  crisis  in  the  historical  Communist  movement  and  his  turn  to  the  major  late  texts  on  aleatory  materialism,  Althusser  argues  that  the  “The  ‘escape  into  art’  is  perhaps  the  equivalent  of  the  ‘escape   into   religion’:   a   way   of   finding   an   imaginary   solution   to   the   real   difficulties   that  societies  confront’  [Translation  mine].      

However,  that  critique  of    ‘artistic  practice’  would  appear  to  be  at  odds  with  his  conception  of  the  role  of  the  aesthetic  and  the  aesthetically  interpellated  collective  that  informs  much  

of   his   late   work   on   aleatory   materialism.     Consider,   for   example,   the   role   that   Althusser  assigns  to  culture  in  his  own  work.    In  his  unpublished  1982  interview  with  Richard  Hyland,  Althusser  asserts   that  he  considers  his  essay  “The   ‘Piccolo  Teatro’:  Bertolazzi  and  Brecht,”  one   of   the   better   things   that   he   has   ever   written:   “Je   crois   que   c’est   une   des   meilleures  choses  que  j’ai  écrites”  (Althusser,  “Conversation  avec  Richard  Hyland”  2  juillet  1982,  IMEC  Fonds  Althusser  ALT2.  A46.-­‐05.03,  p.  32).     If  we  are   inclined   to  heed   that   the  observation  Étienne  Balibar  makes  in  his  remarks  at  Althusser’s  funeral  that  For  Marx  is  Althusser’s  one  great   book,   then   we   might   reasonably   ask   ourselves,   as   this   chapter   considers,   why  Althusser  would  value  so  highly   the  theatre  essay   in   that  book,  an  essay  that  seems  to  so    many     as   secondary   to   “Contradiction   and   Overdetermination”   or   “On   the   Materialist  Dialectic”  (Balibar,  Écrits,  121).  

My  paper  also  takes  up  the  questions  posed   in  Althusser’s  own  unpublished  notes.     In  his  unpublished  1966  reflections  on  Macherey’s  “Pour  une  théorie  de   la  production   littéraire,  for  example,     the  phrases   “nécessité   libre,”   “rencontre  de  nécissités,”   “du  clinamen,”  and  “théorie   de   la   rencontre”   appear   prominently,   in   part   in   response   to   Macherey’s   own  discussion  of  necessity   in  A  Theory  of  Literary  Production  (Althusser,  “Notes  sur   le   livre  de  Pierre  Macherey:  Pour  une  théorie  de  la  production  littéraire  1966.”  IMEC  Fonds  Althusser).       As   the   notes   on   Macherey’s   A   Theory   of   Literary   Production   would   indicate,   the  terms   that   will   guide   the   logic   of   Althusser’s   late   thought   often   appear   early,   and   these  terms   appear   most   often   in   the   field   of   cultural   analysis.          

Matteo  Cavallaro  

Towards  a  political  economy  of  radical  right  parties  

According  to  Alesina  et  al.  (2001),  anti-­‐immigrant  sentiment  and  racist  views  can  play  a  role  in   undermining   public   support   for   public   sector.   Roemer   et   al.   (2007)   furtherly   deveoped  this   idea   estimating   the   loss   of   public   expenditure   caused   by   widespread   racist   feelings.    Their  works,  however,  mainly   focus  on   the   trade-­‐off  between   individual  preferences,   thus  leaving  unsolved  other  questions  such  as:  to  what  extent  do  these  attitudes  have  concrete  effects  on  the  economy?  What  is  the  role  of  radical  right  parties  ?  And    what  can  we  say  of  social   blocks   behind   those   parties?   Goal   of   this   work   is   to   present   a   thorough   review   of  political  determinants  in  economics,  from  the  neoclassical  interpretation  to  the  approaches  focusing   on   individual   attitudes.   On   the   other   hand,   I   wish   to   introduce   a   plan   for   an  integrated  study   linking  social  classes,   radical   right  parties  and  economic  policy  keeping   in  mind   that   “Policy   requires   politics”   (Gourevitch   1986   :   1).   In   particular,   two   (both  “Gramscian”)   streams   seem   useful   reach   this   goal,   namely     the   social   blocks   approach  developed   during   the   last   years   by   Amable   et   al.   (2003,   2005,   2006   and   2012)   and   the  marxist  theory  of  the  state  as  proposed  by  Jessop  (2002  and  2006).  Developing  and  unifying  these  approaches  could  prove  to  be  insightful  in  understanding  the  role  of  radical  right,  as  well  as  other  political  forces,  in  capitalist  ecomies.  

Riccardo   Cavallo        

The  Commons’  Revolution:  the  Italian  Case.  

This  paper  analyses  the  new  attempts  at  resistance  to  neoliberalism  spread  implemented  in  Italy   in  recent  times.   If,  on  the  one  hand,  global  capitalism  seems  to  survive  thanks  to  the  new  practices   and   tools,   on   the  other   hand,   in   some   countries   there   are  developing  new  forms  of  opposition  to  the  dominance  of  the  capital.  The  Italian  case  stands  in  this  complex  scenario,  where  the  theoretical  work  on  the  commons  of  a  group  of  scholars  (mostly  jurists  and   economists),   has   not   been   confined   to   the   lecture   rooms   but   it   has   had   significant  practical  implications  of  giving  rise  to  a  veritable  proliferation  of  socio-­‐political  movements,  whose  struggles  in  defence  of  commons  and,  in  particular,  against  the  privatization  of  water  resources,  ended  with  the  victory  of  a  popular  referendum  in  2011.  Since  a  so  unexpected  victory,  we  should  examine  some  aspects  of  the  protection  of  common  goods,  starting  from  the   fundamental   question   summed   up   as   follows:   the   collective   government   of   the  commons   could  be  a   revolutionary   in  order   to  way  out  of   the   suffocating   logic  of  private  property  as  a  new  form  of  class  struggle  or,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  likely  to  remain  entangled  in  the  same  neoliberal  ideology?  

Paromita  Chakrabarti  

Between   Capitalism   and   Imperialism:     Subaltern   Feminist   Resistance   and   Struggle   in  Mahashweta  Devi’s  Breast  Stories  

The  history  of  India’s  emergence  from  a  colony  to  a  post  colonial  nation  state  is  marked  by  the  narrative  of  people’s  struggle  and  agency.  However,  what  is  silenced  in  this  narrative  are  certain   moments   of   confrontation   that   marks   this   transition.   This   confrontation   was   not  simply  between  the  colonizer  and  the  colonized  but  between  the  bourgeois  nationalists  who  began  to  assert  power  after  independence  and  the  tribals  or  indigenous  people  who  fiercely  resisted  being  proletarized.  Subaltern  protests  and  peasant  rebellion  against  state  authority,  multinational   corporations’   land   grabbling   ventures   and   institutional   tolerance   of  spectacular  sexual  violence  against  lower  caste  women  have  continued  to  expose  the  fault  lines  of  Indian  democracy.    

This  paper  discusses  Mahashweta  Devi’s  radical  writings  which  tell  the  stories  of  subaltern  women   in   India   who   are   caught   in   the   cycle   of   violence,   exploitation   and   oppression   as  body,   worker   and   object;   and   are   yet   able   to   resist   the   deep   seated   caste   prejudices,  destabilize   the   notions   of   victim   and   violator,   and   question   the   hegemonic   homogeneity  that   symbolize   the   idea   of   India.   Although   Literature   has   long   ceased   to   be   the   most  effective  medium  of  social  criticism  and  the  advancement  of  alternative  visions,   it  remains  an   important   source  of   intervention,   especially   in   the   Indian   context,   particularly  because  literature   is  able   to   focus  on  questions  glossed  over  by  more  capital-­‐intensive  media.  The  intersection   of   class   exploitation   and   features   of   caste   and   sexual   oppression   that   are  

explored   in   the   work   of   Mahashweta   Devi,   articulates   a   position   that   is   simultaneously  Marxist   and   Feminist,   as   well   as   advancing   the   perspectives   of   subaltern   social   groups.  Devi’s  Breast  Stories  (trans.1997)  uses  the  site  of  the  transgressive  female  body  to  represent  radical  aesthetics,   launching  a  stringent  critique  of   Indian  nationalism,   its   imperial   invasive  ventures  into  the  tribal  (indigenous)  and  peasant  lands  and  its  capitalist  exploitation  of  the  productive   subaltern   female   body   for   elite   consumption.   I   argue   that  Mahashweta  Devi’s  Breast   Stories   represent   the   subaltern   woman’s   struggle   and   resistance   against   the  intrusions  of  the  capitalist  market  economy  and  the  rise  of  violent  quasi-­‐imperial  modes  of  domination  and  subjugation.  

Devi’s   work   constitutes   a   dialectical   engagement   with   subaltern   women’s   oppression,   its  roots   in   structures  of  exploitation  and  strategies   for   liberation.  This   is  apparent  when  she  subverts  and  appropriates  the  ancient  Hindu  epics  to  serve  the  cause  of  subaltern  protest  against   the   combined   force   of   state   violence,   the   bramhinical   social   order,   patriarchal  oppression  and  capitalist  exploitation  in  the  form  of  the  persistence  of  bonded  labour.  In  a  compelling   revisionist   strategy,  Devi’s   literary  appropriation  of   the   figure  of  Draupadi,   the  polyandrous   wife   of   the   Pandavas   as   Dopdi,   serves   as   a   critique   of   the   violent   and  exploitative   Indian   state   and   a   mark   of   subaltern   female   agency.   Central   figures   in   her  narrative   serve   to   subvert   the   grand   narrative   of  motherhood   and  maternal   nourishment  and   allegorize   the   oppressive   legacies   of   patriarchal   demands   on   the   female   body   as  commodity.  By  rewriting  the  figure  of  the  sacred  wife  and  mother,  Devi  problematises  the  image  of  the  Indian  state  as  a  secular,  democratic  and  progressive  republic  and  exposes  the  reality   of   exclusion,   exploitation   and   erasure   of   the   subaltern   female   that   such   a   state  regularly   practices.   Reading   Devi’s   work   as   a   Marxist   feminist   critique   of   neo-­‐imperialism  and   capitalism   has   particular   importance   in   our   times   for   two   reasons:   her   writings   have  inspired  protests   by   tribal  women’s   groups   against   the   Indian   State   in   areas   like  Manipur  among   others,     and   it   gives   her   readers   critical   insight   into   India’s   aggressive   capitalist  market  oriented  economic  policy,   the  politics  of   sexual   crimes   that   are   committed  by   the  upper   caste   men   against   women   particularly   from   the   lower   caste   in   the   name   of   social  justice,  and  the  dangerous  shift  of  the  political  debate  on  cultural  nationalism  to  the  right.  

Vincent   Chanson          

Politicizing  Theory  :  Philosophy  and  Praxis  in  critical  marxism  from  Korsch  to  Krahl.    

In  this  paper,  my  aim  will  be  to  examine  “Western  Marxism”  concept  with  a  quite  different  approach   than    Perry  Anderson’s  classical   category.  While   in   the   famous  Anderson’s  book  “Wester   Marxism”   is   assimilated   to     a   pessimistic   critique   of   the   proletariat   praxis,   to   a  philosophizing  estrangement  of  the  classical  marxian  critique  of  political  economy,  i’ll  argue  quite  differently  that  we  can  find  another  undercurrent  in  this  tradition,  which  leads  us  to  a  new  type  of  theory  and  praxis  unity  concept.  From  Karl  Korsch  seminal  text  “Marxism  and  Philosophy”   (1923)   to   Hans-­‐Jürgen   Krahl   “Konstitution   und   Klassenkampf”   (1971),   the  problem  of  the  realization  of  philosophy  is  revisited  in  an  experimental  and  subversive  way.  

Philosophic   statements   become   here   directly   politicized   :   a   new   dialectical   conceptuality  oversteps   traditional  marxism,    critical   self-­‐reflexion  becomes     the  core  of  a  new  strategic  rationality.   Far   away   from   Adorno’s   skepticism   and   tragic   philosophy   of   history,  revolutionary   perspective   in   late   capitalism   is   for   Krahl   in   a   new   interpretation   of   1920’s  dialectical   marxism   (Lukacs,   Korsch)   grounded.   That’s   why   Critical   Theory   could,   in  opposition   to   the   habermassian   orientation,   give   us   some   political   and   organizational  orientations,  directly  coming  from  a  new  synthesis  between  “critical  marxism”  and  german  idealism.  

Vincent  Chanson   is  PHD  Student   (Nanterre  University/   SOPHIAPOL).  He   is   the   coordinator  (with   Frédéric  Monferrand   and  Alexis   Cukier)   of   “La   Réification,  Histoire   et   actualité   d’un  concept   critique”   (La  Dispute,   2014)   and   the  author  of  many  articles   about   critical   theory  (Adorno,  Benjamin,  Lukacs,  Jameson)  and  marxist  aesthetic."  

Greig   Charnock   &  Ramon   Ribera-­‐Fumaz      

The  Limits  to  Capital  in  Spain  

  Perhaps  nowhere  better  exemplifies  ‘how  capital  survives’  better  than  the  European  South,  where  states’  crisis  management  strategies  since  2009  have  amounted  to  what  some  have  termed  ‘austericide’.    This  paper  will  explain  the  crisis  in  Spain  by  tracing  the  essential  features  of  the  development  of  Spanish  political  economy    –  paying  particular  attention  to  the  reproduction  of  a  mass  of  ‘small  capitals’  before  and  after  the  insertion  of  Spain  into  the  New  International  Division  of  Labour  from  the  1970s.  While  stressing  that  crisis  has  been  a  necessary  and  periodically  recurring  feature  of  this  development,  the  paper  also  highlights  how  crisis   as   ‘normality’   is   intrinsically   linked   to   the  project  of   European  Monetary  Union  through   the   politics   of   ‘internal   devaluation’   and   widespread   struggles   over   the  reproduction  of  the  working  class.  

Olivier  Chassaing          

Legal  Form  Theory  and  Criminal  Law  Criticism    

At   least   since   the  end  of   the  XVIIIth  century,   the   legal   institutions   that   settle  and  operate  repression  of  forbidden  conducts  have  been  approached  from  the  historical  perspective  of  their   never-­‐ending   reforms,   or   of   their   abolition.   Therefore,   a   number   of   critical   studies  about   state   repression   and   criminal   law   have   tried   to   argue   that   existing   historical  institutions  could  not  be  abstractly  rubbed  out,  and  showed  instead  the  productive,  useful  and  indeed  inevitable  character  of  transgression  and  its  repression,  following  Marx’s  dictum  of   the   social   benefits   of   crime   (Theories   of   Surplus-­‐Value).   In   particular,   Rushe   and  Kirchheimer   analysed   the   penal   pattern   through   which   economic   structure   impacts   upon  law  and  makes  it  a  key-­‐tool  of   labour  discipline  and  broader  exploitation  (Punishment  and  Social   Structure).  More  essentialy,   Pachukanis’   account  of   criminalization  and  punishment  traced  the  deeper   legal   form  at   its  rise,  namely  the  commodity  form,  and  argued  that   law  

becomes  a  formal  condition  to  reproduce  capitalism  and  reinforce  its  social  hierarchy.  Thus,  penal   pattern   and   commodity   form   theory   offer   two   different   ways   to   understand   the  connection   between   criminalization   and   penalty   on   one   side,   and   exploitation   and   social  domination  on  the  other.  Those  two  options  can  be  defined  as  structural  subordination  and  agentivity   of   criminal   law  –   since   law  expresses   and   shapes   class   struggle.   I  would   like   to  question   these   various   theories   of   legal   form   in   order   to   identify   the   principle   of   legality  criticism   that   structures   those   critical   theories   of   crime   (wether   they   be   engaged   with   a  restorative  justice  or  with  an  abolitionnist  framework).  

François  Chesnais        

The  notion  of  finance  capital  and  the  contemporary  operations  of  TNCs    

"The  exploration  of  capital's  capacity  to  survive  requires  a  re-­‐examination  of  the  notion  of  finance  capital   as  an   initial  necessary   step.   Finance  capital   refers   to   something  more,  and  infinitely   more   formidable   than   just   capital   operating   in   financial   markets.   In   the  contemporary   conditions   of   the   globalisation   of   capital,   it   designates   the   process   and  consequences  of   the  centralisation  and  concentration  of   industrial,  banking  and  merchant  capital   alike   and   their   intermeshing.   Contemporary   finance   capital   is   in   combination  “productive  capital”  lodged  in  industrial  corporations,  all  of  them  transnational  corporations  (TNCs),   “money   capital”   centralised   in   very   large   and   powerful   financial   conglomerates  (financial   capital)   and   merchant   and   commercial   capital   embodied   in   the   conglomerates  operating  in  both  in  commodities  proper  and  in  final  commercialisation.  

Once  this  has  been  posited  the  analysis  will  focus  on  TNCs.  If  today  capitalism  continues  to  be  capable  of  containing  the  effects  of  the  world  crisis,  in  the  case  of  the  advanced  capitalist  countries  it  is  due  in  large  part  to  the  scale  of  value  and  surplus  production  through  foreign  direct   investment  and  the   intensification  of  exploitation  taking  place  under  TNC  corporate  management   operating   on   a   global   level.   The   configuration   of   foreign   production   has  continually  evolved  from  the  1960s  onwards.  It  has  been  marked  by  a  continuous  extension  from   the   direct   production   of   value   and   surplus   value   by   TNCs   to   their   appropriation   of  surplus   value   from  other   firms.  Global   vertical   supply   chains  appeared   in   the  early  1990s,  followed   by   ever   more   complex   “value   chains”,   first   among   TNC   affiliates   and   then  increasing  through  offshoring  with  medium  and  small  firms  often  situated  in  a  large  number  of  countries."  

Danielle   Child          

From  Labia  to  Labour:  an  alternative  to  the  performed  body  in  mid-­‐1970s’  feminist  art    

"From  1973  to  1975,  three  women  artists  –  Margaret  Harrison,  Kay  Hunt  and  Mary  Kelley  –  undertook   a   study   of   (mainly   women)   workers   in   a   Bermondsey   metal   box   factory.   The  project  was  born  out  of  their  engagement  with  the  Women’s  Workshop  of  the  Artist’s  Union  and  was  more  akin  to  a  sociological  study  than  ‘art’,  producing  detailed  data  on  the  lives  of  

these  workers.  The  research  culminated  in  an  installation,  exhibited  under  the  title  Women  and  Work:  A  Document  on  the  Division  of  Labour  in  Industry  (1973-­‐5)  at  the  South  London  Art  Gallery.   The  piece  was   to   evidence   the   inequality   between   the  men  and  women  who  worked  at  the  factory.  

The  work  is  dubbed  as  a  ‘feminist’  project  due  to  the  artists  whom  undertook  the  research  and   the   subject  of   the  project.  This  paper  will   consider   the  work  as  a  departure   from  the  dominant  models  of  feminist  art  of  the  mid-­‐1970s  in  which  the  female  body  is  performed.  Through  examining   the   types  of   labour   -­‐  performed   labour,   labour  as   knowledge  creation  and  the  actual   labour  of   the  subject   (creating  value  through  extracting  surplus)   -­‐   it  will  be  argued  that  this  London-­‐based  group  undertook  a  more  affective  feminist  critique  through  its  ‘knowledge’  creation."  

Juan   Chingo          

The   geopolitics   of   the   current   international   crisis:   neo-­‐Kautskyism   or   inter-­‐imperialist  rivalries?  

"The  current  crisis  has  not  yet  brought  about  a  significant  geopolitical  transformation  as  was  the   case   with   the   1929   crisis,   which   Isaac   Johsua   characterises   as   ‘a   crisis   of   American  emergence’.    The  catastrophic  economic  conditions  of  the  1929  crisis  meant  that  the  United  Kingdom  was   incapable  of  playing   its  old  stabilising  role  and  the  United  States,  despite   its  rapid   advance,   was   incapable   of   replacing   the   UK.   In   1931,   neither   power   was   able   to  intervene   to   prevent   the   German   banking   crisis   or   the   collapse   of   sterling,   events   that  contributed  to  the  Second  World  War.   In  the  current  crisis,  by  contrast,  we  have  seen  not  only   massive   state   intervention   to   rescue   the   bankrupt   financial   system,   but   also   the  prominent  role  played  by  the  Federal  Reserve,  followed  by  the  European  Central  Bank  and  the  Bank  of  Japan,  to  prevent  the  crisis  from  becoming  another  Great  Depression.  

As  a   consequence,   the   first  phase  of   this  on-­‐going   crisis  has   reinforced  an   incorrect   view:  one  that  overestimates  America’s  leading  role  in  a  ‘collective  imperialism’  to  manage  global  capitalism,   which   in   the   latter   part   of   the   20th   Century   replaced   imperialist   rivalries  (including   wars).   Although   it   is   true   that   there   is   no   hegemon   to   replace   American  dominance,  this  paper  will  attempt  to  demonstrate,  against  these  neo-­‐Kautskyist  views,  that  the  difficulty   in  achieving  hegemonic   succession   lies   in   the  historical   features  of  American  supremacy,  which  are  qualitatively  different  from  those  of  Britain  in  the  19th  Century;  and  that,   in   spite   of   some   inertia   (dollar   primacy,   rehabilitation   of   the   IMF,   etc),   the   crisis   of  American  hegemony  might  be  causing  a  widening  gap  inside  the  ‘core’,  in  particular  with  the  new,   post-­‐reunification   Germany.   This   paper   will   also   analyse   possible   scenarios   for   the  future  of   inter-­‐state  relationships,  taking  into  account  the  rise  of  China  and  the  limitations  on  its  growth."  

Joseph  Choonara          

Deskilling  and  the  two-­‐fold  nature  of  skill    

"The  category  of  skilled  labour  is  an  important  feature  of  two  areas  associated  with  Marxist  theory:  Marx’s  labour  theory  of  value  (LTV)  and  labour  process  theory  (LPT).  

Within   LTV,   debate   surrounds   the  mechanism   through  which   the   value   created  by   skilled  labour   is   reduced   to   that   of   simple   labour,   and   the   relationship   between   the   extra   value  skilled  labour  creates  and  the  extra  value  that  must  be  advanced  to  produce  or  reproduce  the  skilled  labour  power.  Marx’s  own  writings  on  this  subject  in  Capital  and  the  Contribution  to  the  Critique  of  Political  Economy  are  brief  and  open  to  various  interpretations.  Arguably  Marx’s   account  was   sufficient   for   the  period   in  which  he  was  writing,   in  which   a  mass  of  more   or   less   interchangeable   labourers   with   minimal   training   was   developing   in   the  factories  of  the  Industrial  Revolution.  Today,  it  would  be  hard  to  defend  such  a  position.    

Within  LPT,  Braverman’s  account  in  Labor  and  Monopoly  Capital  has  been  criticised  for  his  portrayal  of  “deskilling”  as  an  inevitable  outcome  of  a  battle  between  capital  and  labour  for  control  of  the  labour  process.  But  the  resulting  debates  in  LPT  pay  little  attention  to  LTV.  In  most   of   the   well-­‐known   contributions   to   the   debate   on   deskilling,   value   simply   does   not  feature   in   any   rigorous   manner.   Instead   the   focus   is   on   concrete   qualities   of   labour  processes,   such   as   the   variety   of   tasks   performed  by  workers,   their   degree   of   autonomy,  their  level  of  education  and  training,  and  so  on.  Many  of  the  leading  exponents  of  LPT  reject  value  theory  altogether.  

Making  sense  of  these  arguments  requires  that  we  reinstate  value  in  the  conceptualisation  of  the  labour  process.  Marx  argues  that  labour  power  has  a  two-­‐fold  character,  generating  both  values  and  use-­‐values.  I  shall  propose  an  account  that  considers  the  two-­‐fold  nature  of  skilled   labour   power.   In   this   approach,   concrete   expressions   of   skilled   labour   are  subordinated   to   the   drive   to   generate   and   appropriate   surplus   value   by   capital,   which   is  engaged   in   a   competitive   battle   of   accumulation.   The   drive   to   deskill,   or   to   enhance   the  skills  of,  labour  can  be  understood  in  this  framework.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  today  necessary  to   focus   not   on   the   individual   worker   as   bearer   of   “simple   labour”,   but   the   collective  labourer  as  a  composite  formed  of  different  individual  labour  powers.    

This  reformulation  provides  a  basis  for  a  reassessment  of  Braverman’s  deskilling  thesis,  one  that  is  more  sensitive  to  the  various  counter-­‐tendencies  that  generate  new  areas  of  skilled  labour."  

Rossana   Cillo          

The  struggles  of  immigrant  workers  in  the  logistics  and  freight  transport  sectors  in  Italy  

"Since   2008   the   logistics   and   freight   transport   sectors   in   Italy   have   been   affected   by   an  increasing  number  of  strikes,  that  have  been  successful  thanks  to  the  organization  activities  by   the   independent   trade   union   Si-­‐Cobas   and   the   self-­‐activation   of   precarious   immigrant  

workers  employed  in  the  co-­‐operative  enterprises  of  the  subcontracting  system.  At  different  times  the  most  important  logistics  hubs  of  Northern  Italy  (such  as  Bologna  and  Padua)  and  some  of  the  most  important  multinational  corporations  in  the  logistics  (TNT,  DHL,  GLS,  SDA,  Bartolini...),   in   the   large-­‐scale   distribution   (Coop,   Esselunga,   Ikea)   and   in   food   industry  (Granarolo)  have  been  blocked.      

Even  if  state  and  employers  have  reacted  with  a  severe  repression,  these  strikes  represent  by  far  the  most  important  struggles  that  have  developed  in  Italy  as  a  result  of  the  crisis  and  the  very  first  attempt  to  organize  a  workers  struggle  outside  the  social-­‐democratic  unions,  which  are  more  and  more  accepting  compromises  with  capital  at  the  national  level."  

Alexandru  Cistelecan  &  Dana  Domsodi      

The  Messianic  Time  of  Value.  On  The  Political  Theology  of  the  new  Wertkritik    

"This   paper   attempts   to   critically   evaluate   the   philosophical   premises   and   practical  consequences  of  the  new  Wertkritik  (Postone,  Kurz,  Jappe  etc.)  that  are  responsible  for  its  oscillation   between   a   non-­‐historical   materialism   and   a   historical   non-­‐materialism  (formalism).  The  contemporary  interest  in  this  new  theory  of  value  is  due  to  the  fact  that  it  responds  particularly  well  to  the  double  nature  of  our  present  predicament:  the  global  crisis  of   capitalism,   together   with   the   evident   absence   of   a   really   existing   social   alternative,  reflected  into  the  core  arguments  of  this  theory:  the  bitter  emphasis  on  the  inescapable  and  impersonal  unfolding  of  the  logic  of  value  and  the  acute  irrelevance  of  the  subjective  factor.    

The   first   part   will   critically   discuss   some   of   the   philosophical   premises   of   this   intellectual  direction,   namely   the   articulation   between   time,   history   and   revelation.   Briefly,   it   will   be  argued   that   this   reading   of   Marx’s   theory   of   value   entails   a   direct   leap   from   history   (the  contingent  birth  of  capitalism  in  England)  to  a  fatal  and  teleological  process  of  unfolding  and  revelation   of   the   logic   of   value.   Thus   history   is   merely   the   intra-­‐apocalyptic   distance  between   the   revelation  of   its   abstract   logic   and   final   realization.  A   sort  of  messianic   time  which  strikingly  resembles  Fukuyama’s  post-­‐history.    

This  highly  metaphysical  touch  is  also  visible  in  the  practical  consequences  that  this  theory  entails.  On   the  one  hand,  an  unexplainable   rediscovered   subjectivism,  as  program   for   the  post-­‐capitalist   future   (already   present),   and,   on   the   other   hand,   the   retreat   into  communitaristic   and   non-­‐mediated   forms   of   social   organization,   caused   by   the   theory’s  hasty  and  risky  identification  of  value  with  social  abstraction  as  such."  

Nicola   Clewer          

How  capitalism  survives:  The  neoliberal  monument?    

"The   means   by   which   capitalism   survives,   the   machinations   in   which   it   must   always  engaged,   include   ideological   and   cultural   as   much   as   do   social   and   economic  transformations.  Since  the  early  1980s,  alongside  the  rise  of  neoliberalism,  there  has  been  a  

below  them  to   increasing  competition   for  work.  Sometimes  proletarians  are   forced  out  of  work   altogether,   joining   the   ‘reserve   army   of   the   unemployed’   or   perhaps   are   exorcised  entirely  into  the  surplus  population.  A  lucid  analysis  of  the  dynamics  of  proletarianisation  is  crucial   for   understanding   the   underlying   social   conditions   that   accompany   or   enable   the  survival  of  capitalism."  

Constantinou   Constantinos  &  Leandros   Savvides    

The  scientific  management  of  migration  in  Cyprus:  the  racialisation  of  labor  

In   Cyprus,   a   historically   multicultural   island   that   was   ‘homogenized’   for   the   purposes   of  forming  a  nation-­‐state  in  1960,  the  rising  issue  of  racism  today  is  considered  as  an  issue  of  crisis,   an   oversimplified   approach   that   encapsulates   ideas   such   that   the   unemployment  created   by   the   economic   crisis   that   struck   the   island   has   created   tendencies   against  foreigners   who   ‘steal’   the   jobs   of   the   locals.   But   if   that   is   true,   then   Norway’s   Breivik  incident  would  be  inconceivable  as  well  as  the  rise  of  the  far  right  even  in  the  most  well-­‐off  European   countries   such   as   the   Scandinavian.   With   increased   employment   for   Turkish  Cypriots  “across  the  divide”  and  a  significant  influx  of  migrants  to  assigned  sectors,  there  is  a  worry   of   the   loss   of   national   identity   as   well   as   the   loss   of   economic   opportunities   by  Cypriots,  especially  young  unemployed   labour.  We  claim  that   the  case  of  Cyprus   indicates  how  racism  in  times  of  crisis  is  a  symptom  of  long-­‐  standing  structures  of  racism  that  have  been   developed   over   the   course   of   years   through   a   management   of   migration   (which  created  a  vast  underclass)  that  was  adopted  to  suit  the  needs  of  capital.  Explanations  can  be  found  in  the  objective  structured  mechanics  of  institutions  and  the  intersubjective  dynamics  of  capital,  ideology  and  race.  

Terry   Conway          

No  pinkwashing    

"This  paper  situates  the  development  of  a  conscious  strategy  of  Pinkwashing  by  the  Israeli  state  in  the  context  of  the  broader  hasbara/Brand  Israel  campaign;  playing  on  the  growth  of  Islamaphobia  and  anti-­‐Arab  prejudice  in  the  post-­‐9/11  period.  It  will  explore  why  the  LGBTQ  communities  –  particular  gay  men  -­‐  are  seen  as  a  target  for  this  propaganda  and  discuss  the  concept  of  homonationalism  in  this  context.    

It  will  situate  pinkwashing,  as    all  aspects  of  the  ideological  offensive  of  the  Israeli  state  in  the  complete  obliteration  of  any  agency  of  the  Palestinian  people.  LGBTQ    Palestinians  only  exist  in  this  grotesque  fantasy  as  ‘victims’  apparently  fleeing  to  the  apparently  safe  haven  of  Israel   –   to   distract   from   and   normalize   the   settler   colonial   and   apartheid   reality   that   the  state  of  Israel  has  established  on  the  ground  which  oppresses  all  Palestinians  regardless  of  sexuality  or  gender  identity.  

It   will   explore   some   of   the   campaigning   tactics   used   by   anti-­‐   Pinkwashing   activists  particularly   in   Britain   but   drawing   on   experiences   in   the   USA,   Canada,   Portugal   and   the  Netherlands   including   links  with  LGBTQ  Palestinian  organisations.   It  will  discuss  the  extent  to   which   such   activism   has   impacted   on   Palestine   solidarity   campaigning   and   LGBTQ  activism.    

It   is   submitted   as   part   of   the   Marxist-­‐feminist   stream   and   relates   to   topics   on  homonationalism,   racism   and   islamaphobia   and   queer   subjects   listed   as   topics   for   the  stream"  

Estelle  Cooch          

Blurred  lines  and  Trojan  horses    

"Numerous  authors  have  written  on   the   links  between   the  victories  won  by   second  wave  feminism  and  their  consequent  manipulation  by  neoliberal  ideology  throughout  the  1980s.  This  paper   is  the  product  of  extensive   interviews  with  current  and  past  university  feminist  society  presidents  and  interviews  with  those  at  the  heart  of  organising  the  burgeoning  new  movement   in   the  UK  –  SlutWalk,  UK  Feminista,  Object,   International  Union  of  Sexworkers  etc.    

It  will  provide  quantitative  evidence  looking  at  what  the  new  feminists  have  taken  from  the  second  wave  and  to  what  extent  they  think  the  victories  won;  choice,  sexual  freedom  and  financial   independence,   have   allowed   capitalism   to   reconstitute   itself   in   a   more   vicious  form.   Was   feminism   a   Trojan   horse   for   what   has   been   termed   the   “new   sexism”.   It   will  attempt  to  chart  the  relationship  of  the  women’s  movement  to  other  movements  

It  will  ask  if  the  largely  anti-­‐racist  nature  of  the  movement  in  the  UK  is  related  to  the  rise  of  the   anti-­‐war   movement   in   the   early   2000s.   It   will   also   consider   if   the   class   basis   to   slut  shaming  that  was  identified  in  a  recent  study  published  in  Social  Psychology  Quarterly  in  the  US  is  equally  applicable  to  the  UK.  It  will  consider  how  we  can  transform  the  more  atomised  new  feminism  into  a  real  social  movement.  It  will  conclude  by  looking  at  the  way  in  which  new  feminists  attempt  to  link  personal  liberation  with  social  transformation.  

Authors  considered  include  Cinzia  Arruza,  Nancy  Fraser,  Gail  Dines,  Laura  Bates"  

Matthew     Cooper    

We   are   not   all   multiculturalists   now:   the   recasting   of   multiculturalism   as   state   policy   in  Britain  since  2001.    

We   are   not   all   multiculturalists   now:   the   recasting   of   multiculturalism   as   state   policy   in  Britain  since  2001.  

There   is,   even   within   the   left,   no   agreed   understanding   of   the   state   policy   of  multiculturalism.     This   paper   will   attempt   to   move   towards   a   source   based   history   of  multiculturalism  in  Britain.  

Initially   multiculturalism   was   a   policy   (or   perhaps   little   more   than   a   series   of   rhetorical  political   stances)   pursued   by   political   actors   in   a   period   of   post-­‐colonial   migration   which  attempted  to  manage  the  position  of  racialised  minorities  within  class  society.    The  body  of  this  paper  will  attempt  to  understand  how  popular  and  popularist  narratives  of  the  failure  of  such  multiculturalism  have  developed  in  Britain  since  the  mid-­‐1980s.  

This  critique  from  the  right  coincided  with  a  changing  context.    If  multiculturalism  in  its  first  phase   was   linked   to   post-­‐colonial   migration,   in   this   second   phase   the   deep   context   was  given  by  the  increasing  dominance  of  neo-­‐liberal  ideas  and  the  globalised  economy  in  which  migration  was  no  longer  the  legacy  of  Empire.    Multiculturalism  became  a  fractured  set  of  policies,  some  only  in  the  imagination  of  its  opponents,  mutating  through  decisive  moments  such  as  the  Rushdie  affair  of  1989  to  the  riots  of  2001  and  9/11.  

This   paper   will   conclude   with   an   examination   of   how   diversity   is   understood   in   terms   of  state  policy   in  the  period  since  2001  in  the  context  of  the  'war  on  terror'  and  the  evolving  paradigm  of  community  cohesion."  

Luke   Cooper          

Beyond  the  so-­‐called  ‘Russian  question’:  twentieth  century  communism  reconsidered    

"Few  questions  have  been  more  contested  amongst  Marxists  than  that  concerned  with  the  nature   of   the   state   socialist   regimes   of   the   last   century.  Despite   the  manifest   differences  between  the  various  competing  paradigms  on  the  categorization  of  these  regimes,  it  is  the  shared  assumptions  that  underpinned  the  debate  which  arguably  require  the  most  radical  reconsideration.  The  shorthand  to  which   the  debate  was   frequently   referred,   ‘the  Russian  question’,   encapsulates   these   problems,   for   it   carried   with   it   two   dubious   implicit  presuppositions.  Firstly,  it  was  assumed  that  a  model  of  politics  and  economy  developed  as  a  result  of  largely  endogenous  challenges  faced  by  Russian  society  in  the  1920s  and  1930s.  As   such,  arguments   tended   to   focus  merely  on   the   timing  and  class  dynamic  of  a  process  treated  as  essentially  internal.  Secondly,  each  paradigm  also  tended  to  presuppose  that  this  social   structure  was   largely  duplicated   in   those   revolutions   that   came  after;   a   fallacy   that  lead,  in  turn,  to  a  further  tendency  for  those  variations  in  facets  which  were  recognised,  to  be   judged  against   the  supposed   ‘norm’  of   the  Russian-­‐Soviet  model.  This  paper  pursues  a  recasting  of   twentieth  century  communism  ‘in  power’  as  a   truly  global  phenomenon   in   its  origins   and   scope.   It   argues   that   by   locating   Stalinist   states   within   the   explosive  contradictions   of   uneven   and   combined   development   a   less   Eurocentric   and   more  historically   sensitive   understanding   of   the   communism   of   the   last   century   can   be  elaborated.  This  thesis  is  pursued  through  an  engagement  with  John  Kautsky’s  seminal,  but  

all   too   often   overlooked,   The   Political   Consequences   of   Modernization,   and   the  contemporary   literature   concerned   to   creatively   re-­‐elaborate   the   theory   of   uneven   and  combined  development.    

 

Ludmila  Costhek  Abílio        

Emerging  on  two  wheels:  Brazilian  economic  development  and  labour  exploitation    

The   rise   of   minimum   wage,   of   the   rate   of   formal   work   and   of   the   credit   to   low   income  population   has   enabled   the   Brazilian   government   to   establish   an   official   speech   and  propaganda  about  ‘new  Brazilian  middle  class’.  This  definition  is  fully  disconnected  to  work  conditions,   labour   exploitation   or   lifestyles;   on   the   other   hand,   the   celebration   of   a   ‘new  middle   class’’   is   entirely   connected   to   the   consolidation   of   a   Brazilian   neodevelopment  ideology.    Based  on  an  empirical  analysis  of  the  motorcycle  couriers  in  the  City  of  Sao  Paulo  combined  with  the  analysis  of  this  official  speech,  I  discuss  the  connections  between  labour  exploitation  and  economic  development.  These  workers  annihilate  space  by  time  with  their  own  bodies,   in   a   very   risky  way.   This   very  precarious  work  –  which   is   typically   associated  with  this  ‘new  middle  class’  -­‐  plays  a  key  role  to  the  realisation  of  the  demands  of  finances  and   services   that   take   place   at   the   ‘global   city’.   The   principal   aims   are:   1.To   discuss   the  disappearance   of   labour   as   a   reference   in   the   definition   of   the   so   called   “new   Brazilian  middle   class”;   2.   To  present   a   broader   analysis   of   the   intricate   relation  between   the   very  explicit  although  obfuscated  forms  of  labour  exploitation  and  Brazilian  development.  

Emily  Cousens&  Sarah  Pine      

Cognitive  Capitalism  and  the  Instrumentalization  of  Sexuality  as  Vulnerability    

Contemporary   capitalism   is   characterized   by   the   shift   from   material   to   ‘immaterial’   or  ‘cognitive’   regimes   of   accumulation.   Drawing   on   Hardt   and   Negri   we   will   explore   the  centrality   of   affective   labour   to   the   production   of   immaterial   value.   Women’s   roles   have  historically  involved  the  majority  of  emotional  or  affective  labour,  meaning  this  shift  has  led  to   the   qualitative,   as   well   as   heavily   studied   quantitative,   feminization   of   labour.   Wittig  argues   that   women   are   the   category   of   sex;   they   are   made   into   sex   itself.     Women’s  sexuality  produces  surplus  and  exchange  value  within  cognitive  capitalism,  thereby  helping  capitalism   to   survive.  We  draw  on   Skeggs’  work   to   explore  how  women  have   access   to   a  source   of   cultural   capital   in   performing   their   sexuality   and   utilize   it   for   their   role   in   the  workplace.   Women   must   perform   that   sexuality   which   is   considered   valuable.   We   will  explore  the  nature  of  ‘feminine’  sexuality  as  a  necessarily  oppositional  norm;  characterized  by  vulnerability  in  opposition  to  ‘masculine’  dominance.  Those  who  cannot  approximate  this  norm  of  sexuality  as  vulnerability;  the  working  class,  are  depicted  as  having  abject  sexuality.  This  may  be  commodified  as  spectacle  but  results   in   further  exclusion  from  the  workforce  and  citizenry  more  generally.  

Bill   Crane          

From   Class   Struggle   to   Class   Compromise:   The   Contradictions   of   Kerala's   Developmental  State    

"From  the  1990s  onwards,  the  ""Kerala  model  of  development""  was  a  figure  lauded  by  left-­‐wing  scholars  and  observers  of  the  development  process.  The  Communist-­‐led  state,   it  was  thought,   had   found   a   road   to   prosperity   while   promoting   human   rights,   the   freedom   of  women   and   the   lower   castes,   and   access   to   health   and   education   as   well   as   a   healthy  democratic  culture.  

More   recent   studies   historicize   Kerala's   ""model""   of   development   by   pointing   to   the  circumstances   that   gave   rise   to   it,   including   a   weak   capitalist   class   and   a   strong   labour  movement.  Critical  work  has  been  done  showing  that  the  ""Kerala  model""  has  continually  failed  to  address  gender,  caste  and  class  differences.  As  Kerala's  neoliberal  transformation  continues,  these  critiques  can  only  gain  power.  

My  paper  seeks  an  explanation  of  the  genesis  of  the  Kerala  model.  Focusing  centrally  on  the  rise  of  agrarian  radicalism  led  by  the  CP(M)  in  the  1970s  and  the  consolidation  of  a  labour-­‐compromise   on   the   plantations.   Drawing   on   Marxist   understandings   of   social-­‐democracy  from   Milliband   to   Brenner   and   Przeworski,   I   explain   ""how   capitalism   survived""   Kerala's  model,   a   class-­‐compromise   laden   with   contradictions   that   sowed   the   seed   of   its   own  downfall  and  the  eventual  stripping  away  of  many  of  its  achievements."  

Jordy   Cummings          

Forces   of   Chaos   and   Anarchy:   Popular  Music,   the  New   Left   and   Social  Movements,   1966-­‐1972    

"An   iconic   1971   poster   shows   the   faces   of   leading   Black   Panthers   Bobby   Seale   and   Huey  Newton..  The  poster  is  an  advertisement  for  an  “Intercommunal  Day  of  Solidarity”  as  well  as  a  birthday  celebration  for  Newton.  The  music  was  to  be  provided  by  the  Grateful  Dead.  With  some   notable   exceptions,   the   lyrical   content   and   interviews   done   with   well-­‐known  American  and  British  rock  and  soul  musicians  seem  to  take  for  granted  that  revolution  was  around  the  corner,  unsurprising  given  that  in  1969,  over  one  million  American  students  also  self-­‐identified  as  revolutionaries.  

This  paper  aims  to  gain  an  understanding  of  the  affective  contagion  that  shaped  a  culture  in  which   revolutionary  politics  was   inseparable   from   its  musical   soundtrack.  While  much  has  been   written   about   the   connection   between   punk   culture   and   radical   politics,   there   has  been   little  by   the  way  of  analysis  of   the  similar   role  played  by  popular  music   for   the  New  Left.   It  wasn’t  merely   that   young   radicals   listened   to  popular  music,   but  of   the  dialectical  reciprocity  between  the  popular  music  of  the  late  sixties  and  early  seventies  and  the  social  movements.     There   was   a   shared   community   of   belief   between   cultural   producers   and  

young   radicals   that   went   beyond   simple   lyrical   content   –   this   was   not   “protest   music”,  instead  it  was  forming  a  new  subjectivity.  To  emphasize,  this  was  mass  culture  at  the  same  time  it  was  implicitly  counter-­‐hegemonic.  Critical  engagement  in  the  underground  press  had    Marxist   writers,   notably   Robert   Christgau,   taking   popular   music   as   seriously   as   critics  continue  to  treat  literature,  film  and  social  theory.    

Drawing   on   an   engagement   with   Frederic   Jameson,   Raymond   Williams   and   Jacques  Ranciere,  this  paper  aims  at  formulating  precisely  how  organic  attempts  to  develop  counter-­‐hegemony   through   cultural   production  occurred   in   a  historically   specific   sense.   Implicit   in  this  is  how  a  similar  counter-­‐hegemony  can  be  developed  in  the  21st  century."  

Eduardo   da  Motta  a  Albuquerque,   João  Antonio  de  Paula,  Hugo  Eduardo  da  Gama  Cerqueira,  Leonardo  Gomes  de  Deus  Carlos  &  Eduardo  Suprinyak    

“If   we   have   not   touched   the   bottom,   how   far   are   we   from   it?”:   Marx’s   unpublished  manuscripts  on  the  1866  crisis  

"Marx's  unpublished  notebooks  on  the  1866  crisis  (the  Exzerpthefte  B108,  B109,  and  B113)  are  little  known.  In  this  paper,  we  argue  that  they  are  a  useful  source  of  information  about  his   investigations   on   the   crisis   in   general   and   its   role   in   the   capitalist   dynamics.   We   also  suggest   that   the  part  V  of   the   third  volume  of  Capital  provides  guidelines   for   reading  and  understanding  Marx’s  notes  and  excerpts  in  the  notebooks.  

According  to  Engels,  part  V  placed  the  greatest  difficulties   in  the  work  of  editing  the  third  volume:  not  only  it  “dealt  with  the  most  complicated  subject”  but  there  was  a  “long  section  in   the   manuscript,   entitled   ‘The   Confusion’,   containing   nothing   but   extracts   from  parliamentary   reports   on   the   crises   of   1848   and   1857”.   This   description   hints   at   the  potential  role  of  the  above-­‐mentioned  notebooks  for  the  development  of  Marx’s  argument  in   Capital:   they   may   be   seen   as   parts   of   Marx's   studies   in   view   of   the   revision   of   the  manuscript  of  the  third  volume.    

To   explore   this   conjecture  we  make   a   close   reading   of   the   part   V   of   the   third   volume  of  Capital  and   its  preparatory  manuscripts   (MEGA  II.4.2  and  MEGA  II.14),  comparing  them  to  the  contents  of  those  three  notebooks."  

Juan   Dal   Maso        

Gramsci,  Trotsky  and  the  struggle  for  proletarian  hegemony  

"Debates   about   struggle   against   capitalism   are   many   times   determined   by   an   opposition  between   theory   of   hegemony   and   theory   of   permanent   revolution.   But   this   opposition   is  more  the  result  of  a  theoretical  operation  than  the  product  of  a  true  contradiction.    

In  this  paper,  we  will  try  to  deploy  some  aspects  about  the  marxism’s  development  of  the  idea   of   proletarian   hegemony   in   a   relation   to   the   comprehension   of   the   proletarian  

revolution  in  20  Century.  This  way,  we  will  underline  convergences  and  differences  between  Gramsci’s  and  Trotsky’s  theories.  

We  will  analize  Peter  D.  Thomas  point  of  view  about  central  role  of  theory  of  hegemony  in  Prison  Notebooks,  making   an   assessment   about   positions   of   The  Gramscian  Moment   and  those  of  the  so-­‐called  “argentinian  gramscian”  intellectuals,   like  José  María  Aricó  and  Juan  Carlos  Portantiero,  whose  influence  were  “hegemonic”  in  gramscian  studies  in  Latinamerica  many   decades;   and   last   but   not   least,   we   will   make   a   comparison   between   Gramsci   and  Trotski’s  points  of  view  and  their  importance  to  a  strategic  reflection  today."  

Gareth  Dale  

Polanyi,  or  colonialism/growth    

A  paper  that  tracks  the  origins  of   the   ideology  of  economic  growth  (alongside  that  of   ‘the  economy’   per   se),   to   the   contradictions   of   the   C17   English   mercantilists—including,   and  here  I  address  HM’s  CfP,  their  colonial  agenda.  To  say  that  English  mercantilism  came  into  being  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  East   India  and  Royal  African  companies  would  be  to  exaggerate…  but  not  by  much.  And  as  is  well  known,  the  mercantilists  sought  to  give  their  special  pleading  on  behalf  of  corporate  interests  the  appearance  of  unimpeachable  veracity  by  expressing  it  in  a  scientific  idiom.  (This  was,  after  all,  the  age  of  Bacon,  Newton,  etc.)  To  drastically   simplify   the   argument:   the   idea   of   the   self-­‐regulating   market   emerged   as  economists   and   political   theorists   of   this   era   revised   natural   law   doctrine.   Here,   Locke,  North,   and  Barbon,   and  perhaps  Child,   are   the   crucial   figures.   ‘The  economy’   came   to  be  conceived  as  a  mechanism;  indeed,  as  the  cosmos  appears  to  a  deist.  Economy  and  cosmos  are   alike   divine   machines;   they   both   run   like   clockwork   according   to   natural   laws.   Both  require   a   benevolent   fine-­‐tuner-­‐ruler   (God;   government   /   the   ruling   class).   God’s   role   as  divine   watchmaker   can   pretty   straightforwardly   be   deduced,   by   superstition   posing   as  reason.  But  how  to  justify  the  analogously  divine  position  of  the  state  /  ruling  class  vis-­‐à-­‐vis  the  economy?  Here,  the  colonial  experience  was  crucial—as  I  argue  in  the  rest  of  the  paper.  

 

Katja   Daniels          

Protecting  Capitalism   from  Political   Protest?   The   'Full   Protection  and   Security'   Standard   in  International  Investment  Treaties  

International  investment  treaties  require  national  states  to  protect  foreign  companies  who  have   invested  within   their   territory   from  expropriation,   unfair   and   inequitable   treatment,  and   discrimination   –   each   of   which   has   been   interpreted   in   innovative   ways   by   the  corporate-­‐friendly   international   investment   tribunals   that   rule   on   such   cases.   In   so   far   as  investment   treaties   place   limits   on   how   governments   can   respond   to   domestic   political  pressures,  each  of  the  above  treaty  standards  is  implicated  in  class  struggle  –  a  civil  society  

victory  at  the  national  level  can  be  challenged  by  affected  corporations  at  the  international  level   (e.g.  Quebec’s  moratorium  on  fracking   is  currently  being  challenged  as  a  breach  of  a  corporation’s   ‘legitimate   expectations’   to   extract   shale   gas   and   thereby   the   fair   and  equitable   treatment   standard,   while   Australia’s   and   Uruguay’s   tobacco   plain   packaging  regulations   are   being   challenged   as   indirect   expropriations   of   a   tobacco   company’s  intellectual   property).   However,   there   is   one   particular   treaty   standard   that   has   recently  attracted  the  attention  of  companies,  and  that  has  the  potential  to  more  directly  interfere  with  the  political  activities  of  anti-­‐capitalist  movements.  Corporations  have  recently  brought  a  number  of  multi-­‐million  dollar  legal  cases  against  states  for  their  alleged  failures  to  afford  corporations   ‘full   protection   and   security’   from   adverse   social   demonstrations   and   direct  action   protests   that   have   targeted   their   operations.   As   such,   they   have   invoked   the   ‘full  protection   and   security’   standard   to   protect   themselves   not   from   government   action  motivated   by   domestic   political   pressures   (as   do   the   other   treaty   standards),   but   directly  from   the   civil   society   protestors   themselves.   It   is   still   uncertain   what   precisely   this   legal  standard  demands  of   states,   but   this   paper   suggests   that   the  political   implications  of   this  clause   may   well   precede   any   legal   consequences   –   the   threat   of   such   lawsuits   may  themselves  incentivise  states  to  strike  down  on  protests.  

Brecht  De   Smet        

Gramsci,  Caesarism,  and  (Counter-­‐)Revolution  in  Egypt    

"This   paper   explores   the   Gramscian   concept   of   Caesarism   (quantitative   and   qualitative,  progressive   and   reactionary)   and   its   relevance   for   understanding   the   current   process   of  revolution  and  restoration  in  Egypt.    

First,   attention   is   paid   to   conceptual   relations   between   Caesarism   and,   on   the   one   hand,  traditional  Marxist  notions  such  as  Bonapartism  and  populism,  and,  on  the  other,  Gramscian  concepts  such  as  passive  revolution,  hegemony,  and  historical  bloc.  Similarities,  differences,  and  problems  of  interpretation  are  accentuated.  

Subsequently,  the  contemporary  political  process,  especially  the  role  of  the  military  and  the  position   of   (former)   Field   Marshal   al-­‐Sissi,   is   framed   within   Egypt's   historical   trajectory,  refracturing   the   Nasserist   episode   and   the   transformations   that   followed   it   through   the  prism  of  Gramsci's  concepts  of  Caesarism  and  passive  revolution.    

Finally,   the   discussion   returns   to   Gramsci,   concluding   that   the   concept   of   Caesarism  operates  in  two  interconnected  domains.    

(1)   In   the   field   of   class   politics,   strategy,   and  hegemony   it   refers   to   a   botched  process   of  popular  subject  constitution  -­‐  a  degenerated  Modern  Prince.   In  this  tradition,  Caesarism  is  linked  to  such  concepts  as  ""substitutionism""  (Trotsky)  and  ""octroyal  socialism""  (Draper).    

(2)As  a  political-­‐economic  category  it  deals  with  a  specific  mode  of  state  formation  and/or  reconfiguration   of   a   historical   bloc.   Here   the   concept   is   closer   to   Cox's   classical  interpretation  of  Caesarism  as   the   ""instrumentality  of  passive   revolution"",   although   it   is  argued  that  it  cannot  be  fully  subsumed  by  the  latter  notion."  

Lívia   de  Cássia   Godoi   Moraes    Financialization  as  a  response  to  crisis:  the  case  of  EMBRAER  S.A.    

This  article  summarizes  the  results  of  my  thesis  about  the  increase  of  the  financialization  of  the  biggest  aeronautic  enterprise  in  Brazil:  Embraer  S.A.  Embraer  was  created  in  a  context  of  military   dictatorship,   as   part   of   the   international   division   of   labor   and   the   condition   of  Brazilian  dependence,  in  the  context  of  the  structural  crisis  of  capital  in  the  1970s.  Over  four  decades   of   existence,   it   has   sought   responses   to   the   crisis   for   not   being   crashed.   The  company   was   privatized   in   1994   under   the   implementation   of   neoliberal   policies.   Since  then,  many  changes  have  been   implemented,  characterized  by   the  globalization  of  capital  with  the  prevalence  of  the  fictitious  capital  accumulation.  According  to  our  studies,  fictitious  capital  and  productive  capital  are  deeply  related.  The  research  also  demonstrated  that  the  more  the  capital  is  sprayed,  the  more  it  intensifies  the  use  of  the  workforce's  labor  through  organizational   change,   outsourcing   and   imposing   standards   of   corporate   governance,  reorganization   of   the   company's   layout,   changes   in   the   types   of   hiring,   internalization   of  toyotists  standards  behavioral,  etc.  Moreover,  we  intended  to  point  out  the  contradictions  of   these   movements   that   directly   impact   the   company   workers,   always   having   as  perspective   of   analyses   the   relationship   between   the   particularity   of   EMBRAER   and   the  social  totality.    

Simona   De  Simoni  &  Ilaria   Bertazzi    

The  survival  of  capitalism  and  the  problem  of  social  reproduction  

  "The  problem  of  social   reproduction   is  a  open  question   in  Marx's   thought  and   it   is  directly   connected   to   the   issue   of   the   survival   of   capitalism.   It   constitutes   a   ground   for  updating  the  Marxist-­‐Feminist  legacy  and  making  it  politically  active.  Taking  the  perspective  of   Federici's   thought   as   the   starting   point   for   our   discussion,   we   can   assume   that   in   the  transition  towards  global  neoliberalism  the  temporal  sequence  between  reproduction  and  accumulation   has   collapsed.   The   social   conflict   is   transformed   by   the   emergence   of   a  capitalism  that  not  only  reproduces  itself,  but  a  kind  of  capitalism  that,  in  the  meantime  of  its  reproduction  also  extracts  value  for  itself  without  any  mediation.  

Starting   from   this   assumption,   combining   our   fields   of   expertise   -­‐   economics   and  philosophy,   we   intend   to   analyze   the   capitalistic   appraisal   of   social   reproduction   with  particular  attention  to  the  processes  of  financialization.  We  consider  the  mechanism  of  debt  as   a  means  of   analyzing  welfare,  work   and   local   politics   as   a  part  of   a   general   process  of  

capitalistic   restructuring   within   social   reproduction,   where   this   constitutes   ground   for   a  “new  original  accumulation”   that  produces   impoverishment  and  exploitation.  At   the  same  time   we   assume   the   ambiguity   of   reproductive   relationships   and   activities   in   order   to  develop  antagonistic  practices."  

Jodi   Dean          

The  Party  

  Critiques   of   the   party   in   terms   of   agreement   or   schism   remain   at   the   level   of   the  imaginary;   the   party   is   nothing   but   a   figure   of   egoism  and   competition.   But   the   symbolic  dimension  of  the  party,   its  form  as  a  place  from  which  communists  assess  themselves  and  their   actions,   is   what   matters.   This   paper   looks   at   communist   lives   for   evidence   of   the  symbolic   effect   of   the   communist   party.   In   what   ways   did   the   party   make   itself   felt   as   a  place  from  which  communists  looked  at  themselves  and  their  settings?  Instead  of  focusing  on  classic  texts,  figures,  and  events,  I  consider  instead  narratives  from  everyday  experiences  of   rank   and   file  members   in   the   CPUSA   and  CPGB.   I   look   to   examples   from   these   parties  because   of   their   weakness.   The   US   and   UK   are   neither   party   states   nor   parliamentary  systems  where  communists  have  ever  had  much  electoral   success.  Even   in   the  1930s  and  1940s   when   the   communist   party   was   at   its   strongest   in   the   US   and   UK,   actual   political  power   was   out   of   reach.   In   the   twentieth   century,   neither   country   has   appeared   on   the  brink   of   revolution,   but   instead   has   encountered   a   mix   of   de-­‐radicalizing   middle   class  prosperity,  working  class  defeat,  and  capitalist  aggression,  not  to  mention  the  intense  anti-­‐communism  of   the  Cold  War.  How,   then,  under  conditions  even  Moscow  agreed  were   far  from  revolutionarily  ripe,  did  a  communist  sensibility  endure?  What  enabled  the  communist  party  to  provide  a  location  from  which  members  in  the  US  and  UK  could  see  their  actions  as  valuable  and  worthwhile  and  that  even  non-­‐members  could  and  would  adopt?  My  claim  is  that  the  affective  infrastructure  of  the  party  provided  the  material  support  for  its  symbolic  location.   So   instead   of   considering   the   communist   party   in   terms   of   ideology,   program,  leadership,   or   organizational   structure,   I   am   approaching   it   in   terms   of   its   affective  capacities,  the  dynamics  of  feeling  it  generated  and  mobilized.  

William  Dixon  

Development,  Consolidation  and  the  Commodity  

This  paper  sets  out  an  understanding  of  how  capitalism  survived  by  examining  the  changing  conditions  of  the  system  within  the  context  of  Britain.  The  limit  of  such  an  approach  is  that  it  examines  a  global  system  within  a  non-­‐global  confine.  Nevertheless  it  is  a  confine  of  some  importance   to   the   development   and   survival   of   capitalism.   If   the   global   system   were   to  prosper   it  had,  arguably,  to  survive   in  the  UK.   In  addition  in  examining  how  it  survived  we  must   do   so   in   terms   of   characteristics   that   define   the   nature   of   a   capitalist   system.   The  paper    examines  the  emergence  of  a  bourgeois  society  in  terms  of  the  characteristics  of  the  

commodity  and  so  how  struggle  and  consolidation  must  both  be  shaped  within  that  space,  leading   to  new  forms  of  struggle  and  consolidation.  These   issues  are   investigated  through  the  works  of  leading  theorists  and  reformers  to  show  a  coherent  line  of  development  that,  it  is  argued,  prefigure  developments  within  globalisation.  

Caglar   Dolek  &  Deniz  Parlak      

Class   Response   to   Crisis   of   Neoliberalism   in   Peripheral   Setting:     On   the   Radicalization   of  Labour  Struggles  in  Turkey    

The   current   global   crisis   and   accompanying   social   uprisings   in   different   national   settings  have  saliently  demonstrated  the  fragile  and  contested  character  of  neoliberalism  as  a  world-­‐historical  project  of  restoration  of  class  power  of  capital.    As  a  so-­‐called  one  of  the  “success  stories”   of   neoliberalism   at   least   for   the   last   decade,   Turkey   provides   a   significant   and  interesting  case  to  make  critical  sense  of  the  character  of  current  crisis  as  well  as  dynamics  of   social   resistance.   While   the   hegemonic   bloc,   politically   represented   by   AKP,   has   been  experiencing   deep-­‐rooted   crisis,   the   social   and   political   opposition   has   been   gradually  radicalized   as   most   vividly   experienced   during   the   Gezi   Park   uprisings.   Despite   its   radical  content   and   massive   scale,   transformative   potential   of   Gezi   resistance   has   seemed   to   be  absorbed  by   the  systematic  and  relentless  oppression  of  police  power,  which  has  become  the  sole  means  of  bourgeois  politics  in  contemporary  Turkey.  Though  there  is  much  debate  on   the  class   character  of   the  Gezi  uprisings,  Turkey  has  also  been  experiencing  numerous  waves  of  labour  resistances  as  experienced  in  the  struggles  of  Kazova,  Greif,  Feniş,  Zentiva,  Şişecam,   Yatağan,   etc.   workers   in   the   last   few   years.   Organized   spontaneously   to   a   large  extent,   such   resistances   raise   radical   demands   against   precarious   forms   of   labouring   and  living,   and   resort   to   strategies  destructive  of   capital’s   domination   in  workplaces,  which   in  turn  substantially  denounce  the  already  narrowed  frontiers  of  bourgeois   law.  A  qualitative  change  has  seemed  to  be  underway  in  the  labour  movement  with  the  gradual  proliferation  of   radical   strategies   like   workplace   occupation,   general   strike,   destruction   of   means   of  production,  direct  confrontation  with  state  power,  etc.  In  this  paper,  we  aim  to  discuss  the  radical   potential   of   the   currently   rising   labour   resistances   as   a   labour   response   to   the  organic  crisis  of  neoliberal  hegemony  in  Turkey.  

Kevin   Doogan          

Zero  Hours  Contracts:  Underestimated  or  Overstated?  

  In  the  last  eighteen  months  Zero  Hours  Contracts  have  become  the  subject  of  debate  and  controversy  in  the  mainstream  of  policy,  in  trades  union  circles  and  professional  bodies.  Different   data   sets,   based   on   employers’   and   employees’   surveys   offer   contrasting  perspectives   on   the   extent   and   rise   of   contracts   that   do   not   guarantee   minimum   hours.  Currently   the   consensus   would   suggest   that,   even   if   underestimated,   about   1%   of   the  workforce  is  employed  on  these  contracts.  This  would  appear  disproportionate  to  the  level  

of   concern.   This   paper   looks   at   the  basis   for   these  differences   and   considers   the  broader  question  as   to  whether   they   represent   a   radical   shift   in   the  balance  of  bargaining  power,  particularly  since   the  onset  of   the  Great  Recession.     It  examines  whether   they   indicate  an  escalation  of  the  pursuit  of   labour  market  flexibility,  but  also  questions  whether  the  wider  process  of  flexibilisation  would  be  assisted  by  the  broader  adoption  of  Zero  Hours  Contracts.  By   focusing  on   Zero  Hours  Contracts   this   paper  will   contribute   to   the  wider   discussion  of  precarity.  

Susana  Draper          

The  state  and  the  common  -­‐-­‐  re  thinking  the  scope  of  political  change  in  the  Latin  American  present  

In   the   past   decades,   there   has   been   a   constant   tension   between   the   language   of   "social  (political)  movements"  and  the  language  of  the  State.  However,  some  of  the  questions  that  this  conflict  arises  relate  to  the  main  points  of  discussion  among  heterodox  Marxists  in  the  1970s,   a   moment   in   which   the   language   of   change   was   starting   to   problematize   the  relationship   between   "revolution"   and   the   takeover   of   the   State.   This   paper   proposes   a  dialogue  between  those  issues  as  they  were  posed  in  the  past  and  present  taking  Bolivia  as  a  problematic  nucleus  from  where  to  envisage  the  way  in  which  the  State  and  the  common  pose  a  new  political  language  to  approach  the  notion  of  "social  change".  

Richard   Drayton          

'Ultraimperialism'   and   the   White   International:   Transnational   Racial   Formations   in   the  global  capitalist  regime,  c.  1850  to  the  present.    

"In   September   1914,   Kautsky   published   his   famous   essay   on   'Ultraimperialism'.     He  speculated,   along   lines   already   opened   up   by   Hobson,   about   a   future   age   in   which   the  European   imperial  powers  would  operate  as  a  pacific  combine  rather  than  making  war  on  each  other.    

 In  reality,  as  I  have  argued  elsewhere,  such  trans-­‐European  imperial  collaboration  had  been  a   fundamental   part   of   European   expansion   since   the   sixteenth   century,   even   if   imperial  historiography,   grounded   in   the   national   paradigm,   has   usually   focussed   exclusively   on  imperial  competition.    But  there  is  a  qualitative  change  which  happens  c.  1850  in  terms  of  the  consolidation  of  a  de  facto  Pan-­‐European  'white  international',  organised  around  ideas  of   civilisation,   modernity,   and   the   international   system.     The   paper   will   explore   how   the  transnational   construction   of   racial   identities   and   status   differences   went   along   with   a  racialised  international  division  of  labour,  the  restriction  of  migration  flows  and  citizenship,  and  the  consolidation  of  structures  and  mechanisms  of  European  and  United  States  imperial  collaboration.      

The   1914-­‐45   period   represents   a   fundamental   period   of   crisis   in   this   regime   of   global  domination  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  white  collective  privilege  on  the  other.    The  Russian  and  Chinese  revolutions,  and  the  age  of  decolonisation  appeared  to  break  apart  that  European-­‐centred  world  order.    But  even  as  the  formal  European  empires  disintegrated,  that  nucleus  of   'white'  solidarity,  remained  at  the  heart  of  the  West's  Cold  War  coalition,  informing  the  politics   of   anti-­‐communism   and   economic   and   security   cooperation.     Strikingly   also   since  1989,   there   has   been   a   self-­‐conscious   attempt   to   consolidate   the   'white   international'  around  United  States  hegemony,  with   ideas  such  as  the  'anglosphere',  and  the  association  of   anglo-­‐american   political   and   economic   norms  with   the   gold   standard   for   human   rights  and  economic   freedom,  underlying  the  neo-­‐liberal  global  order.  To  this  extent,   the  West's  coalition  wars  in  Afghanistan,  Iraq,  and  Libya  need  to  be  understand  in  terms  of  the  internal  dynamics  of  this  ultra-­‐imperial  combine.    

The  ascent  of  the  'white  international'  had  a  material  foundation:  the  gap  in  economic  and  military  power  between  the  West  and  the  rest  which  opened  up  with  industrialization.    Its  more  recent  reconfigurations  take  place   in  the  context  of   the  relative   industrial  decline  of  the  ultra-­‐imperial  core.    Since  the  1970s,  the  solution  found  by  the  United  States  to  this  lay  in   financialisation,  and   its  command,   in   the  midst  of   'liberalized'  economies,  of   the  goods,  services  and  savings.    Such  command  has  always  been  premised  by  strategic  hegemony,  and  the  militarism  of  our  own  age  is  linked  to  this  attempt  to  translate  military  and  intelligence  power   into   economic   dominance.   The   transnational   racial   formations   ordered   by  eighteenth-­‐  and  nineteenth-­‐century  European  imperialism  continue  thus  in  hidden  ways  to  shape  the  organisation  of  twenty-­‐first  century  capitalism,  even  in  the  midst  of  the  ascent  of  China.    Pace  Kautsky,  the  ultra-­‐imperial  path  leads  also  to  perpetual  war."  

Devi   Dumbadze          

Commodity  and  unregimented  experience    

"The  commodity  is  an  intricate,  “sensuous-­‐supersensuous  thing.”  For  exchange  value  to  be  real,  it  requires  a  body,  which  a  thing,  as  use  value,  becomes,  bringing  that  exchange  value  to  appearance.  So  use  value  turns,  according  to  Marx,  into  the  so-­‐called  “carrier”  of  its  exact  opposite,  value.  This  unity  of  opposites,  which  Marx  even  terms  an  “insane  form,”  is  as  an  economic   relation   at   the   same   time   an   epistemological   form.   The   commodity   has   a  particular   thought   form   as   its   underside,   one   in   which   the   subjective   determination,   the  concept,   is   imposed   upon   nonidentical   things   in   order   to   constitute   them   as   identical  objects,  whose  identity  can  be  expressed  in  a  set  of  distinct  attributes.  The  conditions  of  the  possibility  of  experience  are,  in  the  materialist  critique  of  epistemology,  themselves  results  of  shifts  within  “natural  history,”  according  to  Adorno.  This  history  of  the  regimentation  of  mimesis,   which   proceeds   from   the   biological   to   the   magical   “stage”   and,   finally,   to   the  historical   in  labor,  has  its  counterpoint  in  the  “unregimented  experience,”  whose  reflected  form   is  art  and  aesthetic  experience.  Though  art   is   itself  part  of   commodification  and   the  

disenchantment  of  the  world,  it  is  nevertheless  the  foretoken  of  what  a  redeemed  life  -­‐  one  without  the  constraint  of  labor  –  would  be."  

Cédric   Durand          

The  violence  of  ficticious  capital    

This  contribution  examines  the  role  of  fictitious  capital  in  the  contemporary  financialisation  and  in  the  aftermath  of  the  2008  financial  crisis.  A  first  section  proposes  a  brief  genealogy  of  this  concept  and  explicits  the  subtle  intermediary  position  of  Marx  on  this   issue,    between  Austrian  eocnomists,  on  the  one  hand,  and  keynesian  and  (neo)chartists,  on  the  other  hand.  A  second  section  presents  some  stylized  facts  accounting  for  the  rise  of  this  category  since  the  seventies   for  the  the  main  high   income  economies.  The  elementary   forms  of   fictitious  capital  (credit  to  the  private  sector,  public  debt  and  market  capitalization)  are  distinguished  from   the   sophisticated   forms   which   have   surged   in   the   recent   period   (derivatives   and  shadow  banking).  A  third  section  specifies  the  relevance  of  this  category  in  the  conendrum  of   financial   profits,   i.e.   its   relation   to   capital   gains,   levy   of   domestic   non-­‐financial   profits,  capture   of   the   gains   of   unequal   exchange   and   profits   from   alienation.   The   fourth   section  tries  to  assess  its  impact  on  the  survival  of  capitalism  and  points  to  the  related  mechanisms  of   socioeconomic   violence   by   the   state   in   the   direct   form   of   dispossessive   auteritarian  policies  and  indirect  forms  of  orthodox  and  unorthodox  central  banks  'Lender  of  last  resort'  policies.  

Hester  Eisenstein          

Holding  up  half  the  sky?  Hegemonic  feminism  in  the  service  of  neoliberalism.  

"In  my  book  Feminism  Seduced:  How  Global  Elites  Use  Women’s  Labor  and  Ideas  to  Exploit  the   World   (Paradigm,   2009)   I   argued   that   a   particular   form   of   liberal   feminism,   which   I  named  “hegemonic,”  had  become  entrapped  in  the  transition  to  neoliberalism.      

A  select  composite  of  some  of  the  ideas  of  the  international  women’s  movement  has  been  packaged  and  branded  as  the  logical  counterpart  to  the  ideology  of  capitalist  neoliberalism,  encompassing   ideas   of   individual   success,   competitiveness,   personal   responsibility,   and  above  all  access  to  economic  and  political  power  for  a  select  few.    

Acolytes  of  hegemonic  feminism  include  New  York  Times  columnist  Nicolas  Kristof  and  his  Chinese  wife  Sheryl  WuDunn,  authors  of  Half  the  Sky,  former  president  Jimmy  Carter,  in  his  2014  book,  A  Call   to  Action:  Women,  Religion,  Violence  and  Power;  and  corporate   leaders  such  as  Sheryl  Sandberg  in  her  popular  volume  Lean  In.  In  this  kind  of  analysis,  success  for  women  in  the  First  World  is  linked  to  individual  aggression,  while  aid  to  individual  women  is  now   widely   embraced   as   the   key   to   ending   poverty,   and   to   launching   Third   World   low  income  states  on  the  road  to  prosperity.      

It  is  crucial  for  Marxist  Feminists  to  unmask  the  uses  of  this  form  of  feminism,  and  to  restore  the  role  of   feminist   ideology  to   its   rightful  place  as  a  partner  and  friendly  critic  of  Marxist  analysis  and  practice."  

Maria   Elisa   Cevasco        

Brazil  in  times  of  riot    

Which  forms  does  political  commitment  take  in  the  rarefied  atmosphere  of  postmodernity?  Fredric  Jameson  has  been  mapping  the  contours  of  the  conditions  of  possibility  for  a  truly  anti-­‐capitalist  politics  in  book  after  book,  at  least  since  his  definitive  characterization  of  the  logic  of  late  capitalism  in  his  justly  celebrated  essay  of  1984  “Postmodernism  –  the  Cultural  Logic  of  Late  Capitalism”.   In  a  recent   interview  (2011)  published  in  the  Minnesota    Review  (78,  2013)  he  uncannily   talked  about  Brazil   as  a  possible   site   for   the  emergence  of  a  new  type   of   politics:   “It   is   very   important   to   be   able   to   imagine   a   space   that   is   somewhere  outside,   and   a   country   like   Brazil   gives   a   chance   to   imagine   a   space  where   things   can   be  imagined   that   are   not   even   conceivable   inside   this   system”   (p.93).   In   June   2013   the  inconceivable  happened  and  in  less  than  a  month  a  million  protesters  had  come  out  in  all  of  the  big  cities  of  the  country  to  protest  against  the  current  situation.  What  had  happened  to  the   success   story   of   a   peculiar   Brazilian   green   path   in   the   scorched   land   of   neo-­‐liberal  globalization?  What  kind  of  social  symptom  was  being  expressed?  What  do  the  June  Days,  as  they  came  to  be  called  on  the  Left,    tell  us  about  forms  of  politics  in  our  time?  My  paper  tries  to  address  those  questions  and  to  examine  in  which  sense  they  can  be  thought  as  the  painful  construction  of  this  new  political  space.  

Martin  Empson          

Sustainable  Agriculture:  Are  small-­‐farms  the  answer  in  a  post-­‐capitalist  world?    

"One  key,  but  neglected,  source  of  environmental  pollution  is  agriculture.  14%  of  emissions  come  from  agricultural  production  and  a  further  17%  of  emissions  are  from  changing   land  use  and  forestry  (IPCC,  2007).  Modern  agriculture  is  dominated  in  the  developed  world  by  big-­‐business,  which  relies  on  heavy  use  of  chemicals,   intensive  mono-­‐cropped  farming  and  over-­‐reliance  of  technology  -­‐  the  “art  of  turning  oil   into  food”  (Foster,  2010)  and  is  closely  linked   to   the   imposition   of   neo-­‐liberal   policies   on   the   developing   world,   encouraging  agriculture  for  the  market,  not  for  the  hungry.  

Left   wing   literature   on   the   potential   for   “rational”   or   “sustainable”   agriculture   frequently  draws   on   the   experience   of   radical-­‐agrarian   movements   in   the   developing   world.   All   too  often  this   literature  concentrates  on  the  benefits  of  “small   farms”  versus  agri-­‐business  (eg  Magdoff   &   Tokar,   2010;   Bello   ,   2009;   Klingzell-­‐Brulin   &   Brulin,   2010);   in   this   they   reflect  more  liberal  views  such  as  those  (eg  Tudge,  2011)  who  argue  for  small-­‐scale  farming  under  a  reformed   capitalism.   Small-­‐scale   farming   under   capitalism   can   offer   benefits   over  multinational  driven  agriculture  such  as  improved  yields,  better  resilience  to  environmental  

changes  and  natural  disasters  and  reduced  reliance  on  pesticides  and  chemicals).  Yet  small-­‐scale   agriculture   is   limited   by   a   range   of   problems   associated   with   peasant   production   –  particularly   the   limited   use   of   technology   and   the   highly   labour-­‐intensive   work   -­‐   and   is  associated  with  patterns  of  seasonal  labour  amongst  a  wider  agrarian  work  force  (Bernstein,  2010).  Equally  there  are  powerful  reasons  why  we  should  be  critical  of  large-­‐scale  capitalist  agriculture  (Magdoff  &  Tokar,  2010;  Bello,  2009;  Empson  2014).    

This  question  of  agriculture  in  a  post-­‐capitalist  society  was  debated  in  the  aftermath  of  the  Russian  Revolution,  as  well  as  by  earlier  writers  in  the  Marxist  tradition  (eg  Kautsky,  1899),  and   it   remains   relevant   today.   However   within   the   Communist   tradition,   from   the   late  1920s,  “socialist  agriculture”  was  often  viewed  as  synonymous  with  industrialised  collective  farming,  ignoring  real  advantages  associated  with  peasants  working  their  own  land.  

In   this   paper   I   argue   that  Marxism  allows  a   critique  of   agriculture  under   capitalism  and  a  vision  of  the  transition  to  a  genuine  socialist  agriculture  avoiding  either  a  crude  position  of  supporting   collective   industrial   farming   or   a   romantic   view  of   small-­‐scale   production   as   a  solution  to  environmental  crisis  and  food  production.  

I  will  outline  an  alternative  that  suggests  that  gains  by  agrarian  movements  could  lead  to  a  radically   different   vision   of   agriculture   based   on   the   experience   of   a   rural   peasantry   in   a  wider   socialist   economy.   But   in   the   first   instance   this   means   peasants   and   rural   workers  seizing   land   and   farms   and   redistributing   land,   and   likely,   though   not   inevitably,   giving  private  farms  a  new  lease  of  life.  In  the  longer  term  it  will  mean  a  gradual  transition  towards  collective   agriculture.   “Socialist   prosperity...   in   the   very   long   run   [will]   persuade   the  peasantry  to  give  up  their  individual  farms.”  (Cliff,  1964)  

Only  this  can  offer  the  potential  to  feed  seven  billion  people  in  a  sustainable  way."  

Sai   Englert          

The  changing  class  nature  of  Israeli  Society  

"The   last   15   years   have   seen   increasingly   right-­‐wing   governments   elected   in   Israel,   with  growing  representation  for  the  ultra-­‐nationalist,  religious  and  settler  far-­‐right.  This  has   led  commentators  to  emphasise  the   importance  of  the  growth  of   Israel’s  religious  population,  while  lamenting  the  liberal  or  labour  Zionist  governments  of  the  past.  

However,  less  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  more  fundamental  transformations  in  the  class  nature  of  Israeli  society,  which  this  paper  will  argue  are  crucial  to  understanding  the  political  changes  in  the  Israeli  state.    

The  paper  will  discuss  class   formation   in  the  Yishuv  and   Israel   in  three  periods:   firstly,   the  development  of   a  powerful  workers’  movement   and  a  weak   local   bourgeoisie   (pre-­‐1948);  secondly,   the   period   of   economic   development   led   by   the   Israeli   state   and   labour  

bureaucracy  (1948-­‐1984);  and  thirdly,  the  neoliberal  period  in  which  the  Israeli  bourgeoisie,  supported  by  US  imperialism,  rose  to  political  dominance  (post  1984).    

The  paper  will   focus  on  changing  class  relationships  within  Zionism,  as  well  as   the  shifting  relationship  between  Israel  and  Western  imperialism.  It  will  also  highlight  the  continuities  in  the  overarching  political  project  of  expansion  and  ethnic  cleansing  throughout  the  periods  discussed."  

Ertan   Erol          

Re-­‐scaling   the   peripheral   capitalist   spatiality   and   resistance:   Autogestional   momentum  within  the  counter-­‐hegemonic  socio-­‐spatial  movements  in  Mexico    

"It  is  possible  to  argue  that  the  three  decades  of  neoliberal  re-­‐territorialisation  in  Mexico  led  to  the  intensification  of  the  neoliberal  social  relations  on  different  social  scales.  It  is  possible  to   identify   these   processes   of   re-­‐configuration   under   three   areas;   ‘privatisation   and  marketisation   of   social   services,   valorisation   and   utilisation   of   the   local   resources,   and  internationalising   and   elasticising   the   labour   relations’.   However,   these   processes   are  dialectical   socio-­‐spatial   processes,   and   thus,   needs   to   be   perceived   as   dynamic   and  contested  processes  rather  than  a  deterministic  consolidation  of  the  capitalist  space  in  the  form   of   neoliberal   capitalist   accumulation.   The   counter-­‐hegemonic   social   movements   in  Mexico  is  conditioned  by  these  processes  of  re-­‐structuring  whether  articulated  through  and  utilised   the   urban   space   like   #YoSoy132   or   unfolded   on   the   local   scales   such   as   the  indigenous  movements  and  Autodefensas.    

This  paper  aims  to  locate  the  recent  counter  hegemonic  social  movements  in  Mexico  within  the  broader  processes  of  neoliberal  restructuring  of  the  peripheral  capitalist  social  relations  and   spatiality,   and   thus,   attempts   to   analyse   the  nature   and  autogestional   potentials   and  limits   of   these   movements.   It   is   argued   in   this   paper   that   the   neoliberal   hegemonic  consensus   in  Mexico   is  facing  a  socio-­‐spatial  crisis  which  paved  way  to  the  proliferation  of  series   of   social   struggles   with   or   without   the   potentials   of   real   transformation   or  alternatives.   These   socio-­‐spatial   struggles   have   been   structured   by   the   same   structural  dynamics  that  underpinning  the  peripheral  socio-­‐spatial  forms  and  practices  of  exploitation,  and  their  constant  reproduction  and  reconfiguration  on  different  social  scales.  Therefore,  it  can  be  argued  that  these  peripheral  socio-­‐spatial   forms  will  be  the  sites  and  stakes  of   the  counter-­‐hegemonic   struggles   where   the   autogestional   strategies   could/would   occupy   the  cracks  in  the  neoliberal  hegemonic  order  and  widen  them."  

 

Asefeh     Esfahlani          

State  and  Crisis  of  Overproduction:  the  Case  of  Film  Industry  in  1970s  Iran    

In   order   to   investigate   how   capitalism   survives,   it   would   be   helpful   to   consider   the   ways  through  which  capitalism  is  rescued  from  a  serious  crisis.  This  paper  will  concentrate  on  the  role   of   the   state   to   rescue   the   capitalist   mode   of   production   from   the   crisis   of   over-­‐production.  It  examines  the  industry  of  cinema  in  the  1970s  in  Iran  when  the  uncontrollable  drive  for  more  profit  by  the  private  sector  lead  the  industry  into  the  crisis  of  over-­‐producing  films.  In  order  to  argue  this  process,  firstly,  I  will  explain  the  political  economy  of  cinema  in  this  period.  Secondly,  I  will  discuss  the  intervention  of  state  in  the  crisis  in  order  to  diversify  the   film   texts   and   find   new   markets   for   them.   This   was   an   opportunity   which   the  independent   and   radical   filmmakers   attempted   to   take   up   to   produce   critical   and   avant-­‐guard   film.   Accordingly,   it   lead   to   the   production   of   films   known   as   Iranian   New   Wave  cinema.  Thirdly,  I  will  explore  the  reasons  why  the  state  intervention  was  not  successful  to  survive   the   industry   as   the   domestic   production   collapsed   by   the   end   of   1970s.    Teppo  Eskelinen    

Possibilities  and  limits  of  green  Keynesianism  

The  paper  on  "Possibilities  and  limits  of  green  Keynesianism"  discusses  to  what  extent  issues  of   equality   and   sustainability   can   be   addressed   by   economic   policy   measures   based   on  public   investment   and   fiscal   stimulus.   It   seems   possible   to   design   a   social   investment  programme   directed   at   achieving   both   full   employment   and   a   more   environmentally  sustainable  social  order.  Yet   there  are   two   lines  of  serious  counter-­‐arguments  against   this  scenario.   First,   one   can   question   whether   a   sustainability   strategy   implying   consumption  growth   is   doomed   to   fail;   second,   it   needs   to   be   noted   that   the   strategy   is   based   on  naturalizing   employment   relations   rather   than   treating   them   as   power   structures,   which  leaves  major  social  inequalities  intact.  From  this  basis,  the  chapter  discusses,  to  what  extent  hopes  should  be  given  for  a  "green  Keynesian"  strategy.  

Danny  Evans          

Class  against  class  in  the  Spanish  Second  Republic    

"The   threat   of   the   Right   produced   an   insurrectionary   response   from   a   sector   of   Spanish  anarchism  in  the  years  1932-­‐1933.  The  practice  of  this  sector,  which  at  the  time  dominated  the  anarcho-­‐syndicalist   trade  union,   the  CNT,  has  been   compared   to   that   adopted  by   the  German  Communist  Party  during   the  so-­‐called   ‘Third  Period’.   It  has  been  characterised  as  sectarian  and  self-­‐destructive,  and  derided  by  some  contemporary  anarchists  as   ‘anarcho-­‐Bolshevik’.   Its  moment  of  culmination  occurred   in  December  1933,   in  the  wake  of  general  elections  won  by   the  Right  and   in  an  atmosphere  of  pessimism,  combined  with  messianic  rhetoric,  in  anarchist  circles.  

The   tactics   of   insurrection   appalled   certain   elements   of   the   CNT,   including   gradualist  syndicalists  and  the  dissident  communists  of  the  BOC,  whose  criticisms  will  be  addressed  by  

this  paper.  But,  how  far  can  the  comparison  with  Third  Period  Communism  be  taken,  and  to  what   extent   does   it   rely   on   the   assumed   virtues   and   effectiveness   of   a   broad   anti-­‐fascist  front?  Here,  I  intend  to  explore  these  questions  and  to  look  again  at  anarchist  voluntarism  in  1930s  Spain  in  the  context  of  anti-­‐fascism  as  it  was  then  conceived."  

Jessica  Evans          

Understanding   ‘white   nationalism’   and   racialized   class   formation   in   the   settler-­‐colonies:   A  theoretical  proposal  

This   paper   proposes   a   theoretical   framework   for   understanding   the   relationship   between  race  and  class  in  a  historically  specific  set  of  social  formations  –  the  settler  colonies.  Drawing  upon   elements   of   Political   Marxism   and   Trotsky’s   theory   of   Uneven   and   Combined  Development  (UCD)  I  make  the  following  argument.  First,  in  the  settler  colonies  nationalism  was   a   basic,   existential   precondition   of   the   state.   Following   this,   I   argue   that   nationalism  must  be  understood  in  the  context  of  the  specific  social  property  relations  of  the  capitalist  mode  of  production  which  makes  possible  horizontal  forms  of  solidarity.  And  yet,  for  these  property  relations  to  emerge  in  the  settler  states,  a  grammar  of  racial  exclusion  applied  to  the   indigenous  populations  was  required.  Thus,  despite   the  surface  appearance  of   formal,  horizontal   equality   that   nationalism   suggests,   in   the   settler   colonies   this   required   the  generation  of  a  racially  exclusive  grammar  that  manifested  in  the  phenomenon  of  so-­‐called  ‘white  nationalism’.  As  a  result,  class  was  understood  in  explicitly  racial  terms.  Importantly,  this  meant  that   labour  was  self-­‐consciously   ‘white   labour’.  Despite  these  origins,  however,  the   settler   states   were   also   subject   to   international   processes   of   uneven   and   combined  development   which   would   result   in   myriad   strategies   of   ‘catch-­‐up’,   among   which   were  resort   to  varying   forms  of  politically   coerced   labour  processes   through   the   importation  of  racialised  immigrant  labour.  Far  from  simply  a  functionalist  strategy  of  capital,  however,  the  racialized   stratification   of   the   labour   market   which   would   result   emerged   from   complex  interactions   between   the   formation   of   settler   classes,   the   geopolitical   pressure   to   which  settler  capitalists  were  subject  and  the  mix  of  strategies  they  pursued  in  order  to  compete  with  established  metropoles,  as  well  as  the  self-­‐interest  of  'white  labour'.  

Andrew   Feenberg          

The  Philosophy  of  Praxis:  Marx,  Lukacs  and  the  Frankfurt  School  

"This  paper  presents  the  newly  published  book  The  Philosophy  of  Praxis:  Marx,  Lukács,  and  the   Frankfurt   School   (Verso   2014).   The   paper   explains   the   philosophy   of   praxis   of   four  Marxist  thinkers,  the  early  Marx  and  Lukács,  and  the  Frankfurt  School  philosophers  Adorno  and  Marcuse.  The  philosophy  of  praxis  holds  that  fundamental  philosophical  problems  are  in  reality  social  problems  abstractly  conceived.  This  argument  has  two  implications:  on  the  one   hand,   philosophical   problems   are   significant   insofar   as   they   reflect   real   social  

contradictions;   on   the   other   hand,   philosophy   cannot   resolve   the   problems   it   identifies  because  only  social  revolution  can  eliminate  their  social  causes.    

  I  call  this  a  “metacritical”  argument.  I  argue  that  metacritique  in  this  sense  underlies  the   philosophy   of   praxis   and   can   still   inform   our   thinking   about   social   and   philosophical  transformation.   The   various   projections   of   such   transformations   distinguish   the   four  philosophers   discussed   in   this   paper.   They   also   differ   on   the   path   to   social   change.   They  develop  the  metacritical  argument  under  the  specific  historical  conditions  in  which  they  find  themselves.  Differences  in  these  conditions  explain  much  of  the  difference  between  them,  especially  since  philosophy  of  praxis  depends  on  a  historical  circumstance—the  more  or  less  plausible  revolutionary  resolution  of  the  problems  at  the  time  they  are  writing."  

Ruth   Felder          

From   the   pink   tide   to   new   developmentalism:   recreating   the   conditions   for   capital  accumulation  in  South  America    

"In   the  2000s,   the  coming   to  power  of   left  and  centre   left  governments   in  South  America  and   the   accompanying   challenges   to   the   basic   tenets   of   the   neoliberal   orthodoxy   raised  widespread   attention.   Many   analyses   have   focused   on   the   nature   of   the   new   political  leaders  in  the  region,  their  relation  to  social  movements,  the  challenges  to  the  US  and  the  anti-­‐imperalist  nature  of  this  left  turn.  As  these  experiences  have  been  ridden  with  conflict  and  contradictions,  some  critics  have  stressed  the  lack  of  political  will  of  most  governments  to  deliver  on  hopes  while  others  have  pointed  at  the  external  intrusion  in  domestic  politics  in   the  most   radical   experiments   and   the  US's   attempts   to   regain   control   over   the   region.  Less   attention   has   been   paid   to   the   nature   of   the   historical   development   pattern   that  followed  the  crisis  of  neoliberalism  in  the  region.  The  study  of  the  this  development  pattern  is   central   to   understand   the   scope   and   limitations   to   the   recent   South   American   post-­‐neoliberal  experiments  and  interpret  its  contradictions,  conflicts  and  prospects.  

Building  on  debates  on  the  nature  of  the  South  American  new-­‐developmentalism  and  post-­‐liberal   regionalism,   the   role   of   the   states   in   them   and   the   international   insertion   of   the  countries  of   the  region  as  commodity  exporters,   this  paper  will  argue  that   the  very  active  economic   intervention   of   the   states   of   the   region   and   the   recent   forms   of   regional  cooperation   going   beyond   free   trade   and   liberalization   have   been   part   of   a   process   of  internationalization  of  the  region's  economies  and  states  and  have  involved  the  recreation  of  the  conditions  for  capital  accumulation  after  the  debacle  of  neoliberal  reforms.  The  paper  will  pay  special  attention  to  the  building  of  regional  arrangements  and  other  mechanisms  of  regional  cooperation  associated  to  it  (namely,  MERCOSUR,  UNASUR,  IIRSA  and  CELAC)  and  will   locate   them   in   the   context   of   the   balances   of   forces   and   patterns   of   capital  accumulation  that  underlie  them."  

Mariano   Féliz          

Neodevelopmentalism,   accumulation   by   dispossession   and   international   rent.   Argentina,  2003-­‐2013.    

"After   the   crisis   of   the   neoliberal   project   in   Argentina,   dominant   classes   were   able   to  recreate   their   social   hegemony  under   the  umbrella   of   a   new  development  project,  which  has   been   labeled   neodevelopmentalist   (Féliz,   2012).   In   line   with   the   historical  developmentalist  project  of  dominant  fractions  of  capital  in  Latin  America  during  the  1950s  and  1960s,  a  new  articulation  of  productive  forces,  State-­‐form  and  constitution  of  the  class  conflict,   led   by   a   new   hegemonic   block   dominated   by   the   transnationalized   fractions   of  capital,   dialectically   displaced   neoliberal   adjustment   momentum   in   Argentina.   Having  successfully  performed  the  restructuring  of  capital  as  a  whole  (constant  and  variable,  fixed  and   circulating,   productive   and   financial,   rentier   and   non-­‐rentier,   etc.),   a   new  developmentalist  consensus  (DC)  has  set  the  pace  for  capitalist  development  in  the  country  (Féliz,  2012b).  

This   new   DC   is   based   on   a   significantly   different   role   for   the   articulation   between  manufacturing   industry   and   primary   (export-­‐led)   productions.   Much   in   line   with   Rosa  Luxemburg’s   analysis,   neodevelopmentalist   savoir-­‐fair   tries   to   create   the   conditions   for  sustained  capital  accumulation  while  accepting  –as  a  question  of  historical  inevitability  and,  even,  good   luck-­‐  the  place  of  Argentina  as  producer-­‐exporter  of  primary  commodities  and  basic   manufactures   of   those   commodities.   In   such   context,   a   permanent   and   systematic  process   of   ‘primitive   accumulation’,   or   accumulation   by   dispossession   to   follow   Harvey’s  terminology,  becomes  tantamount  to  the  production  and  expanded  reproduction  of  capital  in  Argentina’s  value-­‐space.  Transformation  of  common  goods  and  natural  riches  into  private  ‘natural   resources’   (ie.,   capital)   comes   to  constitute   the  basis   for  a  capitalist  development  strategy   that   fuels   economic   growth   on   production,   appropriation   and   redistribution   of  ground-­‐rent.  

In   this   article   we   discuss   these   processes   in   the   light   of   Rosa   Luxemburg’s   approach,  showing  how  ground-­‐rent  articulates  with  primitive  accumulation  to  perpetuate  accelerated  valorization   and   accumulation   of   capital   in   Argentina   after   2003.   First,   we   discuss   some  relevant  theoretical  concepts.  After  that,  we  show  how  Rosa’s  approach  can  be  useful  and  enlighten   the  analysis  of   the  current  process  of   capital  accumulation   in  Argentina.  Finally,  we  present  some  brief  conclusions  and  the  bibliographical  references."  

Romain   Felli        

Resilience  to  climate  change  :  neoliberalising  adaptation  ?    

This  paper  discusses  the  possible  emergence  of  a  new  norm  in  international  environmental  politics,  reinforcing  the  existing  norm  of  liberal  environmentalism.  In  the  context  of  growing  scepticism  towards  the  ability  to  avoid  the  worse  effects  of  environmental  –    and  climatic  –  change,  international  organisations  have  recently  turned  to  a  language  of  "adaptation".  The  

current  goal  of  international  environmental  politics  is  directed  less  towards  the  avoidance  or  mitigation   of   environmental   changes,   than   towards   creating   the   conditions   in   which  individuals,   regions,   socio-­‐ecological   systems,   even   States,   could   not   only   cope   with   this  change,   but   actually   reinforce   the   accumulation   of   capital.   This   new   productive   way   of  conceiving  society-­‐environmental  relations  is  predicated  on  the  concept  of  "resilience"  as  an  politico-­‐ethical  norm.  

Alexandre   Feron          

Sartre's  Theory  of  Class    

The  object  of  my  paper   is   to  present  Sartre’s   theory  of   class   in  his   "Critique  of  Dialectical  Reason"   and   to   show   in   what   way   it   is   a   contribution   to   Marxist   theory.   Indeed   when  dealing   with   class,   Marxism   often   hesitates   between   an   “objectivist”   and   a   “subjectivist”  conception   (class   is   determined   by   position   in   social   productive   relations   or   by   class  consciousness  which  is  a  product  of  class  struggle).   I  would  like  to  show  how  the  concepts  that   Sartre   develops   in   CDR   (class   as   “class-­‐being”,   as   a   “collective”,   as   a   “group”,   as   an  “institution”,  as  a  “praxis-­‐process”),  far  from  making  him  a  “subjectivist”,  help  to  articulate  these  two  dimensions.  I  intend  therefore  to  propose  a  systematic  reconstruction  of  Sartre’s  theory  of  class.  More  broadly,  I  would  like  to  show  the  importance  of  Sartre’s  attempt  to  set  the  foundations  for  an  “anthropologie  structurale  et  historique”  and  its  relevance  today  for  the  elaboration  of  Marxist  social  sciences.  

Robert  FIne          

Semblance  and  substance:  Marx's  critique  of  the  legal  forms  of  capitalist  society    

My   review   of   Marx’s   critique   of   the   legal   forms   of   capitalist   society   tests   the   following  proposition:   that   the   critique  of   law   is  not   the   same  as   the   trashing  of   law  and   that   they  should   rather  be  seen  as  opposites.  Whilst   trashing  has  as   its  end   the  devaluation  of   law,  usually  by  demonstrating  the  chasm  between  the  concept  of  universal  legal  equality  and  the  actuality  of  concealed  material  interests,  the  critique  of  law  has  as  its  end  the  revaluation  of  law,   usually   by   way   of   understanding   both   its   downfall   and   the   conditions   of   its  reconstruction.  My  case  is  that  Marx  was  equivocal  in  his  critique  of  law,  but  is  better  read  on  the  side  of  critique,  not  trashing.  Indeed,  exposing  the  limits  of  a  form  of  radicalism  that  substitutes   trashing   law   for   critique   of   law,   was   a   pivotal   part   of   his   juridical   writings.  Hostility  to  rights,  law  and  the  state  are  enduring  elements  of  all  radical  traditions,  since  it  expresses   the   sense   of   revulsion   thinking   people   should   feel   over   the   gulf   between   the  rights   society   espouses   and   the   violence   it   is   capable   of   practising.   However,   Marx   both  inherited   and   gave   rise   to   an   anti-­‐totalitarian   current   of   critical   theory   in   which   the  semblance  of   freedom,  equality   and   solidarity   present   in   capitalist   legal   forms   is   far   from  discounted.  In  my  presentation  my  main  reference  point  will  be  Marx’s  own  texts,  though  I  shall  not  have  time  to  put  forward  the  supporting  evidence,  which  is  already  published  in  a  

number  of  books  and  articles.  What  I  shall  argue  why  it  remain  as  urgent  today  as  it  was  in  Marx’s  day  to  recognise,  recover  and  reconstruct  the  juridical  aspects  of  capital-­‐critique.  

Elmar   Flatschart          

Does  the  commodity  form  really  die?  A  Comparison  of  Robert  Kurz’  and  Michael  Heinrich’s  answers  to  questions  of  crisis  theory.    

Crisis  Theory  is  probably  one  of  Marxist  Critique’s  most  contested  terrains.  While  for  a  long  time,  disputes  over  the  extent  and  quality  of  Capitalism’s  crisis  drive  had  the  character  of  a  niche   problem,   they   certainly   gained   importance   with   the   factuality   of   ‘actually   existing  crisis  phenomena’  since  2007/8.    

Old  disputes  do  however  remain.   In  the  German  debate,  one  argument  over  Crisis  Theory  that  predates  the  actual  crisis  can  be  traced  to  the  opposition  of  two  currents  that  share  a  common  background  and  are  often  mixed  up:  the  Neue  Marx  Lektüre  (New  Marx  Reading)  and   Wertkritik   (value   critique).   While   Neue   Marx   Lektüre   authors,   who   focused   an  ‘academic’   and   often   philological   close   reading   of   Marx,   tended   to   argue   against   all  historical   thesis   advancing   an   internal   rupture   in   the   core   of   the   ‘ideal   average’   of  Capitalism,  Wertkritik  propounded  a  rather  bold  and  bulky  corpus  of  theorems  arguing  for  a  terminal  systemic  crisis  of  Capital  that  stems  from  its  internal  contradictions.      

In  my   presentation   I  want   to   give   a   basic   overview  of   both   approach’s   background,   their  central   thesis   and   the   different   answers   to   questions   of   crisis   theory.   In   this,   I   want   to  highlight  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  two  opposing  currents,  focussing  on  the  work  of  two  well-­‐known  proponents,  Michael  Heinrich  on  the  one  and  Robert  Kurz  on  the  other  side.  This  can  build  on  existing  material,  as  both  authors  directly  or  indirectly  referred  to   each   other   in   controversial   discussions   on   the   character   and   scope   of  Marx’   crisis   and  value-­‐theory.    

I   will   maintain   that   Michael   Heinrich’s   arguments   are   sound   when   it   comes   to   the  explanation  of  a  certain  immanent  type  of  crisis  of  more  or  less  limited  economic  character.  It   however   fails   in   terms   of   ontological   and   epistemological   desiderata   when   it   comes   to  taking  the  step  from  economic  analysis  to  critique  of  (political)  economy  and  further  on  to  critique   of   society.   It   can   be   shown   that   Heinrich’s   approach   harbours   a   hidden   scientist  reductionism   when   it   comes   to   contextualising   central   categories   of   materialist   critique,  which  ultimately  limits  the  range  of  his  crisis  theory.        

I  will   further  argue  that  the  framework  proposed  by  Wertkritik  unfolds  greater  theoretical  potential   by   overcoming   a   strictly   economist   perspective,   opening   the   field   for   a   more  integral   critical   theory  of   society   that   goes  beyond  Marx   (while   none   the   less   building  on  him).  Notwithstanding,   there   are   copious   theoretical   problems   to  be   resolved  as  many  of  the   central   thesis   are   far   from   being   well   elaborated   and   remain   to   be   expanded   and  

empirically   tested.   Problems   and   open   questions   will   be   presented   by   drawing   on   Kurz’  latest  book  ‘Geld  ohne  Wert’  (Money  without  value)."  

Chris   Ford          

Reconsidering   the   Ukrainian   Revolution   1917–1921:   The   Dialectics   of   National   Liberation  and  Social  Emancipation   "The  Bolsheviks  and  the  National  Question  Reconsidered  

When   considering   the   fate   of   the   revolutionary   wave   in   Europe   during   1916-­‐1921   the  traditional  view  has  been  that  the  failure  of  European  communism  to  carry  the  revolution  beyond   its   point   of   origin   thus   isolated   and   decided   the   fate   of   the   infant   Soviet   Union  negatively.    This  paper  seeks  to  demonstrate  that  the  Ukrainian  question  was  pivotal  to  fate  of  the  revolutionary  wave  in  Europe  revolution.    It  examines  the  role  of  the  Ukrainian  Social-­‐Democrats  and  Communists;  in  their  quest  for  an  independent  Soviet  Ukraine.  Their  alliance  with  Soviet  Hungary,  and  challenges  accepted  views  of  the  views  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party  on  the  national  question."  

Bridget   Fowler          

Re-­‐evaluating  Lucien  Goldmann,  sociologist  of  literature  and  Marxist  theorist.  

  This   paper  will   explore   in   depth   the   genetic   structuralism  of   the  Rumanian-­‐French  thinker,  Goldmann   (1913-­‐1970),  a   theorist   in  danger  of  being  dropped   from  the  collective  memory   .   It   addresses   three   main   areas   of   his   thought   -­‐   first,   his   conception   of   a   tragic  vision   in   the   work   of   Kant,   Pascal   and   Racine,   secondly,   his   abandonment   of   the   base-­‐superstructure   metaphor   and   its   replacement   by   a   theory   of   structural   homologies,   and,  thirdly,  his  considerations  of  late  capitalism,  with  particular  reference  to  the  Post  World  War  II   Keynesian   social   settlement.       Three   books   especially,   Immanuel   Kant   (1971[1945],   The  Hidden   God   (1964   [1956]   and   Racine   [1956],   are   argued   to   offer   an   illuminating   and  enduring   understanding   of   cultural   production   in   the   17th   and   18th   Centuries.   It   is   also  contended  that  studies  of  absolutism      (eg  Elias's  The  Court  Society,  Bourdieu's  Sur  L'Etat  )  have  reinforced  the  insightful  analyses  made  by  Goldmann  (1964),  further  strengthening  his  interpretation   of     Pascal's   realist   paradoxes   and   Racine's   drama   in   terms   of   the   declining  noblesse   de   robe.   Finally,   Goldmann's   wider   conception   of   the   Pascalian   gamble   is  addressed   (cf   MacIntyre   (1971),   Davidson   (2014)).   His   own   wager   is   on   the   practical  feasibility  of   a   future   that   combines   the  human   rights  of   the  Enlightenment   tradition  and  the  egalitarian   solidarity  of   the   socialist   tradition.     Yet,   even  while   reaffirming   this  wager,  Goldmann   considers   post-­‐World   War   II   capitalism   to   have   become   so   re-­‐stabilised   as   to  have  lost  its  inner  tendencies  to  crisis  and  oppositional  antagonists.  This  view  is  questioned,  especially   in  the  light  of  successive  post-­‐1970  recessions  and  the  shift  to  the  "spectacular"  deepening  of  inequality  (Piketty  2014).  

Kristen  Francis  Tran        

is  also  segmented  by  class,  ethnicity  and  race,  nationality  and  region,  among  other  factors”  (Mills,  2003:  42).      

While   domestic   substitutes   shape   and   reshape   gender,   class   and   racial   hierarchies,   the  employment  of  the  domestic  substitutes  has  not  altered  women’s  relation  to  capitalism.  As  I  will   show,   what   remains   unchanged   is   the   unequal   distribution   of   caretaking   activities  women  continues  to  experience  within  the  private  sphere  and  the  expectations  of  women  as  productive  workers  in  the  public  sphere.  

Offered  in  this  paper  is  an  analysis  of  the  ways  in  which  relation  of  inequality  is  structured  by   reinforcement   of   and   reproduction   of   ideologies   on   gender,   race,   and   class.   This   is  because  such  hierarchies  also  interact  with  ideological  channels  in  the  allocations  of  societal  resources   such   as   power   and   authority   to   ensure   the   maintaining   of   unequal   power  relations   in  the  gender,  race,  and  class  hierarchies.   International  capital,  as  a  result  of  this  interaction,   has   been   able   to   “recruit   and   discipline   workers,   to   reproduce   and   cheapen  segmented   labor   forces   within   and   across   national   borders”   (Mills,   2003;   see   also   Enloe  1989,  Ong,  1991,  Safa  1995)."  

Carl   Freedman          

Capitalist  Realism  and  Three  Recent  Science-­‐Fiction  Films    

"I  take  the  term  “capitalist  realism”  from  Mark  Fisher’s  2009  book  of  that  title,  and  use  it,  as  Fisher  does,  to  refer  to  the  hegemonic  notion—successfully  constructed  during  the  1980s  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  and  neatly  summarized  in  Margaret  Thatcher’s  aphorism,  “There  is  no  alternative”—that  any  realistic  appraisal  of  current  socio-­‐economic  reality  must  assume  the   inviolability   of   the   capitalist   mode   of   production   in   comparatively   neo-­‐liberal   form.    Capitalist   realism  has  proved  remarkably  durable,  even   in   the  wake  of   the  global   financial  crisis  of  2008,  which  one  might  have  thought  would  have  discredited  neo-­‐liberal  capitalism  for  good.    A  cultural  index  of  its  strength  can  be  found  in  today’s  cinematic  science  fiction,  a  genre   formally   devoted   to   the   imagining   of   alternatives—of   “new   worlds   and   new  civilizations,”   in   the   famous   STAR   TREK   formulation.     The   persistence   of   capitalist   realism  can  be   traced,   for   example,   in   three   SF   films  of   2013:  Alfonso  Cuarón’s  GRAVITY,  with   its  ultimately  mindless  glorification  of  mere  spectacle;  in  Spike  Jonze’s  HER,  with  its  celebration  of   the   creativity   of   the   commodity   structure,   a   creativity   here   seen   as   almost   literally  endless;  and  even  in  Steven  Soderbergh’s  SIDE  EFFECTS—by  far  the  most  intelligent  of  these  films—which   suggests   a   scathing   critique   of   neo-­‐liberal   capital  while   declining   to   imagine  alternatives.      

Diana   Fuentes          

Modernity  and  civilizational  crisis.  A  latin  american  approach.  

"This  paper   intends   to  present  how   the  ecuadorian-­‐mexican  philospher  Bolívar  Echeverría  has  characterized  our  epoch  as  a  time  of  crisis,  not  only  for  the  consequences  of  the  global  depression    or  the    questions  of  the  economic  model  around  the  world,  but  he  believes  that,  without  denying  the  effects  of  the  economic  and  the  political  crisis,  this  other  crisis  is  below  both,  on  a  deeper  level.  It  is  a  crisis  of  more  far-­‐reaching  and  irreversible  consequences,  as  it  puts   into  question  not   the   effectiveness   or   viability   of   a   particular   political   project   or   the  growth  of  a  nation,  but  the  grounds  on  which  is  built  the  mode  of  reproduction  of  human  life  in  all  its  dimensions.  

It  is  a  crisis  that  afflicts  humanity  as  a  whole,  in  a  world  in  which  the  spread  of  the  capitalist  system  has  reconfigured  in  ways  and  to  varying  degrees,  both  the  totality  of  social  relations,  as  the  archaic  ways  of  relating  to  the  natural  environment  .  Modernity  in  its  capitalist  form,  says   Echeverria,   by   subsuming   in   his   totalizing   dynamic   all   the   old   forms   of   identity  configuration   and   policy   coordination   has   created   a     kind   of   unique   story   or   destination  unprecedented.   Therefore   this   form   of   crisis   resembles   more   a   collapse   of   the   entire  civilized  project  in  which  modernity  is  founded."  

Eirini   Gaitanou          

An  examination  of  class  structure  in  Greece,  its  tendencies  of  transformation  amid  the  crisis,  and  its  impacts  on  the  organisational  forms  and  structures  of  the  social  movement    

The  study  of  the  Greek  class  structure  is  necessary  for  approaching  and  understanding  the  forms  and  structures  of  the  labour  and  social  movement  in  Greece.  The  class  structure  and  the  specific  characteristics  of  the  Greek  social  formation  present  special  features  compared  to  other  developed  capitalist  countries  of  Europe.  These  features  have  historically  resulted  to   the  appearance  of  broader  petty-­‐bourgeois   strata,   in  parallel   to   (and  not  competitively  to)  capitalist  development.  The  tendency  in  the  last  twenty  years  (during  the  restructuring  process)   has   been   the   expansion   of   capital   into   new   areas   and   sectors   of   capitalist  circulation,   leading   to   the   establishment   of   a   range   of   services   as   capitalist   commodities,  and   an   expansion   of   unproductive,   but   necessary   for   the   realisation   of   the   surplus-­‐value,  activities   (expanded   reproduction  of   capitalism).   Further,  during   the   current   crisis,  we  are  witnessing  a  massive  job  destruction,  along  with  a  significant  tendency  of  class  polarisation  and   violent   proletarianisation   of   the   petty-­‐bourgeois   strata.   Massive   unemployment   and  precarious  work  are   largely  expanded,  whilst  the  stable  work  model   is  eroded.  This  reality  affects   both   the   emergence   and   the   forms   of   organisation   of   the   labor   and   social  movement.  The  working  class  is  highly  fragmented  and  heterogeneous,  and  the  trade  union  movement  has  several  weaknesses  and  pecularities.  At  the  same  time,  large  sections  of  the  working   strata   cannot   be   expressed   through   the   traditional   trade   unionism,   because   of  conjunctural  and  structural  reasons.  Thus,  there  appear  various  forms  of  organisation  that  are  beyond  the  scope  of  the  traditional  labor  movement.  The  aim  of  this  paper  is  to  explore  this   landscape   and   the   various   possibilities   open   to   collective   action,   its   forms   and  manifestations  at  the  political  level.  

Lucia   Gallardo          

Compensation  for  keeping  fossil  fuels  in  the  soil:  From  within  and  outside  Capitalism    

"Ecuador  was   the   first   country   to  propose  keeping  oil   in   the   soil   in  exchange   for  a  partial  compensation   in  order   to  make  a   transition   to  a  post-­‐extractivist  economy.  Keeping   fossil  fuels   in   the   soil   has   been   taken   into   consideration   more   recently   in   the   academia   as   an  effective   measure   to   stop   global   warming,   but   the   issue   of   compensation   has   not   had   a  significant  impact  on  the  political  debate.  This  paper  discusses  such  a  compensation  scheme  in   the   context   of   two   globally   accepted   scarcities:   the   carbon   sink   and   the   non-­‐capitalist  development  opportunities.  The  central  argument   is  that  compensation  for  non-­‐extraction  opens   a   new   way   to   look   at   combating   climate   change   and   provides   a   non-­‐market,  politicized  method  of  assessing   its  stakes.  How  does  compensation  transform  our  thinking  about  combating  climate  change?  It  recognizes  that  developing  countries  are  engaged  in  an  unequal   international   division   of   labor;   in   order   to   overcome   their   dependency,  compensation  might  create  (at  least  partially)  the  material  basis  for  an  energetic  transition.  Additionally,   compensation   does   not   reproduce   capitalist   form   of   exchange   in   terms   of  nature   valuation;   therefore,   such   scheme   is   challenging   the   carbon   trade   system   by  unveiling   its   fictitious  nature.   In  political   terms,   compensation   is   the   result  of  a   long-­‐term  collective   action   of   people   who   consider   climate   change   as   the   result   of   power   relations  mediated  by  new  imperialisms,  including  the  ecological  one.  Finally,  based  on  the  principles  of  climate  justice,  compensation  as  a  transnational  scheme  will  allow  an  unprecedented  re-­‐distribution  of  global  wealth.  

Maryanne   Galvão          

Some   reflections   on   primitive   accumulation   and   accumulation   by   dispossession   from   an  exemplary  case  of  socioenvironmental  conflict  in  Mato  Grosso,  Brazil    

In   recent   years,   in   Brazil,   a   new   outbreak   of   developmentism   have   stimulated   economic  growth:  major  works,  World  Cup,  Olympics,  etc.  In  the  Brazilian  Amazon  region,  this  wave  of  development  with  great  stimulus  and  government  funding,  have  transformed  the  landscape  and  changed  the  lives  of  people  who  live  in  this  region,  causing  many  socio-­‐environmental  conflicts.  Among  several  conflicts,  we  highlight  one  that    occurred  in  Mato  Grosso,  midwest  of   Brazil,   and   that   became   the   exemplary   case   used   in   our   doctoral   research   (still   in  progress)   among   the   indigenous   population   Enawenê-­‐Nawê     and   a   business   group   of  builders  of  small  hydroelectic    dams  along  the  Juruena  River.  In  this  paper,  starting  from  the  conflict   mentioned,   we   propose   a   theoretical     reflection     about   the   actuallity   and   the  continuity  of  primitive  accumulation  and  what  Harvey  called  accumulation  by  dispossession.  

Melissa   Garcia  &  Maria   Kaika      

"Mortgaged  Lives":  The  biopolitics  of  debt  and  homeownership  in  Spain    

"The  paper  aims  to  expand  the  theoretical  framework  within  which  we  examine  mortgage  debt,  by  focusing  on  the  role  that  mortgages  play  not  only  in  financialising  housing,  but  also  in   promoting   a   biopolitics   of   financialising   life   itself.   Conceptualising   mortgages   as   a  ‘technology   of   power   over   life’   (Foucault   2003,   246),   we   expose   the   biopolitics   linked   to  mortgaged   homeownership   in   order   to   broaden   the   scope   of   analysis   on   the   dialectics  between  the  production  of  biological  futures  and  the  production  of  future  profits.    

Our   analysis   is   grounded   in   a   historical   geographical   examination   of   the   biopolitics   of  mortgage   debt   in   Spain,   where,   during   the   most   recent   real   estate   boom   (1997-­‐2007),  mortgages   were   employed   as   a   technique   that   was   supposed   to   optimise   income   by  enrolling  livelihoods  into  the  cycle  of  real  estate  speculation.  But  as  800,000  mortgages  per  year   were   issued   as   average   wages   fell   by   10   per   cent,   mortgages   also   became   a  punitive/disciplinary   technique,   which   made   the   population   itself   the   object   of   financial  speculation.  Whilst  livelihoods  became  closely  connected  to  the  rent  extraction  mechanisms  of   global   finance,   their   very   existence   followed   the   fluctuation   of   financial   markets   with  disastrous   effects,   including   the   eviction   of   over   200,000   Spanish   families   from   their  mortgaged   homes   between   2008-­‐2013.   The   lived   experience   of   this   process   will   also   be  highlighted,   based   on   interviews   with   over   30   mortgage   affected   people   and   participant  observation   at   anti-­‐eviction   assemblies   in   the   Barcelona   metropolitan   area   since   October  2013.  

This  way,  we  argue,  mortgaged  homeownership  became  central   in  enrolling  biological   life  into   the   process   of   rent   extraction,   in   two   distinct   ways.   First,   by   making   hundreds   of  thousands  of  livelihoods  ‘mortgaged’,  that  is,  directly  dependent  on  the  success  or  failure  of  capital   accumulation   strategies   rooted   in   the   built   environment.   Second,   by   producing  hundreds  of  thousands  of  indebted  subjects  who  have  to  be  embedded  continuously  in  the  production  process  in  order  to  meet  their  debt  obligations,  and  who  often  remain  indebted  even  after  they  are  evicted  from  the  home  they  used  to  own."  

Christakis    Georgiou          

What  is  to  be  done  about  the  EU?  Situating  the  debate  in  the  long-­‐term  tendencies  behind  European  unification  

  "The   last   four   years   have   seen   the   morphing   of   the   economic   crisis   unleashed   in  2007/8  into  a  sovereign  debt  crisis  that  initially  led  to  wild  speculation  about  the  collapse  of  the  eurozone  only  for  that  speculation  to  steadily  die  down  as  of  September  2012  and  the  ECB's  explicit  signalling  that  such  a  prospect  was  not  conceivable.  The  speculative  dimension  of   the   eurozone   crisis   is   now   over,   and   this   has   created   conditions   (collapsing   sovereign  bond  yield  spreads)  that  will  only  quicken  the  pace  at  which  the  real  eurozone  crisis  –  ie  the  competitiveness   split   between   creditor   and   debtor   member   states   –   will   be   fixed   by   the  European  bourgeoisie(s).  

The  eurozone  crisis  has  spawned  a  corresponding  political  crisis  which  has  two  dimensions.  One  has  been  the  pitting  of  creditor  member  states  against  debtor  member  states.  Another  has  been  the  resurgence  of  euroscepticism  –  a  phenomenon  that  ebbs  and  flows  with  the  economic  fortunes  of  European  capitalism.  

The   radical   Left   has   not   watched   these   developments   from   the   sidelines.   A   debate   has  emerged  about  the  Left's  attitude  towards  the  euro  and  the  European  Union  more  broadly.  Different   currents   have   developed   diverging,   if   not   outright   conflicting,   attitudes.   Some  argue  the  Left  has  to  campaign  for  more  fiscal  federalism  so  that  transfers  can  be  organised  from   creditor   to   debtor   states   (either   through   official   debt   restructuring   or   a   eurozone  budget)   while   others   argue   for   withdrawal   from   the   eurozone   and   even   the   EU   and   a  strategy  of  national  economic  development  in  the  member  states  in  which  the  radical  Left  can   take   power.   The   problem   with   these   debates   is   the   general   voluntarism   in   which  arguments  are  pitched.  This  is  also  reflected  in  the  fact  that  many  on  the  Left  followed  the  speculators   in   2010/12   in   expecting   a   eurozone   implosion.   What   I   want   to   do   in   this  contribution  is  situate  the  question  of  European  unification  in  a  longterm  perspective.  I  start  by   telling   the   story   of   how   the   problem   of   continental   unification   emerged   in     the   late  nineteenth  century  and   then  gave   rise   to  a   long  European  civil  war   in   the   first  half  of   the    twentieth  century.   I   then  present  the  position  adopted  by  the  Communist   International   in  1923   with   regards   to   the   issue   as   well   as   Trotsky's   rationale   for   it.   The   third   part   of   the  contribution   deals   with   the   “unification   from   above”   solution   that   was   provided   to   the  problem  in  the  early  fifties  by  the  French    and  German  bourgeoisies  and  sketches  how  that  process  has  unfolded  over  the  past  sixty  or  so  years.  I  conclude  with  a  few  considerations  on  what   this   entails   for   the   Left's   attitude   towards   the   EU   as   well   as   the   prospects   of   the  process  of  “unification  from  above”  in  the  coming  decade  or  so."  

Roja   Ghahari          

Women  under  the  Iranian  Welfare  System:  Charity  and  Control   "Women   under   the  Iranian  Welfare  System:  Charity  and  Control    

This   paper   will   examine   the   role   that   the   Iranian   welfare   system   (Islamic   charities   and  income   redistribution   policies)   has   played   in   the   making   and   maintenance   of   the   Islamic  Republic  of  Iran.  Specifically,  the  impact  of    the  Iranian  social  safety  net  in  promoting  gender  roles  will  be  assessed.      

Challenging  the  views  of  the  Islamic  Republic  as  an  archaic  fundamentalist  regime  or  an  anti  imperialist   state,   this   paper   will   draw   attention   to   how   neoliberal   strategies   have    manifested  themselves,  albeit  in  different  ways,    in  Iran    in  the  past  30  years.  Although  it  is  claimed   that   Iran   has   not   been   integrated   into   global   capitalism,   many   of   the   same  tendencies  observed  in  other  capitalist  countries-­‐  privatization,  welfare  state  retrenchment,  and   other   general   features   of   neoliberal   capitalism   -­‐have   materialized     in   Iran.   The  dual/parallel  welfare  system  of  corporatist  institutions  and  parastatal  organizations,  able  to  

target   both   the   middle   class   and   the   poorer   population,   tries   to   alleviate   the   impacts   of  various   neo-­‐liberal   policies.   The   closer   examination   of   the   welfare   system,   however,   will  demonstrate     its   gendered   character   and   the   specific   ways   that   it   reinforces   gender  hierarchies,  pacifies  dissent  and  maintains  the  regime’s  ideological  hegemony."  

Paraskevi     Gikopoulou    

‘The  Greek  Communist  Struggle  and  its  Suppression:  Prelude  to  Greece’s  Right-­‐Wing  Politics,  1944-­‐1946’  

This   paper   examines   the   conditions   under   which   the   left-­‐wing   resistance   in   Greece   was  oppressed  and  suppressed  during  the  liberation  period  and  until  the  official  civil  war  begun  in  1946-­‐1949.  I  seek  to  examine  via  archival  documents  and  historical  texts  the  relationship  between  the  armed  and  political  struggle  of  the  Communist  Party  of  Greece  (KKE),  and  how  this   struggle  was  negated  by   the  Allied   forces   and   the  Nazi   Collaborators   in   the  post-­‐war  era.   This   exploration   enables   us   to   comprehend   clearly   the   mechanisms   under   which   a  young  European  country  of  the  time  such  as  Greece  entered  a  family  of  capitalist  and  liberal  values  at  the  expense  of  a  left-­‐wing  popular  movement  that  was  gaining  massive  support.  A  dialogue  between  the  British  Foreign  policy,  Greek  bourgeois  politicians,  Greek  monarcho-­‐fascists  and  collaborators  will  be  discussed  so  as  to  see  how  right-­‐wing  values  seized  power  by  force  after  the  war  was  over  so  as  to  keep  Greece  within  the  western  sphere  of  influence.    

Michael  Goldfield  

Coal  Miners  in  the  Vanguard  

Large   numbers   of   studies   have   shown   that   coal   miners,   throughout   history,   around   the  world,   with   some   notable   exceptions,   have   been   among   the   most   militant,   solidaristic  workers.     In   addition,   when   organized   they   have   gravitated   towards   political   radicalism.    These   tendencies   also   existed   in   the   United   States   during   the   late   19th   and   early   20th  centuries,  and  were  especially  prevalent  during  the  1930s,  as  millions  of  industrial  workers  organized.     Coal   miners   during   this   period   engaged   in   dramatic   strikes,   inspired   other  workers,   and   came   to   their   aid   in   numerous   situations.     In   the   labor   upsurge   in   the   U.S.  during   this   period,   they   were   the   vanguard   sector   of   the   working   class.   Their   class  collaborationist   leadership,  however,  personified  by  miners  president   John  L.  Lewis,  partly  reflected  these  aspirations,  but  also,  not  only  savagely  repressed  democracy,  but  effectively  destroyed  more  radical  elements  in  the  union.  

Jamie   Gough          

The  crisis  in  Britain  since  2007:  why  has  the  resistance  so  far  been  weak,  and  the  possibilities  for  a  socialist  response    

"This   paper   explores   the   evolution   of   the   crisis   in   Britain   since   2007.     My   analysis   sees  neoliberalism   as   a   logical   strategy   for   capital   to   raise   value   creations   and   profitability,   as  

nevertheless   involving  severe  contradictions  for  capital,  and  as  consisting  of  class  struggle.    Neoliberalism  therefore  has  deep  logic  but  no  stable  forms.      

British  governments   from  1990  to  2010  developed  a   ‘neoliberalism  with  social-­‐democratic  elements’.    This  reflected  contradictions  for  capital  thrown  up  by  1980s  neoliberalism,  in  the  manifest   erosion   of   production   and   reproduction.     Social   democratic   elements   could   be  afforded   because   of   the   ‘booms’   of   the   mid-­‐1990s   and   mid-­‐2000s   sustained   by   credit  expansion.     But   the   latter   went   into   crisis   in   2007-­‐8.     In   response,   British   capital   has  embarked  on  a  new  strategy  of  devalorisation  and  raising  the  rate  of  exploitation,  despite  knowing   the   problems   this   may   eventually   lead   to   in   productive   inefficiency   and   political  instability.      

The  burden  of  the  crisis  has,  consequently,  fallen  entirely  on  the  working  class.    Why,  then,  has   resistance  since  2008  so   far  been  weak?    The  attacks   in   the  private   sector  have  been  met  with  almost  no  resistance  from  workers  and  trade  unions.    Resistance  to  the  cuts  in  the  public  sector  have  so  far  been  limited  to  some  trade  union  actions,  but  without  successes.    An  explanation   includes  the  social-­‐cultural  changes   in  the  British  working  class  effected  by  neoliberalism  over   30   years.     But   it   also   involves   the   fetishistic   and   reifying   forms   of   this  particular   crisis:   the   origin   of   the   recession,   and   the   government’s   excuse   for   public  spending  cuts,  in  a  ‘financial  crisis’.    Since  the  Labour  Party  accepts  these  fetishistic  forms,  it  is  incapable  of  opposing  austerity.      

This   suggests   that   building   successful   resistance   to   austerity   needs   the   working   class  movement   to   address   head-­‐on   the   value   forms   of   the   crisis.   This   can   be   done   through  transitional   demands   around   employment,   wages,   work   intensity,   public   services,   state  benefits,  taxation  of  capital  and  ecology."  

Kevin  W.  Gray  

The  Feminization  of  Labor  and  Capitalism’s  Stability  

In  my  paper,  I  use  the  so-­‐called  feminization  of  labor  as  a  means  to  theorize  the  processes  which   stabilize   the   capitalist   system.  My  basic   thesis,   following   the   French  pragmatists,   is  that   new   forms   of   labor   are   explainable   by   capitalism’s   response   to   emergent   lifeworld  protest  movement.  The  feminization  of  labor,  I  believe,  is  explainable,  at  least  in  part,  by  the  capitalist   system’s   exploitation   of   the   artistic   critique   in   its   response   to   emergent   protest  movements   in   the  1960s.  While   it   is   true  that,   the   first   two  (major)  employment  agencies  were  founded  in  the  immediate  post-­‐war  era:,  Kelly  Girl  Service  (1947)  and  Manpower,  Inc,  (1948)   to   market   their   jobs   to   women   (Hatton   2011:   7),   I   argue   that   the   widespread  feminization   of   labour   (at   least   with   respect   to   temp   work)   is   explainable   by   capitalism’s  exploiting   values   from   the   lifeworld.   Following   Boltanski   and   others,   I   argue   that   the  phenomenon   which   legitimates   feminization   (and   precarization,   to   use   Standing’s  vocabulary)   is   capitalism   recourse   to   the   artistic   critique   of   capitalism,  which   responder   t  

protests   by   allowing   for   new   freedoms,   new   family   arrangements,   etc.   inside   the  employment   relationship   (Boltanski   2002:   14).   Capitalism’s   response   to   demands   for  autonomy  permitted  the  growth  of  so-­‐called  network   firms,   the  decline  of  strict  hierarchy  (and   the   emergence   of   fuzzy   organizations),   increased   mobility   and   the   emergence   of  projects  which  gave  each  employee  the  possibility  to  develop  his  or  her  future  employability  (Chiapello   &   Fairclough   2002:   189).   However,   it   also   gave   companies   the   possibility   to  relegate   employees   (originally   women   but   increasingly   men)   to   contingent,   precarious  labour.  

Phil   Griffiths          

The  class  origins  of  the  White  Australia  policy  

"For   much   of   the   twentieth   century,   Australian   racism   revolved   around   the   idea   of   a  ""white""   nation,   protected   by   a   government   policy   that   excluded   non-­‐white   immigrants.  This  was  a  policy  that  was  widely  seen  as  having  its  origins  in  working  class  mobilisation  and  its   purpose   in   protecting   working   class   interests.   This   is,   of   course,   ludicrous,   but   so  hegemonic   that   no   scholar   (or   activist)   attempted   to   research   any   possible   ruling   class  agenda  behind  the  White  Australia  policy.  Instead,  there  has  been  an  idealist  turn,  as  more  recent   historians   have   presented   the   policy   as   driven   by   racism,   or   more   recently,   by  ""whiteness"",   as   if   racism   or   whiteness   themselves   did   not   need   to   be   explained   and  historicised.  

This  paper  will  attempt  to  reclaim  a  materialist  understanding  of  this  important  example  of  western  racism,  by  outlining  three  core  bourgeois  agendas  that  led  the  dominant  elements  in  the  ruling  class  to  push  through  the  exclusion  of,  first,  Chinese  immigrants,  and  later  all  non-­‐whites.  In  the  process,  it  will  suggest  a  way  of  understanding  the  dominant  ruling  class  strategy   for   the   development   of   Australian   capitalism,   from   the   late   nineteenth   century  until  the  early  1970s."  

Paul   Guillibert          

Capitalism  and  the  "space-­‐time  appropriation"    

"The   nature-­‐society   metabolic   rift   and   the   development   of   rational   agriculture   in   the  countries   of   the   capitalist   core   go   hand   in   hand   with   the   implementation   of   an   unequal  ecological   exchange,   which   Marx   already   described   regarding   guano   imports   from   Peru  during   the   1850’s.   (Marx,   2009  ;   Foster,   2000).   Countries   of   the   capitalist   core   claim  ownership  over  natural  spaces  (those  of  colonized  countries  or  under  imperial  domination)  as  well  as  embodied  labour  working-­‐time  in  order  to  compensate  for  loss  in  soil  fertility.    Alf  Hornborg  describes  this  double  process  as  “space-­‐time  appropriation”  (Hornborg,  2005).  For  Hornborg  -­‐  as  well  as  a  number  of  other  authors  (Hornborg,  McNeill,  Martínez-­‐Alier,  2007)-­‐,  the   generalization   of   Marx’s   unequal   ecological   exchange   hypothesis   in   enabled   by  references   to   the   dependency   theory   and   the   world-­‐system   analysis   paradigm.   In   this  

presentation,   our   aim   is   to   discuss   the   pertinence   of   world-­‐system   theories   in   order   to  address  the  question  of  unequal  ecological  exchange  by  engaging  a  discussion  with  classical  imperialism   theories.   Indeed,   world-­‐system   theories   offer   pertinent   elaborations   that  enable   to   consider   the   nature-­‐society  metabolic   rift   on   a   global   scale   (Moore,   2003),   but  they  seem  to  fail  to  address  forms  of  colonial-­‐imperial  predation  that  guarantee  commercial  domination   of   countries   of   the   capitalist   core   and   favour   capitalist   concentration   (Marx,  2009  ;  Davis,  2001).  

Rodrigo   Guimaraes   Nunes        

Between  Clastres  and  Lenin:  leadership  and  strategy  in  networked  movements  

While  it  is  not  accurate  to  describe  the  kinds  of  movements  that  have  irrupted  around  the  world  in  the  last  four  years  as  ‘leaderless’,  it  is  not  far-­‐fetched  to  see  parallels  between  the  ways  in  which  leadership  manifests  itself  in  them  and  Pierre  Clastres'  portrayal  of  power  in  indigenous   societies.   The   distributed   leadership   characteristic   of   today’s   networked  movements   entails   at   once   a   permanently   open   possibility   for   leaders   to   emerge,   and  placing   leadership   under   the   requirement   of   constant   legitimation,   putting   a   check   on   its  development.  While   the   latter   is  no  doubt  a  good  thing   in  many  respects   (e.g.,  effectively  functioning   as   an   informal   recall   mechanism),   it   can   also   curb   the   strategic   capacities   of  these   movements.   In   this   paper,   I   seek   at   first   to   develop   a   model   of   how   distributed  leadership   functions,   comparing   it   with   Clastres’   work   in   political   anthropology.   I   then  submit   it   to   questions   on   strategy   and   leadership   raised   from   within   the   Marxist-­‐Leninist  tradition,  in  order  to  ask  whether  it  is  possible  for  networked  movements  to  address  those  question,  and  how.  What  arises  is  the  possibility  of  there  actually  being  something  between  Clastres  and  Lenin,  rather  than  a  merely  disjunctive  choice  between  one  or  the  other.  

F.  H.  Pitts        

Form-­‐giving  fire:  creative  industries  as  Marx’s  ‘work  of  combustion  

Capitalism  struggles  against  the  uncertainty  of  exchange:  valorisation  depends  upon  goods  and   services   attaining   commodity   status   by   selling   for   money.   Value   is   subject   to   this  validation.  I  contend  that  the  capitalist  use  of  advertising,  design  and  branding  is  among  the  most  important  means  by  which  the  possibility  of  this  validation  is  guaranteed.  I  argue  that  these  practices,  traditionally  seen  as  peripheral  to  the  production  of  value,  may  actually  be  indispensable  to   it.  This  claim  is  based  on  a  re-­‐reading  of  the  discussion  of  productive  and  unproductive   labour   found   in  Marx’s  most  direct   treatment  of   the  question  of   ‘circulation  work’,   in   Capital   Vol.   2.   Situating   the   distinction   between   productive   and   unproductive  labour   as   internal   rather   than   prior   to   the   law   of   value,   I   question   the   demarcation   of  ‘production’   and   ‘realisation’   which   has   been   used   to   relegate   circulation   work   to   an  ancillary  function.  In  making  possible  the  conditions  for  the  continued  ‘realisation’  of  value  in   the   face   of   uncertainty,   the   services   of   advertising,   design   and   branding   recruited   by  

capitalists   to  stave  off   the  possibility  of  non-­‐validation  simultaneously  secure  the  basis   for  value  to  exist  at  all.  In  a  climate  of  increasing  instability,  these  sectors  are  therefore  crucial  to  capitalism’s  survival.  

Peter   Hallward          

Guy  Lardreau  and  Political  Will  

"Guy  Lardreau  was  a  leading  figure  of  the  Gauche  prolétarienne,  and  his  under-­‐appreciated  book   Le   Singe   d'or   (1973)   is   often   and   rightly   recognised   as   the   most   important   and  symptomatic   philosophical   work   to   emerge   from   the   French   Maoist   current   in   the   years  immediately  following  May  1968.  In  the  mid  1970s,  most  notably  in  the  idiosyncratic  book  L'Ange   (1976)   that   he   co-­‐authored   with   Christian   Jambet,   Lardreau   abandoned   his  remarkably  strident  version  of  Maoism  in  favour  of  positions  that  soon  brought  him  close  to  the  reactionary  liberalism  of  the  'nouvelle  philosophie'.  This  paper  will  assess  both  the  force  and  frailty  of  Lardreau's  early  neo-­‐Rousseauist  voluntarism,  before  considering  the  peculiar  form  and  implications  of  his  subsequent  self-­‐criticism.  

Barbara   Harriss-­‐White          

Towards   a   lower   carbon   agriculture:   An   experiement   in   expert   and   situated   knowledge   in  India    

The  coming  phase  of  agrarian  transformation  will  have  to  engage  with  climate  change  with  many   implications   for   methods   for   studying   agrarian   change.   While   literatures   on  agriculture  and  climate  change  currently  focus  on  adaptation  to  dismal  future  scenarios  and  while   the   agricultural   science   establishment   awaits   a   genetic   revolution   led   by   private  capital,   this   paper   reports   on   the   public   policy   implications   for   mitigation   of   a   project  measuring  environmental  and  social  aspects  of  the  agrarian  economy.    

Environmental   factors   include   greenhouse   gases   (GHGs),   energy   and   water;   social   factors  focus  on  the  quantity  and  quality  of  work;  and  the  third,  economic,  element  is  constituted  through  a   systematic  analysis  of  market  and  social   costs  and   returns.  The  case  material   is  rice,   in   four   production-­‐distribution   systems   in   E/SE   India:     intensive;   rain-­‐fed;   systems  of  rice  intensification  (SRI);  and  organic.    

After  synergies  and  trade-­‐offs  between  the  environmental,  social  and  economic  parameters  of  agriculture  have  been  measured/calculated,  four  technological  possibilities  which  would  help  the  transition  towards  lower  carbon  agriculture  have  been  identified.  These  are  rainfed  rice  production,  SRI,  solar  pumps  and  halving  T  and  D  losses  in  the  electricity  grid.      

Technological   alternatives   are   generally   evaluated   using   social   cost-­‐benefit   analysis   from  economics    ((S)CBA)  in  which  all  costs  and  benefits  are  reduced  to  Rs  /  $.  Having  criticised  this   orthodox   approach,   the   experiment   reported   here   uses   a   different   method,   derived  from  multi-­‐criteria  analysis  which  originated  in  engineering  and  has  been  championed  and  

developed   by   Sussex   University   researchers.     Multi   criteria   mapping   (MCM)   enables   a  rigorous   socio-­‐political-­‐economic   evaluation   of   alternatives   according   to   criteria   which  cannot  be  reduced  to  Rs/$  and  are  thus  incommensurable.    The  incommensurable  criteria  in  this  exercise  are  costs,  work  relations/  labour  process  and  GHGs.  

The   results   of   an   experimental   application   of   this   method   in   two   languages   (English   and  Tamil)  compare  and  contrast  the  evaluations  of  a  set  of  expert  ‘stakeholders’  from  an  elite  class:     the   urban   intelligentsia   (scientists,   rural   development   researchers,   public  policymakers,   bankers,   business   managers   and   entrepreneurs,   environmental   journalists,  and  NGO  activists   (41%female))  with   those  of   a   ‘subaltern’   class:   a   set   of   rural   producers  with   situated   knowledge   and   direct   experience   (petty   producers   and   landless   agricultural  labourers  (48%female))."  

Daniel  Hartley        

For  a  Marxist-­‐Feminist  Poetics  of  the  ‘Anthropocene’    

The   name   “Anthropocene,”   and   the   theories   of   human   history   it   implies,   equivocates  between  humanism  and   technological   determinism   (is   it   humans  who  have  produced   the  Anthropocene   or   the   machines   they   have   invented?).   It   also   potentially   implies   a  homogeneous,  internally  undifferentiated  protagonist  -­‐  the  so-­‐called  “anthropos”  –  thereby  masking  historical  class  antagonisms.  To  a  certain  extent,  the  Marxist  tradition  shares  some  of  the  difficulties  of  representation  found  in  the  discourse  on  the  “Anthropocene”:  the  more  a   Spinozist-­‐cum-­‐Deleuzian  Marxism  emphasises   the  mode  of  production  as   an   (immanent  and  non-­‐human)  assemblage,  the  more  difficult  it  becomes  to  produce  diachronic  narratives  structured   around   contradictions   and   antagonisms;   on   the   other   hand,   the   more   one  narrates   human   history   in   terms   of   class   antagonism   (an   element   usually   missing   from  scientific   writings   on   the   Anthropocene)   the   more   one   reproduces   the   human-­‐as-­‐protagonist  argument  (and  hence  residual  humanism)  of  the  “anthropos.”  This  paper  aims  to  explore  these  basic  problems  in  order  to  suggest  the  ways  in  which  our  representations  of  the  “Anthropocene”  will  directly  affect  our  political  practices  in  and  towards  it.  It  claims  that   the   abstractly   conceived   struggle   between   “man”   and   “nature”   cannot   be   overcome  until   class   antagonisms   internal   to   society   have  been   resolved.  Moreover,   because  of   the  early   Marx’s   unique   conception   of   the   male-­‐female   relation   as   the   purest   mediation  between   man   [Mensch]   and   (historicized)   nature,   it   argues   that   a   Marxist   politics   of   the  “Anthropocene”    –  indeed,  Marxist  politics  tout  court  –  must  have  feminism  at  its  heart.  The  “Anthropos”  should  be  understood,  not  as  a  fact,  but  as  a  regulative  idea  whose  realization  would  require  universal  emancipation.  

Eva   Hartmann          

Competitive  solidarity  and  the  Europeanisation  of  the  professions  

"Critical  scholars  of  European  Studies  point  out  that  the  EU  is  ordo-­‐liberal  rather  than  neo-­‐liberal  in  its  orientation.  Along  the  lines  of  a  Gramscian  account  of  the  ideational  dimension  of   power   we   can   consider   ordo-­‐liberal   principles   as   being   at   the   heart   of   the   emerging  European  ethico-­‐political  project  aiming  to  establish  a  new  hegemony.  

However,   the   critical   accounts   of   ordo-­‐liberalism   have   provided   little   insights   so   far   into  changes   of   the   social   formation   induced   by   European   competition   and   underpinning   the  new  hegemony.  This  paper  intends  to  overcome  this  shortcoming.  It  interrelates  economic  sociology   and   state   theory   with   a   view   to   deepening   our   understanding   of   the   capital's  capacity  to  survive.  

The   first   part   the   paper   will   further   refine   this   line   of   reasoning   by   drawing   on   insights  provided  by  the  sociology  of  professions  and  develops  the  notion  of  competitive  solidarity.  This   field  of   study   connects  professions   to  broad   sociological   issues   such  as:   occupational  closure,  social  stratification,  state  formation  and  the  development  of  a  capitalist  economic  order.  Against   this   theoretical  backdrop,   the  paper  examines,  on  more  empirical   grounds,  the   EU  efforts   to   bring   professional   services  within   the   ambit   of   the  Community   rules   on  competition   and   the   implication   this   has   for   existing   mediating   mechanisms   and   social  bonds  organised  through  the  professions."  

Stephen   Hastings-­‐King          

Socialisme  ou  Barbarie  and  the  Contemporary  Project  of  Autonomy    

This   paper   argues   that   approaches   drawn   from   Socialisme   ou   Barbarie   can   serve   as  templates   for   ways   to   make   the   socio-­‐cognitive   paralysis   of   the   dominant   neo-­‐liberal  imaginary  and  patterns  of   resistance   to   it  available   for  a  project  of  autonomy.    The  paper  emphasizes   the   sociological  orientation  of   the  group’s  work,  which  enabled  adaptation  of  radical  politics  to  the  changing  geographies  and  organization  of  capitalism  of  the  1950s  and  early   60s.     SB   focused  on   the   close   analysis   of   relations   of   production   to   isolate   informal  patterns   of   assimilation   and   resistance   to   Fordist   production   design   and   technological  organization.    Their  later  notion  of  total  social  crisis  leaned  on  the  earlier,  granular  analyses  of  worker  experience  along  with  a  model  drawn   from   the  Hungarian  Revolution   to  orient  exploration  of  newer  forms  of  social  contestation.    Since  1967,  the  gradual  collapse  of  the  Marxist   Imaginary  has  pulled  down  an  entire   language  in  terms  of  which  collective  desires  for  emancipation  might  have  been  articulated.  This  situation  is  what  separates  us  from  SB.  We  face  starting  over.  Much  recent  activity  ignores  work  and  related  modes  of  experience.    In   so  doing,  opposition   to   the  dominant   capitalist   imaginary  deprives   itself  of  a  necessary  descriptive  base  and  undermines  new  theoretical  approaches.  

Michael   Haynes          

Neo-­‐Liberalism  and  the  Crimogenic  University    

"This   paper   argues   that   as   mass   higher   education   has   developed   so   the   form   of   the  university   has   changed.     In   recent   decades   in   societies   like   the   UK   this   change   as   led   to  universities   coming   to   have   an   increasingly   crimogenic   form.  Universities   are   expected   to  operate  and  set  goals  for  themselves  that  appear  to  be  of  the  most  worthy  and  ethical  kind  but  their  day  to  day  practices  mean  that  they  must  and  do  routinely  violate  these.  Moreover  a   case   can   be   made   that   these   violations   are   as   sustained   and   egregious   as   many   of   the  activities   that   other   businesses   are   condemned   for   doing.     Staffs   live   out   these  contradictions  on  a  daily  basis  and  are  expected  to  be  complicit   in  them  even  though  they  know   that   if   exposed   the   institution   is   more   likely   to   condemn   and   dismiss   them   than  address  the  underlying  pressures  that  they  are  responding  to.  

Resisting   this   requires   a   reinvigoration   of   critical   thinking   and   more   vigorous   workplace  resistance   that   overcomes   the   sectionalism   that   characterises   the   higher   education  workforce.   It  also  requires  stronger  links  externally  and  a  more  engaged  role  of  academics  as   critical   public   intellectuals.     We   briefly   sketch   how   the   role   of   the   university   has  developed  with     pressures   to   commodify   and  marketise   the   university   creating   a   form  of  academic   capitalism.   We   then   looks   at   some   of   the   illicit   activities   involved   in   the  recruitment,   teaching   and  assessment  of   students;   research  practices;   and   the   running  of  the   institutions   themselves.   The   final   part   rehearses   some   of   the   arguments   about  engagement  and  the  ways   in  which  the  space  for  critical  discussion  and  activism  might  be  defended  and  opened  up."  

James   Heartfield          

The  Manchester  Workers,  the  US  Civil  War,  and  the  founding  of  the  IWMA    

"Ed  Hooson  and  John  Edwards   launched  the  Union  Emancipation  Society   in  Manchester   in  1862,   building   solidarity   with   the   Union   and   Lincoln   in   the   American   Civil   War.   Their  campaign   across   the   mill   towns   of   Lancashire   helped   stop   Lords   Russell   and   Palmerston  from  joining  the  war  on  the  side  of  the  Confederacy.  

Karl  Marx  joined  their  campaign,  organising  meetings  in  London,  with  the  men  who  would  go   on   to   found   the   International   Working   Men's   Association.   Drawing   on   the   material  researched   for   the   pamphlet   British   Workers   and   the   US   Civil   War,   this   introduction   will  show  how  international  solidarity  helped  to  re-­‐launch  the  workers  movement  in  Britain,  and  influence  it  in  the  world."  

Paul   Heideman  &  Jonah    Birch      

What  Does  it  Mean  to  Call  Neoliberalism  a  Class  Project?    

"For  the  Marxist  left,  it  is  axiomatic  that  the  ""neoliberal""  restructuring  of  world  capitalism  during  the  past  thirty  years  has  been  a  class  project,  pursued  in  the  interests  of  capital  (or  fractions   thereof).     For   much   of   the   past   two   decades,   this   understanding   has   been  

challenged  by   the   institutional   scholarship  on   comparative   capitalism.     The   institutionalist  literature   on   recent   changes   in   advanced   capitalism   has   stressed   the   point   that   in   many  regions,  key  reform  efforts  have  been  launched  either  through  negotiated  agreements  and  cross-­‐class   alliances   between   business   and   labor,   or   alternately   without   the   direct  intervention   of   firms   or   their   interest-­‐group   representatives.     In   fact,   social   science  researchers   have   pointed   out,   employers   have   often   lacked   the   political   will   or  organizational   wherewithal   to   oversee   neoliberalism,   given   that   they   have   in   many   cases  been  disorganized  to  an  even  greater  extent  than  labor.  

What   then   does   it   mean   to   call   neoliberalism   a   class   project?     I   will   argue   that   the   class  context   of   the   neoliberal   trajectory   of   capitalist   political   economies   reflects   its   disparate  impact  on   the   relative  power  of  class  actors,  as  opposed   to   the  nature  of   the  agents   that  have   driven   it.     The   directionality   of   recent   changes   in   advanced   capitalism   has   been  determined   not   by   the   organized   or   conscious   intervention   of   any   particular   social   or  political  force,  but  rather  by  the  structural  imperatives  facing  business,  labor,  and  the  state,  and   the   way   these   have   shaped   responses   to   altered   conditions   of   capital   accumulation  since  the  1970s."  

Christoph     Henning          

Alienation:  Defending  the  Classical  Theory  with  new  arguments  

"Marx  analyzed  alienation  as  an  externalisation  and  misappropriation  of  human  potentials.  This   theory   is   straightforward   –   so   much   so   that   is   has   been   „absorbed“   into   the  philosophical  mainstream,  e.g.  of  Charles  Taylor  and  even  Jürgen  Habermas,  under  the  guise  of   the   concept   of   'expressivism'.   Ironically,   however,   at   the   time   of   this   'triumph'   many  Marxists  and  Critical  theorists  of  the   late  20th  century  abandonded  the  concept,  following  Althusser's  and  Foucault's  anti-­‐essentialist  stance  instead,  forsaking  the  chance  to  strive  for  an   intellectual   'hegemony'.   Even  more   ironically,   this   refusal   to     take  on   the  „humanistic“  heritage   of   Critical   Marxism   dovetailed   with   a   postmodernist     resurgence   of   'positive'  theories   of   alienation.   Influenced   by   the   Sociology   of   Georg   Simmel,   scholars   of  Philosophical   anthropology   (e.g.   Arnold   Gehlen   or   Helmuth   Plessner)   or   System   theory  (Niklas  Luhmann),  these  theories  argue  that  alienation  is  the  price  of  modern  freedom  –  or  even  its  condition:  It  cuts  the  bonds  to  traditional  authorities  and  enables  individuals  to  live  according   to   their   own   plans.   This   modernist   'appeal'   of   alienation   partly   explains   why  capitalist   culture   is   so   persisting:   It   is   not   necessarily   'false   consciousness'   to   accept   a  commodified  culture  and  lifestyle;  it  may  also  be  the  result  of  a  quite  reflective  choice.  Here  my  paper  wants  to  ask:  What  kind  of  arguments  does  Marxism  have  to  offer  against  these  two  strands  of  thought  (postmodernist  anti-­‐essentialism  and  post-­‐critical  ironicism)?  Based  on  new  research  in  various  fields  (such  as  bioethics  or  sociology  of  global  labor)  I  will  argue  that  the  classical  theory  of  alienation  still  has  explanatory  power,  if  applied  consistently.  In  a  globalised  neoliberalism,  many  people  suffer  even  more  from  processes  of  alienation  then  before.   The   only   difficulty   is   to   demonstrate   conceptually   in   which   way   these   new  

phenomena   'fit'   the  old  concept,  and  why   it  makes   sense   to  do  connect  new  phenomena  with  new  concepts  at  all.  

 

Lars   Henriksson          

Auto  Workers  Can  Save  the  World    

"The  divide  between  unions  defending   jobs   and   individuals   and  organizations  questioning  the  environmental  impact  of  various  industries  and  products  is  old.  The  current  dual  crisis  of  economy  and  climate  is  simultaneously  sharpening  this  tension  and  calling  for  a  solution  as  it   becomes   obvious   that   environmental   issues,   far   from   being   luxury   problems,   are  fundamental  to  our  survival.  

This  is  specially  evident  in  the  auto  industry.  Road  transports  are  responsible  for  a  big  and  growing  share  of  the  green  house  gas  emissions  and  all  measures  to  reduce  these  emissions  have  been  outweighed  by   the  ever   increasing   road   traffic.   Continued  mass   auto   transit   is  not  a  sustainable  system,  not  the  one  that  exists  today  and  even  less  so  if  the  car  density  of  the  industrialized  countries  would  be  globalized.  

The  credit  crunch  of  2008  triggered  a  crisis  of  overproduction  that  had  been  endemic  in  the  auto   industry   for   a   long   time.   Worldwide,   unions'   response   was   support   to“their”  corporations,  ranging  from  demands  for  state  subsidies  to  contractual  concessions.  

Ever   since   then   I've   been   arguing   that   in   stead   of   giving   in   to   the   false   choice   between  ”creative  destruction”  and  subsidized  mass  auto  transit,  unions  could  and  should  adopt  and  organize  around  demands  for  a  conversion  of  the  auto  industrial  complex.  

The  auto  industry  is  a  flexible  and  versatile  machinery  for  mass  production  of  just  about  any  high   quality   industrial   goods.   A   nationalized   industry   could   create   safe   jobs   and   supply  society  with  the  goods  needed  to  replace  the  present  fossil  dependence.  

Merely  good  arguments  will  not  be  sufficient.  Industry's  main  interest  in  a  capitalist  society  is   expansion   and   pursuit   for   profit.   The   powers   that   be   will   defend   status   quo,   however  asocial  or  destructive.  Reason  has  to  be  armed  with  social  muscles.  

The   labor   movement,   and   specially   unions   in   sectors   where   production   is   intrinsically  unsustainable,   have   a   possibility   of   becoming   an   important   part   of   this   necessary   social  force  in  that  they  have  a  direct  material  interest  in  a  transformation,  both  to  save  jobs  and  the  planet.  Unions  constitute  in  themselves  a  strong  social  force  and  they  can  become  the  hub  of  a  broad  movement  involving  popular  forces  from  the  whole  of  the  society.  

The   employees   also   have   a   first   hand   knowledge   that   is   essential   in   a   conversion.   In  questioning   the  direction  of   the  production  we  also  have  an  opportunity   to  question  and  transform  our  jobs  that  have  been  deskilled  and  deprived  of  content  for  so  long."  

Anna   Hermanson          

Contesting   violent   representations   in   the   petrostate:   patriarchy,   colonialism,   and   big   oil  advertising  in  Alberta  

Extraction  and  processing  of  the  tar  sands  in  northern  Alberta  constitute  one  of  the  largest  energy  projects  in  the  world  today.  The  related  environmental,  social,  and  climatic  violence  is   immense   and   impossible   to   fully   represent.   In   this   paper   I   will   show   that   existing  structures   of   power,   such   as   capitalism,   colonialism,   and   patriarchy,   work   to   construct  alternative   representations   of   industrial   projects   in   the   Albertan   petrostate.   I   will   use   an  advertisement   for  an  Edmonton  radio  station  that  violently  objectifies  a  woman’s  body  to  iterate   its   support   for   big   oil   as   a   starting   point   for   examining   the   history   of   gendered  violence   against   Indigenous   women   in   Canada   and   a   broader   relationship   between  patriarchy  and  extraction.  Then,  I  will  examine  the  government  of  Alberta  and  big  oil’s  use  of   Indigenous  bodies   in   tar   sands   advocacy   campaigns   and  posit   these   representations   as  tools   of   contemporary   capitalism   and   colonialism.   In   my   discussion,   after   illustrating   the  connections   between   patriarchy,   colonialism   and   environmental   violence,   I   will   propose  intersectional  and  anti-­‐colonial  contestations  of  existing  representations  that  do  violence  as  integral  to  resistance.  

Andy  Higginbottom  

The  multinational  corporation  -­‐  concentration,  fiction  or  rent?  

Capitalism  survives  as  globalised  imperialism,  a  world  dominated  by  multinational  corporations  whose  pre-­‐eminence  signifies  important  changes  in  the  capitalist  mode  of  production.  How  then  does  historical  geographical  materialism  approach  the  theorisation  of  multinational  corporate  capital?  

This  paper  develops  three  strands.  Firstly,  standard  Marxist  explanations  highlight  the  concentration  and  centralisation  of  capital,  processes  located  in  Marx’s  exposition  of  the  general  law  of  accumulation.  What  if  the  general  law  is  itself  modified  by  imperialism  as  ‘monopoly  capitalism’,  how  does  monopoly  correspond  with  the  concentration  and  centralisation  of  capital?  Secondly  the  analysis  revisits  Hilferding’s  Finance  Capital  and  the  specific  focus  on  fictitious  capital  and  corporation  organisation:  promoter’s  profit,  credit  and  the  double  movement  of  capital.  Thirdly,  in  asking  what  are  super-­‐profits  in  relation  to  Marx’s  categories,  we  come  to  the  theory  of  imperialist  rent  and  its  application  to  forms  of  multinational  capital.  

These  concepts  are  applied  to  a  concrete  study  of  the  City  of  London’s  role  as  a  centre  of  financing  of  global  mining  capital,  conceived  as  predatory  production.  The  paper  ends  with  observations  on  the  political  implications  of  the  analysis.  

 

Rocio   Hiraldo          

Classes   of   labour   experience   and   respond   to   green   grabs:   economic   consequences   of  territorialisation  through  mangrove  conservation  in  Niombato,  Senegal.  

As   land  expropriation   for   the  expansion  of   capital   increases,   a  wide   range  of   scholars   are  using  Marxist   terms   such  as  primitive  accumulation  and  accumulation  by  dispossession   to  describe  these  processes,  inter  alia  those  studying  the  conservation-­‐capitalism  nexus.  This  is  leading  to  revised  critiques  of  these  concepts  as  well  as  to  a  return  of  the  agrarian  question  debate,  in  particular  to  an  exploration  of  the  socio-­‐economic  consequences  of  land  grabs.  By  studying  processes  of  economic  and  political  change  in  the  Sine  Saloum  Delta,  Senegal,  this  paper   explores   the   effects   of   a   tourism-­‐oriented   protected   area   in   the   ways   villagers   are  securing  material   reproduction.   The  paper  argues   that   rather   than   simply  driving   villagers  into   a   class   category   of   producers   exploited   by   the   capitalist   class,   green   grabs   are  contributing   to   perpetuate   a   ‘classes   of   labour’   pattern   where   villagers   secure   material  reproduction   through   a   complex   combination   of   informal   survival   activities   in   and   out   of  wage-­‐labour.  The  paper  also  highlights  the  need  to  look  at  differentiation  between  different  petty   commodity   producers   (in   relation   to   capital   and   means   of   production)   in   order   to  understand  the  material  consequences  of  land  grabs  as  well  as  villagers’  responses  to  them.  

Owen   Holland          

Orwell's  Windows    

When   the   liberal   humanist   Milan   Kundera   attacked   George   Orwell’s   1984   (1949)   as   an  example  of  “political  thought  disguised  as  a  novel”  he  did  so  on  the  grounds  that  “there  are  no   windows”   in   the   book.   Strictly   speaking,   this   is   incorrect.   The   word   appears   precisely  thirty-­‐three  times  in  1984  –  a  point  which  one  hopes  was  not  lost  on  Georgiy  Daneliya,  the  director   of   the   1965   Soviet   comedy   Thirty-­‐Three.   Orwell’s   windows,   far   more   than   the  ubiquitous   tele-­‐screens,   refract   an   apprehension   about   transparency   whose   lineage  encompasses,  inter  alia,  Vera’s  dream  of  a  crystal  palace  in  Nikolai  Chernyshevsky’s  What  is  to  be  Done  (1863),  Ivan  Karamazov’s  legend  of  the  Grand  Inquisitor  in  Fyodor  Dostoevsky’s  philosophical  novel  The  Brothers  Karamazov  (1880),  the  glass-­‐world  of  Yevgeny  Zamyatin’s  We   (1924),   Walter   Benjamin’s   fascination   with   the   glass   constructions   of   nineteenth-­‐century  Parisian  arcades  and  Ernst  Bloch’s  ruminations  on  the  Bauhaus.  Circa  2014,   liberal  humanist   mobilisations   of   dystopian   writing   as   a   distorted   reflection   of   an   imputed   ‘left  totalitarianism’  require  some  revision  –  particularly  as  the  fantasy  of  total  transparency  can  now  be   seen   to   have   set   in   place   the   technological   architecture   of   a   twenty-­‐first   century  totalitarianism.  What  then,  if  anything,  do  Orwell’s  windows  have  to  tell  us  about  the  NSA?  

Alistair  Holmes          

Race,  Class  &  Empire  in  Britain:  1837-­‐1914  

"This   paper   looks   at   the   development   of   racism   in   Britain   during   the   Victorian   and  Edwardian   periods.   Beginning   in   the   shadow   of   abolition,   I   trace   the   hardening   of   racial  

prejudice  into  the  modern  racism  of  ‘science’,  Social  Darwinism  and  Eugenics.  By  looking  at  the  experience  of  Black,   Irish  and  Jewish  people   living   in  and  visiting  Britain   I  examine  the  twisting   evolution   of   racism   and   the   construction   of   whiteness.   Above   all,   this   reveals   a  complex   relationship   between   class   and   race,   with   racist   tropes   often   originating   in  perceptions  about  social  class,  and  a  lack  of  clear  distinctions  between  ethnicity,  biology  and  ‘civilisation’  resulting   in  anything  but  the  established  ‘black  and  white’  definition  of  racism  we   are   familiar   with   today.   I   also   look   at   how   discourses   formed   in   the   colonial   context  came   to   inform   analyses   of   class   division   at   home,   and   how   anti-­‐colonial   resistance  impacted   on   the   development   of   ideas   in   the   metropole.   Political   changes   within   Britain  posited  the  need  for  an  inclusive  nationalism  as  an  antidote  to  the  dangers  of  socialism.  At  the   same   time,   growing   concerns   about   the   degeneration   and   decline   of   the   'residuum'  undermined   the   liberal   ideas   of   progress   and   civilisation   underpinning   British   imperial  identity.  

The  central  thrust  of  my  argument   is  that  far  from  being  defined  purely   in  distinction  to  a  colonial,   non-­‐white   other,   the   various   strands   of   racist   ideology   prevalent   in   turn-­‐of-­‐the-­‐century   Britain   evolved   as  much   out   of   schisms  within   British   society   than  without.  Most  importantly,  these  developments  were  borne  of  the  historically  contingent  needs  of  British  capitalism   rather   than   a   trans-­‐historical   division   between   ‘East’   and   ‘West’   embedded   in  Western   thought.   In   turn,   the  nature  of   this   racism  crystallised   through   the  experience  of  political   change   and   resistance   at   home   and   abroad,   and   the   project   of   constructing   a  unifying  British  nationalism  in  the  context  of  a  global  Empire."  

Pertti   Honkanen          

Marx,  Mathematics  and  New  Capital-­‐Lectures  

In  this  paper  some  thesis  of  the  “monetary  theory  of  value”  are  analysed  and  brought  into  the  context  of  broader  discussions  of  the  Marxist  methodology.  

In  recent  years  in  Marxist  discussions  much  has  been  written  about  “new  Capital  Lectures”.  Intense   studies   of   the   manuscripts   and   writings   published   in   the   MEGA   Edition   are   one  source  of   inspiration.  The  discussions  and  studies  consider  many  aspects  of  the  critique  of  political   economy,   especially   the   methodology   and   the   theory   of   value.   Obviously   some  conclusions  of  these  studies  are  quite  evident  or  generally  approved.  So  it  can  be  stressed  that  we  cannot  identify  the  Marxist  theory  of  value  with  the  Ricardian  theory  of  value.  The  analysis  of  the  form  of  value  and  the  theory  of  money  are  an  essential  part  of  the  Marxist  theory  of  value.  It  is  generally  ignored  in  non-­‐Marxist  studies  and  also  often  in  the  so-­‐called  traditional  Marxism.  

Nevertheless  there  are  some  controversies  and  problems  which  need  more  analysis.  The  so-­‐called  monetary  theory  of  value  is  one  controversial  line  in  these  lectures.  So  the  thesis  that  abstract  labour  time  cannot  be  measured  with  clock  and  that  money  is  the  only  measure  of  

value,  are,  in  my  opinion,  questionable.  So  is  also  the  corollary,  that  the  total  labour  time  of  society  cannot  be  understood  as  some  homogenous  entity.  

If   the   abstract   labour   time   cannot   be   measured   or,   more   generally,   if   it   is   not   a   definite  quantity,   the   quantitative   relations   between   prices   and   values   cannot   be   analysed   on  theoretical   level.   All   discussions   about   the   so-­‐called   transformation   problem   become  obsolete.   It   is   also   difficult   to   make   conclusions   about   the   dynamics   of   capitalism,   if  (abstract)   labour   time   is   a   variable,   which   cannot   be   measured   or   defined.   Even   in   the  elementary   concept   of   productivity   of   labour   the   quantitative   definition   of   labour   time   is  essential.  

It  seems  to  me  that  in  the  critique  of  the  traditional  Marxism  sometimes  the  child  is  thrown  away  with  the  washing  water.  The  confusion  of  empirical  measurement  of  labour  time  and  theoretical  understanding  value  relations  is,  may  be,  one  reason  of  this  phenomenon.  

These  questions  bring  us  back  to  the  discussions  of  the  role  of  quantitative  and  qualitative  analysis   and   the   role  of  mathematics   in   the  work  of  Marxist   critique  of  political   economy  and  also  to  the  discussions  about  the  status  of  labour  theory  of  value  in  Marxist  theory."  

Peter   Hudis          

Frantz  Fanon’s  Contribution  to  Hegelian  Marxism  

Although   the   work   of   Frantz   Fanon   has   become   an   staple   of   post-­‐colonialist   and   anti-­‐imperialist   theory  over   the  past   several  decades,  his  contribution   to  Hegelian-­‐Marxism,  as  especially  found  in  Black  Skin,  White  Masks  and  other  writings,  has  been  largely  neglected  by  scholars  and  activists  alike.  This  paper  will  seek  to  correct  this  oversight  by  showing  that  Fanon’s  critical  engagement  with  the  “master/slave”  dialectic  in  Hegel’s  Phenomenology  not  only  governed  his  critique  of  Negritude  and  Jean-­‐Paul  Sartre,  but  also   formed  the  basis  of  his  understanding  of  the  promise  and  pitfalls  of  national  consciousness  found  in  such  later  works   as   The   Wretched   of   the   Earth.   I   will   also   argue   that   Fanon’s   distinctive   reading   of  Hegel  marked  an  important  point  of  departure  from  the  philosophical  positions  advanced  by  Alexandre  Kojève,  Theodor  Adorno,  and  contemporary  writers  on  recognition.  A  critical  re-­‐evaluation  of  the  impact  of  Fanon’s  study  of  Hegel  will  show  that  he  deserves  a  place  as  one  of  the  most  important  figures  within  Hegelian  Marxism.  

Elizabeth  Humphrys  and  Tad  Tietze  

‘Abolishing   the   present   state   of   things’:   reconstructing  Marx’s   critique   of   politics   and   the  state  

A   range   of   social   critics   has   pointed   to   the   hollowing   out   of   previously   entrenched  representative  political  institutions  and  the  growth  of  popular  anti-­‐politics  sentiment  during  the  late  neoliberal  era  in  Western  democracies.  Antonio  Gramsci’s  prediction  of  a  ‘crisis  of  authority’  where   ‘social   classes   become  detached   from   their   traditional   parties’   seems   to  

have  come  to  pass,  yet  without  a  breakdown  of  bourgeois  hegemony  or  a  breakthrough  by  revolutionary  political  projects.  By   reconstructing  Karl  Marx’s  early   critique  of  politics   and  the   state  –  often   inaccurately  dismissed  as   immature  and  undeveloped  as   compared  with  his   later   critique   of   political   economy   –   we   will   outline   its   relevance   to   the   current   anti-­‐political  conjuncture.  Drawing  on  the  work  of  Lucio  Colletti,  Gary  Teeple,  Derek  Sayer  and  Peter  Thomas,  we  will  argue  that  grasping  the  essential  nature  of  the  relationship  between  state  and  civil  society,  and  the  limits  of  political  emancipation  vis-­‐à-­‐vis  social  liberation  can  lay  the  basis  for  theorising  a  significantly  different  approach  to  ‘the  political’  to  that  which  has  been  dominant  within  the  Western  revolutionary  Left  for  the  last  century.  Furthermore,  we   contend   that   this   new  approach   is   immanent   in   the  practical   activity   of   the   emerging  anti-­‐political  social  movements  of  our  time.  

Filip   Ilkowski          

"New  Warsaw  Pact",  beggar  imperialism  and  power  politics  in  Central  and  Eastern  Europ    

The  recent  events  in  Ukraine  have  shown  that  imperialism  is  still  an  important  issue  in  the  area   of   former   Eastern   Bloc.   It   is   important   to   see   it   as   a   newest   expression   of   the  tendencies   visible   in   the   last   25   years:   in   particular   NATO   enlargement   and   existence   of  "New  Warsaw  Pact"  countries  very  much  loyal  to  USA,  and  on  the  other  hand  attempts  to  rebuild   its  power  position  by  Russia.  But  countires  within   the   former  Eastern  Bloc  are  not  only   pawns   in   great   powers   games.   One   can   also   see   the   phemomenon   of   "beggar  imperialism"   -­‐   ambitious   and   independent   in   its   aims  but   at   the   same   time  dependent  of  external   help   to   achieve   them.   In   addition,   economic   and   social   crisis   after   2008,   with   it  uneven   impact   in   the   area,   is   an   important   framework   of   recent   geopolitical   competition  between  bigger  and  smaller  actors  in  the  Eastern  Europe.  

Orazio  Irrera          

Environmentality  between  Primitive  Accumulation  and  Colonial  Biopolitics.  

 The  struggle  for  the  use  of  the  forests  in  Himalayan  India  (1864-­‐1931)   Through   the  notion   of   “Environmentality”,   coined   at   first   by   Arjun   Agrawal,   this   contribution   aims   at  combining   two   paradigms   in   order   to   approach   colonial   environmental   history   from   an  innovative   point   of   view:   on   the   one   hand   the   Marxist   perspective   based   on   primitive  accumulation   and,   on   the   other   hand,   the   Foucauldian   biopolitical   prism   through   which  scientific   discourses,   governmental   technologies,   and   political   resistances   turn   out   to   be  strictly  intertwined  also  in  the  case  of  environmental  colonial  history  (even  if  Foucault  never  dealt  with   it).  More  exactly,  we  focus  on  the  relevant  question  of  the  management  of  the  forests   in   the   circumscribed   colonial   area   of   some   sub-­‐Himalayan   regions   and   during   a  particular  period  (1864-­‐1931).  Thus,  we  try  to  link  the  “ecological  imperialism”  featuring  the  capitalistic   drive   in   nineteenth   century   British   India   to   the   relationship   between   the  development  of   scientific   forestry,   the   creation  of   the   Imperial   Forest  Department   (1864)  

regulating   the   scientific   forest  management   in   sub-­‐Himalayan   India,   and   the   resistance  of  native  people  threatened  by  this  management.  This  long  period  of  struggle  concluded  with  the   1931   Forest   Panchayat   Rules   that   sanctioned   the   emergence   of   rural   communities   as  environmental   subjectivities   able   both   to   provide   some   forms   of   self-­‐government   in  ecological  management  and  to  struggle  against  market-­‐oriented  policies.  

Robert  Jackson          

Postone,  Lebowitz  and  Subjectivity  in  Marx's  Capital  

"Marx's   characterisation   of   capital   as   a   “self-­‐moving   substance”,   the   subject   of   its   own  process,  has   led  Moishe  Postone   to  posit   capital   as   the  primary   subject  of  Capital.  Whilst  Postone’s   interpretation   highlights   the   function   of   capital   as   non-­‐personal   social  domination,  this  paper  will  argue  that  his  interpretation  is  challenged  by  Marx’s  analysis  of  the  influence  of  class  struggle  on  the  functioning  of  the  laws  of  capitalist  production.  

The   paper   will   discuss   the   concrete   forms   of   working   class   self-­‐activity   found   in   Marx's  chapter,   The   Working   Day.   It   will   further   examine   the   interaction   between   the   workers'  movement   and   the   factory   inspectors,   and   their   significance   for   the   role   of   a   knowing  subject  in  the  process  of  class  struggle.  

For  Michael  Lebowitz,  Postone’s  argument  is  possible  because  of  a  crucial  silence  in  Capital.  The  paper  will  also  assess  Lebowitz's  claim  that  Marx  does  not  explore  the  subjective  side  of  the  capital/wage-­‐labour   relation   in  his   later  writings.   It  will   evaluate  Lebowitz’s  project   to  overcome  a  one-­‐sided   reading  of  Marx’s  project  by   theorising   the  “creation  of  new  social  needs  for  workers”."  

Daniel   Jakopovich          

The  Class  Functions  of  British  Militarism    

"The  presentation  examines  the  structural  functions  of  the  military-­‐industrial  complex,  and  the  bases  of   its  power.   I  demonstrate  its  continued  relevance  for  the  global  economic  and  geopolitical   positioning   of   the   British   ruling   class,   its   capitalist   and   state   elites.   The   UK  military-­‐industrial   complex   has   a   uniquely   important   place   among   the   mechanisms   and  apparatuses  of  class  power  due  to  its  designated  purpose  of  protecting  the  existing  system  of  domestic  and  global   class   relations,  and  of   increasing  British  economic  and  geopolitical  leverage  on  the  global  level.  British  militarism  is  a  multi-­‐faceted  form  of  intervention  in  the  processes  of   international   (political  and  economic)  competition,  and   it  supports   the  entire  architecture  of  global  capitalism,  including  the  international  rule-­‐making  and  agenda-­‐setting  institutions.   The   long-­‐term  Anglo-­‐American   political   and  military   alliance   in   particular   is   a  highly   ambitious   and   expansionistic   form   of   global   power   projection   and   systemic  organisation.  

The  presentation  shall  also  elaborate   the  main   features  of   this   system  of  militarised  state  capitalism,   which   is   founded   on   the   increasing   privatisation   and   oligarchisation   of   the  politics  and  of  the  state,  the  institutional  capture  of  the  state  and  the  wider  public  sphere  by  oligopolistic   private   interests.   “Militarised   state   capitalism”   is   based   on   the   neo-­‐colonial  extraction  of  global  resources  and  the  redistribution  of  wealth  from  the  British  taxpayers  to  private  military   companies,   a   privileged   oligopolistic   fraction   of   the   capitalist   class.   I   shall  demonstrate  that  militarism  functions  as  a  method  of  subordinating  the  state  in  accordance  with   oligopolistic   and   monopolistic   private   corporate   interests.   Additionally,   the  presentation   will   show   that   the   military-­‐industrial   complex   helps   to   ensure   the   domestic  and   international   political   security   and   reliability   required   to   secure   the   investment   of  wealthy   Oriental   despots   and   other   segments   of   the   Middle   Eastern   and   global   capitalist  elite,  on  whose  support  the  continued  dominance  of  the  City  of  London,  of  other  powerful  British   industries,   and   of   the   UK   offshore   system   partly   depend.   I   shall   also   discuss   the  integration  of  the  energy  and  financial   industries  within  the  military-­‐industrial  complex,  as  well   as   the   role   of   the   military-­‐industrial   complex   in   the   integration   of   the   ruling   class  (through   shared   socialisation,   lobbying   and   the   contribution   of   the   military-­‐industrial  complex   to   political   campaigning,   cronyism,   the   “revolving   door”   between   senior   military  and  corporate  positions  and  political  office,  financialisation,  interlocking  directorships,  etc.).  

In   conclusion,   I   shall   indicate  how   the  military-­‐industrial   complex  and   the   “security   state”  contribute   to   an   increasingly   totalitarian   concentration   of   social,   economic   and   political  power.  

(In  the  discussion  afterwards  I  might  also  have  time  to  properly  discuss  the  issue  of  military  ""Keynesianism"".  This  research  is  based  on  my  PhD  thesis  on  class  power  in  Britain  at  the  University  of  Cambridge,  which   is   a   couple  of  weeks  away   from  completion.   I   gave  a   two  hour  guest  lecture  on  the  British  military-­‐industrial  complex  at  Cambridge,  and  an  article  on  the   topic   has   been   accepted   for   publication   by   Cuadernos   de   Marte,   a   South   American  journal  specialising  in  the  sociology  of  war.)"  

Muhammad  Ali   Jan        

Class,  State  and  the   'making'  of   Indigeneous  capital   in  a  global  milieu:  a  case  study  of   the  Pakistani  Punjab  

Perhaps  nowhere  in  the  historical  materialist  tradition  has  the  tension  between  theory  and  history  been  greater  than  in  the  analysis  of  Imperialism  and  the  global  political  economy.  As  the  most  abstract  yet  necessary  concept,  the  ‘global’  or  the  ‘world’  has  been  the  source  of  endless   debate   within   Marxism   -­‐   from   Lenin’s   analysis   of   inter-­‐imperialist   rivalry,   to  ‘dependency’  and  'world-­‐systems'  theories  to  present  day  debates  over  the  ‘transnational’  capitalist  class.  Among  these,  no  framework  has  invited  greater  enthusiasm  or  criticism  than  the   world-­‐systems   approach;   scholars   have   chided   world-­‐systems   theorists   for   their  functionalist  and  deterministic  view  of  exploitation  while  the  latter  have  accused  their  critics  

of   glossing   over   a   highly   unequal   international   order   and   its   effects   on   the   nature   and  pattern  of  capitalist  development   in  the   ‘periphery’.  This  paper  argues  that  while  many  of  the   debates   among   both   defenders   and   detractors   of   world-­‐systems   and   dependency  approaches   brought   about   considerable   advances   in   our   understanding   of   capitalist  accumulation   on   a   world-­‐scale,   3   fundamental   elements   are   essential   if   we   are   to   grasp  unequal  development  more  fully;  firstly,  unlike  dependency  theory  and  world-­‐systems,  it  is  not  the   ‘nation’  but  the   international  social   relation  between  national  capitals  of  different  strengths  in  the  framework  of  what  Marx  called  the  ‘competition  of  capitals’  which  should  be   the   focus  of  attention;   second,   in  order   to  avoid  purely  economistic  understandings  of  class   formation   and   capital   accumulation   the   role   of   the   state   must   be   central   to   the  analysis.   Finally,   it   must   be   recognized   that   this   relationship   of   hierarchy   is   historically  constituted  so  that  a   long  term  perspective  on  the  'making'  and  development  of   ‘national’  capitalist  classes  is  crucial  for  an  understanding  of  both  the  continuities  and  discontinuities  in   its   relationship   both   to   international   capital   and  domestic  working   classes.  Drawing   on  South   Asian   economic   history   and   with   a   particular   focus   on   Pakistani   Punjab,   this   paper  then  demonstrates  how   the  historical   interplay  between  British   and   indigenous   capital   as  well  as  the  colonial  state,  was  crucial  in  the  making  of  an  indigenous  capitalist  class,  drawn  from   landed,   mercantile   and   bureaucratic   groups,   that   came   to   rely   not   on   technological  improvement,   but   cheapening   of   labour-­‐power   as   its   differencia   specifica   and   whose  patterns   of   investment   were   crucial   in   determining   the   nature   of   accumulation   and   its  outcomes  for  the  exploitation  and  welfare  of  labour.  If  the  survival  of  capitalism  is  to  be  fully  understood  then  one  needs  to  analyze  this  making  of  state  and  capital  as  an  interplay  with  the   ‘global’   so   that   not   only   the   strengths   of   capital   are   revealed,   but   its   vulnerabilities  exposed  so  that  radical  praxis  can  transform  it.  

Heesang   Jeon          

Knowledge   and   the   contradiction   between   the   forces   of   production   and   the   relations   of  production  in  capitalism  

Commodities   have   the   dual   characteristic,   being   both   value   and   use-­‐value,   and   so   does  knowledge:   knowledge   specifies   what   to   produce,   i.e.   use-­‐value,     and   how   to   produce  (production  technologies);  at  the  same  time,  it  determines  the  complexity  and  productivity  of   commodity-­‐producing   labour,   that   is,   the   value   productivity   of   commodity-­‐producing  labour,  see  Jeon  (2011)  *.  Deriving  from  the  abstract  and  fundamental  opposition  between  value  and  use-­‐value,  the  dual  characteristics  of  knowledge  is  distinguished  from  other  forms  such  as   the  opposition  between  money  and   commodities   and   the   separation  of  purchase  and  sale.  These  developed  and  concrete  forms  are  the  abstract  (but  real)  basis  of  economic  crisis,  which  not  only  reveals  the  contradictory  and  unstable  nature  of  the  capitalist  mode  of  production,   but   also   enables   the   economy   to   recover   from   crises,   by   restoring   balance  between  sectors,  increasing  profit  rates  or  eradicating  overproduction  facilities.  By  contrast,  the  dual  characteristics  of  knowledge,  as  expressed  in  the  contradiction  between  the  forces  

of  the  capitalist  production  and  its  relations  of  production,  points  to  the  eventual  demise  of  capitalism.  Value  production,  driving   incessant  accumulation  of  knowledge,  will  eventually  reach   the   point   where   production   stops   being   the   means   of   satisfying   human   needs   and  reproducing   the   society,   the  basis  of   value  production.   *  Heesang   Jeon   (2011),   The  Value  and  Price  of  Information  Commodities:  An  Assessment  of  the  South  Korean  Controversy,  in  Paul   Zarembka,   Radhika   Desai   (ed.)   Revitalizing   Marxist   Theory   for   Today's   Capitalism  (Research  in  Political  Economy,  Volume  27),  Emerald  Group  Publishing  Limited,  pp.191-­‐222.  

Cedric   Johnson          

Between  Revolution  and  the  Racial  Ghetto:    Harold  Cruse  and  Harry  Haywood  Debate  Class  Struggle  and  the  “Negro  Question,”  1962-­‐1968    

This   paper   revisits   an   historic   exchange   between   two   black   ex-­‐Communists,   Harold   Cruse  and   Harry   Haywood.   Their   debate   was   precipitated   by   Cruse’s   influential   1962   essay   for  Studies   on   the   Left,   “Revolutionary   Nationalism   and   the   Afro-­‐American,”   which   declared  that   the   American   Negro   was   a   “subject   of   domestic   colonialism.”     Written   against   the  prevailing   liberal   integrationist  commitments  of  the  civil   rights  movement,  his  essay  called  for  black  economic  and  political   independence,  and  inspired  many  of  the  younger  activists  who  would  give  birth  to  the  black  power  movement.      In  a  series  of  essays  for  the  Bay  Area  black   radical   journal,   Soulbook,   Haywood   criticized   Cruse’s   mishandling   of   class   politics  among  blacks,   and  his   retreat   from  anti-­‐capitalism.     Their   exchange  was   in  many  ways,   a  debate   with   the   wider   American   Left,   old   and   new,   during   an   historical   epoch   when   the  struggles   against   southern   Jim   Crow   segregation   gave   way   to   black   power   militancy   and  urban  revolt,  and  many  activists  proclaimed  that  the  “black  vanguard”  had  supplanted  the  mass   worker   as   the   leading   edge   of   left   revolutionary   politics   in   the   United   States   and  beyond.    This   forgotten  episode   is   important  on   its  own  terms,   for  what   it   says  about   the  character   and   limitations   of   left   political   thinking   during   the   sixties,   and   equally   for  understanding  commonsensical  notions  of  African  American  public   life   in  our   times  which  too   often   remain   rooted   in   the   vanished   sociological   context   and   political   realities   of   the  twentieth  century  racial  ghetto.  

Jonny  Jones      Some  thoughts  on  'anti-­‐politics'  in  austerity  Britain  

The  Australian  Marxists  Elizabeth  Humphrys  and  Tad  Tietze  have  suggested  that  there  presently  exists  a  widespread  mood  of  ‘anti-­‐politics’,  stemming  from  a  ‘crisis  of  representation  that  leads  most  people  to  see  politics  as  completely  detached  from  their  lives.’  Their  analysis  proceeds  from  an  interpretation  of  Marx’s  critique  of  politics  and  the  state,  as  well  as  from  Gramsci’s  insights  into  the  processes  by  which  classes  and  class  fractions  become  ‘detached  from  their  traditional  parties.’  

In  analyses  of  the  Australian  political  class,  and  in  Luke  Stobart’s  work  on  the  15-­‐M  movement  and  the  growth  of  Podemos  in  the  Spanish  state,  it  appears  that  this  rejection  of  the  political  mainstream  

can  lead  to  disparate  outcomes  depending  on,  among  other  factors,  the  balance  of  class  forces  and  the  strategies  pursued  by  the  political  classes  and  the  left  to  relate  to  the  anti-­‐politics  mood  and  the  movements  that  it  imbues.  

In  this  paper,  I  hope  to  assess  the  applicability  of  Humphrys’  and  Tietze’s  broad  conception  of  anti-­‐politics  to  analysis  of  political  developments  in  Britain  since  the  2010  student  revolt,  such  as  the  anti-­‐austerity  movement  and  the  recent  emergence  of  UKIP  as  an  electoral  force;  and  to  examine  its  implications  for  revolutionary  strategy  in  Britain.  

 

Timothy   Joubert        

Gendering  the  Social  Factory:  Marxism,  Social  Reproduction,  and  Women's  Oppression  

"This  paper  examines   the  ability  of  Marxist   theory   to  comprehend  gender  oppression  and  trace  the  material  base(s)  of  women’s  oppression.  A  critical  survey  of  relevant  literature  and  discussion  is  presented  in  the  two  main  topic  areas  of  ‘reproductive  labour’,  a  concept  some  Marxists  have  used  to  attempt  to  locate  the  basis  of  gender  oppression,  and  sexual  violence,  which  Marxists  have  often  been  hesitant  to  theorise  about.  In  particular,  this  paper  focuses  on  the  arguments  of  feminist-­‐Marxists  in  the  Italian  Autonomist  tradition  to  interrogate  the  relationship   between   women’s   particular   relation   to   capitalist   production   (exploitation   in  the  domestic  sphere)  and  their  ideological  and  material  subordination.  It  is  argued  that  the  gendered   organisation   of   social   reproduction   is   determinate   of   a   broader   social   labour  relation  between  women  and  men,  articulated  through   immaterial   ‘affective’   labours,  and  disciplined   by   sexual   violence.   Building   on   the  Autonomist   concept   of   the   ‘social   factory’,  these   relations  of   gender   form  a   fundamental   constituent  part  of   capitalist   class   relations  and   are   central   to   the   circuit   of   capitalist   accumulation,   an   understanding   that   Marxism  must  grasp  in  order  to  confront  women’s  oppression.  

Christoph    Jünke          

Leo  Kofler’s  Marxism  and  the  New  Left  in  postwar  Germany:    Mentor  and  persona  non  grata  at  the  same  time  

"Leo  Kofler  (1907-­‐1995)  was  an  Austrian-­‐German  social  philosopher  and  social  theorist  who  ranks  with   Ernst   Bloch,   the  Marburg   politicologist  Wolfgang  Abendroth   and   the   Frankfurt  school   theoretician   Adorno   among   the   few   well-­‐known   Marxist   intellectuals   in   post-­‐war  Germany.  However,  almost  nothing  of  his  work  was  ever  translated  into  English,  and  he  is  therefore  little  known  in  the  English-­‐speaking  world.  More  than  that,  even  in  Germany  this  major   leftwing   thinker,   proponent   of   the   first   generation   of   a   German   New   Left   in   the  1950’s  and  1960’s,  is  virtually  absent  from  left  discourses.    

In   trying   to   explain   the   deeper   causes   of   that   split,   Christoph   Jünke   explores   the   main  outlines   of   Kofler’s   distinctive   interpretation   of   Marxism,   which   connected   sociology   and  

history  with  aesthetics  and  philosophical  anthropology.  On  this  background  he  portrays  him  and   his   theory   of   a   progressive   elite   as   an   original   and   fruitful   answer   to   the   structural  problems  not  only  of  the  German  left;  as  an  interesting  attempt  to  situate  the  struggles  of  the   60’s   and   70’s   in   the   historical   continuum   of   the   transition   from   classical   socialism   to  postmodernism;   and   as   an   early   attempt   to   clear   the   problems   of   the   contemporary  multitude.  

Trish   Kahle          

The   Graveyard   Shift:   Energy   Industry   Reorganization   and   Rank   and   File   Rebellion   in   the  United  Mine  Workers  of  America,  1963-­‐1973    

This   paper   examines   the   link   between   reorganization  of  American   energy   production   and  the  ability  of  workers  to  forge  political  spaces  to  challenge  capital  within  their  unions,  thus  illuminating   how   capitalism   survived   the   energy   and   political   crises   of   the   1970s.     Energy  production  in  the  United  States  underwent  a  striking  transformation  in  the  1960s  and  1970s  as  nuclear  power  expanded  rapidly.    The  struggle  over  what  fuel—coal  or  uranium—would  power  the  United  States  placed  Appalachian  coal  miners  at  the  center  of  a  process  that  less  represented   a   struggle   between   fuels   as   it   did   a   process   of   capitalist   consolidation   and  industry  reorganization.    Within  a  decade,  energy  production  transformed  from  a  series  of  discrete   industries   rooted   in   a   single   source   fuel   to   a   smaller   number   of   energy  conglomerates   with   diverse   fuel   investments.     Contextualized   by   this   transformation,   the  union  democracy  movement  in  the  United  Mine  Workers  of  America  appears  not  only  as  an  internal  struggle  over  democratic  practices,  but  also  a  broad  political  struggle.  The  political  space   forged   in   the   UMWA   by   the   Miners   for   Democracy   was   able   to   entertain   radical  solutions   to   long-­‐standing   problems   exacerbated   by   a   series   of   concurrent   crises:   mine  safety,  rank  and  file  power,  and  environmental  destruction.  

Giorgos   Kalampokas          

Violence,   history,   encounter:   Political,   philosophical   and   historical   implications   of   Marx’s  theory  of  primitive  accumulation    

"The   object   of   this   paper   is   the   theoretical   approach   of   Marx’s   theory   of   primitive  accumulation  as  a  theory  of  the  emergence  of  the  capitalist  mode  of  production.  Following  Marx’s   text,   we   seek   the   theoretical   status   of   Marx’s   analysis’   central   notions,   such   as  encounter   and   violence,   and   also   its   theoretical   place   inside   the   overall   Marxian   work.  Tracking  Marx’s   text’s   internal   tensions  as  well   as   the   tension  between  Marx’s  analysis  of  primitive  accumulation  and  a  teleological,  determinist  and  productivist  approach  of  history  and   of   the   succession   of   the   modes   of   production   -­‐an   approach   which   can   also   be   met  elsewhere   in   Marx’s   work   and   dominates   many   of   its   interpretations-­‐,   we   try   to  acknowledge   in  his   analysis  of  primitive  accumulation   those  elements   that   can   renew   the  theoretical   grounds  of  historical  materialism  and   some  of   its  most   important   categories  –

like  the  mode  of  production  and  value-­‐  as  well  as  their  historicity.   In  this  context,  we  seek  the  possible  consequences  of  Marx’s  view  of  primitive  accumulation  for  a  philosophical  and  theoretical  approach  of  history  and  politics.  

Following   Louis   Althusser’s   trail,   our   thesis   resides   on   the   argument   that,   contrary   to   an  approach  of  history  as  a  predefined,  evolutionary,  in  the  final  analysis  “smooth”,  succession  of  modes  of  production  that  follows  the  growth  of  productive  forces  –a  process  like  the  one  Marx   himself   presents   in   the   1859   “Preface”-­‐,   in   his   study   of   primitive   accumulation   he  presents   the   emergence   of   the   capitalist   mode   of   production   as   a   long   process   of   social  transformation,  both  the  starting  point  and  the  progress  of  which  are  as  such  aleatory  and  subjected   only   to   class   struggle   and   its   new   emerging   forms.   In   our   view   Marx   sets   the  encounter   between   social   forms   that   have   historically   emerged   independently   from   one  another   right   at   the   center   of   his   analysis   of   the   emergence   of   the   capitalist   mode   of  production.  We  argue  that  this  specific  interaction  between  these  social  forms  is,  as  we  call  it,  an  overdetermined  encounter  which  historically  modulates  new  relations  of  production  and  a  new  mode  of  production.    

For   Marx   violence   is   also   set   at   the   very   core   of   primitive   accumulation.   Contrary   to   the  common  Marxian   theorization  according   to  which  violence  holds  nothing  but  a   secondary  part  in  historical  progress  standing  only  as  the  needed  “friction”  of  social  phenomena  with  reality   -­‐phenomena   that   as   such   are   determined   by   different   laws-­‐,   we   argue   that   Marx  attributes  a  transformative  and  constitutive  character  to  violence.  In  this  framework,  Marx  also   highlights   the   crucial   part   of   the   state   in   the   emergence   of   capitalist   relations   thus  providing   a   new   perspective   to   the   relation   between   the   political   and   the   economical  element   during   the   emergence   of   capitalism,   as   opposed   to   another   common   Marxian  approach  that  would  consider  the  first  to  be  only  an  “expression”  of  the  latter  attributing  to  the  economic  element   an  absolute   casual  primacy.  We  argue   that  Marx,  on   the   contrary,  highlights  from  the  very  beginning  the  significance  of  state  intervention  and  of  the  political,  extra-­‐economical   coercion   for   the  making   of   new   relations   of   social   production   and   their  reproduction.    

Given   this   analysis,   in   our   final   remarks   we   will   try   to   put   forward   a   political   and  philosophical   practice   of   Marx’s   theory   of   primitive   accumulation   appealing   to   the  contemporary  pursue  of  a  communist  revolutionary  strategy."  

Onur   Kapdan          

Irregular  Times:  Gezi  Uprising  in  Turkey  -­‐  Radical  Subjectivity  vs.  The  State’s  Capitalism    

"The  2013  Gezi  Park  protests  constituted  a  new  type  of  horizontal  social  struggle  that  went  beyond   earlier   Turkish   politics,   whether   leftist   or   nationalist.   This   movement,   which  organized   horizontally   and   involved   a   new   generation   of   youth   occupying   public   space  added   yet   another   node   to   the   global   upheavals   since   2011.   The   movement,   however,  

complicates   the  discontent  with  capitalism  and   representative  democracy  shared  by  all  of  these   movements.   Turkey   has   been   one   of   the   emerging   economies   of   the   last   decade  under   the   rule  of   the   Justice  and  Development  Party   (AKP),  which  also  continues   to  draw  significant  support  from  the  population.  

In   this  context,   the  anti-­‐capitalism   in   the  youth’s   radical   subjectivity   is  often  concealed  by  their   immediate  anti-­‐authoritarian  demands  against  Prime  Minister   Erdoğan  and   the  AKP.  Consequently,  Gezi   appears   to   be   a   cultural   uprising   of   the   “new  petty   bourgeoisie,”   à   la  Poulantzas.   This   paper   argues   against   this   appearance   based   on   an   ongoing   dissertation  research   into  the  roots  of  Gezi  and  the  consequent  neighborhood  assemblies.  Doing  so,   it  assesses   the   validity   of   following   strict   capitalist   class   divisions   to   understand   the   Turkish  context,   and   contends   that   capitalism   in   Turkey   is   primarily   driven   by   the   state’s   chosen  capitalists,   as   the   recent   carnage   at   the   Soma   coalmine   has   further   revealed.   The   paper  asserts  that  the  State’s  capacity  to  choose  who  and  what  accumulates  capital,  and  Erdoğan’s  attempt  to  build  an  ideological  hegemony,  shows  youth’s  radical  subjectivity  is  a  negation  of  capitalism,  whose  own  contradictions  are  also  preliminarily  analyzed  in  the  paper."  

Elif   Karacimen  &  Annina   Kaltenbrunner      

Financialisation  in  the  Middle  Income  Countries:  An  Analysis  of  the  Changing  Investment  and  Financing  Behaviours  of  Non-­‐Financial  Corporations  in  Turkey  and  Brazil    

The  last  few  decades  have  been  marked  by  the  broadening  and  deepening  role  of  finance,  which   is   often   discussed   with   reference   to   the   term   “financialisation”.   It   is   evident   that  much  has  been  written  on  the  subject  in  the  context  of  core  capitalist  countries.  This  paper  discusses   how   financialisation   might   fit   as   an   analytical   tool   for   exploring   changes   in   the  economies  of  middle  income  countries,  by  drawing  on  the  experiences  of  Brazil  and  Turkey.  In   adopting   the   financialisation   approach,   this   study   aims   to   go   beyond   the   dichotomous  understanding   of   “finance”   and   “real”   economy.   It   focuses   on   the   new   dynamics   in   both  realms  and  the  interconnections  between  the  two.  It  argues  that  one  of  the  crucial  points  to  consider   in   analysing   the   financialisation   in  middle   income   countries   is   to  understand   the  changes   in   the   mode   of   integration   of   those   countries   into   the   world   economy   and  accompanied  transformations  in  the  financial  and  non-­‐financial  sectors  of  these  economies  vis-­‐à-­‐vis   their   internal   dynamics.   One   of   the   major   characteristics   of   middle   income  countries  over  the  last  decade  has  been  their  deepening  integration  into  the  world  economy  through   trade,   foreign   direct   investment   and   capital   flows,   a   process   which   has   been  supported   by   the   changes   in   their   monetary   policies.   Throughout   the   period,   there   have  been   important   changes   in   the   financing   and   investment   behaviour   of   non-­‐financial  companies.   The   aim  of   this   study   is   to  discuss   these   changes   in   the  behaviour  of  NFCs   in  relation  to  an  array  of  transformations  that  those  economies  have  undergone  over  the  last  decade.   It   addresses   the   dearth   of   empirical   work   on   financialisation   of   NFCs   in   middle  income  countries  by  examining  the  changes  in  the  asset  and  liability  structures  of  the  major  NFCs   in   Turkey   and  Brazil.   Situated   in   a  broader   context,   this   analysis   sheds   lights   on   the  

how  NFCs  have  been  integrated  into  production  chains  centred  in  advanced  economies  and  how  they  have  also  been  able   to   raise   funds   through   international   capital  markets.  Based  upon   its   analysis,   this   study   addresses   two   major   questions.   First,   it   explores   the  implications  of  the  changes  in  practices  and  behaviours  of  NFCs  for  the  capital  accumulation  processes   of   these   countries.   Second,   it   discusses   the   increased   exposure   of   NFCs   to  financial   risk   posed   by   volatile   exchange   rates   and   international   capital   flows   and   its  implications  for  those  economies.  

İsmail  Karatepe          

Housing,  the  state  and  intervention:  Placing  Turkey  in  an  international  context  

"Since  November  2002,  when  the  Justice  and  Development  Party  (AKP)  swept  the  victory  in  Turkey’s   parliamentary   elections  with   an  overwhelming  majority,   the   governments’   direct  involvement   into   the  construction   industry  has  been  drastically  expanded.  Concerning   the  increasing  government  activities   in  the  construction  industry,  a  public  agency,  the  Housing  Development   Administration   of   Turkey   (TOKI)   deserves   special   attention.   The  administration,  which  had  been   initially  established   to  carry  out   social  housing  projects   in  the   year   1984,   became   a   significant   player   in   the   construction   industry,   especially   in   the  residential  unit  provision.      

I   seek   to   find   an   answer   to   the   question   of   whether   successive   AKP   governments’   direct  involvement   in   the  dwelling  provisions   is   in   line  with  ongoing   trends   in   the  world.  To   this  end,  one  of  the  main  components  of  this  study  is  designed  to  discuss  the  trends  elsewhere.  Housing   policies   in   Turkey   appears   to   have   undergone   major   transformations   in   the   last  decade,   involving  drastic  expansions   in  public  housing  provision.  Yet,  neither  the  presence  of  public  housing  nor  its  transformation  is  unique  to  Turkey.  Regarding  with  public  housing  and   its   regulatory   institution,   indeed,   several   counterparts   all   around   the   world   can   be  identified,  and  variety  ways  of   transformation  can  be  observed.  However,   I   claim  that   the  social   housing   through   TOKI   is   reasonably   interesting   case.   I   will   discuss   that   the   public  housing  in  Turkey  can  be  distinguished  operationally  (how  and  to  what  extent  it  involves  in  the   sector),   financially   (how   is   social   housing   financed)   and   institutionally   (how   is   the  Administration  institutionally  structured)  from  other  examples.  

This   study   is   expected   to   shed   light   on   the   construction   industry   –state   nexus   from   this  particular  angle.    The  construction   industry   in  Turkey  has  been  believed  to  play   important  role  in  its  GDP  growth  rates.  Besides,  the  existing  construction  boom  started  to  play  a  more  prominent  role  in  politics  as  we  have  witnessed  with  the  AKP’s    mega  projects  (e.g.  Channel  Istanbul)    as  well  as   the  recent  protest  wave  triggered  by  a  shopping  mall  project  on  Gezi  Park,  on  very  last  green  spaces  near  Taksim  square  in  Istanbul.  

Samir   Karnik  Hinks        

A  "Tribune  of  the  Oppressed":  Positioning  Claudia  Jones'  Leninism  

This   paper   looks   at   the   ways   Claudia   Jones   synthesised   her   experiences   as   a   black  Trinidadian  working  class  woman  to  move  beyond  the  Stalinist  orthodoxy  of  the  CPUSA  and  develop  a  proto-­‐intersectional  analysis  of  the  oppression  of  black  women.  The  final  section  focuses   upon   Jones’   work   organising   the   Caribbean   diaspora   in   London   through   the   anti-­‐racist,  anti-­‐imperialist  paper   the  West   Indian  Gazette.  However,  Claudia   Jones   remained  a  Leninist  to  the  end  of  her  life,  and  whilst  the  axis  of  her  political  praxis  was  fighting  against  oppression,  this  paper  employs  a  “Leninist  prism”  to  understand  Jones  thought.  In  doing  so  Jones  can  be  seen  as  both  a  product  of  the  Harlem  Popular  Front  and  internal  debates  of  the  CPUSA,   but   also   an   original   and   imaginative   thinker   who   embodied   the   principle   that  Leninism  should  be  a  politics  for  the  oppressed.  

Nektarios  Kastrinakis    

The  stillbirth  of  Communist  Russia  

The  collapse  of  the  Soviet  Union  is  today  one  of  the  main  reasons  why  the  left  has  difficulty  to   threaten   bourgeois   ideological   hegemony.   One   way   to   deal   with   this   problem   is   to  radically   dissociate   the   Soviet   Union   from   the   communist   program.   This   paper   sets   to  investigate   how   far   the   claim   that   Soviet   Union   was   a   communist   social   formation   is  justified.  We  examine  the  first  two  formative  decades  of  Soviet  Union  (1917-­‐1938)  and  we  argue   that   the   revolution   was   already   going   amiss   from   its   outset   because   of   the   social  structure  of  Russia  and  the  absence  or  failure  of  the  revolutions  in  Europe.    

On  the  political  level,  we  take  Marx’s  analysis  of  the  Paris  Commune  in  his  “The  Civil  War  in  France”  as  his  opinion  about  the  form  of  the  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat  and  we  compare  it  with   the   reality  of   revolutionary  Russia.  We  argue   that   the   specific   social   structure   and  historical   conditions   of   the   revolution   in   Russia,   combined   with   Lenin’s   theory   about   the  organisation  and  nature  of  the  revolutionary  party,  lead  to  a  reduction  of  the  dictatorship  of  the  working  class  to  a  dictatorship  of  the  party  of  the  working  class  and  then  to  a  silencing  of   the   democracy   inside   the   party   which   had   a   debilitating   effect   on   the   course   of   the  revolution.    

On   the   economic   level,   we   build   on   Paresh   Chattopadhyay’s   argument   that   capital   was  always  at  work  in  the  Soviet  Union  despite  claims  to  the  contrary  in  east  and  west  alike,  and  we  argue  that  transformation  of  the  social  relations  of  production  (workers’  control  of  the  working  place  and  of  the  economy)  was  never  established.      

Our  sources  are  the  works  of  the  classics  of  Marxism  (Marx,  Lenin,  Trotsky,  Luxemburg)  and  later   and  more   recent   authors   like  Charles  Bettelheim,  Robert  Vincent  Daniels,  Alec  Nove  and  Paresh  Chattopadhyay.  

Paul   Kellogg          

For  unity  against  war  and   capitalism  –   the  half-­‐remembered   contribution  of   Leon  Trotsky,  1914-­‐1917    

"It  is  one  hundred  years  since  socialism’s  greatest  crime.  August  4  1914,  the  parliamentary  caucus  of  the  world’s  then  largest  Marxist  organization  –  the  mass  Social  Democratic  Party  of   Germany   –   voted   to   support   financing   Germany’s   war   effort.   Most   European   socialist  parties  followed  suit,  sending  their  members  into  the  horror  of  the  trenches  in  what  was  to  become   the   “Great  War”  of   1914-­‐1918.   Prominent   among   the   small  minority  of   socialists  who   stood   firm   against  militarism,  were   two  Russians   –  Vladimir   Lenin   and   Leon   Trotsky.  Each   took   a   very   strong   anti-­‐war   position,   but   did   so   in   quite   different   ways.   Lenin’s  positions  are  well-­‐known  –  particularly  his  call  for  “revolutionary  defeatism”.  Trotsky’s  quite  distinct  positions  –  in  spite  of  his  role  as  main  author  of  the  pivotal  Zimmerwald  manifesto  –  have   largely   faded   from   memory.   This   paper   will   argue,   there   is   much   in   these   half-­‐forgotten   positions   that   are   relevant   to   socialist,   anti-­‐war   activists   in   the   21st   century,   in  some   important   ways   more   relevant   than   the   positions   adopted   by   Lenin   and   the  Bolsheviks.  The  paper  will  survey  three  aspects  of  Trotsky’s  anti-­‐war  work  in  this  period:  a)  the  positions   he   saw  as   central   to   the  movement,   in   particular   the   adoption  of   the  quite  simple  slogan  “end  the  imperialist  war”  and  the  promotion  of  the  call  for  the  formation  of  a  United  States  of  Europe;  b)  his   role  as   the  main   figure   in  a  daily  anti-­‐war  newspaper,  Our  Word   (Nashe   Slovo);   and   c)   his   orientation   towards   a   group   of   internationalist,   anti-­‐war  worker-­‐militants   in   St.   Petersburg,   members   of   the   Inter-­‐District   Committee   or  Mezhrayonka.  The  paper  will  then  conclude  with  some  reflections  on  why  Trotsky’s  distinct  positions  and  activity  have  been  only  half-­‐remembered  in  the  decades  since.  

This   paper   flows   from   research   being   prepared   for   an   edited   collection   reflecting   on   the  politics  and  practice  of  the  Mezhrayonka."  

Sinead  Kennedy          

Disciplining  the  Precarious  Body:  Biopolitical  regulation  in  an  era  of  chronic  crisis.  "Stream:  How  capitalism  survives?  A  Marxist-­‐Feminist  perspective.  

We  live   in  a  time  of  the  massification  of   insecurity  –  an   insecurity  that   is,  we  are  told,  the  necessary  condition  to  escape  from  “crisis”  and  secure  the  future  for  a  so-­‐called  ‘neoliberal’  global   order.   Yet,   for   large   sections  of   the  population   this   temporality  of   ‘crisis’   has  been  replaced  with  a  crisis  of  ordinariness.  What  is  termed  “crisis”  is  now  a  defining  fact  of  life  as  people’s  lives  become  characterised  as  one  of  long-­‐term  wearing  down  and  wearing  out  and  where   existence   is   increasing   precarious.   This   precaritisation   is   characterised   by   the  breaching  of   hygienic  borders   –  political   and   territorial   borders,   the  borders  between   the  global   north   and   south,   as  well   as   the   borders   of   race,   class   and   gender.   Every   aspect   of  social   relations   is  now  subjected  to  discipline  and  control  not   just   through   institutions  but  through   the   control  of   the  processes  of   life   itself.   This  paper  will   argue   that   repertoire  of  neoliberal   strategies   of   subjectivation   and   governance   are   particularly   explicit   in   the  

treatment   and   representation   of   women   under   austerity.   It   will   focus   on   exploring   the  construction  of  a  neoliberal  logic  where  some  bodies  become  recognisable  subjects,  entitled  to  protection,  while  others  are  constructed  as  internal  enemies  and  rendered  disposable.  

Sami   Khatib          

From  Creative  to  Messianic  Destruction:  How  a  Zombies  Dies    

Capital   is  a  purely  social   relation  that  valorizes   itself  while   temporalizing   its  own  historical  time.  The  value  of  a  commodity,  as  Marx  put  it,  is  defined  by  its  substance  which  is  itself  a  relation:   abstract   labor.   The   latter   is   produced   through   the   employment   of   living   labor.  Value,  however,   is  not   just  congealed  or  dead   labor,  but  most  of  all  undead   labor.  Within  the  spurious  infinity  of  the  ac-­‐  and  decelerating  cycles  of  capital  accumulation,  dead  labor  is  valorized   and,   always   anew,   survives   its   own   death   as   undead   labor.   The   undeadness   of  value  as  capital   is  not  simply  speculative  or  supra-­‐sensuous;  rather,   it   is  also  sensuous  and  violently   destructive.   What   Schumpeter   called   “creative   destruction”   is   not   only   an  immanent   necessity   within   the   process   of   capital   accumulation   but   also   the   eternal  recurrence   of   capitalism’s   Urszene,   which   Marx   famously   coined   “original   accumulation”  (ursprüngliche  Akkumulation).   If   capitalism’s  modus   vivendi   is   actually   a  modus  moriendi,  capitalism’s  eternal  resurrection  has  to  always  anew  destroy  earlier  stages  of  capitalism  and  non-­‐capitalist   economies.   Against   this   spurious   infinity   of   creative   destruction,   Walter  Benjamin  proposed  a  different  form  of  destruction  –  a  certain  non-­‐violent  or  even  messianic  destruction,  which  could  deposit  the  flawed  dialectics  of  capitalist  positions  and  negations.  However,  Benjamin’s  peculiar  constellation  of  messianic  nihilism  and  historical  materialism  cannot   be   mapped   from   the   perspective   of   the   self-­‐valorizing   cycles   of   capitalist  accumulation.   Be   it   “divine   violence,”   the   modern   “barbarian,”   or   the   “destructive  character,”   his   theoretical   figures   of   de-­‐figuration   propose   an   asymmetrical   negation   to  both   capitalist   creation   and   capitalist   destruction.   Benjamin’s   paradoxical   strategy   of  accelerationist   decelerationism   –   a   lightning-­‐fast   pulling   of   the   “emergency   break”   of   the  racing   train   of   capitalist   modernity   –   alludes   to   a   new   way   of   conceiving   of   the   end   of  capitalism  –  to  a  communist  strategy  of  survival  which  exceeds  capitalism’s  undeadness.  In  my  paper  I  will  discuss  Benjamin’s  messianic  nihilism  as  an  attempt  to  theorize  a  communist  cessation  of  capitalism’s  modus  moriendi.  

Seungman   Kim          

Two  financial  crises  and  neoliberal  financialization  in  Korean  welfare  regime  

Since  the  1997  East  Asian  financial  crisis,  two  competing  claims  on  characteristics  of  Korean  society  have  coexisted.  On  the  one  hand,  Korean  society  was  said  to  undergo  a  rapid  shift  into  neoliberal  financialization  that  gave  rise  to  harmful  effects  on  the  society  gradually.  On  the  other  hand,  Korea  was  regarded  as  a  country  that  has  somewhat  completed  a  transition  to  the  welfare  state.  The  latter  opinion  has  received  much  stronger  public  supports  since  the  

2008   financial  crisis.  As  class  struggles  have  been  weakened  since  1997,   ‘citizen  solidarity’  replaced  class  hostilities,  and  many  liberals  who  were  disguised  as  lefties  have  been  trying  to   spread   a   discourse   of   the   universal   welfare   state   as   its   final   goal.   The   purpose   of   this  study   is   to   criticize   fundamental   premises   of   Korean   welfare   state   discourse.   Neoliberal  financialization  can  be  compatible  with  a  regime  of  universal  welfare,  which  may  establish  a  complementary   relationship  with   the   former  because  of   their   subordinated   status  of   East  Asian  countries  in  global  capital  market.  Among  others,  a  giant  public  pension  fund  emerged  as  one  of  the  most  important  financial  agencies  after  the  first  financial  crisis  and  formed  a  Korean  Capital  market  by  managing  the  huge  financial  assets.  A  discourse  on  the  universal  welfare   regime   in   South   Korea   should   be   analyzed   as   a   symptom   of   neoliberal  financialization,  not  as  its  'alternative'."  

Jim   Kincaid          

Worries  about  the  rate  of  profit    

"Rightly,  the  rate  of  profit  continues  to  be  central   in  Marxist  work  on  the  world  economy.    But   in   much   current   research,   rate   of   profit   concepts   and   data   are   being   used   in   too  reductionist  and  mechanical  a  way.    We  cannot  now  make  the  assumption,  as  Marx  usually  did,  that  the  profit  rate  equals  the  amount  of  surplus-­‐value  extracted  from  labour,  divided  by  capital  advanced.    Huge  quantities  of   surplus-­‐value  are  drained   from  companies   in   the  form   of   payments   to   executives.     Even   for   declared   profits,   the   official   data   sources   on  which  Marxist  research  relies  are  failing  to  reflect  increasing  levels  of  corporate  tax  evasion,  made  easier  by  globalisation  and  the  ready  availability  of  tax  havens.    Also  missed  are  profits  made  invisible  because  disguised  as  exaggerated  estimates  for  tax-­‐exempt  depreciation.      

The  profitability  of   past   investment   is   only  one   influence   in   current   investment  decisions.    Corporate  cash  piles  have  been  building  up  on  a  gigantic  scale  because  the  rate  of  realised  profitability  is  in  fact  relatively  high.  It  is  the  level  of  investment  which  lags  –  and  this  is  of  course,   in   part,   because   future   profitability   is   expected   to   be   lower   or,   at   least,   more  uncertain.    But  cash  piles  are  also  accumulating  because  companies  want  a  large  war-­‐chest  of  cash  reserves  to  raise  profits  by  playing  the  market  in  corporate  control  through  mergers  and  acquisitions  –  or  in  order  to  fight  off  unwelcome  raiders."  

Stefan  Kipfer  &  Parastou   Saberi      

Populism,  Fascism  and  the  Survival  of  Capitalism  

Capitalism   has   repeatedly   survived   through   fascism.   In   our   current   conjuncture,  authoritarian   populism   and   fascism   have   helped   reorganize   rule   in   various   parts   of   the  capitalist   world.   Recent   elections   from   India   to   Europe   have   indicated   the   disturbing  comeback  of  explicit   forms  of  fascism.  One  complicated  question   in  this  context  relates  to  subaltern   support   for   the   hard   right.   In   our   two   contexts,   Paris   (France)   and   Toronto  (Canada),  recent  electoral  results  (for  Mayor  Ford  in  Toronto  and  the  Front  National  in  Paris)  

have   spurred   debates   about   the   sources   of   right-­‐wing   electoral   behaviour   among   both  white   and   non-­‐white   fractions   of   the   working   class.   Informed   by   Antonio   Gramsci,   Henri  Lefebvre,   Frantz   Fanon,   Himani   Bannerji,   and   Gill   Hart,   our   approach   to   the   question   of  subaltern  support  for  authoritarian  politics   is  multifaceted.  We  emphasize  the  contingency  of   voting   choices   in   relationship   to   the   deeper   -­‐   and   always   contradictory   -­‐   terrains   of  everyday   life.   We   suggest   that   spatialized   public   discourses   (often   reified   by   means   of  electoral   maps)   force   us   to   deal   with   the   relationship   between   electoral   geographies,  racialized   socio-­‐spatial   restructuring   and   territorialized   state   intervention   (notably   in  segregated  working-­‐class  suburban  spaces).  We  conclude  that  the  contradictory  realities  of  working  class  support  for  hard  right  populism  have  major   implications  for  counter-­‐colonial  left  political  strategies,  not  least  with  respect  to  the  national  question  in  its  various  thorny  forms.  

Sebastian    Klauke          

forward  a  conception  of  social  relations  and  an  emphasis  the  centrality  of  power  and  class  struggle  for  our  account  of  history.    

While  most  Marxists  see  themselves  as  heir  to  these  two  defining  features  of  Marx,  it  is  no  secret   that   it  has  often  been  difficult   to  properly  marry   them.  Political  Marxism   itself,  we  argue,   has   been   caught   within   this   contradictory   legacy.   As   a   result,     what   was   once   a  promising  historicist  alternative  became  mired  in  economistic  readings  of  capitalism  which  hinder  the  practice  of  historicisation  it  was  supposed  to  buttress.  This  article  seeks  to  make  good   on   the   initial   promise   of   Political   Marxist   by   radicalizing   the   agent-­‐centered   and  historicist  legacy  of  Marx."  

Samuel   Knafo        

The  Imperialism  of  Financialisation:  Marxism  and  the  Uneven  History  of  Global  Finance    

This  paper   analyses   the  Marxist   literature  on   financialisation  and   criticises   its   structuralist  bias  and  its  tendency  to  work  on  the  basis  of  aggregates  that  obfuscate  complex  and  diverse  social   relations.   As   I   argue,   this   lens   casts   financialisation   in   largely   asocial   and   de-­‐contextualised  ways  which  make  it  difficult  to  historicise  this  phenomenon  and  understand  the  power  relations  involved.  As  a  challenge,  this  paper  uses  a  Political  Marxist  framework  to  offer  an  alternative  account  based  on  agency.  In  particular,  I  ask,  why  has  financialisation  become  such  a  generalised  process?  This  very   fact  has  generally  been   taken  as  a  proof   in  itself   of   the   need   for   a   structural   approach.   For   this   seems   to   suggest   a   more   structural  driving  force  at  work.  To  counter  such  pervasive  narrative  about  financialisation,  this  paper  traces   the   uneven   development   of   financialisation   from   its   American   origins,   its   spread  through  Euromarkets  and  its  impact  on  financial  systems  in  Germany  and  Japan.  It  seeks  in  the  process   to   reframe  our  understanding  of   the  essential   features  of   financialisation  and  provide  the  foundations  for  a  'social  history'  of  its  evolution.  

Ece   Kocabicak          

How  capitalism  survives  without  women  workers  in  Turkey  

"Since  the  early  decades  of  capitalist  development,  the  composition  of  free  wage-­‐labour  has  always  been  entirely  men  in  Turkey.  Consequently,  share  of  women  in  the  non-­‐agricultural  sectors  in  Turkey  is  much  lower  than  other  countries.  In  order  to  investigate  the  reasons  of  women’s  lower  level  of  paid  employment,  I  will  provide  a  comparative  analysis  among  the  countries  which  level  of  capitalist  development  is  same  as  Turkey,  yet  the  share  of  women  in  the  paid  employment  is  much  higher  than  Turkey.    

The   evidence   that   I   have   analysed   thus   far,   suggests   that   in   comparison   to   the   selected  sample   of   countries,   the   feminisation   of   free   wage-­‐labour   in   Turkey   has   delayed  approximately   by   a   half   century.   This   situation   has   complicated   implications   on   the  proletarianisation  process  and  capital  accumulation.  With  this  paper,  my  aim  is  to  present  

the  initial  outcomes  of  my  data  analysis  with  regard  to  the  distinctive  features  of  capitalist  development   in   Turkey.   These   include   the   conditions   of   primitive   accumulation,   the  composition  of  capital  accumulation,  sectoral  distribution  of  free  wage-­‐labour,  class  struggle  and   the   state.   In   doing   so,   I   expect   to   contribute   to   the   literature   by   demonstrating   the  mutually  shaping  relationship  between  patriarchy  and  capitalism."  

ANGELOS    KONTOGIANNIS-­‐MANDROS        

Neofascism  in  the  era  of  crisis:  The  case  of  Golden  Dawn  

"In  this  paper  we  aim  to  illuminate  the  key  factors  that  underlie  Golden  Dawn’s  emergence  as  a  major  political  force  in  the  Greek  political  scene  in  the  aftermath  of  the  massive  social  mobilizations   experienced   in   the   country   the   period   2010-­‐12   and   in   the   context   of   the  ongoing  socio-­‐economic  crisis.    

       Our   goal   is   to   provide   an   in-­‐depth   analysis   of   the   characteristics   of   the   neofascist  discourse,  its  influence  in  the  broader  political  debate  and  its  rather  dialogical  relation  with  the  discourse  and  policies  of  the  ‘mainstream’  right.  This  will  enable  us  to  proceed  in  a  more  sound  examination  of  its  electoral  profile  (i.e.  sociodemographic  characteristics  of  its  voters)  and  its  political  dynamic.      

       The  surprisingly  high  results  of  the  party  both  in  the  euro-­‐elections  and  the  municipality  and   prefecture   elections   that   preceded,   despite   the   criminal   prosecutions   against   its  leadership,   consists   for  us   the  ultimate  proof   that  we  are  dealing  here  with  a  deep  socio-­‐political  current  of  crucial  significance  for  the  understanding  of  the  dynamics  that  currently  interplay   in   the   restructuring   of   the  Greek   party   system.   Furthermore   it   is   our   conviction  that  Golden  Dawn’s  rise  consist  a  very   interesting  case  for  the  examination  of  the  political  limits   of   contemporary   neoliberal   capitalism   as   part   or   outcome   of   the   authoritarian  transformation  that  complements  the  management  of  the  economic  crisis.    

         We  hope  that  such  an  analysis  will  not  only  contribute  to  a  more  sound  understanding  of  Greek   politics   but   will   be   of   importance   for   the   examination   of   the   emergence   and  outspread  of  radical  right  and  neo-­‐fascist  currents  though  out  the  continent."  

Paavo   Kotiaho          

Tales  of   Transformismo:   International  Human  Rights   Law  and   the  Onslaught  of  Neoliberal  Capitalism    

Since  the  publication  of  Samuel  Moyn’s  2010  ground-­‐breaking  study  on  the  contemporary  history   of   international   human   rights   law   -­‐   The   Last   Utopia:   Human   Rights   in   History   –  scholarship  on  international  human  rights  law  and  its  history  has  been  shaken.  Rather  than  focusing   on   the   age-­‐old   debate   on   the   relationship   of   humanitarianism   to   human   rights  (Moyn:   2013),   Moyn’s   2010   study   has   demanded   a   shift   of   focus   that   brings   to   light  questions  that  touch  directly  on  the  contemporary  era.  Amongst  these  questions  and  lines  

of   inquiry   the   one   that   stands   out   in   its   significance   for   the   2014   Historical   Materialism  conference   has   been   that   which   interrogates   the   relationship   between   the   international  human   rights   movement   and   neoliberalism.   Yet,   despite   being   alternatively   seen   as   frère  enemis  (Moyn:  2013),  historical  companions  (Wills:  2014)  or  competing  sites  of  hegemonic  contestation   (Marks:   2012),   contemporary   accounts   fail   to   consider   the   relationship  systematically   as   one   of   mutual   constitution   existing   within   the   same   ensemble   of   social  relations.  To  ameliorate   this   state  of  affairs   this  paper  will  argue   that   lessons  ought   to  be  learned   from   the   research   agenda   of   Antonio   Gramsci   in   relation   to   the   development   of  Italian   capitalism   of   the   19th   century.   In   particular,   drawing   on   three   historical   vignettes  (the   1970s   rise   of   the   human   rights   movement   in   the   Southern   Cone,   the   1980s  incorporation  of  human  rights  with  structural  adjustment  programs,  and  the  late  1980s  turn  by  the  World  Bank  to  the  ‘social’)  this  paper  will  suggest  that  the  concept  of  transformismo  which   Gramsci   invoked   to   describe   the   tactic   of   co-­‐optation,   pacification   and   eventual  decapitation   of   progressive   tendencies   by   the   powers   that   be,   provides   a   particularly   apt  theoretical   tool   to   explain   the   tendencies   within   international   human   rights   law   that  propagated   from   the   late   1970s   to   the   early   1990s.  And   in   so   doing,   this   paper   hopes   to  contribute   to   the   general   thematic   of   the   conference   and   suggest   ways   in   which  transformative   forces  may  consider   interacting  with  human   rights  while  at   the   same   time  avoiding  such  engagement’s  co-­‐optive  potential.  

 

Despina  Koutsoumba  &  Panagiotis   Sotiris      

Creating  laboratories  of  hope:  rethinking  the  question  of  organization  today  

During   the  past   few  years,   the  question  of  organization  has   returned  both   in  positive  and  negative  terms.  The  experience  of  impressive  mass  protest  movements,  based  upon  forms  of  direct  democracy,  horizontal  coordination,  equal  voicing,  along  with  their   inability  to  be  ‘translated’  into  political  movements  and  dynamics  has  opened  up  the  great  debates  upon  organization,  either   towards  a  direction  of  a   refusal  of  party   form  or   to   the  direction  of  a  rethinking   of   the   party   form   as   connection   between   movements.   At   the   same   time   the  various  expressions  of  a  crisis  of  the  anticapitalist  Left,  at   least   in  some  of   its  variants,  not  only   in   the   sense   of   its   politics   but   also   in   the   sense   of   its   organizational   culture,   have  brought  again   forward  the   importance  of   the  question  of  organization.  The  same  goes   for  the   contradictory   results   of   various   attempts   at   creating   broad   left   electoral   fronts.   To  answer  all  these  challenges  we  need  a  profound  rethinking  of  the  question  of  organization,  by   going   back   to   Gramsci’s   conception   of   the   party   as   elaborator   and   laboratory   of  programs,   strategies   and   political   intellectualities   but   also   to   the   ‘gnoseology   of   politics’  inherent   in   the   leninist  project.  To   these  we  also  need   to  add   the  strategic   importance  of  the  United  Front,  as  a  means  to  facilitate  the  encounter  of  different  experiences,  histories  of  struggles,  political  traditions,  and  sensitivities  and  also  to  transform  the  experiences  coming  from   the   movement   into   political   strategy.   Consequently,   instead   of   traditional   forms   of  

it   would   be,   on   the   whole,   a   very   considerable   improvement   of   our   condition.”   One  question   for   the   century  ahead   is  whether   socialists   can  arrive  at   the   same  conclusion  by  different  means,  proper  to  our  tradition  and  consistent  with  the  times.  

 

Silvia   L.  López        

Brazil:  Development  as  Counterinsurgency  in  the  New  World  Order    

Paulo   Arantes,   the   premier   Marxist   philosopher   of   Brazil,   provides   us   in   his   most   recent  book  "O  Novo  Tempo  do  Mundo"  (2014)  with    a  new  understanding  of  social  development  as  a  form  of  counterinsurgency  and  as  a  technology  of  security  deployed  by  the  state  in  this  new  phase  of  Brazilian  capitalism.  Arantes  contends  that  Brazil  lives  in  a  permanent  state  of  civil  war  where  power   reconfigures   itself   only   to   give  orders   about   its   state  of   exception.  How  do  we  make  sense  of  this  new  order  of  the  capitalist  world  in  Brazil?  Is  the  "emergent"  in   economic   powers   inevitably   linked   to   the   "emergency"   the   state   invokes   to   rule   in   a  permanent  state  of  exception?  I  will  analyze  this  and  other  key  ideas  of  Paulo  Arantes  for  an  Anglophone  audience,  who  has  not  had  access  to  his  work  before.  

Ishay   Landa        

  Capitalism,  History,  and  Progress:  Marxist  Perspectives  Re-­‐examined  

In  this  talk   I  wish  to  tackle  the  historical  question  of  capitalism’s  resilience  by  returning  to  the   fundamental   concept   of   ‘progress.’     The   prospects   of   socialist   strategy   in   our   times  (continue   to)   depend   to   a   large   extent   on   the   way   progress   is   appreciated.     Different  understanding  of  progress  entail  different  strategic  resolutions:  a  fatalistic  belief  in  progress  as  an  unstoppable  development  –  a  belief  which  is  today  largely  extinct  –  entails  a  reformist  politics,   leading  to  post-­‐capitalism;  historical  pessimism  and  disillusion,  on  the  other  hand,  bring  forth  either  resignation  or  a  desperate,  sometimes  messianic  search  for  loopholes  that  will  allow  an  escape  from  a  nearly   inevitable  doom.  A  third  approach,  which   I  deem  more  properly  dialectical  and  in  tune  with  Marxist  thought,  vigorously  defends  progress  but  only  as   a   possibility.   Here,   progress   is   seen   as   both   immanent   to   capitalist   history   and   at   the  same  time  as  only  potential,  facing  enormous  obstacles  and  powerful  enemies.  If  progress  is  to  be  enacted,  revolutionary  transformation  will  be  essential  but  not  as  some  voluntaristic  gesture.  Rather,   revolutionary  political   action   is   called  upon   to  activate  and   fulfill   the   real  contradictions  and  potentialities  which  capitalist  history   itself  both  harbors  and  frustrates.    These   ideas  will   be  discussed  with   reference   to  key  questions  associated  with   the   idea  of  progress   –   material   civilization,   technological   advance,   or   the   historical   significance   of  fascism  –  and  to  several  seminal  interpretations  of  history  and  progress,  as  propounded  by  such  authors  as  Karl  Marx,  Friedrich  Nietzsche,  Bertolt  Brecht,  Walter  Benjamin,  and  …  J.  R.  R.  Tolkien.  

in   the   1930s,   the   problem   of   representation   continues   to   have   political   and   strategic  consequences.  Rooted  as  it  is  in  a  rigorous  analysis  of  capitalism,  whatever  form  it  takes,  the  Brechtian  method  of  representation  still  has  much  to  teach  us."  

Nick   Lawrence          

Uneven   and   Combined   Development:   Commodity   Survival   and   the   Colonized   Everyday   in  Postwar  Critical  Theory  

Writing   in  1961  toward  the  close  of   the  second  volume  of  his  sociological  study  of  _la  vie  quotidienne_,  Henri   Lefebvre  makes  emphatic  his   assertion   that   “critique  of   everyday   life  generalizes   [the]  experience  of   the   ‘backward’  or   ‘underdeveloped’  nations  and  extends   it  to   the   everyday   in   the   highly   developed   industrial   countries.”   In   adapting   Trotsky’s  terminology  of  uneven  and  combined  development  to  the  situation  of  colonized  lifeworlds  in  core  and  periphery  alike,  Lefebvre  points  up  the  pressures,  evacuations  and  asymmetries  of   the   concept   of   the   everyday   at   the   moment   when   it   achieves   definition   as   a   focused  object   of   analysis.   This   paper   examines   the   stress   tests   put   to   the   ‘everyday’   as   both  frontline   and   back-­‐formation   of   capital’s   advance   into   hitherto   unoccupied   territory,  primarily  in  the  work  of  Lefebvre,  but  also  of  Adorno,  Debord  and  such  Marxist-­‐feminists  as  Silvia  Federici,  Selma  James  and  Mariarosa  Dallacosta.  Addressing  related  problems  of  work  and   leisure,   the  division  of   labour  and   the  question  of   social   reproduction,   these   thinkers  grapple   above  all  with   the   logic  of   capital’s   simultaneous  production  of   homogeneity   and  inequality  as  this  logic  pertains  to  the  commodification  of  everyday  life.  It  is  in  and  through  the  colonization  of  the  everyday,  their  analyses  suggest,  that  the  commodity-­‐form  extends  its  reach.  

Athanasios   Lazarou          

The  Event  in  Architecture:  Space  as  Concrete  Abstraction  in  Eurozone-­‐crisis  Athens    

"At   the   height   of   the   Eurozone   crisis   in   2011   protestors   scaled   the   Acropolis   to   place   a  banner   against   the   Greek   government’s   austerity   policies.   Presented   in   full   view   to   the  rooftop   café   of   Greece’s   most   prominent   Eurozone   project   –   Bernard   Tschumi’s   New  Acropolis   Museum   –   the   demonstration   highlighted   the   visible   role   of   architecture   in  facilitating  events  during  the  political  crisis.  This  paper  engages  the  dialogue  between  these  monumental  architectural  objects  as  products  of  the  contradictions  of  capitalism  expressed  during  a  crisis;  where  changes  in  spatial  syntax  conceive  themselves  through  temporary  or  semi-­‐permanent  interventions  under  the  conditions  of  event.  

Expanding   upon   spatial   dialectics,   the   paper   presents   architecture   as   both   subject   and  object  of   its  own  historical   transformation.  To   resolve   the  antithetical  position  of   the   two  terms  subject  and  object,   the  paper  employs  Henri  Lefebvre’s  notion  of  space  as  concrete  abstraction  to  demonstrate  that  as  capitalism  comes  under  crisis,  events  can  be  understood  as   systems  of  measurement   for   spatial   registrations   of   change   and   the   re-­‐organisation   of  

spatial  relations.  Critically,  the  event  is  being  propositioned  from  the  philosophical  principle  of   a   'break'   to   question   the   link   between   theory   and   built   forms   regarding   architectural  outputs  against  ideological  outputs."  

Paul   LeBlanc          

Class  consciousness,  Labour-­‐radical  sub-­‐culture,  and  revolutionary  strategy    

The  truism  “without  revolutionary  theory,  there  can  be  no  revolutionary  movement”  poses  a  challenge  for  activists  in  the  tradition  of  Lenin,  Luxemburg,  and  Trotsky.  All  too  often  such  activists   fetishize   the   ideas   of   these   revolutionary   heroes   without   being   able   to   connect  them   to   the  material   realities   and   practical   struggles   of   our   own   time.   Their   relevance   in  twenty-­‐first  century  contexts  requires  the  development  of  concepts  that  can  guide  practical  efforts  in  the  face  of  new  realities.    Notions  developed  by  cultural  anthropologists  intersect  with  Marxist   theorizations   to   suggest   the   analytical   concept   of   “radical   labor   subculture.”  This  will  be   illustrated  by  reference  to  U.S.   labor  history.  The  actuality  of  this  radical   labor  subculture  was  essential   in  the  development  of  radical  class-­‐consciousness  within  the  U.S.  working   class,   and   sheds   light   on   the   growth   of   the   powerful   and   influential   left-­‐wing  currents  within   the  mainstream  of   the  U.S.   labor  movement   from   the   1860s   through   the  1930s.   Political,   economic,   social,   and   cultural   transformations   stretching   from   the   1940s  through  the  1960s  resulted  in  the  erosion  and  decline  of  that  subculture,  with  a  consequent  disconnect   of   left-­‐wing   radicalism   from   the   working   class.   Political,   social   and   economic  transformations  since  the  1970s  have  generated  cultural  shifts  and  openings  that  appear  to  be  feeding  into  the  re-­‐creation  of  a  new  radical  labor  subculture.  A  blending  of  such  insights  with  the  classical  Marxist  strategic  orientation  may  provide  a  path  forward  for  the  creation  of  a  mass  movement  capable  of  challenging  capitalism.  

Tobin   LeBlanc   Haley        

Pathologizing  Mad  Women:  A  feminist  political  economy  analysis  of  the  role  of  biopsychiatry  in  the  neoliberal  age    

"Effects  of  neoliberal  policy  trends  for  mad  women  are  erased  through  the  mobilization  of  bio-­‐psychiatry.   Marxist   scholarship   documents   the   symbiotic   relationship   between  biopsychiatry  and  neoliberalism  (e.g.  Cohen  2014).  Yet  there  is  an  absence  of  scholarship  on  the  regulation  of  the  gender  order  by  biopsychiatry.    Critiques  of  the  role  of  biopsychiatry  in  stabilizing  a  (gendered)  social  order  necessary  to  capitalism  were  popular  in  the  last  century  (Busfield   1986,   1996,   D’Uren   1997).   Recently,   these   critiques   have   waned   despite   the  strengthening   of   the   biomedical   model   of   health   under   neoliberalism   (Raphael   &   Curry-­‐Stevens  2009).      

This  paper  explores  how  gendered  neoliberal   trends  are  enacted  and  how   the  effects  are  neutralized   in   the   lives   of   mad   women   through   the   mobilization   of   bio-­‐psychiatry.   This  paper  uses  archival  and  documentary  research  and  data  from  interviews  with  mad  people  

living   in  high-­‐support  homes   in  Ontario.   Feminist  political  economy  scholarship,  especially  work   on   social   reproduction   (e.g.   Bezanson   and   Luxton   2006),   provides   a   framework   for  analyzing  how  neoliberal  trends  in  labour  and  social  policy  deepen  mad  women’s  inequality  while  biopsychiatry  attributes  inequality  to  individual  pathology.    Applying  these  insights  to  the   situation   of   mad   women   in   Ontario’s   high-­‐support   homes   demonstrates   the   role   of  biopsychiatry  in  maintaining  the  gendered  social  order  of  neoliberalism."  

Taek-­‐Gwang   Lee          

The  Natural  Ontology  of  Commodification:  How  Could  Commodity  Be  Our  Own  Identity?    

The  aim  of  my  presentation  is  to  analyze  the  relationship  between  the  logic  of  commodity  form  and  subjectivity.  Marx’s  conceptualization  of  fetishism  was  an  attempt  to  understand  the   effect   of   commodity   form  producing   the   formal   equality.   The   problem  of   commodity  form  is  the  fetishism  of  the  equal  exchanges  by  which  everything  is  simply  transformed  into  an   equalized   value   whatever   its   substantive   differences   in   use   value.   Lukcas   developed  further  the  theory  of  reification  from  Marx’s  discussion  of  commodity  fetishism  and  defined  its   essential   aspect   as   the   ghostly   objectivity   of   commodity   form.   Recounting   Marxist  theorization  of  commodification,   I  would   like   to   focus  on  how  commodity   form  reinforces  the   fetishistic   status   of   subjectivity   through   consumerism.   Most   of   critical   approach   to  consumerism   has   seemed   to   shed   light   on   the   immorality   of   market-­‐centered   economic  system  or   the  pleasure  principle  of   consumers   ignorant   to   the  cruelty  of   capitalism.  From  this  perspective,  I  will  critically  consider  Evgeny  Pashukanis’  theory  of  the  relation  between  commodity  form  and  legal  system.  The  limit  of  his  theory  is  undeniable  in  understanding  the  procedure   of   the   subjectivation,   but   still   insightful   for   theorizing   the   natural   ontology   of  commodities.  My   contention   is   that   the   logic  of   commodity   form   is   closely   related   to   the  legalization   of   political   economy   in   capitalism   and   the   normalization   of   “the   truth   of   a  market”   for   everyday   life.   Pashukanis   claims,   “all   law   was   inherently   related   to   the  commodity   exchange   relationship   which   reaches   its   highest   point   under   capitalism”  (Michael  Head,  2008).  I  think  his  understanding  of  the  legal  form  is  useful  to  delve  into  the  secret  of  commodity  form,  which  naturalizes  capitalism.  

Emanuele   Leonardi          

Carbon   Trading   Dogma:   Financial   Dimensions   and   Political   Implications   of   Global   Carbon  Markets  

"The   paper   presents   two   interrelated   sections.   In   the   first,   global   carbon   markets   are  historically   contextualized,   analytically   described   and   politically   articulated   against   the  background  of  a  twofold  hypothesis:  a)  the  process  of  progressive  marketization  of  climate  change   occurs   in   connection   with   the   emergence   of   a   new   modality   of   value   production  (which   can   be   generically   defined   as   'cognitive   capitalism');   b)   the   governance   of  contemporary   circuits   of   valorization   tends   to   be   located   within   the   financial   sphere   and  

poses   a   constitutive   and  ongoing  uncertainty/instability   as   a  necessary   condition   for   their  reproduction.  

Such  a  twofold  hypothesis  is  tested  in  the  second  part  of  the  paper,  with  specific  reference  to  the  Clean  Development  Mechanism  –  as  established  by  the  Kyoto  Protocol.  In  particular,  the  analysis  will  focus  on  the  carbon  commodities  enacted  by  the  Protocol,  which  is  to  say  the  Certified  Emission  Reductions.  The  argument  advanced  by  the  paper  is  twofold:  a)  such  commodities  depend  on  an  instrumental  use  of  theoretical  innovation  ceaselessly  produced  by  climate  science;  b)   the  wealth  creation  activated  by  these  commodities  almost  entirely  occurs  within  the  space  defined  by  financial  markets.  

Overall,  the  paper  aims  at  demonstrating  how  the  value  produced  in  global  carbon  markets  exclusively   rests   on   the   social   actors'   arbitrary   acceptance   of   the   carbon   trading   dogma,  namely  the  assertion  –  empirically  inconsistent  as  much  as  impossible  to  be  accounted  for  –  that  only  market  agents  can  efficiently  tackle  the  critical  issues  raised  by  global  warming.    

Holly   Lewis          

The  Problem  of  Experience  in  Marxist  and  Feminist  Epistemologies    

"This   paper   addresses   the   Western   feminist   and   poststructuralist   critique   of   classical  Marxism's   reliance  on  objective   knowledge   for   political   assessment.   Feminism   claims   that  Marxism's  rational  objectivity  (considered  'masculinist'   in   itself)  elides  the  lived  experience  of   political   subjects   resulting   in   organizational   conclusions   that   ignore   differences   and  contingencies.   Feminist   standpoint   epistemology   pins   knowledge   to   experience   and  perspective.   While   rationality   is   still   suspect   for   poststructuralist   (i.e.   queer   theoretical,  intersectional)   epistemology,   it   goes   further,   even   critiquing   standpoint   epistemology   for  appealing   to   a   stable   political   subject   possessing   agency.   Both   routinely   charge   Marxists  with   epistemological   overreach   since   Marxists   draw   analyses   from   economic   processes  rather  than  from  comparing  aspects  of  intersectional  subjectivities.        

But,   contrary   to   this   critique,   Marxists   don't   only   draw   information   from   mathematical  accounts   and   historical   laws:   Marxists   also   maintain   that   knowledge   is   produced   from   a  ruling   class   standpoint,   that   the   working-­‐class   life   engages   in   sensuous   activity,   and   that  emancipatory   politics   depend   on   the   capacity   of   self-­‐aware   agents   situated   at   myriad  cultural/gendered   intersections   to   not   only   achieve   solidarity   but   to   make   collective  decisions  in  the  pursuit  of  'losing  their  chains'.            

I   intend   to   develop   Marxist-­‐feminist   epistemological   methods   that   navigate   the   poles   of  universal   and   particular   by   synthesizing   the   more   useful   feminist   and   queer   theoretical  critiques   of   Marxist   epistemological   habits   in   order   to   assess   their   potential   impact   on  current  Marxist  (particularly  Leninist)  organizing  practices."  

Sophie  Lewis          

Eco-­‐Marxisms:  beyond  the  "unproduced"  nature  

The  analytic   framework  of  metabolic   rift  contains  ongoing  promise   for   the  social  sciences,  particularly   insofar   as   it   can  be  expanded   to   include   social-­‐reproductive  aspects  of   life  on  earth.   This   influential   and   persistent   form   of   Marxist   political   ecology   pioneered   by   John  Bellamy  Foster  now  confronts   imperatives  to  broaden,  hybridize  and  radicalize.   Identifying  the   conceptual   freight   of   limits,   irreversible   change,   and   ‘waste’   Foster   attaches   to   the  metaphor   of   ‘universal   metabolic   rift’,   I   survey   Foster’s   oeuvre   with   an   eye   to   dualist  inconsistencies   in  his   handling  of   the   socio-­‐natural   relations  of   labour  production.   I   argue  that  his  ultimately   limits-­‐centred   framing  of  capitalist  ecology,  while  made   in  a   traditional  humanist  mode,  actually  leaves  humans  out  of  the  picture  in  their  capacity,  not  as  capitalists  or   workers,   but   as   (also   finite)   natural   resources.   Concomitant   under-­‐emphasis   on   the  ‘work’   of   nature   obscures   the   material   and   epistemic   inseparability   of   capital   and   nature  under   current   conditions;   while   simultaneously   de-­‐animating   the   webs   of   life   declared   in  Marx’s  Ecology  (2000)  to  be  metabolically  lively.  This  methodological  lapse  between  stated  holism   and   an   applied   recourse   to   ‘external’   nature,   although   an   all-­‐too   familiar   one   in  nature-­‐theoretic  scholarship,  persists   in   limiting  the  ambition  of  eco-­‐revolutionary  politics.  This   problem   presents   obstacles   for   evolving   a   truly   ‘co-­‐productive’   political   account   of  alternate,   non-­‐capitalist   ecologies.   Symptomatic   is   the   absence   of   a   developed   ‘social  reproduction’  lens,  for  Foster,  which  ultimately  limits  his  ability  to  transcend  the  ideology  of  “unproduced”  nature.  

 

Lars   Lih          

“Inescapable  Torments”:  Bukharin’s  Vision  of  the  Russian  Revolution  

In   early   1920,   Bukharin   published   a   160-­‐page   treatise   entitled   Economy  of   the   Transition  Period.  This  small  book  is  Bukharin’s  magnum  opus  as  a  Marxist  theoretician.  Unfortunately,  it  has  acquired  a  very  misleading  reputation  as  an  expression  of  the  illusions  alleged  to  be  part  of  so-­‐called  “war  communism”—illusions  that  supposedly  were  rejected  within  a  year  with  the  introduction  of  the  New  Economic  Policy  (NEP)  in  spring  1921.  One  reason  for  this  persistent  misreading  is  the  book’s  very  idiosyncratic  style.    Essentially  Bukharin  created  his  own  mix  of  Marxist  jargon,  sociological  jargon,  and  jargon  especially  coined  for  the  occasion.  Far   from   depicting   a   leap   into   communism,   the   book   focuses   on   the   titanic   economic  breakdown  in  the  aftermath  of  the  1917  revolution  in  Russia.  Bukharin  in  no  way  evades  the  massive  dimensions  of  the  economic  crisis,  but  strives  to  present  it  as  the  inevitable  result  of   a   profound   popular   revolution.   The   Bolshevik   Party   is   thus   an   essentially   constructive  force,  striving  to  reconstitute  a  minimal  equilibrium.   In  making  his  case,  Bukharin  gives  an  account  of  the  major  economic  policies  of  the  new  Soviet  government.  As  a  result,  the  book  is   probably   the   most   comprehensive   defense   of   Bolshevik   policy   by   a   major   party  spokesman.  

Starting   with   a   review   of   several   key   debates   within   the   Brazilian   social   sciences   (which  Schwarz  has  been  engaging  with  since  his  formative  years),  several  of  his  early  interventions  will  be   re-­‐examined.   In  doing  so,   I  will  emphasize  how  Schwarz’s   theories  are  solutions   to  the   aporia   resulting   from   the   application   of   dominant   theoretical   models   to   “peripheral”  countries  such  as  Brazil.  Returning  to  the  (largely)  heterodox  and  neo-­‐Marxian  debates  on  historiography  and  capitalist  development  within  Brazil   is  essential  for  understanding  both  the  larger  significance  of  notions  like  the  “misplaced  idea”  and  the  manner  in  which  Schwarz  pioneered   a   cultural   sociology   in   the   manner   of   Theodor   Adorno   (one   of   Schwarz’s   early  mentors).   The   innovative   aspects   examined   in   the   early   essays   on   culture   and   aesthetic  theory  anticipate  the  later  turn  to  value  theory  in  the  early  1990’s,  culminating  in  Schwarz’s  influential  essay  on  Robert  Kurz’s  1991  book,  The  Collapse  of  Modernization.  I  hope  to  show  how   Schwarz’s   engagement   with   Kurz   marks   a   fundamental   shift   within   his   theoretical  framework   as   a   whole;   specifically,   in   his   move   away   from   viewing   Brazil’s   paradoxical  modernity   through   the   lens   of   dependency-­‐theory,   toward   the   critique   of   modernization  outlined   in  Kurz’s   text.   It  will   become   clear   in   the  process  how  much  of   Schwarz’s   recent  work   has   been   concerned   with   grasping   how   Brazil’s   recent   history—   as   well   as   the  “Brazilian”  affects  and  experiences  condensed  in  its  cultural  objects—  are  also  moments  in  the  history  of  capital’s   larger,  contradictory  dynamics  and  developments.  The  task  will  not  be  intervening  into  intellectual  history  for  its  own  sake,  so  much  as  distilling  the  significance  and   implications   of   “social   process”   as   developed   within   the   critical   writings   of   Roberto  Schwarz."  

Ottokar  Luban          

Ottokar  Luban:Left  German  Social  Democrats  against  the  Great  War    

"In   case   of   an   outbreak   of   war   a   unanimously   approved   resolution   of   the   International  Socialist  Congress  of  1907  obliged   the  socialist  parties  “to   intervene   in   favor  of   its   speedy  termination,  and  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  utilize  the  economic  and  political  crisis  caused  by  the  war   to   rouse   the   people   and   thereby   to   hasten   the   abolition   of   capitalist   class   rule.”  While  the  majority  of  the  German  Social  Democratic   leadership  and  of   its  Reichstag  group  gave  up  its  oppositional  politics  and  supported  the  war  efforts  of  the  imperial  government  a  little  group  around  Rosa  Luxemburg,  Karl  Liebknecht,  Clara  Zetkin  and  Franz  Mehring    -­‐  due  to   the   resolution   of   the   Socialist   International   -­‐   tried   to   win   the   party   back   for   an  antimilitaristic  policy.  Slowly  this  tiny  minority  was  joined  by  more  and  more  other  militants  in   the   party.   Finally   this   growing   minority   was   kicked   off   the   Social   Democratic   Party   of  Germany  (SPD)  and  was  forced  to  found  an  own  party  the   Independent  Party  of  Germany  (USPD)  in  April  1917.    

The  paper  will  show  the  efforts  of  the  left  socialists  (Spartacus  Group,  Bremen  Left  Radicals,  Revolutionary  Shop  Stewards,  and  left  Centrists)  in  the  inner  party  struggles  for  an  offensive  anti   war   policy   (August   1914-­‐April   1917)   and   their   clandestine   activities   to   initiate   mass  actions  for  peace  and  democracy  (Bread  Strike  in  April  1917,  Mass  Strike  of  the  Ammunition  

Workers  in  January  1919,  the  Uprising  in  Berlin  on  November  9th  1919).  I  will  emphasize  the  special  social,  economic,  mental  and  political  conditions  of  the   late  German  Empire   in  war  time  hindering  or  supporting  the  development  towards  revolutionary  mass  movements.  

In   case   of   an   outbreak   of   war   a   unanimously   approved   resolution   of   the   International  Socialist  Congress  of  1907  obliged   the  socialist  parties  “to   intervene   in   favor  of   its   speedy  termination,  and  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  utilize  the  economic  and  political  crisis  caused  by  the  war   to   rouse   the   people   and   thereby   to   hasten   the   abolition   of   capitalist   class   rule.”  While  the  majority  of  the  German  Social  Democratic   leadership  and  of   its  Reichstag  group  gave  up  its  oppositional  politics  and  supported  the  war  efforts  of  the  imperial  government  a  little  group  around  Rosa  Luxemburg,  Karl  Liebknecht,  Clara  Zetkin  and  Franz  Mehring    -­‐  due  to   the   resolution   of   the   Socialist   International   -­‐   tried   to   win   the   party   back   for   an  antimilitaristic  policy.  Slowly  this  tiny  minority  was  joined  by  more  and  more  other  militants  in   the   party.   Finally   this   growing   minority   was   kicked   off   the   Social   Democratic   Party   of  Germany  (SPD)  and  was  forced  to  found  an  own  party  the   Independent  Party  of  Germany  (USPD)  in  April  1917.    

The  paper  will  show  the  efforts  of  the  left  socialists  (Spartacus  Group,  Bremen  Left  Radicals,  Revolutionary  Shop  Stewards,  and  left  Centrists)  in  the  inner  party  struggles  for  an  offensive  anti   war   policy   (August   1914-­‐April   1917)   and   their   clandestine   activities   to   initiate   mass  actions  for  peace  and  democracy  (Bread  Strike  in  April  1917,  Mass  Strike  of  the  Ammunition  Workers  in  January  1919,  the  Uprising  in  Berlin  on  November  9th  1919).  I  will  emphasize  the  special  social,  economic,  mental  and  political  conditions  of  the   late  German  Empire   in  war  time   time   (especially   the   hard   suppression   by   the   military   and   police   authorities,   the  immense   war   propaganda   in   99   %   of   the   media,   the   more   and   more   increasing   food  shortage)   hindering   or   supporting   the   development   towards   revolutionary   mass  movements."  

Lutz  Luithlen  

Marx  and  crises  in  capitalism  

The  aim  of  this  paper  is  to  show  that  Marx’s  writings  on  economic  crises  in  Capital  are  still  relevant  and  instructive.  The  paper  starts  with  an  introduction  to  the  dynamics  of  capitalist  crises  as  rooted  in  the  inherent  contradictions  of  capitalist  development.  It  then  sets  out  the  major  events  during  the  build-­‐up  to  the  financial  (sub-­‐prime)  crisis  between  2000  and  2010  and   invites   Marx   to   comment   on   both   events   and   circumstances   to   be   followed   by   an  investigation   into   Marx’s   own   categories   of   interest-­‐bearing   capital   in   the   light   of   the  ‘financial   weapons   of   mass   destruction’   that   fuelled   the   debt-­‐laden   investment   boom.  Finally,  the  question  of  the  relative  detachment  of  the  financial  system  from  its  bedrock  of  production   will   be   addressed.   The   conclusion   is   that,   although   Marx   could   not   have  anticipated  the  particular  form  of  modern  financial  instruments,  the  strategies,  excesses  and  trickeries  of  modern  finance  can  be  read  off  his  script.  

David   Mabb          

A  Romance  in  Fourteen  Parts.    

"In  A  Romance  in  Fourteen  Parts,  a  copy  of  El  Lissitzky’s  About  Two  Squares  –  A  Suprematist  Story  from  1920-­‐22  will  be  painted  onto  facsimile  pages  of  William  Morris’  Kelmscott  Press  edition  of  Wood  beyond  the  World  from  1892.    

Lissitzky’s   About   Two   Squares   is   a   short   picture   book   for   children   that   experiments   with  typography,  image  and  narrative  to  tells  the  story  of  two  squares,  one  red,  one  black,  which  travel   to   earth   from   outer   space   and   transform   the   world.   Each   Lissitzky   image   will   be  painted   over   pages   from   William   Morris’   Wood   beyond   the   World   in   facsimile   from   the  Kelmscott   Press   edition   which   Morris   founded   and   worked   on   as   a   typographer   and  designer.   In  Morris’   romance   the  hero   sets  out  on  a   sea   voyage  anxious   to   see  and   learn  more  of  the  outside  world,  eventually  winning  for  himself  the  kingdom  of  Stark-­‐Wall  and  the  love  of  a  beautiful  maiden.  They  then  live  happily  ever  after.    

In  A  Romance  in  Fourteen  Parts,  the  publications  will  cease  to  be  separate  objects  that  can  be  held  and  digested.  Instead  they  will  be  constructed  into  a  fourteen-­‐part  installation.  The  books  will  become  ‘interwoven’:  parts  of  the  Wood  beyond  the  World  will  be  left  unpainted  to   disrupt   the   geometric   Lissitzky   designs.   A   dialogue   between   Lissitzky’s   revolutionary  narrative  and  Morris’   late   romance  will  be  created.  The  two  will  be  simultaneously   frozen  but   never   fixed,   unable   to   fully  merge  or   separate,   unable   to   transform   the  world  or   live  happily  ever  after."  

 

Mike   Macnair  &  Ben   Lewis      

From  the  Anti-­‐Imperialist  Left   to   the  Social-­‐Chauvinist  Right:   the  Die  Glocke  group  and  the  theory  of  imperialism    

"100   years   on   from   the   outbreak   of  World  War   I,   this   presentation  will   contend   that   the  ideas  of  the  German  social  chauvinists  are  worth  revisiting,  interrogating  and  understanding.  Obviously  this  will  be  because  German  nationalism  and  social  imperialism  are  ways  forward  for  our  movement  today,  but  because  the  transformation  of  some  of  those  around  Parvus’s  social-­‐chauvinist   publication,   Die   Glocke,   from   staunchly   anti-­‐imperialist   ‘lefts’   in   the   pre-­‐war  SPD  to  some  of   the  biggest  cheerleaders  of  a  German  victory  during  that  horrific  war  raises   a   number   of   important   and   interesting   questions:   not   least   regarding   the   Marxist  theory  of  imperialism  and  its  development  within  the  Second  International.    

How  could  it  come  to  pass  that  politicians  such  as  Konrad  Haenisch,  Paul  Lensch  and  Parvus  -­‐  once  all  champions  of   the  anti-­‐imperialist   ‘left’  of   the  SPD  -­‐  could  embrace  the  August  4  vote   for   war   credits   and   ‘war   socialism’   and   even   on   occasion   see   this   position   as   a  continuation  of  their  pre-­‐1914  ‘anti-­‐imperialist’  politics?  How  were  concrete  assessments  of  

the   political   situation   and   the   global   powers   involved   in   WWI   transformed   into   an  overarching  theory  of  imperialism  and  ‘world  policy’?  How  were  the  categories  of  Marxism  deployed   to   justify   such  positions?  What  are   the  continuities  and  discontinuities  between  the  positions  adopted  by  this  group  in  the  pre-­‐war  congresses  of  the  SPD  and  those  during  WWI?    

Based  on  recent  research  and  translation  work  conducted  with  Ben  Lewis,     this  paper  will  explore   these  questions.   It  will   analyse   the  group’s  understanding  of   imperialism  and  war  against  the  backdrop  of  the  extensive  debates  in  the  Second  International,  seeking  to  draw  out   the   implications   of   these   controversies   for   thinking   about   imperialism   and   anti-­‐imperialism  today."  

Ewa Majewska

Capitalism  in  semi-­‐peripheries.  Errors,  failures  or  back  side  of  success?  

In my presentation I would like to focus on capitalism's survival within its peripheral investments showing, how what could be seen as a series of mistakes and failures in a liberal narrative preoccupied with political institutions proves to be a field of excellency in terms of political economy with its preoccupation with the accumulation of capital, wild exploitation and alienating ideological structures. Eastern Europe, and Poland specifically, is a perfect example of the phenomenon of the semi-peripheriality as it was depicted by Immanuel Wallerstein. I would like to show, how the current precarious lives of the new capitalist state has been perpetuated as what was called "immaturity" (Buden, Ost) and gender inequality (Federici, Dunn) and to see how resistance can still be seen and accelerated.

In order to discuss the semi-peripheriality and its peculiar forms of political agency, which can be seen as failures or infancy but also often present themselves as resistance and alternatives to the profit-orientation, I would like to look into Walter Benjamin’s essay on the work of art in the times of reproductibility. I think that just like the cinema in the 1930’s, also the semi-peripheries of today can and often do show their potential for disagreement and change. A redefinition of the semi-peripheries, which would escape the patronizing, colonial simplifications, could provide tools and critiques necessary for resistance, could make the persistance of capitalism weaker. The discussions of modernity and modernisation should not ignore the feminist and decolonial analysis of the production of women/other and they could – instead of a “chasing Europe” set of mimetic practices, try to see in the semi-peripheries agents of change also in a non, or better – counter-neoliberal sense.

 

Nivedita  Majumdar      

Class,  Culture  and  Postcoloniality    

The  recent  economic  crisis  showed  yet  again  that  class  contradictions  remain  as  central  to  our   current   economic   moment   they   were   in   the   pages   of   Marx’s   Capital.   The   system's  smooth  functioning  relies  on  an  obfuscation  of  the  role  of  class  both  by  the  state  and  in  civic  institutions  and  culture.  Academia  in  general,  and  culture  studies,  in  particular,  participates  in   the   undermining   of   class   politics.   David   Harvey   notes   that   in   academia,   the   “broad  adhesion   to  postmodern  and  post-­‐structuralist   ideas  which  celebrate   the  particular  at   the  expense   of   big   picture”   participate   in   a   similar   obfuscation   of   class   contradictions.   A   key  claim   that   is  made   is   that   universal   categories   like   class   are   incompatible  with   a  nuanced  appreciation   of   everyday   culture.   I   discuss   the   marginalization   of   the   category   of   class   in  postcolonial   theory.   Postcolonial   theory   emerged,   in   crucial   ways,   as   a   discourse   that  defined   itself   in   opposition   to   Marxism.   It   privileges   the   marginalized   elements   of   social  structures;   thus   its   emphasis   on   the   study   of   the   local   or   the   "fragment."   Conversely,  postcolonial   theory   is   characterized   by   its   rejection   of   the   idea   of   human   nature,   by  questioning  the  concept  of  human  rights,  and  by  its  demotion  of  class  to  a  peripheral  status.  Through  analyses  of  industrial  strikes  and  social  movements  in  India  and  the  UK,  I  question  the   posited   binary   between   the   structural   and   the   experiential.   Contrary   to   the   basic  assumptions   of   postcolonial   theory,   I   argue   that   universal   categories   like   class   are  compatible  with  a  nuanced  appreciation  of  everyday  culture.  

Andreas   Malm          

Steamroll  all  the  brutes:  Fossil  energy  and  British  imperialism  in  the  nineteenth  century    

"Poor   people   in   the   peripheries   of   the   world-­‐economy   suffer   most   from   global   warming.  This  has  lead  some  to  suggest  that  rich  nations  have  amassed  a  ‘climate  debt’  by  engaging  in  fossil   fuel-­‐based   development,   the   by-­‐products   of   which   now   fall   from   the   sky   onto   the  poor,   who   have   reaped   none   of   the   benefits.   Others   retort   that   two   centuries   of   such  development  have  in  fact  created  the  opportunities  for  everyone  to  leap  into  modernity  –  witness  China  and  India,  or  even  countries  such  as  Nigeria  and  Egypt  –  and  so  the  advanced  economies  should  be  thanked  for  their  services,  or  at  least  walk  free  from  any  special  duties  to   slash   emissions   or   compensate   victims.   In   the   annually   recurring   clashes   between   rich  and  poor  nations  over  the  sharing  of  climate  burdens,  history  is  never  far  from  view  –  but  it  is   rarely   explored   in   any   depth.  How  did   the   fossil   economy   first   reach   the   shores   of   the  peripheries?  What  happened  when  the  English  tradition  of  coal  combustion  spread  to  other  parts  of   the  world?  What  did   fossil   fuel-­‐based  development   really  mean   for   those  on   the  receiving  end  of  steamboats  and  railroads,  coalmines  and  cotton  spinning  machines?  

Until  the  first  Anglo-­‐Burmese  war  in  1824,  the  British  maritime  empire  had  been  sailing  with  the  whims  of  the  wind.  Dependency  on  sail  locked  it  in  a  near  military  balance  with  some  of  its  peripheral  adversaries,  severely  restricting  the  reach  of  British  trade:  unable  to  penetrate  rivers  upstream,  merchants  were  often  relegated  to  the  coastal  margins  of  potentially  vast  

markets   at   the   mercy   of   domestic   rulers,   the   factories   at   Canton   being   the   archetypal  example.  The  rise  of  the  steamboat  in  imperial  warfare  changed  all  this.  By  relying  on  coal  –  an   energy   source   oblivious   to   weather   and   landscape   –   the   British   Empire   could   use  waterways   to   break   into   the   interior   of   continents   and   smash   resistance   from   fleets   and  armies  incapable  of  withstanding  the  novel  force.  In  China,  the  steamboats  forced  their  way  up  to  Nanking  and  opened  the  Celestial  Empire  for  trade;  in  India,  natives  were  herded  into  coalmines   to  extract   the   fuels   for   the  boats,   the  much   faster   to   ship  out  wealth   from  the  colony;  in  Nigeria,  armed  crews  drove  inland  to  seize  control  over  the  production  of  palm  oil  –  a  crucial  lubricant  for  steam-­‐engines  and  other  machines  –  and  defeat  tribal  guerrillas;  in  Egypt,   Muhammed   Ali’s   experiment   in   industrial   modernisation   was   shattered   by   the  grenades  from  coal-­‐fired  warships.    

By  exploring  the  role  of  fossil  energy  on  some  of  the  frontiers  of  imperial  expansion  in  the  second  quarter   of   the  nineteenth   century,   this   paper  will   seek   to   radicalise   the  notion  of  ‘climate  debt’.  When  a  drought  becomes  permanent  or  the  sea  submerges  a  delta,  it  is  not  the   first   time  people   in   the  peripheries  suffer   the  consequences  of   fossil   fuel  combustion,  nor  is  such  ‘development’  a  train  to  modernity  that  has  merely  passed  them  by.  They  were  run  over  from  day  one:  fossil  energy  an  indispensible  source  of  power  for  the  appropriation  of   resources   from   the   peripheries,   the   history   of   the   imperialist  world-­‐order   is  written   in  letters  of  coal  and  fire.  On  a  global  scale,  the  longue  durée  of  the  fossil  economy  begins  with  the  devastation  of  Akka  by  British   steamboats   in  1840  and  continues   in   the  next  extreme  weather  event  to  ravage  communities  and  set  back  development  by  several  decades  in  the  Philippines  or  Haiti.  The  political  purpose  of  such  a  historiography   is,  of  course,   to   fan  the  flames  of  climate  militancy  in  the  peripheries;  the  theoretical  resources  for  it,  drawn  on  in  this  paper,  are  Rosa  Luxemburg’s  theories  of  imperialism,  Ernest  Mandel’s  sketches  on  the  role   of   energy   in   the   long   waves   of   capitalist   development,   and   the   debates   between  political  Marxism  and  world-­‐systems  theory.    

Grant   Mandarino        

“One  of  the  very  few  true  originals  of  our  time”:  Reviving  Eduard  Fuchs    

"Outside   of   Walter   Benjamin’s   1937   article   “Eduard   Fuchs,   Collector   and   Historian,”  commissioned  by  Max  Horkheimer  for  the  Zeitschrift  für  Sozialforschung,  the  life  and  works  of   Eduard   Fuchs   (1870-­‐1940)   remain   little   known   among   Marxist   cultural   historians   and  theorists.   Fuchs   was   a   key   player   on   the   German   left   his   entire   life,   from   joining   the  outlawed  Sozialistiche  Arbeiterpartei  in  his  hometown  of  Stuttgart  as  a  journeyman  printer  in  1886  to  his  decisive  role  in  the  formation  of  the  Kommunistische  Partei  Deutschlands  in  1918-­‐1919  and  subsequent  activity  in  the  Right  Opposition  after  1928.  His  time  as  editor  of  the   popular   satirical   newspaper   Suddeutsche   Postillon   and   publication   of   numerous  illustrated   histories   of   satirical   and   erotic   imagery   brought   him   notoriety,   a   substantial  amount  of  money,  and  multiple  prison  sentences.  The  artist  George  Grosz,  who  met  Fuchs  for   the   first   time   in   the   early   1920s,   later   described   him   as   “one   of   the   very   few   true  

originals  of  our  time,”  yet  he  is  today  remembered,  if  at  all,  as  a  collector  of  objets  d’art  and  a   somewhat   naïve   historian   of   social   mores.   This   is   largely   the   result   of   Benjamin’s  assessment  of  Fuchs,  which,  as  Frederic  J.  Schwartz  has  argued,  is  less  about  Fuchs  himself  and  more  about  the  methods  he  employs  in  his  various  writings,  in  Benjamin’s  view  wholly  representative   of   the   cruder   aspects   of   historical   materialism   as   theorized   by   reformist  Social  Democrats.  More  recent  studies,  such  as  Ulrich  Weitz’s  Eduard  Fuchs:  Der  Mann  im  Schatten  (2014),  take  the  opposite  view,  placing  Fuchs  at  the  center  of  Weimar’s   left-­‐wing  milieu  as  a  uniquely  charismatic   individual  whose  historical  significance   is  not  reducible  to  broader  structures  of  thought.  Weitz  succeeds  in  presenting  a  more  favorable  view  of  Fuchs  as  a  person,  but  fails  to  show  why  we  should  care  about  Fuchs  as  a  cultural  historian.  

While  a  revival  of   interest   in  Fuchs   is   to  be  welcomed,  especially  outside  of  Germany,   the  question   remains:   how   should  one   engage  his  work?  My  paper   takes   up   this   question  by  reassessing   Benjamin’s   evaluation   of   Fuchs’   art   historical   methods,   playing   particular  attention  to   the  histories  of  caricature  Fuchs’  published  and  how  these  studies   influenced  the  practice  and  interpretation  of  satirical  imagery  within  the  Communist  milieu  during  the  Weimar  period."  

Jaleh   Mansoor          

Santiago  Sierra:  The  Biopolitics  of  Abstraction    

"This   paper   explores   the   lacunae   between   theories   of   “bare   life”   on   the   one   hand   and  debates  around  histories  of  capitalist  accumulation  and  subsumption  on  the  other  through  a  case  studies  of  the  work  of  controversial  Spanish  artist  Santiago  Sierra’s  practice,  a  cultural  mediation  that  locates  key  shifts  in  political  economy  in  Europe  and  the  United  States  in  an  era  of  globalization  and  migration.    This  paper  thus  asks  the  following  questions:  How  can  Marxist  theory  be  transformed  to  integrate  an  understanding  of  corporeality,   identity,  and  subjectivity  in  its  analysis  of  capitalism  and  class  politics?    

Much   of   Spanish   artist   Santiago   Sierra’s   practice   addresses   the   fundamental   violence  inscribed  in  the  wage  relation,  in  which  surplus  value  necessary  to  the  expansion  of  capital  is  extracted   through   labor   and   compensated   in   a   self   reproducing   matrix   of   remuneration  reticulated   to   time   in   which   the   worker   works   against   her   own   interest.     A   2004   piece  entitled  584  Horas  de  Trabajo  (584  Hours  of  Work)  sets  the  problem  of  labor  against  the  art  “work”   in  a   retort   to   the   legacy  of  minimalist   sculpture,  one  of   the   last   traditional  artistic  idioms  of  the  20th  Century.      By  documenting  the  man-­‐hours  spent  constructing  a  massive  cubic  monument  mimicking  those  of  Tony  Smith,  Richard  Serra,  and  Carl  Andre  emblazoned  on  the  side,  Sierra  undermines  the  myth  of  any  solidarity  between  minimalism  and  labor,  a  false  solidarity  that  has  underscored  the  canonization  of  American  minimalists   in  accounts  such   as   Art   Workers   (2011).     At   the   same   time,   Sierra   explores   the   ways   in   which   the  imposition   of   the   wage   is   compounded   by   constraints   imposed   by   the   state:   citizenship,  il/legality,  immigration.      

The  double  bind  of  the  state-­‐to-­‐market  relation  which  binds  the  wage  against  illegal  forms  of  survival  and  thereby  enforced  it   is  Sierra’s  project’s  primary  problem-­‐set.     In  June  2001,  Sierra  collected  133  persons  to  take  part  in  his  project  for  the  Spanish  Pavilion  at  the  49th  Venice  Biennale.  Sierra’s  “action,”  which  took  place  on  the  opening  day  of  this  auspicious  art  world  event,  entailed  his  directing  the  men  to  an  area  in  the  Arsenale  where  he  bleached  all  133  persons’  hair,  producing  a  visibly  artificial  appearance,  in  effect  marking  each  person  as  though   with   a   yellow   highlighter.   The   delimiting   criteria   in   selecting   133   men   were   as  follows:   they  were   to   originate   from  Eastern   Europe,  Africa,   Asia,   or   the  Middle   East   and  have  dark  hair.  The  participants  had  to  be  immigrants  and  refugees,  legal  or  otherwise.  The  role   of   the   artist   in   turn   was   to   manage,   direct,   and   process   these   persons.   The   yellow  headed   133   then   dispersed,   returning   to   their   everyday   activities:   predominantly   illegal  street  vending  on  and  around  Piazza  San  Marco.    

In  the  preoccupation  with  law  and  exception  that  has  prevailed  in  much  critical  discourse  on  culture  over   the   last  decade  (see  Demos’s  The  Migrant   Image),   the  reciprocal  necessity  of  both   optics   (Marxian   theories   of   the   wage,   and   of   subsumption)   has   fallen   out   of   the  picture.     Insofar   as   capital   totalizes   by   forms   of   separation   and   re-­‐constitution   of   social  relations,  the  mutually  entwinement  of  law  and  wage  become  all  the  more  urgent  an  object  of  analysis.    It  might  be  argued  that  the  organization  of  surplus  labor  pools  readies  for  fresh  rounds   of   resource   extraction   and   primitive   accumulation   is   enabled   only   by   laws   of  passage,   of   the   regulation   of   boundaries   and   borders.   This   is   globalization.     Likewise,   the  “state  of  exception,”  about  which  we  have  heard  maybe  too  often,  is  a  structuring  principle  for  wage  relations  under  threat,  under  duress  of  right  to  “live  or  let  die.”  Besides  simply  and  tendentiously   dismissing   it   as   part   of   the   symptomatic   cruelty   of   the   art   world   as  transparent   analog   of   capital   in   general,   why   is   it   that   we   see   so   many   art   projects  addressing  the  crossroads  of  immigrant  labor  pools?"  

Josep   Maria   Antentas        

Anti-­‐austerity  protest,  regime  crisis  and  political  strategy  in  the  Spanish  State  

"The  emergence  of  M15  movement   in   Spain   in  15th  May  2011  marked  a   turning  point   in  Spanish   politics.   It   was   the   biggest   social   upsurge   since   the   establishment   of   the   current  Regime  in  1978  and  the  beginning  of  mass  resistance  to  austerity  policies  after  a  period  in  which  resistance  to  social  cuts  was  relatively  small  although  real.  The  movement  expressed  a   vague   “antisystemic”   consciousness   targeting   financial   powers   and   political   institutions.  Soon  after  its  emergence  M15  as  such  vanished,  but  mutated  into  a  wide  range  of  different  initiatives  and  movements.  Since  the  first  push  of  May  and  June  2011  anti-­‐austerity  protests  have  had  a  less  visible  existence,  experienced  fragmentation  and  dispersion,  although  some  relevant  episodes  of   social  unrest  have   taken  place.     The  overall  dynamic  of   resistance   to  austerity  since  may  15th  has  been  very  defensive,  with  few  political  and  concrete  victories,  but  with  elements  of  counter-­‐ofensive  and  capability  of  disruption.  

ii)   The   consolidation   and   peak   of   the   expansive   long   wave   of   capitalist   accumulation  (1946-­‐1968),   characterized  by   its  elevated  profitability  and   the  vigorous  process  of   capital  accumulation,   with   the   private   capitalist   investment   being   now   the   main   driver   of   the  process.    

iii)   The  falling  rate  of  profit  implied  the  collapse  of  private  investment  and  the  structural  crisis  of  profitability  (1969-­‐1982).  A  relatively  strong  accumulation  process  was  extended  by  the  anti-­‐cyclical  policies  and  the  government  involvement  in  the  economy.    

iv)   The   neoliberal   restructuring   process   (from   1983   onwards)   implied   a   complete  abandonment  of  the  government  intervention  in  the  process  of  capital  accumulation.  There  has   been   an   important   recovery   of   the   general   rate   of   profit   that   was   not   followed   by   a  similar   recovery   in   the   rate   of   productive   investment   given   the   neoliberal   bias   of   the  economy  towards  labor-­‐intensive  industries  and  the  financialisation."  

Helena  Marroig   Barreto        

Marini   yesterday   and   today:   highlights   on   the   marxist   theory   of   dependency   and   new  perspectives    

The   aim   of   the   this   study   is   to   introduce   the   basis   of   the   work   of   Ruy   Mauro   Marini,   a  brasilian   autor   from   the   60's,   through   his   central   categories   such   as   dependency,  subordinated  insertion,  and  superexploitation  of  the  work  force.  Also,  the  study  intends  to  show   some   concepts   presented   by   the   critically   renewed   marxist   theory   of   dependency,  especially   regarding   the  pattern  of   capital  accumulation,  already   introduced  by  Marini.  By  that,   this   work   hopes   to   be   able   to   provide   tools   to   operate   an   analysis   of   the   current  situation   in   Latin   America,   demystifying   the   conventional   diagnosis   on   the   matter,   and  revealing  that  the  underdevelopment  is  still  reproduced,  and  amplified,  in  the  continent.  

Wiktor  Marzec          

Marxism  as   a   subjectifying   device.   Remarks   form   the   empirical   inquiry   into   the  mobilizing  power  of  Marxism    

"The  stubborn  survival  of  capitalism  redirected  the  focus  of  Marxist  scholars   into  the  past.  The   histories   of   borderland   Marxisms,   successful   labour   hegemonies   and   even   Bolshevik  politics   are   searched   for   new   insights   into   contemporary   struggles.   However,   this  scholarship   tirelessly   retains   a  bias   towards   theoretical   debates,   remaining   the   vernacular  Marxisms  of  workers  underresearched.    

Drawing   from   extensive   empirical   research,   in   my   contribution   I   suggest   to   investigate  Marxism   as   a   subjectifying   device,   a   discursive   resource   mobilizing   and   modifying   its  addressees   and   their   relational   positions   in   the   political   regime.   The   Marxist   ideological  content  (speeches,  agitation,  proclamations)  and  practices  induced  a  certain  construction  of  the   self,   integrated   in   broader   discourses,   ideological   dispositives   and   institutions.   This  

political   communication   induced   contentious   stances,   positions   disrupting   the   existing  imaginary   institution   of   society.   Marxism   was   for   a   long   time   the   main   political   language  bringing   about   “polemicization   of   the   commonplace”,   thus   activating   new   enunciatory  positions   and   order   of   appearances   in   acts   of   discursive,   political   intervention.   Presented  insights  into  Marxists  (re)subjectifications  are  an  extract  from  a  larger  project  investigating  workers'  reading  and  writing  practices  in  early  20th  century  Russian  Poland.  I  argue  that  it  was  this  resubjectifying  dimension  of  Marxism  which  gripped  the  workers,  and  it  has  to  be  rediscovered  to  make  Marxism  powerful  yet  another  time."  

Christopher   Mastrocola          

Kosik  Today:The  Dialectic  of  Knowledge  as  Emancipatory  Project    

One  of   the  central   themes   running   through   the   four   chapters  of  karel  Kosik’s   'Dialectic  of  the  Concrete:  A  Study  on  Problems  of  Man  and  World',   is   that  dialectical  knowledge  (or  a  dialectical   epistemology)   is   an   emancipatory   approach   to   understanding   social   reality.   In  contrast   to   reductionist  and  positivist  approaches,  Kosik  stresses   the  necessity  of  grasping  social   reality  as  a  “concrete   totality”:  of  grasping   the  unity  of  opposing  categories  such  as  present   and   history,   matter   and   consciousness   and   most   importantly   for   the   present  purpose,  essence  and  appearance.  The  last  of  these  involves  grasping  any  aspect  of  reality  through  the  unity  and  difference  of   its  appearance  and  underlying  essence,  both  of  which  are   the   products   (whether   intended  or   not)   of   historical   human   activity.  Much  of   this,   of  course,   is   common   enough   to   Hegelian   and   Marxist   traditions.   What   Kosik   uniquely  introduces  to  this  method,  however,  is  the  incorporation  of  Husserlian  phenomenology.  My  presentation  will  seek  to  elaborate  on  this  method  and  demonstrate  the  potentially  positive  benefits   such   a   method   can   have   for   modern   social   movements.   More   specifically,   it   will  suggest   ways   in   which   this   method   can   help   social   movements   overcome   their   all   too  common   fragmented   nature   and   disrupt   the   otherwise   smooth   reproduction   and  internalization  of  dominant  ideologies.  

Juan  Pablo  Mateo  

The   Reconfiguration   of   Global   Capitalism   and   Basic   Trends   of   Accummulation   and  Profitability    

The  purpose  of  this  paper  is  to  identify  the  mechanisms  through  which  the  reconfiguration  of   the   world   economy   has   impacted   on   the   dynamics   of   profitability   and   capital  accumulation.   In   recent  decades,   and  particularly  during   the  expansion  phase  of  2003-­‐07,  the  accumulation  process  has  been  characterized  by  a  weak  productive  investment  (and  as  such  low  relative  GDP  and  labor  productivity  rates  of  growth),  the  recurrence  of  speculative  phenomena   (the   housing   bubble)   and   an   apparent   high   level   of   profitability.   In   these  circumstances,  most  Marxist  writers  have  not  explained  the  Great  Recession  from  the  basic  tendencies   of   the   capitalist   economy   as   enunciated   by   K.   Marx.   In   opposition   to   these  

overwork,     underconsumption,   and   high   rents   in   an   effort   to   remain   engaged   in   petty  agricultural   production   despite   the   fact   that   the   prerequisites   for   their   liberation   from  agriculture  and  their  land  had  been  laid  with  the  land  tax  reforms  of  1873.  He  argued  that  a  'true  resolution'  of  the  global  agrarian  question  was  not  simply  a  matter  of  the  installation  of   capitalist   relations   of   production   in   agriculture   but   required   a   transformation   of   these  subjectivities  -­‐    'feudal'  barriers  to  their  acquisition  of  a  capitalist  logic  in  which  they  to,  try  to  endlessly  expand  other  peoples'  labor  power  as  capital.    

This   presentation   will   clarify   Uno's   argument   that   World   War   I   constituted   an   epochal  moment  for  the  agrarian  question  and  will  consider  how  his  theorization  may  contribute  to  an  understanding  of   the  way   that   resolutions  are   sought  by  capitalist   countries   through  a  reconfiguration  of  empire.    It  will  also  critically  engage  with  Uno's  understanding  of  feudality  in  Japan's  agrarian  villages  by  referring  to  Kautsky's  1899  The  Agrarian  Question."  

Ilya   Matveev          

Neoliberalism,  Neopatrimonialism,  and  The  Nature  of  The  Political  Regime  in  Russia    

Neoliberalism  and  neopatrimonialism  are  distinct  (and  sometimes  competing)  theories  used  to  explain  the  nature  of  the  political  regime   in  Russia.  While  neoliberal  explanations  focus  on   reforms  which  violently   introduce  market  conditions  and  market   logic   in  all   spheres  of  life,  theories  of  neopatrimonialism  emphasize  the  authoritarian  and  clientelistic  character  of  politics,   the   privatization   of   the   state   by   various   groups,   and   endemic   corruption.   The  objective   of   my   research   is   to   use   these   two   theories   not   as   separate   interpretations   of  Russian   politics,   but   as   indicators   of   two   real   logics   operating  within   the   Russian   political  regime.  Neoliberal  and  neopatrimonial  processes  coexist  and  form  a  relationship  with  one  another.   I   will   present   some   preliminary   remarks   regarding   the   precise   nature   of   this  relationship,  based  on  the  analysis  of  the  discursive  struggle  between  the  neoliberal  and  the  'anti-­‐neoliberal'  experts  and  think  tanks  with  connections  to  various  sections  of  the  Russian  political  establishment.  The  analysis  reveals  the  constant  presence  of  these  two  positions  in  the  public  sphere  and  their  frequent  collision.  Both  neoliberals  and  their  opponents,  despite  the  tension  between  them,  are  crucial  for  the  logic  of  the  Russian  political  regime.  

Brendan   McGeever          

The  Bolsheviks  and  Antisemitism  in  the  Russian  Revolution,  1917-­‐1919  

This  paper  sets  out   to  make  an  original  contribution   towards   the  critical  understanding  of  the  October  Revolution  through  a  unique  case  study  of   the  Bolshevik  attempt  to  confront  antisemitism   in   the   immediate   aftermath   of   1917.   Based   on   extensive   fieldwork   in   the  Russian   archives,   the   paper   offers   an   analysis   of   the   antiracist   political   formations   that  coalesced   around   the   early   Soviet   state   apparatus   during   the   Revolution   and   Civil   War  (1917–1919).   The   paper   develops   and   builds   on   Gramsci’s   conception   of   the   hegemonic  apparatus  by  bringing  into  sharp  focus  the  various  types  of  individual  and  collective  agency  

that   actualised   the   struggle   against   antisemitism   during   the   Civil   War.   Whilst   traditional  interpretations  of  the  Russian  Revolution  have  assumed  that  the  campaigns  against  racism  and   antisemitism   were   conceived   and   carried   out   by   the   Party   leadership   (i.e.   Lenin   and  Trotsky  etc),  this  paper  will  show  that  in  the  case  of  antisemitism,  the  anti-­‐racist  project  that  emerged   within   the   Soviet   state   was   in   fact   the   product   of   a   unique   racial   formation  composed   largely   of   non-­‐Bolshevik   Jewish   Marxists   and   leftwing   Zionists.   The   paper   will  then  go  on  to  reflect  on  these  findings,  arguing  that  they  raise  critical  questions  for  how  we  conceptualise  and  understand  not  only  the  relationship  between  race  and  class,  but  also  the  legacy  of  Marxist  attempts  to  arrest  the  racialisation  of  social  relations  more  generally."  

Scott   McLemee          

From  "the  Russian  Question"  to  China  (and  Back  Again):  Debating  China  in  Trotskyist  Theory,  1950-­‐58    

"The   historiography   of   Trotskyism   too   often   tends   to   be   an   instance   of   Trotskyist  historiography:  a  matter  of  political   combat   continued  by  other  means.  And  nowhere  has  position-­‐taking   and   line-­‐consolidation   been  more   obvious   than   in   narrative   treatments   of  debates  on  “the  Russian  question,”  i.e.  the  problem  of  characterizing  the  political  economy  that   developed   under   the   Stalin   regime   and   of   assessing   the   precise   class   position   and  dynamics  of  the  party-­‐state  apparatus.  Three  major  “answers”  were  formulated  within  the  movement  during  Trotsky’s  lifetime,  identifying  the  USSR  as  either  a    degenerated  workers  state,   state   capitalism,   or   bureaucratic   collectivism.   Many   (possibly   most)   subsequent  accounts   of   the   debate   have   been   written   on   the   behalf   of   one   position   or   the   other.  Creedal   affirmation   is   typically   accompanied   by   a   sort   of   cod   sociology-­‐of-­‐knowledge  explaining  the  source  and  ideological  function  of  the  other  positions.  

The  advance  made  by  Marcel  Van  Der  Linden's  Western  Marxism  and  the  Soviet  Union:  A  Survey   of   Critical   Theories   and  Debates   Since   1917   (2007)   comes   only   in   part   through   its  non-­‐polemical   perspective.   Besides   reconstructing   the   arguments   developed   within   the  Trotskyist  movement  alongside  the  theoretical  approaches  and  conclusions  of  figures  never  in   its   ranks   (such   as   Korsch,   Hilferding,   and   Bordiga),   Linden   also   offers   a   suggestive  periodization   of   various   Russian-­‐question   analyses,   placing   their   emergence   and  development  in  the  context  of  major  phases  in  Soviet  history.  

In  short,  Western  Marxism  and  the  Soviet  Union  presents  a  major  challenge  to  approaches  that   have  prevailed   in   the   secondary   literature   concerning   the  history   of   Left  Opposition-­‐derived  political  organizations.  It  breaks  up  the  established  and  self-­‐enforced  patterning  of  differences.  New  constellations  begin  to  form.  And  the  charting  of  them  is  not  exhausted  by  the  typology  and  metatheoretical  remarks  that  the  book  offers  in  conclusion.    

Neither   Linden   nor   anyone   else   has   taken   up   the   topic   I   will   pursue.   The   victory   of   the  People’s  Liberation  Army  in  1949  and  the  system  that  then  emerged  under  the  rule  of  the  

Chinese  Communist  Party  were  inevitably  taken  up  by  Trotskyists  in  terms  derived  from  the  various  positions  they  had  already  formulated  regarding  the  Russian  question.  But  for  some  tendencies  the  degree  of  fit  between  concept  and  phenomenon  was  unclear  or  problematic.  Complicating  things  still  more  was  the  rise  of  dirigiste  states  in  other  countries  then  winning  national   liberation.   Zhou  Enlai’s   role  at   the  Bandung  Conference   in  1955  underscored   the  need   to   understand   the   relationship   between   the   Chinese   system   and   the   emerging  postcolonial   regimes.   Finally,   there   was   the   need   to   assess   how   well   the   theory   of  permanent  revolution  accounted  for  any  of  these  developments  -­‐-­‐  or  if  it  did  at  all.  

A  number  of  articles  and  internal  documents  by  the  Philips-­‐Miller  group  within  the  Socialist  Workers  Party  in  the  U.S.  expressed  the  clearest  recognition  that  China  and  the  Third  World  regimes   posed   a   set   of   problems   linked   with,   but   distinct   from,   the   Russian   question.  (Named  after   the  party  names  of  Art  Fox  and  Steve  Zeluck,   respectively,   the  Philips-­‐Miller  current  held  a  state-­‐capitalist  analysis.  Based  largely  in  Detroit,  it  was  formed  by  supporters  of  the  Johnson-­‐Forest  Tendency  who  remained  within  the  SWP  after  C.L.R.  James  led  most  of  his  supporters  out  of  it  in  1951.)    

Neither   the   Philips-­‐Miller   material   nor   the   positions   regarding   China   formulated   by   other  tendencies  are   treated   in  Western  Marxism  and   the  Soviet  Union.   In   its  periodization  and  logic,  the  whole  discussion  moves  at  a  diagonal  to  Linden’s  lines  of  argument.  But  it  offers  the   advantage  of   continuing  his   project   of   reframing   the  Russian  question   as   a   discursive  field   with   implications   not   limited   to   the   terms   or   the   stakes   of   internal   combat.   In  particular,   reconstructing   the   China   discussion   will   show   that   the   the   Russian-­‐question  debate   itself   involves   a   number   of   relays   among   basic   concepts   (including   capitalism,  bureaucracy,   the   bourgeois   revolution,   and   the   stratification   and   composition   of   the  bourgeoisie  itself)  and  how  they  articulate  upon  one  another."  

James   Meadway          

Surplus  population,   secular   stagnation,   and   the  ghost   of  Malthus:  Rosa   Luxemburg’s  Anti-­‐Kritik  reconsidered  

  "The   mainstream   of   economics,   from   Robert   Barro   to   Larry   Summers,   has   slowly  begun  to  identify  the  problem  of  “secular  stagnation”  and  decaying  growth  in  the  developed  world.  Meanwhile,  the  extraordinary  reception  given  to  Thomas  Piketty’s  work  has  strongly  restated  the  notion  of  capitalism  as  a  system  driven  not  so  much  by  its  dynamic  potential  as  the   potential   for   enrichment   by   a   powerful   few.   He,   like   other   authors,   has   pointed   to  secular   trends   in  population  dynamics  as  perhaps  holding  the  key  to  slowing  growth  rates  into  the  future.  

Rosa  Luxemburg’s  vigorous  defence  of  her  great  work,  The  Accumulation  of  Capital,  dealt  directly   with   the   mainstream   of   her   day.   Attacking   the   emergent,   strongly   neoclassical  notion   that   economic   growth   could   be   read   off   population   growth   rates,   she   provided   a  

detailed   defence   of   Marx’s   alternative   reasoning,   in   which   the   dynamic   of   capital  accumulation   in   turn   determined   the   dynamic   of   labour   force   growth.   This   paper   links  together   the   “crisis   of  work”,   the  problem  of   surplus   labour,   and   the   global   demographic  shift   through  a   reconsideration  of   Luxemburg’s  analysis.   It  demonstrates   that   the   crisis  of  realisation   relates   directly   to   the   expansion   of   capital   accumulation   into   non-­‐capitalist  sectors  and  the  expansion  of  the  sphere  of  labour."  

Kathryn   Medien          

Desiring  the  Monster:  The  Regulation  of  Intimacy  in  Israel/Palestine  

  "How  is  the  regulation  of  sexual   intimacy  central  to  Israeli  occupation  of  Palestine?  This   paper   examines   how   the   regulation   of   homo   and   heterosexuality   is   central   to   the  (re)production   of   the   Israeli   nation,   and   its   positioning   of   itself   as   a   modern,   progressive  liberal   state.   Through  an  examination  of   Israeli   state  and  non-­‐state  activism   that   seeks   to  maximise   reproduction   between   Jewish   Israeli   citizens,   and   Israeli   gay   rights   discourse,   it  will   be   argued   that   the   regulation   of   intimacy   is   central   to   the   occupation,   harnessed   to  protect   the   Israeli  nation  and   its  citizens   from  ‘sexually  deviant  Palestinians’.  Recent  years  have  seen  a  growth  in  the  literature  examining  the  relationship  between  Israeli  nationalism  and   sexuality   (Puar   2013;   Kuntsman   2008;   Ritchie   2010).   This   paper   shall   contribute   and  push   forward   these   debates,   examining   how   the   regulation   of   desire   is   central   to   the  imagining  and  survival  of  Israel,  linked  to  homo  and  heterosexual  norms,  and  older  colonial  discourses  of   the   sexually   repressed,   yet   violent,  Oriental  male.  Considering  how  desire   is  regulated   is   important,   this  paper  concludes,   if  we  are   to  better  understand  the  tactics  of  survival   employed   by   the   Israeli   state,   and   the   myriad   ways   that   sexuality   and   race   are  brought  to  bear  on  life.    

Relevant   streams:   Homophobia   and   homonationalism   before   and   after   9/11;   Moving  borders,   regenerating   boundaries:   states,   bodies,   temporality;   Social   reproduction   and  capitalist   transformation:   micro   and   macro-­‐analyses;   Racism,   femonationalism,  Islamophobia:  the  bigger  picture"  

Pedro   Mendes  Loureiro        

Open-­‐ended,  agential  and  growingly  (too?)  complex:  comments  on  Bob  Jessop’s  approaches  to  the  relationship  between  state  power  and  capital  

  This  paper  analyses  the  evolution  of  Bob  Jessop’s  understanding  of  the  relationship  between   state   power   and   capital.   We   identify   two   inter-­‐related   tendencies   behind   the  author’s   theoretical   developments,   which   are   i)   denying   the   a   priori   substantive   unity   of  various  aspects  of  social  formations  necessary  for  regularising  capital  accumulation,  and  ii)  proposing  an  agential  concept  which  can,  under  certain  conditions,  guarantee  this  unity  in  a  partial,   precarious   and   contradictory   way.   This   leads   to   a   growingly   complex   and   open-­‐ended  framework.  In  light  of  this,  and  by  identifying  the  debates  and  contexts  in  which  the  

arguments   were   successively   put   forward,   we   propose   a   general   interpretation   of   the  author’s   theoretical   propositions.   We   argue   they   are   most   meaningful   as   elements   of   an  anti-­‐politicist,   anti-­‐structuralist   and   anti-­‐teleological   approach,   which   stresses   that   the  economic   and   extra-­‐economic   requisites   of   accumulation   must   be   reproduced   in   and  through  agency.  Finally,  we  comment  on  the  drawbacks  this  implies  for  applied  research.  As  it   creates   an   ever-­‐growing   demand   for   substantiating   the   concepts   in   concrete,   historical  practices,  pragmatic  considerations  of  research  feasibility  might  contradictorily   lead  to  the  necessity  of  taking  for  granted  certain  conditions  of  accumulation  –  effectively  arriving  at  a  structuralist  and  determinist  approach,  as  many  critics  have  argued.  

Tobias  Menely          

“Verdampft:  Energy,  Air,  and  History  in  Marx”    

Marx  developed  an  indispensable  theory  of  capital—as  crisis-­‐prone,  self-­‐expanding  value—only  by  emphasizing  social  relation  in  place  of  the  interchange  between  human  and  natural  production.  In  my  talk,  I’ll  discuss  the  figural  instability  in  Marx’s  invocations  of  the  energy  inputs   and   atmospheric   outputs   of   economic   activity,   with   the   goal   of   identifying   some  challenges  historical  materialism  faces  in  the  Anthropocene.  I’m  interested  in  Marx’s  explicit  discussion,  in  Capital,  of  the  significance  of  Britain’s  transition  to  coal,  but  also  in  the  more  subtle  metaphors  of  energy  and  atmosphere  that  underlie  his  conceptualization  of  history.  The   example   from   which   I   take   my   title   is   the   famous   “Alles   ständische   und   stehende  verdampft,”  wherein  the  elemental  transmutation  involved  in  steam  power—the  turning  of  all   that   is   solid   into   air,   as   Moore   evocatively   translated   it—is   made   to   describe   a  sociological   transformation,   the   supplanting   of   the   old   social   estates   by   capitalist   class  relations.  While  Marx  recognizes  the  crucial  role  of  coal  in  industrial  production,  as  well  as  an   essential   thermodynamic   alignment   between   “forces   of   nature”   [Naturekraft]   and  “human   labor-­‐power”   [Arbeitskraft],   he   defines   the   surplus-­‐energy   stored   in   coal   “freely  given”:  “natural  forces  appropriate  to  productive  processes,  such  as  steam  [and]  water  .  .  .  cost  nothing.”  In  the  second  part  of  my  talk,  I’ll  turn  to  Marx’s  language  of  atmosphere  (air,  mist,  ether),  as  a  synecdoche  for  “environment,”  an  infinite  container  inviting  dispersal,  and  as  a  privileged  figure  for  mystification,  our  haunted  experience  of  absent  causality.  

Morgane   Merteuil          

«  sexwork  against  work  »  :  analyzing  sexwork  as  a  reproductive  work  issue    

"It  is  argued  here  that  the  major  legal  framework  proposed  by  European  states  to  tackle  the  issue   of   prostitution   –   either   the  «  abolition  »   or   the   «  legalization  »  perspective   –     are  serving  a  neoliberal   agenda.   If   both   these  models   are   refused  by  most  of   the   sex  workers  organizations,  their   own   demands   and   analyses   are   still  unheard,  and  fought   against   by  large   parts   of   the   left   and   of   the   feminist   movement,   especially   these   last   months   in  Western  Europe.  From  a  marxist  perspective,  this  case  is  pretty  unique:  while  ""the  left""  (or  

most  radical  left  parties)  as  a  whole  do  not  have  homogenous  policies  towards  unions  and  social  movements,  they  still  cling  to  a  general  notion  of  ""working  class""  politics.  The  left's  disorientation  towards  sex  workers  unionists  is  a  puzzling  fact:  how  does  one  account  for  it  in  a  materialist  perspective?  

This   refusal   from   the   progressive   political   forces   to   support   sex   workers  has   to   be  understood  as  an  expression  of  the  more  general  difficulties  for  these  forces  to  think  about  reproductive  work.  If  ""doing  sex""   is   to  be  considered  as  a   form  of  reproductive  work  (as  the  author  would  argue),   the  arguments   faced  by  sexworkers   today  boil  down  to  one  and  the  same  claim:  the  idea  that  campaigning  for  wages  in  compensation  for  domestic  labor  (or  reproductive  work)  amounts  to  a  trivialization  of  it.  This  is  pretty  close  to  what  the  feminist  movement   argued   against   the   Wages   for   Housework   campaign.  This   is   even   more  problematic   today   at   the   very   moment   when   neoliberalism   succeed   in   more   and   more  commodify  this  work  on  a  global  scale.  

This   paper   then   aims  at  considering  the   struggles   around   reproductive   work   from   a   sex  workers   issues   perspective,   in   order   to   draw   the   potential   revolutionary   perspectives   to  which   the   ""sex   work   is   work""   claim   invites   us  to.  While   escaping   the   dual   pitfalls   of  ""soft""  prohibitionism  and  a  liberal  ideology  of  ""choice"",  this  perspective  has  notably  the  merit   of   uniting   waged   and   unwaged   women   workers   against   both   gender   and   class  oppression  (  then  understood  as  different  ""attributes""  of  the  same  ""substance"")."  

Atle   Mikkola   Kjosen        

Anticipating  Realization:  Value's  Logic  of  Movement  and  Amazon's  Anticipatory  Shipping  "  

The  online  retail  giant  Amazon  was  recently  awarded  a  patent  for   its  “method  and  system  for  anticipatory  package  shipping”.  In  essence,  this  patent  describes  how  the  retailer  wants  to  build  a  system  for  delivering  commodities  to  potential  buyers  before  they  place  an  order.  Based   on   previous   orders,   items   in   the   shipping   cart,   and   tracking   of   web-­‐browsing,   the  package  is  sent  to  a  specified  geographic  area  and  while  the  package  is  in  transit  or  waiting  at  a  hub,  the  final  delivery  address  is  specified.  What  is  the  logic  behind  such  methods?  Why  must  exchange  be  anticipated?  

This  paper  will  use  Amazon’s  anticipatory  shipping  as  an  example  with  which  to  explore  why  and  how  value  (and  by  extension  capital)  must  move  and  accelerate.  The  paper  will  focus  on  the  relationship  between  movement,  the  value-­‐form  and  form-­‐determination  to  account  for  why  value  must  move,  how  it  moves  and  by  what  means.  The  paper  argues  that  the  formal  reason   for   why   value   must   move   can   be   located   in   the   immanent   contradiction   of   the  commodity,   which   requires   value   to   appear   in   its   form.   Prior   to   exchange,   products   are  merely   products   of   labour,   use-­‐values,   but   not   yet   consummated   as   values.   There   is   an  imperative   to   transport   commodities   as   fast   as   possible   to   the   market   for   value   to   be  realized;  anticipatory  shipping  is  thus  an  articulation  of  this  imperative."  

Marcelo   Milan          

Demographic   changes,   Pension   Reforms   and   Absolute   Surplus   Value:   Intertemporal  Exploitation  in  Contemporary  Capitalism    

This  article  proposes  a  Marxian  interpretation  of  contemporary  pension  reforms  around  the  world.  Demographic  changes  that  have  been  happening  since  the  first  industrial  revolution,  in   particular   population   aging,   imply   a   difficulty   in   replenishing   the   labor   force,   due   to  retirement,   in   a   growing   number   of   countries.   This   phenomenon   has   important  consequences  for  the  production  of  value  and  surplus  value,  insofar  as  it  affects  the  inflow  and  outflow  of   labor   power   in   the   circuit   of   capital   as  well   as   the   redistribution   of   social  funds   by   means   of   taxes   and   government   transfers.   These   reforms   of   pension   and   social  security  systems  help  keeping  the  flow  of  labor  power  into  the  circuit  of  capital  for  a  longer  time,   mainly   by   means   of   imposing   an   increased   minimum   retirement   age.   This   work  analyses   this   increased   working   time   as   a   form   of   intertemporal   absolute   surplus-­‐value  extraction.  **Note  to  readers:  there  is  no  Honneth  in  my  paper,  but  I  simply  cannot  get  rid  of  it  from  my  key  words**  

Simon  Mohun          

Class  and  Class  Struggle  in  the  US  economy  1918-­‐2011    

A  Marxist  approach   to  economic  analysis   focuses  on   social   class   rather   than  on   individual  agents.  Class  incomes  depend  upon  a  functional  distribution  of  income,  with  wages  earned  by  workers  and  profits  earned  by  capitalists.  But  even  the  very  richest   in  the  US  economy  earn   a   substantial   portion   of   their   total   income   from   employment.   Wages   do   not   only  accrue   to   the   working   class.   Accounting   for   this   entails   deriving   time   series   (for   the   US  economy  1918-­‐2011)  of  a   tri-­‐partite  classification  of  working  class,  managers  who  depend  upon  their  labour  income,  and  managers  who  could  choose  not  to  be  employed  by  anyone;  or,   for  short,  workers,  managers  and  capitalists.  This  enables  a  quantitative  analysis  of  US  classes  and  their  dynamics  over  nearly  a  century,  which  can  substitute   for   the  more  usual  qualitative  analysis  coupled  with  quantitative  guesswork.  

Lorenza   Monaco          

India,  NCR:  Capital  Strategies  and  Labour  Resistance  in  a  Globalising  Auto  sector  

The  intense  wave  of  Labour  unrest  which  has  substantially  shaken  the  Indian  Sub-­‐continent,  and   the   recently   industrialised   National   Capital   Region   in   particular,   somewhat   leads   to  question  the  ‘India  Shining’  picture  and  poses  difficult  challenges  to  the  newly  elected  Modi  Government.   Undoubtedly,   the   Neoliberal   development   model   pursued   in   the   past   few  decades,  supported  by  a  progressively  globalising  elite,  reveals  a  profound  detachment  from  grassroots  movements  and  Working  Class  demands.  Examples  of  Labour  organisation  in  the  Automotive   sector,   and   the   unprecedented   strikes   which   have   occurred   at   the   Maruti-­‐

Suzuki  Manesar  plant  in  between  2011  and  2012,  represent  a  very  interesting  case  to  look  at   Industrial  Conflict  and  Capital  –  Labour  relations  within  the  Indian  Democracy.   Issues  of  Political   Representativeness,   of   Workers’   Autonomy   vs   traditional   forms   of   Union  organisation  ,  of  sustainability  of  the  implemented  Labour  regime  are  raised,    together  with  an  analysis  of  Capital  onslaught  which,  with  the  active  support  of  the  State,  has  shifted  from  an  initial  attack  to  Workers’  rights  to  an  open,  utter  violation  of  basic  Human  Rights.  

Frederic   Monferrand        

Value-­‐Form  Theory  as  Critical  Social  Ontology    

"In   this  paper,   I  would   like   to   subtantiate   the   following  hypothesis  :   the   various   trends  of  Marx's  Capital  interpretations  that  have  (re-­‐)emerged  these  past  ten  years  under  the  name  of   “value-­‐form   theory”   can  and   should  be   interpreted  as  part  of  an  attempt   to  develop  a  critical  social  ontology.    

Despite   the   deep   differences   that   one   can   highlight   between   the   works   of   Backhaus   and  Rancière  (in  Reading  Capital)  Postone  and  Arthur,  or  Kurz  and  Heinrich,  all  these  researchers  share    an  emphasis  on  the  foundationnal  (rather  than  historical)  aspect  of  the  first  section  of  Marx's  Capital  and  a   critique  of   capitalism   in   terms  of  abstraction   rather   than   in   terms  of  alienation  or  exploitation.  Even  though  some  of  them  refuse  the  very  concept  of  “ontology”,  they  all  tend  to  present  their  work  as  an  attempt  to  grasp  the  “deep  structures”  (Postone;  1993)   or   the   “ontological   ground”   (Arthur;   2004)   of   capitalism.   As   opposed   to   most  contemporary   mainstream   social   ontology   (Searle;   1995),   or   even   to   Western   Marxist  attempts  to  reconstruct  Marx's  ontology  (Lukacs;    1978,  Gould;  1978),  they  are  not  engaged  in  a  description  of  the  transhistorical  features  of  society  but  rather  in  a  historically  specific  analysis  of  how  the  value-­‐form  and  its  process  of  valorization  shape  the  basic  structures  of  social   life.   The   social   ontology   they   sketch   can   thus  be   said   to  be  historical   in   the  double  sense   that   they   apprehend   social   being   as   a   process   rather   than   as   a   substance   and   that  they  argue  that  it   is  only  with  the  capitalist  reification  of  social  structures  that  “the  social”  can  appear  as  an  object  of  ontological  inquiery.    

I   will   try   to   elaborate   on   what   I   take   to   be   to   three   main   features   of   this   critical   social  ontology:  first,  drawing  on  Marx's  theory  of  fetishism,  I  will  show  that  the  value-­‐form  should  be   understood   as   a   structure   of   daily-­‐life   social   experience   in   capitalist   social   formations,  that   is,   as   what   transcendantally   circumscribes   what   is   doable   and   thinkable   under  capitalism.  Therefore,  elaborating  on  Marx's  theory  of  money,  I  will  then  argue  that  a  critical  social  ontology  should  be  a  relationnal  one,  according  to  which  the  conditions  of  possibility  of  social  objectivity  should  not  be   looked  for   in  mental  structures,  as   in  mainstream  social  ontology,   but   rather   in   social   structures.   Finally   I   will   turn   to   Marx's   concept   of   “organic  system”   in   the   Grundrisse   in   order   to   examine   how   a   critical   social   ontology   should  determine  the  interdependance  of  all  the  moments  (production,  consumption,  distribution)  that  constitute  capital  as  a  social   totality   if   it   is   to  account   for   the  differencieted   forms  of  

thesis  by  explaining  how  capitalism  did  not  emerge  in  other  countries,  rather  than  by  taking  one  step  further  and  exploring  the  plurality  of  other  'transitions'.  In  this  context  of  inquiry,  the   case   of   Spain   has   been   truly   neglected,   probably   the   only   exception   being   Julie  Marfany's  very  recent  work  on  the  Catalan  transition  (Marfany,  2012).  Building  and  moving  Brenner's  work,  Marfany  has  begun  to  carve  some  important  inroads  into  what  is  perhaps  a  much  more  complex  transition  to  capitalism.  She  points  out  at  some  stark  contrasts  with  the  English  experience,  like  the  much  larger  role  of  rural  industry  or  Catalonia's  unique  property  relations   (rabassa   morta),   that   sit   uneasily   with   Brenner's   model   of   the   transition.   In  contrast   to  England,  a  much  more  centralised  and  homogenous  country  at   the   time  of   its  transition,  the  Spanish  countryside  is  a  pluriverse  institutional  diversity,  where  parts  of  the  country   experienced   diverging   historical   trajectories   and   almost   every   region   operated  along  unique  property  relations.    

This  paper  will  sketch  the  problematique  of  a  Spanish  transition  to  capitalism,  outlining  the  complexity   of   the   Spanish   case   and   presenting   the   challenges   it   poses.   For   example,   if  Brenner's  model  stresses  the   importance  of  depriving  peasants  of   their  means  of  material  reproduction,  forcing  them  off  the  land,  how  do  we  explain  that  Andalusian  agriculture  has  relied   on   a   huge   mass   of   landless   peasants   since   at   least   the   16th   century?   Does   the  institutional  plurality  of   the  Spanish  case   force  us   to  speak  of   the   transition  as  an  uneven  process,  where  capitalism  'arrived'  in  different  stages,  or  do  we  need  to  focus  on  what  may  have   been   multiple   transitions?   The   paper   will   present   the   Spanish   case,   raise   some  hypotheses  on  these  issues,  and  address  methodological  and  theoretical  questions  on  how  to  theorise  the  transition  to  capitalism  outside  of  England."  

 

Kevin   Morgan          

Cult  and  anti-­‐cult:  Lenin,  Stalin  and  Trotsky  in  the  1920s  

  The   systematic   promotion   of   the   Lenin   cult   can   be   dated   from   immediately   after  Lenin’s   death   in   January   1924.   Conventionally,   the   cult   is   regarded,   correctly,   as   an  instrument  of  bureaucratic  centralisation  and  forerunner  of  the  Stalin  cult  that  was  grafted  onto  Lenin’s  as  Stalin  consolidated  his  grip  on  power.  What  is  less  widely  recognised  is  how  far  Trotsky,   like  other   leading  Bolsheviks,   also   lent  his   voice   to   the   Lenin   cult,   and   indeed  had   helped   in   paving   the   way   for   it   even   during   Lenin’s   lifetime.   In   exploring   these  conflicting  uses  of  Lenin’s  legacy,  this  paper  describes  how  Leninism  as  the  cult  of  party  was  used   to   isolate   Trotsky,   while   Trotsky   himself   sought   to   focus   on   the   qualities   of  revolutionary   leadership   with   which   he   no   less   than   Lenin   was   universally   identified.   The  broader   issue   raised   is   that   of   why   the   left,   including   disparate   strands   of   Marxism,   has  proved  so  susceptible  to  the  cult  of  the  individual.  The  more  specific  issue  is  that  of  how  far  Trotsky’s  failure  to  contest  this  terrain,  if  not  indeed  that  of  Lenin  himself,  facilitated  Stalin’s  deployment  of  this  instrument  which  became  so  central  to  the  political  culture  of  Stalinism.  

Chana  Morgenstern          

Committed  Literature  in  a  Partitioned  Land:  The  al-­‐Jadid  Communist  Journal  and  the  Making  of  a  Palestinian  and  Arab-­‐Jewish  Literary  Culture  in  1950’s  Israel/Palestine    

In  the  1950s  and  1960s,  a  group  of  young  Palestinian  and  Arab-­‐Jewish  (Mizrahi)  Communist  writers—who   would   later   become   prominent   poets   and   authors   in   Israel   and   Palestine—began   their   careers   as   editors   and   writers   for   the   Arabic   arts   and   literature   magazine   al-­‐Jadid,  a  cultural  arm  of  the  Israeli  communist  party.    Palestinian  writers  such  as  Mahmoud  Darwish,  Emile  Habibi,  Hana  Ibrahim  and  Emile  Tuma  and  Arab-­‐Jewish  (Mizrahi)  writers  such  as  Sami  Michael,  Shimon  Ballas  and  Sasson  Somekh  coalesced  around  the  journal  as  a  space  in   which   they   could   engage   in   the   formation   of   a   Communist   cultural   front   to   preserve  Arabic  culture  and  combat  the  developing  milieu  of  Zionism  and  partition  in  Israel/Palestine.    This  paper  will  trace  the  literary  history  of  this  community  of  writers  and  their  works,  paying  special  attention  to  the  cultural  program  that  the  journal  developed  and  the  way  in  which  this  program  catalyzed  literary  production  in  the  journal.    Through  an  analysis  of  articles  and  manifestos,  I  will  show  how  the  journal  advanced  an  aesthetic  program  that  advocated  for  the  development  of  a  committed,  internationalist  and  socialist  realist  Arabic  literature  that  reimagined  notions  of  Arab-­‐Jewish  collectivity.  By  uncovering  and  examining  the  lost  literary  archive   of   al-­‐Jadid,   I   demonstrate   the   way   in   which   the   joint   literature   that   the   journal  fostered  provides  us  with  critical  proof  of  an  anti-­‐partition  resistance  culture  rooted  in  the  local  development  of  Arab  Marxist  and  decolonizing  practices.    This  literature  is  an  integral  but   under-­‐researched   part   of   the   root   system   of   Arab-­‐Jewish   (Mizrahi)   and   Palestinian  literatures   in   Israel/Palestine.    We  need  only  consider   the   impact  of  writers   such  as  Emile  Habibi,  Mahmoud  Darwish,  Shimon  Ballas  and  Sami  Michael  on  the  intellectual  history  and  literature   of   Palestine   and   Israel   to   understand   the   import   of   their   common   political   and  cultural  foundations.    The  literary  history  of  al-­‐Jadid  challenges  the  canonical  separation  of  these  writers  into  two  hostile  literary  camps,  and  allows  us  to  see  their  common  roots  in  a  Marxist,  anti-­‐partition  literature  that  greatly  impacted  subsequent  generations  of  Israeli  and  Palestinian  writers.  

 

Fred  Moseley  

Introduction  to  the  English  translation  of  Marx’s  Manuscript  of  1863-­‐65  

   Marx’s  only   full   draft  of  Volume  3  of  Capital  was  written   in   the  Economic  Manuscript  of  1863-­‐65.    Marx’s   “Book   III”  manuscript  was  heavily   edited  by   Engels   for   the   first  German  edition  of  Volume  3   in  1894.     It  has  been  a   long-­‐standing  question   in  Marxian  scholarship  concerning   how   much   did   Engels   change   Marx’s   manuscript   and   are   there   significant  differences  between  the  two.    Marx’s  original  manuscript  was  published  for  the  first  time  in  German  in  1992  in  the  Marx/Engels  Gesamtausgabe  (MEGA),  Section  II,  Volume  4.2,  and  this  

important   manuscript   has   now   been   translated   into   English   (by   Ben   Fowkes)   and   will   be  published  by  Brill.    I  am  the  editor  of  the  translation  and  have  written  an  Introduction,  which  highlights   the   main   differences   between   Marx’s   original   manuscript   and   Engels’   edited  Volume  3,  in  my  view.    My  paper  will  be  this  Introduction.  

Baris   Mucen          

Constructing  the  Object  of  Analysis  through  the  Category  of  Labour  

"In   my   presentation   I   will   attempt   to   show   in   which   ways   Marx’s   methodology   was  constructed   through   the   category   of   labour,   yet   in   many   of   the   Marxist   (or   non-­‐Marxist)  critical   studies   it  was   put   into  work   through   the   category   of   capital.   I  will   argue   that   this  methodological   shift   took   place   in   favor   of   a   scientific   analysis   of   the   formation   of   the  existing   social   inequalities   (in   economic   or   non-­‐economic   forms).   Without   negating   the  critical  power  of  such  studies   I  will  problematize  them  by  showing  the  ways   in  which  they  reduce  the  socio-­‐historical  reality  to  the  social  relations  and  process  that  are  constructed  as  an  object  of  analysis  through  the  category  of  capital  (i.e.  in  which  ways  the  analytical  object  presents   a   reality   subsumed   by   the   category   of   capital.).   Moishe   Postone   developed   a  similar   critique   of   Marxist   studies   that   focused   on   ‘modes   of   distribution’   early   on   in   his  work  Time,  Labor,  and  Social  Domination.  Yet  he  also  analyzed  the  category  of  labour  in  its  historical   form  within  the  relations  of  capital.   In  my  presentation  I  will  particularly  analyze  Lukacs’   late   texts   in   which   he   tries   to   develop   the   concept   of   labour   as   an   ontological  category.  Without  getting   into  a  debate  whether  we  can  consider   labour  as  an  ontological  category  or  not,  my  aim  will  be  to  see  its  methodological  consequences:  how  to  construct  an  object  of  analysis  through  the  category  of  labour.  This  attempt  involves  neither  giving  a  central   position   to   the   labourer   (as   a   subject   position),   nor   focusing   on   the   material  production  processes.   Instead,   I  will   reconsider  our  main  categories  and  concepts  (such  as  temporality,  knowledge,  fact,  historicity)  that  we  use  while  constructing  objects  of  analysis  through  the  category  of  capital.    

Marieke   Mueller          

How  the  Bourgeoisie  survives:  class  and  collective  subjectivities  in  Sartre’s  later  work    

"This   paper   examines   Jean-­‐Paul   Sartre’s   theory   of   class,   focussing   particularly   on   the  theorisation  of  the  bourgeoisie   in   'L’Idiot  de   la  famille'   (1971-­‐2),  his  biography  of  Flaubert.  My  paper  will   argue   that   Sartre’s   concern  with   the   reproduction  of   the  bourgeoisie   in  his  later   texts   suggests   the   formation   of   a   conception   of   class   subjectivity   which   combines  elements  of  class  consciousness  and  ideology  and  which  further  often  resonates  with  Pierre  Bourdieu’s  theory  of  class,  despite  the  latter’s  well-­‐known  criticism  of  'L’Idiot'.    

Whilst  'L’Idiot'  upholds  the  fundamental  concepts  of  Sartre’s  earlier  notion  of  class,  such  as  the  absence  of  any  organic  class  unity,  my  paper  will  suggest  that  'L’Idiot'  re-­‐evaluates  the  social  realm,  marking  a  shift  towards  collective  subjectivities.  Sartre’s  analysis  of  the  school  

system  as  conveyor  of  ‘serialized  competition’  (opposed  to  Flaubert’s  feudal  attitude),  and  Sartre’s  recurrent  reference  to  the  idea  of  ‘distinction’  will  serve  to  highlight  the  presence  of  opposed  class  subjectivities  in  'L’Idiot'  and  to  further  suggest  a  pre-­‐figuration  of  Bourdieu’s  thought.    

The  theory  of  generations  in  Sartre’s  later  work  will  then  be  interpreted  as  part  of  the  same  concern,  namely  to  theorise  the  coming-­‐into-­‐being  and  the  re-­‐generation  of  bourgeois  class  subjectivity.  My  paper  will  conclude  that  Sartre’s  historical  and  theoretical  interest  in  class  is  further   inscribed   in   his   concern   for   the   political   situation   after   1968,   again   suggesting   a  convergence  of  interests  between  Sartre  and  Bourdieu."  

Andrew   Murray          

Socialised  and  Specialised  Labour  on  the  Charterhouse  of  Champmol    

The   sculptural   program   of   the   Charterhouse   of   Champmol   (built   c.   1370-­‐1410)   has   been  argued  by  many  to  have  been  the  most  innovative  and  influential  in  northern  Europe  in  the  late  fourteenth-­‐  and  early  fifteenth-­‐centuries.  Its  sculpture  was  often  life-­‐size,  fully  rounded  or   in   deep   relief,   highly   naturalised   and   comprised   complex   combinations   of   materials.  Previous  art-­‐historians  have  argued  that  the  key  condition  for  this  sculpture  were  the  talent  and  skills  and  of  the  sculptors.  But  this  ‘skill’  has  been  inadequately  theorised  either  as  their  ‘genius’,   or   as   the   ‘freedom’   provided   to   them  by   the   long-­‐term  patronage  of   the  Valois-­‐Burgundian   dukes.   By   closely   examining   the   receipts   and   account   entry   records   of   the  Charterhouse,  this  paper  will  provide  an  alternative  understanding  of  skill:  that  it  involves  a  combination  of  socialised  labour  (the  need  for  sculptors  to  interact  with  other  workers)  and  specialised  labour  (defined  as  managerial  authority  being  devolved  to  sculptors  themselves,  rather  than  seeing  their  work  directed  by  masons).  Such  an  understanding  of  skill  gives  us  some  insights  into  the  appearance  of  the  sculpture  of  the  Champmol.  But  it  also  allows  us  to  periodize  it  to  the  intensified  division  of  labour  developing  in  the  towns  of  Northern  Europe  in  the  fourteenth  century,  the  towns  where  these  sculptors  were  initially  trained.  

Matthew      Myers          

Cars,  Crisis,  Conflict:  British  car  workers  in  the  1970s  and  the  unmaking  of  the  British  working  class    

This   paper   focuses   on   the   experiences   of   British   car   workers   during   the   global   economic  crisis   in   the   1970s   using   a   social   historical   perspective.   At   its   heart   are   the   everyday  experiences   of   work,   political   agitation,   and   shop-­‐floor   conflicts,   which   characterised   the  British   car   industry   in   the   1970s.   As   the   British   car   industry   attempted   to   confront  competition  from  overseas  and  decreasing  profits  at  home,  conflicts  over   jobs,  conditions,  and   wage-­‐rates   affected   the   whole   industry,   and   provided   one   of   the   key   industrial  battlegrounds.   The   shift   from   a   militant,   confident,   and   well   organised   network   of   car  workers  across  Britain  in  the  late  1960s  to  a  weakened  and  neutered  one  in  the  mid  1980s  

has  hereto  been  largely  an  undervalued  aspect  of  our  industrial  history,  yet  which  has  many  lessons   over   how   workers   confront   capitalism’s   attempt   to   restore   profitability   to   the  system.  Through  analysing  the  specific  historical  experience  of  British  car  workers  during  the  1970s  crisis  we  can  better  understand   this  global  process.  The  paper  will   also  explore   the  role  of  revolutionary  politics  within  the  industry,  the  role  of  gender   inside  and  outside  the  car  factories,  and  attempt  to  draw  lessons  for  present  struggles.  

Miryam   Nacimento.          

Capital  accumulation  in  the  Alternative  Development  industry  and  the  reproduction  of  drug  policies  in  Peru  

"The   current   international   drug   regime   has   established   a   variety   of   measures   aimed   at  suppressing   the  production,  distribution  and  consumption  of   cocaine.  Coca   leaves  are   the  raw   material   for   this   illicit   substance,   which   is   traditionally   grown   by   a   large   number   of  peasants  (cocaleros)  in  the  Andean  region.  In  order  to  limit  their  production  diverted  to  the  illegal  market,  Alternative  Development  policies  have  been  promoted  by  the  United  Nations  and  implemented  by  coca  growing  countries   like  Peru,  Bolivia  and  Ecuador  for  the  past  20  years.   These   interventions   have   sought   alternatives   for   the   cultivation   of   illegal   crops   by  promoting   broad   “sustainable   rural   development”   strategies   directed   to   coca-­‐growing  peasants.    

In   this   context,  and   following   the  “shared   responsibility”  principle,  big  amounts  of   foreign  aid  have  been  directed  to  fund  Alternative  Development  programs  in  Peru.  Donors  like  the  United  Nations,  the  United  States  and  the  European  Union  have  played  a  central  role  in  the  implementation  of  these  programs.  However,  over  the  years  evidence  confirms  that  despite  AD   interventions  have   caused   some   reductions   in  drug   crop   cultivation,   this  has  occurred  only  within  specific  areas  and  without  having  a  deeper  impact  in  global  drug  supply.  

In   this   presentation   I   will   address   the   problem   of   the   inertial   reproduction   of   ineffective  drug  control  policies  like  Alternative  Development  by  analyzing  its  relationships  with  foreign  aid   dynamics   in   the   Andean   countries.   I   will   examine   the   Alternative   Development   policy  model   as   an   industry  where  different   fractions  of   capital   steaming   from   the   international  cooperation   institutions,   governmental   agencies,   civil   society   advocates   and   cocalero  organizations  meet   in  complex  (and  uneasy)  ways.  As   I  will  show,  these  different  fractions  struggle,   negotiate   and   organize   a   particular   form   of   capital   accumulation   that   ends   up  allowing  and  nurturing  the  drug  policy  inertia.    

I  will  discuss  these  matters  by  focusing  my  analysis  on  the  implementation  of  an  Alternative  Development  program  located  in  Satipo,  a  longstanding  coca  growing  region  in  Peru.  First,  I  will  depict  the  everyday  practices  of  the  different  actors  involved  in  the  implementation  of  this  program.  In  doing  so,  I  will  also  explain  the  organic  relations  of  capital  formation  within  which  each  of  these  actors  are  embedded.    Secondly,  I  will  analyze  the  different  narratives  

about   Alternative   Development   that   are   advanced   by   these   actors   and   how   they   are  informed  and  recreated  through  their  everyday  interaction.    Finally,  I  will  link  both  aspects  in   order   to   examine   how   these   interactions   are   framed   in   a   particular   form   of   capital  accumulation   that   ends   up   supporting   the   perpetuation   of   the   Alternative   Development  industry.    

In   this   way,   my   analysis   will   seek   to   explain   the   reproduction   of   this   policy   model   by  disentangling  its  internal  organic  properties  as  well  as  the  common  senses  that  are  present  in  the  dynamic  governing  of  the  Alternative  Development  industry.  In  doing  so,  I  will  use  a  neo   Gramscian   theoretical   approach,   which   acknowledges   the   capitalist   conditions   of  existence   underlying   every   social   practice.   In   this   sense,   I   will   highlight   the   interactions  between  ideas  and  its  material  circumstances  as  well  as  the  way  in  which  these  interactions  help   to   reproduce  a  particular   type  of   drug   control   policies,   like  Alternative  Development  interventions."  

Selim   Nadi          

Why  do  we  need  an  indigenous  party  in  France?  

In  January  2005,  several  anti-­‐racist  activists  and  organizations  send  out  a  call   (“l'Appel  des  Indigènes   de   la   République”).   This   call   is   the   founding   document   of   the   Mouvement   des  Indigènes  de  la  République  (M.I.R)  which  became  the  Parti  des  Indigènes  de  la  République  (P.I.R)   in  2010.  The  project  of  the  M.I.R/P.I.R  was  not  to  build  a   lobby  but  to  create  a  real  political  force  for  the  non-­‐whites  in  France  and  a  grassroots  popular  movement  .  In  France,  non-­‐whites   are   excluded  by   the   political   system  and   this   is   the   basis   of  what   Sadri   Khiari  called  the  neo-­‐indigeneity   (néo-­‐indigénat,   in  reference  to  the  oppressive  status  of  colonial  subjects  in  the  French  Empire).  The  main  French  parties  –  both  from  the  right  and  from  the  left  –  have    pursued  policies  that  are  more  and  more  against  the  interest  of  the  non-­‐white  population.  This   is  why  the  creation  of   the  P.I.R  was  a  political  necessity;  although  a   large  part  of  the  left  criticize  the  P.I.R  because  they  think  that   it   is  a  “racialist”  organization  and  not  an  anticapitalist  one.  The  creation  of  the  P.I.R  put  the  concept  of  “social-­‐race”  into  the  French   political   field   which   was   obsessed   by   the   “class   question”   in   an   abstract   way   and  totally   forget   the   “race”   in   the   struggle   (this   is   why   a   lot   of   non-­‐white   from   the   french  banlieues   consider   the   french   left   as   “traitors”).   In   front   of   the   P.I.R   the   French   left   is  politically   and   theoretically   disarmed   :   they   do   not   understand   why   is   the   P.I.R   –   an  autonomous  non-­‐white  organization  –  necessary  to  fight  capitalism  and  to  show  how  race  contributes   to   the   perpetuation   of   capitalism.   The   goal   of   this   organization   was   to  contribute   to   a   new   popular   bloc   congenial   to   the   interests   of   non-­‐white   people   in   the  French  Metropolis   and   to   analyze   racism   in   a  materialist  way,   a  way   that   the   French   left  does  not  understand.  The  moralistic  version  of  antiracism  conveyed  by  the  French  left,  that  the  latter  asserts  against  the  PIR's  analyses  ,  is  a  true  nemesis  for  struggles  led  by  people  of  color.   This   is   partly  due   to   the  overwhelming   French   left   ideology   according   to  which   the  main  problem  is  to  fight  capitalism  –  which  “has  no  color”    –  and  that  organizing  non-­‐white  

people  is  not  an  anti-­‐capitalist  struggle  but  just  a  “cultural  struggle”  or  identity-­‐politics.  The  main   accusation   against   the   P.I.R   was   the   accusation   of   “communautarisme”   (this   word  does  not  exist   in   the  english  vocabulary  but   can  be   translated  by   “cultural-­‐sectarianism”),  but  the  P.I.R   is  not  a  cultural  organization,   it   is  a  political  one  which   is   focusing   it  struggle  against   racism  as  a   system   (which  was   theorized,   in   the  French  context,  by  Sadri  Khiari,   a  Tunisian  activist  and  a  former  member  of  the  4th  International)  and  is  taking  distance  with  the  dogmatic   and   colorblind  notion  of   “class”   in   the   French   context   –   certainly   not   doing  away  with   the   relevance  of   class  as   such,  as   the  Party's  political  project   is  a   coalition  and  hegemonic   bloc   with   white   popular   classes.   Analyzing   the   history   of   the   P.I.R   is   very  important   to   show   how   this   organization   put   the   race   question   in   the   French   marxist  political  field.  

Jonathan   Neale          

From  Copenhagen  to  Paris   -­‐   the  climate   justice  movement  and  the  contradictions  of   ruling  class  climate  strategies  

"How  does  the  climate  justice  movement  respond  to  the  Paris  COP?  We  start  with  the  ruling  class.   To   halt   runaway   climate   change   will   require   leaving   the   carbon   in   the   ground,  extensive   government   regulation,   and   massive   public   works   programmes.   (Climate   jobs  campaigns  are  an  attempt  to  do  this  sooner  rather   than   later.)  The  ruling  class  know  this.  They  also  understand  the  science.  And  they  own  the  world  –  they  don't  want  to  wreck  it.  

But  they  are  paralysed  because  massive  public  works  and  regulation  would  mean  the  end  of  the  neoliberal  project.  And  since  2008  the  pressures  of  increased  international  competition  rule  out  the  extra  expense  for  any  competing  national  capital.   In  addition,  those  based  on  high  carbon  corporations  want  no  action  on  all.  

The   ruling   class   are   divided,   confused,   and   face  pressure   from  organised   scientists,  NGOs  and  a  wider  public.  So  greenwash  is  piled  upon  contradiction.  And  the  outcome  of  Paris  will  be   terrible.   The   danger   is   repeating   the   demoralisation   after   Copenhagen.   So   the   climate  movement  needs  a  response  big  enough  to  say  this   is  only  the  beginning  of  the  fight.  The  talk  will  report  on  the  state  of  play  on  this  by  November."  

John   Nescher          

The  Spatial  Dimension  of  Historical  Materialism:On  Chinese  Experiences    

"China  is  now  experiencing  a  spatial    fixing  of  its  capital.  The  capital  needs  space  in    physical  ,social  or  spiritual  state.  Although  there  are  differences  between  the  capitalist  and  socialist  countries,   but   the   capital   seems   more   similar,   and   it   plays   a   great   role   than   before   in  socialist  countries  .    It  seemed  that  the  economic    crisis  is  lasting  with  spatial  fixing  over  the  world  and  it  is  obvious  that  china  is  effected.  

       We   should   have   a   spatial   perspective   in   historical   materialism.   (1)The   production  becomes  spatial  production  in  contemporary.  Urbanization  is  import  in  present  China.(2)The  class  struggle  may  becomes  street  and  landscape  struggle.  The  fighting  for  stability  in  street  is   more   important   in   present   China.   The   stability     is   based   on   the   spatial  management.(3)Space  and  society  is  the  key  relation    in  developing  socialism  with  Chinese  characteristic   .   With   the   help   of   the   capital   and   without   the   hurting   of   capital,   Chinese  should  have  a  new  location  of   its  society.(4)The  struggling  for  public  space   is   important   in    understanding  new  dimension    of    historical  materialism.  Spatial  justice  and  the  right  to  city  in  China   is   the  key  element   in  building  democracy   .  We  should  pay  more  attention  on  the  capital  role  in  struggling  for  geography.  (5)Going  to  urban  society:  An  new  step  for  Chinese  construction  of  its  socialist  building.  There  is  new  discourse  to  describe  the  present  situation  of   China.And   there   should   be   a   new   urban   society   model   than   the   countryside   one   for  looking  into  future  of  China.  

       The  new  situation  in  China    is  important  for  the  contemporary  development  of  historical  materialism  .  Especially  there  are  some  spatial  strategy  in  contemporary  China,  such  as  rural  areas   encircling   the   cities,   the   rural   household   contract   responsibility   system,   the  urbanization,  the  integration  of  urban  and  rural  areas.  Maybe  the  spatial  perspective  is  the  key   to   understand   Chinese   development   and   it   is   important   to   develop   historical  materialism."  

Immanuel  Ness  

South  African  Mineworkers  and  Class  Struggle  Unionism  

Paper  chronicles  and  critically  examines  the  formation  of  new  worker  organizations  in  South  Africa’s  mining  sector  from  1998  to  the  present.    In  the  mining  sector,  migrant  and  local  workers  are  paid  low  wages,  live  in  poverty,  and  work  in  grueling  and  dangerous  jobs.    Workers  are  resisting  through  joining  autonomous  general  assemblies  and  engaging  in  sit-­‐down  strikes,  often  without  the  support  of  the  National  Mine  Union.    Examination  and  analysis  of  democratic  workers  struggles,  workplace  and  community  mobilization,  class-­‐struggle  unionism,  Marikana  massacre,  COSATU,  NUMSA,  Amcu,  and  new  union  formations,  and  historic  twenty  week  platinum  strike  in  2014.  

 

Barbara   Neukirchinger          

Critical  Theory,  Poststructuralism  and  the  intersection  of  gender  and  disability  

"In  this  paper  I  will  discuss  the  interlocking  of  gender  and  disability  within  a  framework  that  draws   together  Critical   Theory,   Poststructuralism,   and   Intersectionality.  While   gender   and  disability   generate   special   forms  of  discrimination,   feminist   disability   studies,   that   focuses  on  commonalities   regarding   identity  politics,  experiences  of  oppression  or  a   cultural  body  history,  is  still  at  the  beginning.  My  aim  is  to  broaden  this  research  with  an  examination  of  

structural   socio-­‐economic   conditions   by   using   the   Critical   Theory   of   Adorno   and  Horkheimer.  

I  want  to  investigate,  if  these  approaches  can  be  combined  for  a  comprehensive  analysis  of  inequality,  because  poststructural  and  intersectional  influenced  ideas  are  often  seem  to  lack  a  profound  analysis  of  capitalist  structures.  Critical  Theory   is  characterised  by  a  distinctive  socio-­‐critical  and  economic-­‐based  analysis  of  underlying  structures,  but  is  often  evaluated  as  overly   generalising   in   portraying   contemporary   societies.   Simultaneously   poststructural  theories  provide  a  finer  picture  of  social  differences  and  the  consequential  power  relations.    

Therefore,   the   research  project   strives   to  assess  how  the  association  of   these  approaches  can   advance   the   understanding   of   the   interlocking   of   gender   and   disability   in   neoliberal  society  and  the  influence  of  structural  factors,  how  theoretical  oppositions  can  be  overcome  to  contribute  to  prevailing  approaches  in  (feminist)  disability  studies."  

Patrick    Neveling          

The   flexibility   of   accumulation   before   "flexible   accumulation":   cornerstones   for   a   post-­‐fictional  historical  anthropology  of  the  twentieth  century  capitalist  world-­‐system    

I  argue  that  mainstream  assessments  of  the  rise  of  neoliberalism  are  highly  problematic  for  two  reasons.  First,  neoliberalism  did  not  appear  as  a  watershed   in   the  world-­‐system  after  the  1970s  global  crisis,  as  many  macro-­‐approaches  would  have  it.  Instead,  if  we  can  speak  of  a  neoliberal  model  at  all,   this  emerged   in   the  1930s  and  became  powerful   via  US  policies  towards  the  Global  South.  Since  the  US-­‐Truman  administration's  Point  Four  program  of  the  late   1940s   policies   were   about   maintaining,   and   not   establishing,   deregulated   labour  relations  and  "off-­‐hands"  postcolonial  policies  towards  multinational  corporations.  Notions  of   a   global   emergence   of   neoliberalism   are   then,   at   best,   Western-­‐centric   orientalisms.  Second,   the   global   spread   of   export   processing   zones   (EPZs)   and   special   economic   zones  (SEZs)  is  often  propagated  as  one  of  the  defining  features  of  a  global  shift  in  the  1970s.  This  is  often  associated  with  a  rise  of  Newly  Industrialised  Countries  (NIC)  in  East  and  Southeast  Asia.   A   concise   enquiry   of   the   spread   of   such   zones   on   a   global   scale   and   in   particular  national   settings   reveals   two   very   different   periodisations,   however.   The  world's   first   EPZ  was  set  up  in  Puerto  Rico  in  1947.  Similar  policies  spread  rapidly  in  the  1950s.  If  we  consider  the   impact   of   these   policies   on   the   ground,   it   is   evident   that   the   shift   from   Fordism   to  neoliberalism  that  is  so  central  to  macro-­‐models  in  anthropology,  never  actually  happened.  What   is   called  neoliberal  was   instead  a   slight   revision  of  existing  colonial  policies   in  many  nations  of  the  Global  South.  

Mirko  Nikolic  

"All  That  Is  Air  Melts  Into  City".  Sketches  of  a  “flat  ontological”  political  economy  

How   do   we   bring   nonhuman   entities   into   the   social,   or   how   do   we   forge   “collectives   of  humans   and   nonhumans”   [Latour,   2000]?   This   is,   in   my   view,   one   of   the   key   political  questions   for   the   Anthropocene   and   beyond.   More   than   giving   “voice”   to   nonhumans,  through   my   doctoral   research   I   explore   aesthetic   modes   of   making   tangible   labour   of  nonhumans   that   is   invisible   in   humans’   economy   and   inventing   possible   ways   of   working  together   with   them.   The   aim   of   this   endeavour   is   not   an   economic   product,   not   even   a  social   relation   (immaterial   labour),   instead   it   is   conjunction,   “[to]   enter   into   relation  with  entities  not  composed  of  our  matter,  not  speaking  our   language,  and  not  reducible  to  the  communication   of   discreet,   verbal,   or   digital   signs.”   [Berardi,   2012]   As   such,   this   practice  tries   to   deterritorialize   away   from   semio-­‐capitalism   into   the   realm  of   political   ecology,   to  imagine  a  “politics  of  vital  materialism”  [Bennett,  2010].  

In  my   recent  art/research  project  All   That   Is  Air  Melts   Into  City   I  have   tackled   the   idea  of  political/economic   representation  of   carbon-­‐dioxide   (CO2),   the  crucial   greenhouse  gas  yet  intangible  to  our  senses.  The  project  is  a  materialisation  of  the  circulation  of  carbon-­‐dioxide  through  human  and  non-­‐human  ecologies.  

Carbon-­‐dioxide   takes  a  panoply  of   shapes  as   it  moves  between  air,   animal  bodies,  plants,  rocks,  combustion  engines,  and  further.  Recently  it  has  become  an  economic  figure  too,  the  main   protagonist   of   the   European   Union   Emission   Trading   Scheme   (EU   ETS),   electronic  financial  market  for  trading  in  “allowances”  to  release  tonnes  of  CO2  into  the  atmosphere  -­‐  European   Emission   Allowances,   or   simply   “carbon   stocks”.   This   market’s   logic   is   complex  and  its  movements  are  hard  to  discern  almost  as  it  is  difficult  to  see  the  molecules  of  CO2  in  the  sky.  Yet,  this  market  is  materially  sited  in  the  City  of  London,  and  the  greenhouse  effect  is  real.    

Through  a  performative  walk  across  London,   I  have  enacted  a   series  of  potential   financial  exchanges   of   carbon   stocks   at   a   human   pace.   At   the   same   time,   I   have   tracked   the  photosynthetic  activity  of  the  vegetation  in  the  city,  the  effective  volumes  of  CO2  in  the  air,  and  paralleled  this  with  live  streamed  financial  data  about  the  trading  of  the  carbon  stock.  These  different   types  of   information  have  been   streamed  near-­‐live  on  an  online  platform  thus  bringing  together  a  multitude  of  actors  that  are  not  (yet)  economically  and  politically  related.  The  electronic  stock  market,  the  photosynthetic  labour  of  trees  and  movements  of  the  air  are  assembled  and  represented  together,  thus  revealing  the  present  disjunctions  but  also  possible  conjunctions.    

This   is   but   one  of   the   tentative   steps   in   reimagining  our   political   economy   in   the   time  of  climate   change,   and   I   would   like   to   share   it   with   the   public   of   the   Historical   Materialism  conference  and  discuss  possible  ways  of  moving  this  artistic/theoretical  research  further.  

More  information  about  the  project  at>  http://allthatisairmeltsintocity.cc/  

 

August  Nimtz          

The  Bolsheviks  Come  to  Power:  A  New  Interpretation    

"Three  years  after  the  Bolshevik-­‐led  triumph  in  October  1917,  Lenin  wrote  that  his  party’s  “participation”   in   the   four   Russian   State   Dumas   between   1906   and   1915   was  “indispensable”   in   that   success.         A   detailed   reading   of   that   experience   supports   Lenin’s  claim  as  well  as  making  it  possible  to  connect  for  the  first  time  the  dots  between  Marx  and  Engels’s  electoral/parliamentary  strategy  and  what  the  Bolsheviks  carried  out  in  the  October  Revolution.     This   is   a  distillation  of   the  evidence  presented   in  my   recently  published   two-­‐volume  book,*Lenin’s  Electoral  Strategy:  The  Ballot,  the  Streets—or  Both.    *"  

Tony   Norfield          

Capitalist  Power:  Fictitious  Capital,  Corporations  and  Finance    

The  financial  system  both  reflects  capitalist  economic  power  and  is  a  means  of  reinforcing  it.  This   is   shown   not   simply   in   the   subordination   of   debtors   (countries,   companies   or  individuals)  in  a  'credit  crunch',  but,  more  importantly,  in  the  regular,  day-­‐to-­‐day  operations  of   the   financial   system.   Such   power   is   wielded   not   only   by   banks   and   other   financial  institutions,   but   also   by   the   state   and   all   kinds   of   capitalist   company.   Modern   capitalism  takes  a  financial  form,  one  that  marshals  society's  resources  for  the  benefit  of  the  few.  This  paper  details  the  main  forms  in  which  this  happens  today,  analysing  the  international  flow  of  funds,  the  foreign  exchange,  bond  and  equity  markets  and  explaining  the  central  role  of  what   Marx   called   'fictitious   capital'   (financial   securities).   It   will   examine   how   the   major  imperialist   countries   dominate   global   financial   markets   and   are   able   to   use   these   to  appropriate  surplus  value  from  the  rest  of  the  world  economy.  

Diana   O'Dwyer  &  Eileen   Connolly      

Internationalising   Gramsci’s   Concept   of   the   Integral   State   in   a   Neoliberal   Capitalist   Era:  NGOs  and  Outsourcing  the  State    

"This  paper  integrates  Gramsci’s  concept  of  the  integral  capitalist  state  as  a  dialectical  unity  of   political   and   civil   society  with   his   dual   concept   of   passive   revolution,   in   the   context   of  transnationalising  neoliberal  capitalism.  Tracing  the  evolution  of  the  integral  capitalist  state  via   two   interlinked   passive   revolutions   –   neoliberal   restructuring   of   established   capitalist  states   from   the   1980s   and   the   concurrent   intensified   globalisation   of   neoliberal   capitalist  state  forms  flowing  from  the  (re-­‐)establishment  of  capitalism  in  formerly  Stalinist  states  –  it  argues   that   contrary   to   social-­‐democratic   accounts   of   a   ‘retreat’   of   the   state,   the  relationship  of  political  and  civil  society  in  the  integral  state  has  instead  been  reconfigured.  One   important   way   this   has   occurred   is   through   the   outsourcing,   initially   of   service,   and  later  of  policy  and   ideological   functions   from  political   society/government  to  government-­‐supported  civil  society  organisations  or  NGOs.    

This   has   helped   capitalism   to   survive   by   further   constraining   the   already   severely   limited  autonomy   of   civil   society   from   capitalist   interests,   tightening   the   integration   of   civil   and  political  society,  and  reinforcing  civil  society’s  hegemonic  role  of  continually  (re-­‐)legitimising  the   capitalist   state   and   the   class   relations   it   maintains.   Politically,   it   offers   the   increased  ‘flexibility’  and  political  deniability  of  subcontracted  governance,  at  a  time  when  public  trust  in   NGOs   also   far   exceeds   that   in   governments,   political   parties   or   corporations.  Economically,  it  reinforces  a  non-­‐profit  tier  within  the  economic  base,  characterised  by  low  wages  and  conditions.  This   reduces  costs   for   the  state  and   the  social  demands  on  capital,  while  enabling  these  relations  of  production  to  be  justified  ideologically  vis-­‐à-­‐vis  NGOs’  non-­‐profit  or  charitable  purpose.    

Drawing  on  original   research   into   the   international  NGO  campaigns   to  ban   landmines  and  cluster  munitions,  the  paper  shows  how  this  closer   integration  of  civil  and  political  society  has   worked   to   legitimise   a   Western-­‐dominated   international   capitalist   order   and   the  Western-­‐dominated  world  military  order   that   sustains   it.  Western-­‐based  NGOs  working   in  ‘partnership’  with  Western  governments  are  key  actors  in  this,  both  domestically  and  in  the  South,   where   together   with   local   ‘partner’   NGOs,   they   insinuate   Western-­‐based  transnational   capitalist   interests   within   peripheral   and   semi-­‐peripheral   states.   This  reinforces   historical   processes   of   uneven   and   combined   development   and   helps   create  international  ideological  support  for  an  international  capitalist  order  that  remains  Western-­‐dominated.   Such   transnational   ‘NGOisation’   represents   a   largely   neglected   dimension   of  both  the  ‘internationalisation  of  the  state’  and  comprador  capitalism."  

Blair   Ogden          

What  is  Divine  Violence?  Towards  a  Definitive  Account   "‘Benjamin’s   remarks   about  divine   violence   are   too   condensed,   opaque   and   elliptical   to   interpret   in   any   definitive  manner.’  

Jay  Bernstein,  Violence:  Thinking  Without  Banisters  (20013)    

Today   there   is   still   little   consensus   about  what  Walter  Benjamin   actually  meant  by  divine  violence.  Commentators  disagree  over   three  simple  questions.  Who   is   the  agent  of  divine  violence?  Is  it  necessarily  lethal?  Is  it  ethical?  My  paper  will  outline  (and  defend)  a  plausible  philosophical   interpretation   of   what   Benjamin   meant   by   divine   violence.   The   Critique   of  Violence   provides   us   with   two   quasi-­‐definitions   of   the   term.   One   thing   we   know   with  certainty   is  what   it   is   not:   Benjamin   clearly   states   that   divine   violence   is   the   antithesis   of  mythic   violence.     Another   strategy   employed   by   Benjamin   is   to   define   divine   violence   by  examining  its  consequences:  one  of  its  consequences  is  that  it  destroys  the  law;  another  one  of   its   consequences   is   that   it   expiates   guilt   from  human  beings  etc.   Rather   than   trying   to  improve   upon   these   quasi-­‐definitions   I  will   argue   that  we   should   be   asking   a  much  more  interesting  philosophical  question:  namely:  how  is  divine  violence  actually  possible?  In  other  

function.   Its   aim   is   to   reveal   the   ”upside   down   turned   world”   of   capitalist   production  relations,  a  world  which  is  created  by  the  fetishisms  of  commodity  economy.  In  this  respect,  Marx’s   idea   of   dialectics   parallels   to   Kant’s,   who   spoke   of   the   dialectics   as   a   ”critique   of  illusions”   (Kritik   des   Scheins):   the   critical   philosophy   reveals   the   origin   of   illusions   of  transcendental   judgements   (KrV   B   234   sqq.).   In   an   analogous   manner,   the   theory   of  commodity  fetishism  serves  for  Marx  to  unveil  the  illusion(s)  of  bourgeois  political  economy,  which  accepts  the  surface  appearances  of  economic  life  without  questioning  them.  So  there  is  in  this  respect  a  clear  resemblance  between  the  dialectics  in  Kant  and  in  Marx.  

Chris   O’Kane          

The  Symbol  of  Power,  The  Form  of  Thought:  Money,  Measure  and  Abstraction   in  Foucault  and  Sohn-­‐Rethel    

This  contribution  to  the  critical  theory  stream  looks  to  draw  on  Michel  Foucault’s  comments  on   money   in   the   recently   translated   Lectures   on   the   Will   to   Know   in   order   to   compare  Foucault’s  and  Alfred  Sohn-­‐Rethel’s  accounts  of  how  measure  and  abstraction  developed  in  tandem  with  the  emergence  of  the  Ancient  Greek  Market.  In  particular,  it  will  compare  how  their   respective   interpretations   differ   in   regard   to   Foucault’s   conception   of   the   ‘symbolic  power’   of   money   and   Sohn-­‐Rethel’s   conception   of   ‘real’   and   ‘conceptual   abstraction.’  Although   it   is   usually   argued   that   Foucault   possessed   a   neo-­‐Ricardian   interpretation   of  Marx,   and   that   Sohn-­‐Rethel   provided   a   seminal   value-­‐theoretical   interpretation  of  Marx’s  critique  of  political  economy,   I  will  also  endeavour  to  show  how  Foucault’s  account  of  the  historical-­‐specificity   of   the   Ancient   Greek   market   can   be   used   to   improve   Sohn-­‐Rethel’s  trans-­‐historicism   and   move   towards   bringing   their   accounts   of   power   and   thought   into  alignment  with  each  other.  

 

Benjamin    Opratko          

“Gramsci’s  Relevance”  reconsidered.  Theorising  Hegemony,  analysing  Racism    

"In   1986,   the   late   Stuart  Hall   published   his   seminal   “Gramsci’s   relevance   for   the   study   of  race  and  ethnicity”.  Preoccupied  with  intervening  in  a  specific  conjuncture  of  (the  crisis  of)  Marxism,  it  formulated  a  powerful  critique  of  “orthodox”  Marxism  in  rather  general  terms,  yet  remained  rather  vague  in  terms  of  concrete  inquiries  in  the  nature  of  racism(s).  Almost  thirty   years   later,   the   question   of   “Gramsci’s   relevance”   remains   with   us:     How   could   a  Gramscian  theoretical  framework  –  that  is,  a  framework  of  Marxist  analysis  that  places  the  question  of  hegemony  at   its  centre  –  contribute  to  a  deeper  understanding  of  the  ways  in  which  contemporary  racism(s)  work?    

This  paper  discusses   the  possibilities  opened  up  by  Gramsci,  Hall   and  others,  of   analysing  racism  as  an  integral  aspect  of  capitalist  hegemony.  In  a  first  part,  elements  of  a  Hegemony-­‐

Clément   Paradis          

From  the  hotel  to  the  brothel:  Proust’s  capitalist  ballet    

“You   don’t   expect   readers   to   believe   that   there’s   actually   a   link   between   Proust   and   the  Marxist  theory,  do  you?”  might  ask  the  careful  reader.  Without  any  provocation,  my  answer  will  be  clear:  “let’s  read  In  Search  of  Lost  Time  again  it  hasn’t  revealed  all  its  secrets.”  One  of  them  lies  in  the  hotels  depicted  by  the  narrator:  some  of  them  are  of  course  luxury  hotels,  where  aristocrats  and  bourgeois  observe  themselves  and  fantasize  about  the  working  class  serving  them.  But  Proust  also  describes  another  kind  of  hotel:  the  brothel…  where  the  same  population  meets,   served  once  again  by  honest  people  exploited   to   the  very  core  of   their  psyche  and  sexuality  –  or,  as  Lukács  explains,  reified,  because  everything  and  everybody  is  to  be   consumed   in   these  hotels  by   the   clients,   the   staff   included.   The   logic  of   the  hotels,  every  one  of   them,   is   the   logic  of   prostitution.  As   Jupien,   the  director  of   a  hotel   hiding   a  homosexual  brothel,  explains:  “Here,  contrary  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Carmelites,  it  is  thanks  to  vice   that   virtue   is   able   to   live.”  Mandeville  and  his   Fable  of   the  Bees  aren’t   far.  Proust  thus  reveals  the  logic  of  the  economy  of  his  world  –  a  liberal  logic  based  on  the  disposability  of  human  beings.  The  author  is  here  at  the  core  of  modernity:  as  French  philosopher  Michel  Clouscard  explains,   the  prostitute   is   the  “key-­‐commodity”;   it   is   the  origin  of  the  reciprocal  engendering  of  market  and  desire.  Unexpectedly,  Proust  describes,  at  the  end  of  his  novel,  a  complex  economical  system,  that  the  Marxist   theory  can  help  us  decipher  and  that  shows  how   capitalism   survives   through   the   reciprocal   promotion   of   the   power   of   money,   sex,  youth  and  beauty,  in  a  real  market  of  desire.  

Michael   Patrick  McCabe        

A   Left  Without   a   State:   Confronting   the   Climate   Crisis   in   the   Context   of   Neoliberal   State  Restructuring  and  Left  Anti-­‐Statism    

This  paper  problematizes  neoliberal  state  restructuring  through  the  lens  of  climate  change  in   order   to   challenge   the   politics   of   anti-­‐statism   and   decentralization   that   have   become  dominant  on  the  Left;  most  recently  exemplified  by  the  Occupy  movement,  but  found  in  the  climate   justice  movement.  The  nation-­‐state   is   the  only   institution  with  the  coercive  ability  and   financial   resources   to  confront  and  transcend  the  carbon-­‐economy,  while  adapting   to  the   negative   externalities   produced   by   it.   However,   neoliberal   state   restructuring   has  redirected   the   regulatory   and   interventionist   mechanisms   of   the   nation-­‐state   toward   the  singular   function   of   facilitating   market   processes   of   accumulation.   An   additional  consequence   of   neoliberal   state   restructuring   has   been   a   model   of   austerity   that,   in   the  United  States  and  the  European  Union,  has  resulted  in  a  steady  decline  in  national  funding  for  climate  initiatives.  As  a  result,  the  burden  of  developing  and  implementing  solutions  to  climate  change  is  devolved  to  subordinate  scales  of  government  that  lack  the  structural  and  budgetary   capacity   to   effectively  operationalize   climate   change  adaptation  and  mitigation  strategies.  Therefore,   if  the  Left   is  to  effectively  address  climate  change,  it  must  develop  a  

political   program   that   focuses   on   confronting,   and   ultimately   controlling   the   state   as   a  means   by   which   to   redirect   its   functions   away   from   neoliberal   objectives   and   toward  emancipatory   goals   that,   in   the   context   of   climate   change,   range   from   structural  transformations  in  the  energy-­‐economy  to  global  climate  change  adaptation  and  mitigation  initiatives.  

José   Paulo   Guedes   Pinto      

The  political  economy  of  the  crowdsourcing:  intellectual  subjection  of  labor  to  capital    

"It   is  known  that   lots  of  companies  are  using  “mass  collaboration”  or  crowdsourcing  as  an  alternative   and/or   a   complement   to   outsource   their   production.   The   diference   is   that  crowdsourcing   relies  on  ""free""   individual  agents   that  come  together  and  “cooperate”   to  improve  a  given  operation  or  solve  a  problem.  This  can  be  incentivized  by  a  reward  system,  though  it  is  not  required.  

In  this  paper  we  will  put  in  a  critical  perspective  the  act  of  crowdsource  inovations  by  major  companies.   We   will   present   some   case   studies   and   discuss   if   the   concept   of  superexploitation,   for   example,   is   adequate   to   comprehend   these  new   form  of   labor   that  emerges  in  post-­‐large-­‐scale  industry  enterprises.  One  argument  is  that  the  previous  concept  fails  to  grasp  a  new  form  of  labor  subjection  to  capital.  Albeit  this  kind  of  labor  is  still  under  a   real   subjection   to   capital,   we   can   tell   that   it   is   not   anymore   material   (as   in   large-­‐scale  industries)  but   intellectual.  The  main  question  here   is  why   there  are  a   lot  of  workers   that  supply   these  enterprises  with   their   expertise   almost   for   free?  Class   struggle   still   exists,   of  course,  but  it  takes  new  concepts  to  understand  these  ""new""  forms  of  exploitation."  

William  A.  Pelz.          

Failed   Experiment   or   Useful   Example?   The   International   Working   Men’s   Association’s  attempts  to  promote  the  Emancipation  of  Labour,  1864-­‐1876   "Failed   Experiment   or  Useful   Example?   The   International  Working  Men’s   Association’s   attempts   to   promote   the  Emancipation  of  Labour,  1864-­‐1876  

This   paper,   drawing   heavily   on   the   minutes   of   meetings   and   memories   of   leading  participants,   will   argue   that   there   are   significant   lessons   that   can   be   learned   from   the  International  Working  Men’s  Association  (IWMA).    The  organization  was  a  historically  brief  attempt  at  labour  internationalism  but  there  remain  many  things  that  may  be  learned  from  this   experience.     The   organizational   model   of   the   International   will   be   examined   to  determine  both  its  positive  and  negative  features.    In  addition,  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  evaluate:  

  -­‐importance  of  the  fight  against  slavery  and  racism  by  the  IWMA,  

  -­‐internationalism  as  one  of  the  appealing  contributions  of  the  International,  

  -­‐the  articulation  of  a  radical  critique  of  nationalism,  

-­‐the  difficulty  of  maintaining  a  diverse  organization  that  combined  rival  political  ideologies,  

-­‐problem  of  being  an  open  organization  in  a  time  of  repression.  

Finally,  a  look  must  be  cast  beyond  the  actual  real  problems  of  the  IWMA  to  the  importance  of   the   International   in   winning   some   workers   to   the   idea   of   internationalism   and   labor  activism.    

Sanja   Petkovska          

Cultural  studies  in  Serbia:  an  endless  revision  of  an  'absent'  referent  

Cultural   studies  are  known  as  one  of   the  most   recent  developments  of  Marxism  emerged  along  with  and   in  a   response   to  post-­‐modernism.   If   the   imaginary   line   from  the  period  of  socialist  republic  is  to  be  drawn,  the  last  previous  echoes  of  Marxist  theory  have  appeared  in  critical  theory  known  for  criticizing  the  Tito's  regime  -­‐  the  Praxis  group  or  school  of  Marxist  humanist  philosophy.  On  the  other  side,  the  contemporary  state  of  critical  theory  is  echoed  in   local,   unclear   version  of   cultural   studies.   The  primarily  Marxist   origin  of  British   cultural  studies,  but  also  of  French  post-­‐modernism  and  Frankfurt  critical  theory  so-­‐called  Western  Marxism),  can  easily  be  traced  in  the  works  of  people  associated  with  those  movements  of  thought.  But  if  we  take  as  an  example  the  contemporary  developments  of  cultural  studies  in  Serbia,   whether   we   can   trace   their   connection   to   Marxism   and   critical   theory   at   all?   Our  object   of   consideration   is   to   be   the   architecture   of   post-­‐socialist   revisionism   of   socialist  heritage   and   of   critical   theory   by   mapping   the   discontinuity   produced   in   thought   by  importing  cultural  studies  in  an  ironically  ahistorical  and  amaterialistic  fashion.  Furthermore,  the   argument   to   be   presented   would   be   stating   that   a   given   state   of   contemporary  developments/echoes   of   Marxist   theory   almost   completely   lack   the   critical   reflection   not  towards  their  own  origin,  but  also  towards  the  given  post-­‐socialist  reality.  

Bruna   Piazentin    Martinelli        

Gender   and   sexuality:   particularities   of   the   labor   force   and   the   accumulation   in  telemarketing.    

The   following   paper   to   be   presented   on   the   Eleventh   annual   Historical   Materialism  Conference   is   a   result   of   reflections   that   are   realized   in   my   master´s   research,   at   the  department  of   sociology  of  Unicamp,   in  Brazil.   In   this   research   I   study   the   teleworkers  of  Campinas   –   São   Paulo   and   their   political   experiences,   in   order   to   understand   the  composition  of  the  contemporary  working  class,  as  well  the  main  tendencies  and  aspects  of  the   actual   capitalism.   The   teleworkers   compose   a   historical   recently   category,   they   are   a  result   of   the   changes   in   the   capital   accumulation  pattern  occurred   circa   1980s,  when   the  technological   increment   on   the   work,   the   increase   of   the   service   sector   and   the  globalization  of  capital  occurred.  In  Brazil,  is  from  1990s  –  when  the  international  division  of  

labor,  and  the  neoliberalism  and  the  waves  of  privatization  settled  in  the  country  –  that  the  telemarketing  appears  as  a  capital  accumulation  sector.  The  teleworkers  are  mostly  young  women,  which  also  has  a  significant  number  of  homosexuals  and  transsexuals.  The  goal  of  this  paper   is   to  develop  a  brief  analysis  and  debate  about   the   following  questions:  what´s  the  reason  of  a  large  number  of  women  working  in  telemarketing?  How  the  female  working  force  is  explored  in  this  sector  in  order  to  encourage  their  accumulation  of  capital?  What  is  the  reason  to   find   in   telemarketing  a   large  number  of  homosexuals  and  transgender   from  less  wealthy   classes?  How   these  new   features   reconfigure  aspects  of   the  working   class   in  the  struggle  between  capital  and  labor,  and  their  political  experiences?  Among  other  issues  that  also  will  appear  in  the  discussion  that  the  paper  is  going  to  present  about  the  current  functioning  of  capitalism  and  the  working  class.  

Herbert   Pimlott        

‘1979’  or  ‘Thatcherism  Revisited’:  Rethinking  the  ‘Crisis’  of  the  Conjuncture  through  Cultural  Materialism    

On  the  35th  anniversary  of   the  publication  of   the   late  Stuart  Hall's   ‘Thatcherism’   thesis   in  Marxism   Today,   and   of   Margaret   Thatcher’s   first   of   three   general   election   victories,   this  paper   offers   a   rethinking   of   the   period   of   ‘crisis’   of   the   late   1970s   and   early   1980s   by  drawing  upon  Raymond  Williams’s  cultural  materialism  (I  use   ‘1979’  as  the  cypher   for  this  period   of   ‘reaction’,   versus   ‘1968’   as   the   cypher   for   the   radical   1960s).   The   paper   argues  that  part  of   the  weakness  of  Hall’s   Thatcherism   thesis  was   its   location  within   a  particular  ‘aesthetic-­‐intellectual   formation’,   which   alongside   Eric   Hobsbawm’s   ‘Forward   March   of  Labour  Halted?’  thesis,  overlooked  working-­‐class,  counter-­‐hegemonic  formations.  A  key  part  of  understanding  ‘1979’,  involves  analysing  the  process  of  re-­‐formation  of  the  working  class  through   an   analysis   of   the   ‘structure   of   feeling’,   as   expressed   via   forms   of   working-­‐class  ‘practical   consciousness’   in   an   ‘(pre)emergent   culture’.   The   subsequent   failure   of   radical  counter-­‐hegemony  cannot  just  be  ascribed  to  Thatcherism's  'authoritarian  populism'  per  se,  but  needs  to  take  into  account  other  aspects  of  the  processes  of  ideological  domination  via  mass   media,   government   and   political   parties,   which   can   be   understood   in   part   via  Williams’s   ‘constitutional  authoritarianism’,  and   in  part  through   identifying  the  failure  of  a  radical  working  class  ‘emergent  culture’  to  become  fully  emergent.  

Simon   Pirani          

Fossil  fuel  consumption:  how  are  you  counting?    

"Global  fossil  fuel  consumption  in  2000-­‐2009  was  running  at  more  than  four  times  the  level  of   1950-­‐1959.   Since   fossil   fuel   consumption,   and   production,   are   key   causes   of   global  warming,   it   is   generally   accepted   that   reduction   of   both   would   be   a   good   thing.   And   yet  policies  aimed  at  reducing  consumption,  at  both  national  and  international  level,  have  failed  –  a  striking  fact  of  modern  history.  Since  the  1980s,  these  policies  have  neither  reversed,  nor  

even   slowed  down,   the  aggregate   fossil   fuel   consumption  growth   rate.  Research  on  what  drives   the   increase   from   the   consumption   side,   and   the   context   of   and   reasons   for   these  policy  failures,  is  obviously  relevant  to  discussion  on  climate  change.  

Reducing   greenhouse   gas   emissions   in   the   first   place   means   reducing   fossil   fuel  consumption.   The   way   that   emissions,   and   consumption,   are   counted   is   highly   political.  Much   academic  work   in   disciplines   such   as   industrial   ecology   and   structural   ecology   uses  models   based   on   the   IPAT   equation   (impact   =   population   x   affluence   x   technology)   and  variants   thereof.  The  paper  will  argue  that  such  approaches  often  downplay  or   ignore  the  role   of   economic   and   power   relations   that   shape   industries,   infrastructures   and  technologies   that   account   for   most   emissions.   Vast   differences   not   only   in   consumption  levels   by   different   people,   but   also   between   different   types   of   consumption   (for  manufacture  by  the  company  that  employs  you?  for  personal  use?)  receive  little  attention.  Neo-­‐colonial  economic  relations  between  the  developed  countries  and  others  are  also  often  downplayed,   although   consumption-­‐based   accounting   of   emissions   (i.e.   attributing  emissions  to  the  country  where  stuff  is  consumed,  instead  of  where  it  is  made)  has  begun  to  counter  that.  

The  paper  will  review  methods  of  counting  emissions,  and  fossil  fuel  consumption;  consider  some  of  the  notable  trends  in  consumption  over  the  past  fifty  years;  and  propose  research  methods  that  could  help  to  analyse  consumption  in  the  context  of  capitalist  social  relations.  It   is  part  of  a  project  on  the  global  history  of   fossil   fuel  consumption  on  which  the  author  has  begun  work  in  early  2014.  

Ana   Podvršič          

Putting  Compradors  on  the  Test:  Toward  a  Critical  Analytical  Framework  for  Considering  the  Peripherisation  of  Central-­‐Eastern  Europe    

As  Slovenia,  for  a  long  time  considered  as  “success  story”  of  post-­‐socialist  transition,  got  hit  by   the   current   social-­‐economic   crisis,   and   government   proposed   a   new   privatization  program   the   local   left   has   reframed   their   debate   around   the   so-­‐called   comprador  bourgeoisie,   adopting   the   dependency   theory   and   World   System   analysis   discourse.  Actually,  since  mid  2000  an  important  part  of  left  discourse  on  development  of  Eastern  and  Central  Europe  has  adopted  those  theoretical  paradigms  to  address  the   issue  of  economic  and   political   dependency   on   foreign   capital.   However,   regarding   recent   political   and  economic   transformations   on   the   global   scale   we   might   ask   if   those   paradigms   are   still  pertinent   to   consider   contemporary   processes   of   peripherisation  within   EU?   Premised   on  the   commercial   understanding   of   capitalism   could   they   propose   an   analysis   of   those  processes   from   the   standpoint   and   for   the   working   class?   Drawn   mainly   upon   recent  insights   from   Marxist   theory   of   development   and   Marxist   theory   of   the   capitalist   state   a  critical   engagement   with   above-­‐mentioned   approaches   is   politically   necessary   and  theoretical  productive  –  only  an  analytical  framework  that  grasp  the  social  mechanisms  and  

the  underlying  social   logics  of  the  processes  of  peripherisation  within  Europe  could  enable  us  to  articulate  political  strategy  in  favor  of  the  international  solidarity.  

Julia   Podziewska          

Lost  Property:  Political  Economy  and  Inheritance  

"The  on-­‐going,  global  economic  crisis  has  turned  attention  to  the  Companies  Acts  of  1844-­‐56.    All  sides   in  the  contest  over  this   legislation,   the     foundation  of  present-­‐day  corporate  governance  and  company   law,  drew  on  novelistic  narrative  devices.     Few   literary   scholars  have   observed   this:   firstly,   because   the   ascendant   ‘material   culture’   school   privileges   the  tangible  object  over  analysis;  secondly,  because  property  transfer  in  the  mid-­‐Victorian  novel  overwhelmingly  concerns  inheritance  rather  than  finance  capital.    

Focusing   on   Wilkie   Collins,   I   argue   that   this   new   capital   leaves   its   imprint   in   the   form   of  complex  plots,  in  narrative  flow,  on  the  syntagmatic  axis  of  the  novel.  It  is  the  ease  and  pace  with  which  property  in  the  novels  passes  through  numerous  unfamiliar  hands  that  connects  it  with  company  shares  and  other  alienable  forms.      

Plot  has  been  overlooked.  Earlier  emancipatory  criticism  saw  capitalism  within  depictions  of  the   industrial   and   urban;   recent   work   informed   by   identity/recognition   politics   occludes  class  relations  and  property  in  the  mid-­‐Victorian  novel.    

By   identifying   a   new   object   of   enquiry—   the   inheritance   plot—I   discern   various  conceptualisations   of   property   transmission   during   the   mid-­‐Victorian   period   and   hence  establish  more  precisely  the  relationship  between  the  novel  and  capital."  

Gianluca   Pozzoni          

Between  Philosophy  and  Social  Science:  Althusser  and  the  Della  Volpean  Marxism    

As   his   correspondence   demonstrates,   in   the   early   1960s   Louis   Althusser   was   particularly  interested   in   Italian   Marxism,   especially   in   the   current   led   by   Galvano   Della   Volpe.   The  present   paper   argues   that   the   Althusserian-­‐Della   Volpean   link   is   far   from   a   biographical  accident.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  firmly  rooted  in  a  robust  but  original  reading  of  Marx's  work.  In   contrast   to  both   the  dialectical-­‐materialist  orthodoxy  of   traditional   and  Soviet  Marxism  and   the   humanist   inclinations   of   Western   Marxism,   Althusser's   and   the   Della   Volpeans'  insistence  on  the  radical  difference  between  Marx  and  Hegel  attests  their  attempt  to  detach  Marxism   from   its   allegedly   Idealist   or   historicist   roots.   According   to   both   interpretations,  Marx's   "rupture"   with   Hegel's   philosophy   lays   the   foundations   for   his   turn   to   a   scientific  attitude  towards  the  study  of  society.  In  Althusserian  and  Della  Volpean  Marxism,  "Capital"  is   very   much   seen   as   a   work   of   social   science,   to   prove   which   both   schools   resort   to  comparisons  between  Marx's  method  and  classic  standards  of  philosophy  of  science  (French  epistemology  and  post-­‐Galilean  scientific  method,  respectively).  The  paper  then  concludes  

by  arguing  that  framing  Marxism  in  modern  epistemological  terms  provided  the  basis  for  a  fruitful  research  programme  in  the  social  sciences.  

Katja   Praznik          

Artistic   autonomy   between   mystification   and   emancipation:   theorizing   cultural   labor  legislation  in  postsocialist  context    

"Drawing   on   a   distinction   between   culture   as   ideological   production   and   culture   as  economic  production,  this  paper  will  analyze  the  cultural-­‐policy  regulation  of  cultural  labor  legislation   (laws   for   free-­‐lance   cultural   work)   and   contradictions   of   the   claims   for   artistic  autonomy  that  became  apparent  due  to  the  introduction  of  new  form  of  cultural  work  from  the  1980s  to  2000s  in  the  context  of  post-­‐socialist  Slovenia.  In  this  context  that  exemplifies  the  transition  from  socialism  to  the  neoliberal  era,  the  issues  of  artistic  autonomy  and  the  regulation   of   cultural   labor   will   be   analyzed   by   confronting   two   theoretical   perspectives,  spontaneous   ideology   (Althusser)   and   fetishism   of   social   relations   (Marx,   Heinrich).  Considering  the  effects  of  the  new  regulation  as  well  as  the  prevailing  commodification  of  cultural   work   from   these   two   perspectives,   the   paper   will   explicate   the   process   of  mystification   of   economic   foundations   of   cultural   production   by   arguing   that   cultural  producers  understand  the  relative  autonomy  of  art  on  the  level  of  ideological  production  as  autonomy  of  their  production  process.  Hence,  assertions  of  the  artistic  autonomy  function  as   a   kind   of   spontaneous   ideology   that  mystifies   the   economic   relations   in   the   sphere   of  culture.   By   focusing   on   this   mystification   the   paper   will   furthermore   foreground   the  ideological  discursive  forms  (such  as  self-­‐employed  cultural  producer,  cultural  entrepreneur,  freelancer)  usually  attached  to  assertions  of   the  artistic  autonomy   in  order   to  question   its  alleged  emancipatory  potential  during  the  deconstruction  of  the  welfare  state.  

Hugo  Radice    

Class  Theory  and  Class  Politics  Today  

The  2013  BBC  survey  of  the  present-­‐day  British  class  structure  paints  a  picture  of  a  society  fragmented  into  seven  ‘classes’  defined  by  income,  occupation  and  culture.  At  the  same  time,  for  several  decades  progressive  discourse  has  counterposed  ‘working  class  politics’  and  ‘social  movements’  as  revolutionary  agents.  This  essay  asks  whether  there  remains  a  ‘working  class’  as  analysed  in  Marx’s  critique  of  political  economy,  and  whether  as  such  it  has  any  potential  role  in  building  a  popular  alternative  to  capitalism.  

After  briefly  reviewing  the  traditional  Marxist  view,  I  examine  three  major  debates  on  class  in  the  1960s  to  1980s.  First,  the  rise  of  the  ‘new’  middle  classes  led  mainstream  sociologists  to  challenge  Marx’s  two-­‐class  model,  and  the  New  Left  sought  to  respond  to  these  claims  either  by  positing  a  ‘third  class’,  or  by  reasserting  the  validity  of  the  old  model.  Secondly,  even  if  the  two-­‐class  model  remained  valid  at  some  level,  in  the  context  of  postwar  prosperity  and  consumerism  the  reality  of  working-­‐class  differentiation  directly  challenged  the  left’s  faith  in  the  working  class  as  revolutionary  agent.  Thirdly,  ‘non-­‐class’  movements    challenged  forms  of  oppression  based  on  gender,  ethnicity  

and  sexuality,  and  thereby  also  the  traditional  view  that  privileged  a  class  politics  rooted  in  capitalist  production.  

Here  I  argue  for  an  alternative  understanding  of  production  and  labour,  rooted  in  Marx’s  distinction  between  abstract  labour  (in  the  realm  of  value)  and  concrete  labour  (in  the  realm  of  use-­‐value).  While  the  former  is  historically  restricted  to  capitalism,  and  imprisoned  in  both  its  production  relations  and  its  ideology,  the  latter  refers  to  the  immanent  relation  between  humanity  and  nature,  which  privileges  the  overall  process  of  social  reproduction  and  transcends  that  historical  restriction.  If  the  historical  role  of  the  working  class  remains  the  abolition  of  all  classes,  it  will  be  founded  upon  the  unity  of  purpose  that  underpins  concrete  labour  to  meet  social  needs.  The  challenge  is  to  develop  that  unity  of  purpose  into  a  popular  alternative  to  the  rule  of  money.  

Nat   Raha          

Queer  Marxism  and  the  task  of  contemporary  queer  social  critique    

"The  successes  of  mainstream  LGBT  organisations  lobbying  governments  for  civil  rights  has  created   a   historical   moment   of   enfranchisement   and   disenfranchisement   for   LGBTQ  (lesbian,   gay,   bisexual,   trans/transgender,   queer)   subjects   and   life   in   the  West.   LGBT   civil  empowerment  is  juxtaposed  with  austerity  measures  and  public  reforms  that  have  a  strong  impact  across  lines  of  race/immigration  status,  class,  ability  and  gender.  

The   concepts   of   homonormativity   (Duggan   2003)   and   homonationalism   (Puar   2007),   and  recent   Marxist   interventions   into   queer   theory   (e.g.   Floyd   2009,   Hennessy   2000,   Muñoz  2009)  have  begun  to  connect  the  social  legitimatisation  of  queer  subjects  to  issues  of  class  and  economic  power;  however,   this  paper  will  argue   that   this  work  has  yet   to  sufficiently  theorise   the   normalising   function   of   contemporary   forms   of   capitalist   reproduction   and  accumulation.  

Critiquing   queer   readings   of   Marx’s   labour   theory   of   value   (heavily   influenced   by   Spivak  1988),   it  will  consider  how  the  commodity  form  enables  the  ‘liberation’  of  queer   lives  and  queer  labour  through  the  capitalist  drive  for  profit.  It  will  theorise  how  neoliberalism  thrives  off   difference   through   the   commodification   and   reproduction   of   difference   via   identity,  necessarily   transforming   the  qualitative   character   of   queer   everyday   life   –   a   necessity   for  capital’s  survival."  

Vasna   Ramasar          

Inherited  futures:  Race  and  class  in  water  struggles  in  South  Africa    

This  paper  examines   the   role  of  processes  of  accumulation  by  state  apparatus  engaged   in  water   service   delivery   in   South   Africa   and   the   citizen   struggles   against   this   process.     The  marketization  and  privatization  of  water  service  delivery  opened  up  new  territory  globally  for   accumulation   through   the   framing   of   water   as   a   economic   good.     Democratic   South  Africa   has   been   no   less   affected   by   a   process   that   has   resulted   in   disempowered  communities   and   led   to   water   shortages,   particularly   in   poor   and   black   communities.    

order   to   grasp   better   the   dynamics   of   neoliberal   expansion   and   the   resulting   counter-­‐movements  in  various  underdeveloped  regions  of  the  Global  South.    

Heterodox   schools   such   as   classical   substantivst   as   well   as   postcolonial   streams   exhibit  divergent  understandings  of  capital  accumulation  and  capitalist  development,  which  often  sit  uncomfortably  with  the  Marxist  frame  of  analysis  –  providing  sometimes  complementary,  sometimes  competing  justifications  for  uneven/underdevelopment  in  the  Global  periphery.  We   believe   however,   that   specific   intellectual   contributions   such   as   Polanyi’s   (1944)  fundamental   notion  of   the  of   ‘fictitious   commodities’   (relating   to   land-­‐labour-­‐and-­‐money)  along  with  Sanyal’s   (2007)   seminal   idea  of   ‘wasteland  of   capital’   –  a   condition   specific   to,  and  characteristic  of,  post-­‐colonial  capitalism,  read  not  in  isolation  but  in  consonance,    are  useful  as  well  as  critical  concepts  for  sharpening  our  understanding  of  specific  processes  of  neoliberal  capitalist  accumulation  as  well  as  the  ensuing  tumult  at  the  very  margins  of  global  capitalism.  

By   ensconcing   the   narrative   about   the   struggle   stemming   from   the   land   grab   by  multinational  mining   corporations   in   resource-­‐rich   but   abjectly   backward   tribal   regions   of  Chhattisgarh  (India)  in  the  above  dynamic  neo  Marixan-­‐heterodox  framework,  the  paper  will  attempt   to   tackle   the  dilemma  of  how,  even  with   the  ostensible  presence  of   severe   class  antagonism  and   resistance   to   structural   relations  of   power   at   such   sites   of   dispossession,  the   structural   hold   of   the   state-­‐corporate   capital   seems   to   negotiate   and   persist   over  considerable  lengths  of  time."  

Gianfranco   Rebucini  &  Gianfranco   Rebucini      

Thinking  the  Far-­‐right's  Hegemonic  Project  as  a  Sexual  Project:  a  Critique  of  Norm-­‐Centered  Sexual  Politics    

"In   the   last   decades,   criticisms   of   hetero/homonormativity   have   provided   an   original  framework  of   social   analysis   laying  bare   the   current   transformations  of   social   relations  of  gender  and   sexualities.   In  particular,   this   strand  of   critique  has  underlined   the   crucial   link  between,  on  the  one  hand,  an  emerging  sexual  social  stratification  and,  on  the  other  hand,  an   inclusion   of   LGB   subjectivities   into   national   projects   across   different   European   social  formations.  This   'sexual  passive   revolution'  has  been   read   through  both  marxist  and  post-­‐structuralist   lens.   However,   we   aim   to   show   in   this   paper   that   a   pervasive   reliance   to   a  Foucaldian  methodology  in  the  analysis  of  'norms'  has  prevented  more  political  analyses  to  emerge.  In  particular,  we  would  argue  here  that  a  focus  on  'norms'  puts  too  much  emphasis  on   'lifestyle   politics'   rather   than   broader   transformative   practices   pertaining   to   the   social  stratification  of  sexualities.    

In   order   to   claim   for   an   alternative   approach,   more   reliant   on   gramscian   concepts   of  'hegemony',  'historical  bloc'  and  'passive  revolution',  we  will  focus  on  the  current  strategies  of   the   far-­‐right   in   Europe   to   rebuild   a   social/political   constituency.   There   is   now   much  

evidence  that  these  attempts  have  more  and  more  relied  on  a  blurring  of  the  traditional  line  between  'progressive'  and  'reactionary'  demands,  in  particular  in  the  domain  of  sexualities.  However,   an   inquiry   into   LGB  politics   that  merely   takes   into  account   the  normalization  of  subjectivities,  identities  and  practices  obscures  the  more  conjunctural  dynamics  at  stake  in  current   far-­‐right   victimization  of  national-­‐white  queer  bodies.  We  would  argue   that   these  attempts  reflect  a  project  of  undermining  antagonisms  based  on  sexuality.  This  is  part  of  a  more  general  strategy  of  building  a  historical  bloc  through  a  dual  process:  obscuring  social  relations   (of   sexualities,   gender   and   class)   on   the   one   hand,   atomizing   potential  communities   of   resistance   on   the   other.   This   boils   down   to   a   horizon   of   strong   sexual  hierarchies   (where   heterosexuality   remains   the   main   way   of   organizing   production   and  reproduction)   in   a   social   fabric   politicized   through   the   rejection   of   the   non-­‐white   'Other'.  This   implies   that   an   exclusive   focus   on   norms   entraps   left   political   strategy   in   a  power/resistance  game,  preventing  it  to  confront  emerging  sexual/hegemonic  projects.  We  argue   instead   that   left   strategies   aiming   at   transforming   the   sexual   organization   of  production   and   reproduction,   in   an   expansive   dynamic   of   social   alliances,   have   generally  more  political  purchase  and  are  more  conducive  to  undermining  what   is  nowadays  meant  by  'homonationalism'."  

Tommaso  Redolfi   Riva        

Critique  and  Presentation:  Bailey  and  Ricardo  in  Marx's  Dialectic  of  the  Form  of  Value    

"Marx’s  critique  of  David  Ricardo  represents  a  topic  that  has  often  been  debated.  The  same  cannot  be  said  of  his  criticism  of  Samuel  Bailey,  which  has  for  a  long  time  remained  in  the  shade.  My  aim  in  this  paper  is  not  to  reconstruct  the  role  of  the  works  of  Samuel  Bailey  and  Davis  Ricardo   in  the  development  of  Marx’s  critique  of  political  economy  from  a  historical  point  of  view.  My  aim   is   rather  a   theoretical  one,   that   is,   to  show  that  Ricardo  and  Bailey  represent  two  fundamental  moments  of  Marx’s  presentation.  “Moment”   is  here  used   in  a  non-­‐generic  sense:  what  I  wish  to  highlight  is  that  as  they  are  presented  in  Marx’s  critique  of  political   economy,   Ricardo’s   and   Bailey’s   theories   of   value   represent   two   opposite   and  contradictory  sides  of  the  category  of  value.  

After   having   presented   Marx’s   critique   of   Ricardo   and   Bailey   I   will   try   to   reflect   on   the  deficiencies  of  classical  and  vulgar  political  economy  from  a  methodological  point  of  view.  Finally  I  intend  to  trace  back  the  methodological  lacks  of  political  economy  to  the  object  of  political   economy   itself:   I   will   try   to   present   Ricardo   and   Bailey’s   theories   of   value   as  historically  determined  ways  of  existence  of  consciences,  “socially  valid  form  of  thought”."  

José   Reis          

Ambivalence  and  gloom  on  the  edge  of  the  Atlantic:  the  post-­‐2008  global  crisis  in  Portugal  

The  post-­‐2008  global   financial   crisis  unleashed  a   storm  not  only   in   the  material  order  but  also   in   the   symbolic   order.   It   has   shaken   the   hegemony   of   neoclassical   economics  

epistemologically,  of  neoliberalism  politically,  while  on  the  cultural   realm   its   impact,  more  varied  across  countries  and  harder  to  summarise  in  one  term,  is  nonetheless  unmistakable.  In   the   case  of  Portugal,   it   is   interesting  how,  despite  a  wide  diversity  of  discourses   in   the  mass  media,  bestseller  books,  through  to  more  academic  accounts,  the  hegemonic  cultural  appropriation   of   the   crisis   that   seems   to   emerge   is   framed   around   a   particular   national  essentialism   of   moral   overtones.   This   kind   of   negative   nationalism   mythologises   the  “people”   as   a   uniform   mass   who,   rather   than   grand   virtues,   is   instead   uniquely   beset   by  grand   defects   that   ultimately   are   to   blame   for   the   crisis   and   legitimate   all   subsequent  suffering.   This   nebulous   but   very   operative   common   sense   re-­‐invokes   images   from  Portugal’s  colonial  past,  and  its  particular  coloniser/colonised  ambivalence,  replaced  in  the  post-­‐1980s   period   of   European   integration   for   an   imagination   of   the   Centre   (“we   are   a  developed  country”),  but  not  quite  suppressed.  At  the  same  time,  and  at  least  for  the  time  being,   it  pervades  projections  of   the  future   in  the  cultural   realm,   from  media  discourse  to  essay  to  art,  with  a  dystopian  stance.  This  communication  draws  on  an  on-­‐going  research  on  how   ideas   of   economic   crisis   are   created   and   appropriated   in   economics,   politics   and  culture.  

Matthieu     Renault  &  Bronnikova   Olga    

Bolshevism  in  Translation:  Inter-­‐national  Communism  in  the  Wake  of  the  October  Revolution  

A   radical   upheaval   in   the   heart   of   the   Russian   Empire   with   tremendous   effects   on   the  Western   capitalist   world   as   a   whole,   the   Soviet   Revolution   gave   rise   and/or   voice   to  manifold  (national)  translations  of  Bolshevism  at  the  margins  (both  internal  and  external)  of  Russia.   Contrary   to   what   one   might   presume,   those   various   versions   of   “national  communism”   (Muslim,   East   Asian,   Jewish,   Ukrainian,   etc.)   were   not   alienated   from   each  other:  at  some  points,  they  interacted,  intertwined,  exchanged  their  views  and  shared  their  experiences.   Given   the   deep   heterogeneity   of   the   margins   (okrainy)   these   national  communisms  originated  from  (in  geographical,  cultural  and  political  terms),  their  dialogue  –  far   from   merely   relying   on   common   remnants   of   nationalism   inside   the   healthy   body   of  internationalism  –   involved  a  complex  process  of  mutual   (re)translations  of  Bolchevism;   in  other  words,  it  implied  the  construction  of  an  inter-­‐national  communism,  which  remains  to  be  examined.  To  begin  with,  this  paper  focuses  on  Mirsaid  Sultan  Galiev’s  Muslim  national  communism   and   explores   three   interrelated   issues:   1)   Sultan-­‐Galiev’s   activities   at   the  Communist  University  of  the  Toilers  of  the  East  (KUTV)  during  the  early  1920s  –  especially  his   relations   with   Asian   communists   (Chinese,   Indian,   Indonesian,   Vietnamese);   2)   The  critical   attitude   of   non-­‐“Russian”   communists   (such   as   Mykola   Skrypnik   from   Ukraine)  towards   Sultan-­‐Galiev’s   first   arrest   in   May   1923;   3)   The   ideological   connections   between  Muslim  communism  and  the  older  Jewish  Labour  Bund.  

Paul   Reynolds          

The  Lure  of  Agency  and  subjectivity:  Reflecting  on  Hall  and  Laclau  and  the  problem  of  agency  and  practice  in  Marxist  theory    

With   the   passing   of   Stuart   Hall   and   Ernesto   Laclau   there   has   been   a   wave   of   interest   in  putting   their   work   in   perspective.   In   this   paper   I   want   to   explore   critically   a   common   if  differentiated  problem  that  Hall  and  Laclau  represent  within  the  context  of  the  post-­‐Marxist  engagements  with  Marxism:  The   lure  of   agency  and   subjectivity.  Both   thinker   in  different  ways  expanded  the  possibilities  of  agency  and  subjectivity  within  a  structurally  and  socially  conceived  analysis  of  the  social  relations  of  production  within  the  materialist  conception  of  history.  What  both  accounts  did  was  to  widen  the  conceptual  space  for  agency  within  social  and   cultural   context   and   privilege   the   subjective   engagement   with   social   contexts   and  conjunctures.  In  doing  so,  they  allowed  new  possibilities  for  a  more  fluid,  plastic,  culturally  discursive  and  phenomenologically  conceived  development  within  Marxist  theory  which   in  turn   encouraged   an   inclusive   and   more   reformist   politics.   Whilst   this   offered   possibilities  that  revivified  Marxist   theory,   it   failed  to  grasp  a  crucial  problem  -­‐   the   lure  of  agency  and  subjectivity  discursively  constituted  failed  to  account  for  the  problem  of  determinations  and  hegemonic  power,  which  were  dismissed  rather  than  engaged  with.  The  proper  terrain  for  the   meeting   of   agency   and   subjectivity   -­‐   and   for   an   accounting   of   its   import   beyond   its  seductive  lure,  is  in  a  concept  of  practice  that  recognizes  precisely  the  materiality  of  human  subjectivity  in  context  and  conjuncture  as  constituting  definite  determinant  structures.  This  paper  will  describe  the  terms  of  this  terrain  and  seek  to  articulate  some  of  the  problem  it  raises  for  Marxists  in  both  accounting  for  agency  and  subjectivity  in  their  proper  place  and  recognizing  the  real  problems  of  building  of  revolutionary  movement  and  politics  

Bruce   Robinson          

Marx’s  Categories  of  Labour,  Value  Production  and  Digital  Work    

"This  presentation  will  outline  some  of  Marx’s  categories  of  labour  and  use  them  as  a  basis  for  categorising    digital  work.  In  particular,  the  pairings  of  living  and  dead  labour,  waged  and  unwaged   labour,   productive   and   unproductive   labour   and   labour   subsumed   by   capital  versus  free  labour  enable  us  to  identify  those  forms  of  digital  production  that  create  value,  those   that   are   unproductive     in   Marx’s   sense,   those   that   remain   outside   the   control   of  capital   and   those   that   do   not   require   human   labour.   This   enables   us,   for   example,   to  challenge  the  analysis  that  users  of  Google  and  Facebook  produce  surplus  value.  

We  will  present  the  underlying  arguments  that  not  all   labour  produces  value,  that  there  is  an  important  distinction  between  activities  that  create  value  and  those  that  reduce  costs  for  capital,  and  that  some  online  activities  are  effectively  automated.  This  entails  a  critique  of  three   schools   of   critical   analysis   –   the   post-­‐operaismo   of   Negri   and   others,     autonomists  such  as  Harvie,  and  the  Fuchs-­‐Smythe  analysis  of  online  labour  –  which  share  a  rejection  of  Marx’s  theory  of  productive  and  unproductive  labour."  

Jen   Roesch          

Mechanisms  of  Dependency,  Control  and  Appropriation:     The  State  and  Sexual  Violence   in  the  US    

"Sexual  violence   is  often  analyzed  and  discussed  as  being  the  product  of  a  “rape  culture”.    But   such   violence   has   been   endemic   to   and   intimately   entwined   with   the   history   of  capitalism  in  the  United  States.    Cultural  constructions  and  popular  understandings  of  sexual  and  gender-­‐based  violence  have  shifted   in  different  historical  periods   -­‐   in   relation  both  to  developments  within  capitalism  and  in  response  to  struggles.    The  state  has  played  a  central  role  in  organizing  the  response  to  such  violence  as  well  as  these  popular  understandings.    It  has   consistently   done   so   in   ways   that   continue   to   reinforce   and   reproduce   women’s  dependency   and   second-­‐class   citizenship.     Moreover,   state   responses   have   frequently  strengthened   other   repressive   and   oppressive   aspects   of   American   capitalism   –   most  centrally  racism.  

This   paper  will   examine   this   role   as  well   as   the   contradictory   relationship  of  many  of   the  movements  against  sexual  violence  to  it.    Paradoxically,  many  of  the  reforms  advocated  and  won  by  the  feminist  movement  have  helped  to  strengthen  institutions  and  social  relations  that   increase   the   marginalization   and   dependency   of   women   –   particularly   working   class  women   and  women  of   color.   I  will   situate   the   persistence,   and   current   intensification,   of  violence  within  this  history  and  relationship."  

Graciela   Romero          

The  peasants'  struggle  for  food  sovereignty    

"The   peasants'   struggle   for   the   realisation   of   the   food   sovereignty   framework,   as  championed  by  the  peasants'  movement  La  Via  Campesina,  has  crucial  implications  not  only  for  the  structural  economic  and  social  transformations  that  it  proposes  but  also  for  the  way  in   which   the   peasantry   is   organised   as   agents   of   social   transformation.   In   this   paper,   I  attempt   to   present   the   food   sovereignty   as   a   paradigm   that   deconstructs   the   capitalist  mode  of  production  and  access  and  use  of  natural  resources  and  at  the  same  time  seeks  the  fundamental   reconfiguration   of   political   power   relationships   in   society.   In   addition   it  highlights   the   role   of   the   peasants'   movement   in   linking   up   local   and   global   struggles   to  bring  down  the  transnational  accumulation  of  capital.    

I   will   use   the   class-­‐gender-­‐race   intersectionality   perspective   to   argue   that   the   way   of  organising  and  mobilising  the  peasantry  in  the  pursuit  of  food  sovereignty,  determines  to  a  great   extent   how   fundamentally   deep   rooted   capitalist   and   patriarchal   values   can   be  transformed.  The  analysis  will  be  based  on  the  theoretical   framework  and  praxis  of  La  Via  Campesina’s  members  and  other  peasant  and  civil  society  networks  across  the  world.  I  will  also   present   the   Cuban   case,   a   state   led   approach   to   food   sovereignty,   in   order   to   draw  comparisons  and  perspectives  for  the  future."  

Eduardo   Romero   Dianderas        

Indigenous  labor,  ethnicity  and  capital  accumulation  in  the  margins  of  the  State:  the  case  of  timber  industry  networks  in  Peruvian  Amazonia    

"In  this  presentation  I  offer  an  economic,  political  and  historical  account  on  how  extractive  capitalism  has  expanded  and  reproduced  in  the  context  of  the  Peruvian  Amazon  lowlands.  First,   I   outline   the  main   challenges   that  extractive   industries   faced   in   the   context  of   early  capitalist  expansive  cycles  in  Amazonia  during  the  late  19th  Century.  Particularly,  I  focus  on  the   way   that   labor   scarcity   and   the   absence   of   a   regional   workforce   were   thought   of   by  emergent  regional  elites  and  entrepreneurs  during  the  early  State  attempts  to  articulate  a  regional   space   in   Amazonia.   I   associate   these   reflections   with   the   marginal   character  historically  attributed  to  Amazonian  territories,  which  have  been  from  thereon  represented  as  “boundary”  spaces  with  anomalous  economic  and  political  characteristics.    

Secondly,   I  offer  a  description  of  how  this  context  informed  the  development  of  a  body  of  non   wage-­‐based   labor   appropriation   strategies   that   dynamically   combined   seduction   and  violence   in   order   to   expand   available   workforce   among   indigenous   populations   of  Amazonia.   I   argue   that   during   this   timeframe   a   well-­‐established   body   of   informal   labor  appropriation   strategies   came   to   be   and   proved   a   certain   “exploitative”   efficacy   in  articulating   indigenous   workforce   to   international   commodity   chains.   The   emergence   of  these  labor  appropriation  strategies  had  the  double  effect  of  expanding  the  material  flows  of  extractive  capitalism  over  extensive  and  remote  areas  of  the  tropical  rainforest,  while  at  the  same  time  changing  the  way  that  forests,  market  agents  and  commodities  related  to  the  production  of  new  indigenous  subjectivities  and  economic  habits.    

Thirdly,   I   turn   to  present   time   in  order   examine  how   these   labor   appropriation   strategies  have   evolved   throughout   time   and   how   they   allow   for   particular   forms   of   capital  accumulation   processes   in   contemporary   Peruvian   Amazonia.   Drawing   on   some   recent  ethnographic   and   quantitative   data,   I   offer   a   description   of   how   racialized   exchanges,  marginal   processes   of   statemaking   and   commercial   international   pressures   intersect   in  specific  local  settings  of  the  Peruvian  rainforest  in  order  to  make  possible  the  production  of  value  and   the  accumulation  of   extractive   capital   at   a   regional   scale.   Finally,   I   discuss  how  these   analytics   can   produce   interesting   elements   for   considering   how   localized   capitalist  projects,   the   production   of   non   wage-­‐based   labor   subjectivities,   and   tropical   rainforests  come  to  be  in  the  margins  of  contemporary  South  American  States.    

John   Rose          

Lenin   Luxemburg   War   &   Revolution:   Lenin's   criticism   of   Luxemburg's   anti-­‐war   Junius  pamphlet    

"Luxemburg’s  first  world  war  Junius  pamphlet,  written  in  prison,  was  arguably  the  greatest  anti   war   statement   of   the   last   century.   Its   haunting   theme,   Socialism   or   Barbarism,  prophetically  cast  its  shadow  over  the  last  century  and  continues  to  do  so  now.  

 Junius  was  also  uncompromising  in  its  hostility  to  Kautsky’s  pro-­‐war  German  Socialist  Party,  the  SPD,  still  claiming  to  be  a  Marxist  party,  with  a  majority  in  the  German  parliament.  

Yet  Lenin,  whilst  recognising  it  was  written  by  an  outstanding  comrade  in  the  revolutionary  socialist  tradition,  (he  didn’t  know  RL  was  the  author),  was  uneasy  about  Junius.  (Collected  Works   Volume   22,   pages   305-­‐319,  http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1916/jul/junius-­‐pamphlet.htm).  

Critically,  he  challenges  the  failure  to  break  organisationally  with  Kautsky.  

 This   captured   a   fundamental   Marxist   principle   uniquely   developed   by   Lenin.   “Politics  cannot   be   separated  mechanically   from  organisation.”     Junius   risked   failure   by   not   giving  distinct  organisational  expression  to  the  politics  of  its  powerful  anti  war  sentiment.  

Kautsky   had   claimed   the   party   had   to   respond   to   the   intensely   patriotic   mood   that   had  swept  through  the  workers  movement.  Lenin  had  already  dismissed  this  as  “treachery”,   in  'The  Collapse  of  the  Second  International'."  

Catherine  Rottenberg          

Neoliberal  Feminist  Manifestos  and  the  Entrenchment  of  an  Imperialist  Logic  

A   new   trend   is   on   the   rise:   increasingly,   high-­‐powered   women   in   the   US   are   publicly  espousing   feminism.    One  has  only   to   think  of  Anne  Marie   Slaughter's   "Why  Women  Still  Can't  Have   It  All"   that   appeared   in   the  Atlantic   in   July  2012  and  became   the  most  widely  read  article  in  the  magazine's  history.  Then,  in  March  2013,  Sheryl  Sandberg's  Lean  In  hit  the  shelves  and  instantly  became  a  New  York  Times'  best-­‐seller.  In  this  paper  I  suggest  that  both  Sandberg's  and  Slaughter's  "feminist  manifestos"  should  be  understood  as  symptomatic  of  a  larger   cultural   phenomenon   in   which   liberal   feminism   is   becoming   the   site   for   its   own  displacement.    Concentrating  on  their  shifting  discursive  registers,  I  propose  that  these  texts  can  give  us  insight  into  the  particular  ways  in  which  the  husk  of  liberalism  is  being  mobilized  to  spawn  a  neoliberal  feminism  as  well  as  a  new  feminist  subject.    While  this  emerging  form  of   feminism   can   be   understood   as   yet   another   domain   neoliberalism   has   colonized   by  producing   its   own   variant,   I   suggest   that   it   simultaneously   serves   a   particular   cultural  purpose:   it   hollows   out   the   potential   of   mainstream   liberal   feminism   to   underscore   the  constitutive   contradictions   of   liberal   democracy,   and,   in   this   way,   further   entrenches  neoliberal  rationality  and  an  imperialist  logic.  

Shahnaz   Rouse          

Precarity   and/or   the  new   ‘normal’?   in   Pakistan:  Neoliberalization,   gendered   labor   regimes  and  informalization    

"Since  the  eighties,  there  has  been  increasingly  attention  paid  to  the  informal  sector  both  in  the  advanced  capitalist  countries  as  well  as  in  many  parts  of  the  global  south.  De  Soto’s  now  well  known  work,  The  Other  Path,  published   in  1989,  brought  this  to  phenomena   into  the  mainstream,  as   a  major   component  of  peripheral   economies.  Written  at   a  moment  when  the  Fujimoro  regime  in  Peru  was  committed  to  privatization  in  Peru,  and  to  retrenchment  of  the  state  sector,  De  Soto  and  the   Institute   for  Liberty  and  Democracy,  made  virtue  out  of  necessity,  and  sought  to  push  for  laws  that  would  bring  the  informal  sector  under  the  ambit  of   the   state.   The   motivation   was   both   political   and   economic.   De   Soto’s   formulation   has  since   dominated   conventional   political   analyses   in   the   U.S.   whereby   informality   and  criminality   are   conflated   with   each   other.   This   perspective   has   allowed   for   ever   greater  degrees   of   policing   and   surveillance   of   marginalized   populations,   and   increased  incarceration  of    the  poor,  and  communities  of  color.    

Saskia   Sassen’s   work   on   globalization,   coming   almost   ten   years   after   De   Soto’s,   also  emphasizes  the  increasing  incidence  of  informalization,  but  in  a  vastly  different  register:  she  argues   that   this   sector’s  expansion   is  not  only  an   issue  confronting  peripheral  economies,  but  a   rapidly  growing  element  within  advanced  economies.  She  situates   this  development  squarely   within   the   ambit   of   late   capitalism,   and   argues   that   the   ascendance   of   finance  capital   in   today’s   marketized   global   economy   are   its   driving   force.   In   many   ways,   her  theorization   of   the   contemporary   turn   to   informalization   echoes   classic   Marxist  understandings  of  the  workings  of  capital  and  the  structural  tendency  within  capitalism  to  render  labor  increasingly  redundant,  and  pushing  such  labor  into  ‘flexible’  and  casual  labor  regimes.    

While   Sassen’s   work   provides   a   useful   and   necessary   corrective   to   De   Soto’s   earlier  treatment  of  informalization,  it  is  pitched  at  a  level  of  generalization  that  demands  greater  attentiveness   to   local   conditions   under   which   such   informalization   takes   place   within  specific  histories  of  spaces  within  the  global  south  itself.  This  is  where  a  close  reading  of  the  Pakistani   context   is   insightful:   based   on   studies   conducted   by   scholar-­‐activists   within  Pakistan,   I  hope  to  demonstrate  the  relationship  between  the  state,   international   regimes  (both  multilateral  and  economic),  and  local  forces.    Through  a  carefully  periodized  and  space  specific   analysis,   I     hope   to   explicate   the   centrality   of     gender   to   contemporary  informalization   (as   many   of   the   sources   I   draw   upon   suggest),   but   also   to   problematize  certain   assumptions   between   work   and   women’s   emancipation,   between   productive   and  unproductive   labor,   production   and   social   reproduction,   and   conclude   with   strategies   to  address   this   current   political-­‐economic   turn.  While   specific   to   Pakistan,  my   expectation   is  that  this  paper  will  provoke  a  necessary  and  much  needed  discussion  on  effective  strategies  designed  to    further  labor  struggles,  as  well  as  subject  our  own  modes  of  categorization  to  a  more  critical  scrutiny."  

Camilla   Royle          

The  production  of  nature  and  the  new  materialist  turn  

In  Uneven  Development,  Neil  Smith  put  forward  the  notion  of  the  production  of  nature.  The  work  is  an  engaging  critique  of  dualist  accounts  of  nature  that  see  it  as  either  an  untouched  wilderness  to  be  preserved  at   the  expense  of  human  development  or  an  externality   to  be  factored   in   (or  not)   to  capitalist  markets.  Smith,   following  Marx,  started  from  the  position  that  humanity  and  nature  are  a  unity  and  attempted  to  understand  the  material  practices  that  led  them  to  be  thought  of  as  separate  realms.  But,  further  than  this,  Smith  argued  that  humans  produce  all  of  the  ""nature""  that  we  see  around  us—that  there   is  no  real  nature  beyond  human  societies.  However,  this  unapologetically  anthropocentric  stance  raised  the  hackles   of   many   green   thinkers.   Even   William   Cronon’s   essay,   “The   Trouble   with  Wilderness”,  written   in   the   same  vein  as   Smith’s  work,   concludes   that   there  are  positives  associated   with   wilderness   landscapes,   arguing   that   we   should   “recognize   and   honor  nonhuman   nature   as   a   world   we   did   not   create”.   More   recently,   the   rise   of   the   “new”  materialism  has   tried   to  account   for   the  material  properties  and  capacities  of  non-­‐human  organisms  and  objects.  Does  this  renewed  engagement  with  the  actions  of  things  as  well  as  those  of  humans  present  an  insurmountable  challenge  to  the  production  of  nature  thesis?  Can   nature   be   both   produced   and   have   its   own   agency?   What   are   the   prospects   for  environmental  politics  of  the  change  in  focus  towards  the  non-­‐human?-­‐-­‐-­‐-­‐  

Bue   Rübner   Hansen        

Organising  need  and  desire    

"Since  Deleuze   and  Guattari's   damning   critique  of   Sartre's   anthropology  of   scarcity   in   the  Anti-­‐Oedipus,   a   long   tradition   of   desire-­‐based   politics   were   inaugurated,   generally  dismissing  the  importance  of  needs  in  the  age  of  post-­‐fordist  hyperproductivity.  Today,  after  the   golden   post-­‐war   years,   and   the   debt   fuelled   speculative   2000s   (and   always   in   the  necropolitical   post-­‐colonial   world),   the   limitations   of   attempts   to   push   a   growing   and  gluttonously  need-­‐satisfying   capitalism  beyond   itself   are   apparent.   Today   there   is   a   sense  that   large  populations  are  entering  a  zero-­‐sum  game  in  which  scarcity,   lack  and  need  gain  primacy  over  abundance,  excess  and  desire.    

Marx's  Capital  provides  a  powerful  framework  for  understanding  the  capitalist  production  of  needs   and   commodification   of   objects   of   desires,   but   it   does   little   to   help   us   think   the  implications   of   need   and   desire   as   subjective   operators   for   class   composition   and  organisation,   in   relation   to   resistant   and   revolutionary   practices.   Perhaps   for   this   reason  Marxists  have  thought  organisation  starting  from  class  consciousness  of  objective  relations,  and  seen  need  and  desire  as  something  to  be  overcome.    

This  paper  will  proceed  through  a  rereading  of  Marx's  remarks  on  base  and  superstructure,  in  order   to   strategically   insert  desire  and  need  at  a   central  nodal  point   in  Marxist   theory.  

The  Revolutionary  Subject:  Marx,  Menchú,  Payeras    

"The   relevance   and   vitality   of   Marx’s   thought   rest   on   its   opening   towards   alterity   and  alterity’s   revolutionary  possibilities.  Marx’s  work  on  corporeality,  estrangement,  and   living  labor  are  points  of  departure  for  a  conception  of  a  transformative  and  revolutionary  subject  under   conditions  of   crisis   throughout   “Empire”—conditions   that   close  off  more  and  more  paths  and  tend  to  leave  us  with  two  possibilities:  Revolution  or  fascism.  

In  this  presentation  I  examine  three  significant  concepts  of  the  revolutionary  subject:  First,  

"The   2011   Egyptian   uprising   constituted   a  momentous   event   in  modern   Egyptian   history.  The   uprising   can   be   theorized   as   a   response   to   the   neoliberal   project   that   had   come   to  dominate  Egypt  through  the  policies  of  the  ruling  class.  However,  three  years  on  it  appears  that   the  while   the   configuration   of   social   forces  within   the   ruling   class  may   have   shifted,  neoliberalism  continues  to  dominate  the  Egyptian  political  economy.  

The  first  part  of  this  paper  attempts  a  historical  genealogy  of  the  Egyptian  ruling  class  since  1952.   Through   using  Gramscian   and   neo-­‐Gramscian   concepts   this   paper   shows   that   since  2011   specific   actors   within   the   Egyptian   ruling   class—conceptualized   as   fractions   of  capital—have  attempted  to  reconfigure  the  ruling  class  without  changing  dominant  forms  of  capitalist  accumulation,  as  well  as  to  show  how  the  ruling  class  created  the  conditions  that  produced  the  uprising  itself.  

However  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  ignore  the  resistance  on  the  part  of  subaltern  groups.  The  ruling   class   is   constantly   in   a   complex   relationship   with   the   subaltern   classes.   Specific  communities   within   the   category   of   the   subaltern   challenge   and   subvert   hegemony.   The  second   part   of   this   paper   will   thus   trace   the   different   fractions   of   labour   that   represent  these  challenges   to  neoliberal   capital.   Through  an  analysis  of  both   the   fractions  of   capital  and   labour,   the  paper  attempts   to   show  why  neoliberal   capitalism  continues   to  dominate  Egypt  as  well  as  why  this  domination  is  not  hegemonic."  

Sune   Sandbeck          

Uneven  and  Combined  Development  and  the  Sovereign  Spaces  of  Offshore  Finance    

The   revival   of   the   historical   materialist   concept   of   uneven   and   combined   development  (U&CD)   within   the   field   of   International   Relations   has   refocused   attention   on   the  importance  of  examining  the  interaction  between  different  tempos  of  development  across  space  and  time.  What  has  emerged  from  these  discussions   is  a  theoretical  appreciation  of  the  contingent,  multilinear  and  interactive  trajectories  of  capitalist  state  formation  across  a  global   spatial   terrain   riven   by   social,   economic,   and   geographical   unevenness.   The  proliferation  of  offshore   financial   centres   (OFCs)   in   the  past   few  decades   is  a   subject   that  has  tended  to  fall  outside  the  purview  of  these  debates  and  the  present  paper  suggests  that  the  framework  of  U&CD  sheds  considerable  light  on  the  contingent  historical  context  out  of  which  OFCs  emerged.  However,   the  growing   significance  of  offshore   finance   to   the  global  economy   has   altered   the   very   meaning   of   unevenness   by   rapidly   shifting   the   spatial  contours  and  possibilities  of  capitalist  accumulation,  requiring  a  continual  rearticulation  of  sovereign  power.  The  particular  manner   in  which  offshore   finance   intensifies   some  of   the  central   contradictions   of   capitalism   forces   us   to   rethink   the   spatial   scope   of   U&CD   and   I  examine   how   a   revised   conceptualization   might   enhance   our   understanding   of   the  relationship  between  state  sovereignty  and  capitalist  accumulation.  

Nikil   Saval          

White  Collar  Work,  Space,  and  Class    

"Since   the   consolidation   of   large   industries   in   the   late   19th   century   and   advances   in   the  techniques  and  function  of  bureaucracy  in  the  private  sector,  the  rise  in  the  number  of  so-­‐called   “white   collar”   workers   has   been   a   continual   source   of   controversy   for   Marxist  analysis.  For  an  orthodox  or  vulgar  Marxism  that  held  fast  to  a  prediction  of  increasing  class  polarization,  the  apparent  class  complexity  of  fin  de  siecle  capitalism  proved  to  be  divisive  in  its  own  way,  leading  no  small  part  to  the  “revisionist”  controversies  and  fractiousness  of  the  early  20th  century.    

  The  old  argument  over  the  class  basis  of  the  white  collar  worker  has  repeated  itself  at   critical   moments   over   the   history   of   Marxist   thought,   particularly   at   moments   of  theoretical  and  organizational  crisis,  with  partisans  of  some  version  of  a  proletarianization  thesis,   often   finding   themselves   arrayed   against   thinkers   who   find   the   middle   class   an  undeniable  fact,  with  many  of  the  latter  often  finding  themselves  making  a  quick  exit  from  Marxism  altogether.  Regardless  of   camp,   the  white   collar  worker  has  proved  an  enduring  problem   for   Marxist   class   analysis;   the   endurance   of   the   individualist,   meritocratic   white  collar  worker  has  often  been  cited  as  one  of  the  central  barriers  to  viable  socialist  politics,  certainly  in  the  United  States.  

  Rather   than   attempting   to   solve   this   problematic   directly—one   of   the   more  intractable   problems   in   social   theory—my   paper   will   attempt   to   tackle   the   issue   from   a  different  angle,  by  placing  it  in  a  spatial  and  geographic  context.  The  history  of  white  collar  work  discloses  the  repeated  attempts  by  capital  to  enhance  the  technical  division  of   labor  within  firms  through  an  ever  more  refined  spatial  separation,   increasing  the  sense  of  class  complexity  and  division  within  the  white  collar  strata.  What  effect  these  forms  of  separation  might  have  had  on  a  sense  of  class  consciousness,  or  class  awareness  (to  use  Giddens’  term)  will  be  the  guiding  question  of  the  paper.    

  Tracing   the   development   of   the   office   interior   from   the   mid-­‐19th   century  countinghouses  of  the  UK  and  the  US,  I  hope  to  show  how  the  adoption  of  bureaucracy  and  the  application  of  scientific  management  had  the  effect  of  proletarianizing  sections  of   the  workforce—particularly   the   typing   or   steno   pool,   largely   composed   of   women—while  dramatizing   the   white   collar   workplace   as   a   systematically   apportioned   reflection   of   a  legitimated   hierarchy:   the   serried,   orthogonal   central   desks   occupying   the   “factory”-­‐like  settings   of   the   typing   pool   versus   the   articulated   regime   of   status   progressing   along   the  private   offices   of   the   corridor;   and   finally   the   separation   of   the   executive   suite   from   the  lower   floors.   I   will   examine   these   alongside   management   texts   that   make   explicit   the  importance  of  the  well-­‐designed  office  for  maintaining  an  individualist  ethos.    

  Similarly   the   separation  of   spaces  of  manual   and  nonmanual   labor  has  often  been  pushed   through   to   separate   the   traditional   homes   of   labor   unrest   from   its   less   agitated  deskbound  denizens.  Here  I  will  discuss  the  history  of  Chicago  planning;  the  emergence  of  

the  New  York  regional  plan;  and  the  separation  of  the  suburban  campus  setting,  which  gave  rise  to  the  discourse  of  the  knowledge  worker.    

  Finally   I  will   discuss   contemporary   conditions   of  mass   disaggregation,   at   the   same  time   that   pervasive   casualization   has   brought   talk   of   a   “new   proletariat,”   or   “precariat,”  among  the  declassed  white  collar  worker,  as  a  source  of  a  renewal  of  social  protest.   I  will  examine   these   claims   alongside   the   spatial   effects   of   disaggregation   within   white   collar  workforces,   with   many   of   the   “factory”-­‐like   settings   displaced   to   global   south   countries,  where  they   in  turn  occupy  higher   levels  of  status.   I  will  conclude  with  some  reflections  on  the  current  relationship  between  of  space  and  the  “middle  class.”"  

Tina   Schivatcheva          

Accidental   hegemon?   Exporting   the   core   chimera   -­‐   ‘Modell   Deutschland’   in   the   Eastern  European  periphery  

Reunification   has   turned   Germany   into   a   central   actor,   and   then   the   central   actor   in  determining  European  affairs.    Meanwhile  in  the  Eastern  European  periphery,  Germany  has  become  the  indisputable  economic  hegemon.    The  discussion  uses  neo-­‐Gramscian  analysis,  cultural   political   economy   and   Varieties   of   Capitalism   (VoC)   perspectives   to   analyse   the  current  trade  and  socio-­‐economic  relations  of  Germany,  Ukraine  and  Bulgaria  

Characteristic  of  the  socio-­‐political  and  socio-­‐economic  transformation  of  Eastern  Europe  is  that   by   the   early   2000s   the   whole   region   had   adopted   the   standards   and   institutional  underpinnings   of   economic   freedom   and   openness   usual   in   Western   market   economies.    Bulgaria  and  Ukraine  have  been  characterized  as  Liberal  Market  Economies   (LMEs),  which  differ  in  their  achieved  levels  of  liberalisation,  privatisation,  and  market-­‐oriented  institution  building.    Meanwhile  Germany,  the  paradigmatic  Coordinated  Market  Economy  (CME)  and  the   birthplace   of   the   tripartist   ‘Modell   Deutschland’   has   progressively   strengthened   its  economic  presence  in  Eastern  Europe.    German  economy  (GDP  3.5  trillion)  towers  above  the  economies  of  Bulgaria  and  Ukraine.    For  more  than  10  years  both  Bulgaria  and  Ukraine  have  held  negative  trade  balances  with  the  Bundesrepublik,  amounting  to  the  joint  total  sum  of  approximately   56   billion   dollars   cumulative   profits   (UNCOMTRADE).     Both   Ukraine   and  Bulgaria  have  been  consumers  of  German  industrial  goods  and  exporters  of  low  value-­‐added  products.    Yet   in  spite  of  the  decadal-­‐long  trade  asymmetries   in   favour  of  Germany,  there  have  been  only  a  token  of  complaints  about  the  paucity  of  German  FDI.      

Germany's   current   role   goes   beyond   economically   'influencing'   the   region.     A   traditional  realist/neorealist   definition   prescribes   hegemony   as   'the   holding   by   one   state   of   a  preponderance   of   power   in   the   international   systems,   so   that   it   can   single-­‐handedly  dominate   the   rules   and   arrangements   by   which   international   political   and   economic  relations   are   conducted.'     However,   modern   Germany   projects   its   power   not   via   military  force   or   direct   control,   but   by   indirect   control   of   the   rules   and   agendas   (hegemony).     A  

discussion   on   the   nature   of   hegemony   should   also   take   into   consideration   Gramsci's  analyses,   in  which  he  emphasizes  the  importance  of  the  voluntaristic  aspect  of  hegemony,  distinguishing  between   'domination'   (coercion,  power)  and   'hegemony'   (ideas,  persuasion,  consensus).    More  recently,  Ikenberry  and  Kupchan  explore  the  relationship  between  power  and   socialization   as   complementary   components   of   hegemony.     They   elaborate   that  'socialization'   serves   as   an   'effective   instrument   of   hegemonic   power   during   critical  historical  periods  in  which  international  change  coincides  with  domestic  crises  in  secondary  states.'    Thus,  although  a  preponderance  of  power  in  material  (economic)  instruments  may  facilitate   the   initial   socialization,   in   the   long  run   it  also   requires  non-­‐material   instruments,  such  as  ideas,  norms,  and  values.    

The  analysis  argues  that  the  post-­‐socialist  transition  of  Bulgaria  and  Ukraine  has  not  resulted  in   competitive   and   innovative   market   economies,   but   in   a   loss   of   economic,   social   and  human   capital.     Chronic   political   and   economic   instability   has   increased   the   social  acceptability   of   the   CME   model,   considered   to   represent   Germany,   and   consequently  German  prestige  in  Eastern  Europe.    Thus,  Germany  has  been  endowed  with  the  exemplary  able   tutor  and  Ukraine  and  Bulgaria   -­‐   the  pupils.     ‘Modell  Deutschland’   ‘made   in’  Bulgaria  and   Ukraine   is   associated   with   the   desirable   qualities   of   stability   and   incrementalism,  innovations   and   good   management   practices.     This   idealized   representation   has   failed   to  distinguish   the   complexities   of   the   socio-­‐economic   development   within   Germany.     Thus,  while   being   eroded   within   Germany   ‘Modell   Deustchland’   is   still   attractive   in   Eastern  Europe.    Capturing  the  public  imagination  of  the  Eastern  European  periphery,  the  chimera  of  the  Rhenish  model  has  been  the  most  successful  German  ‘export.’"  

Louis-­‐Georges  Schwartz          

From  Use  Time  To  Use  Value  And  Back?  

Instead  of  asking  what  comes  after   the  commodity   form,  my  paper  asks  whether  one  can  imagine   a   society   without   property   and   what   conditions   would   be   necessary   for   such   a  society.  A  society  without  property  would  mean  a  society  without  exchange  as  we  know  it,  and  wherein  production  and  reproduction  would  be   identical.  Such  a  society  might  realize  the  dream  of  living  without  an  economy.  In  The  Highest  Poverty,  Giorgio  Agamben  describes  early   Franciscan   monastics   as   a   quasi-­‐autonomous   social   segment   fitting   this   description.  The   Franciscan   vows   involve   renouncing   both   private   and   collective   property.   As   the  Catholic  Church  regulated  and  subjugated  the  monastics,  they  had  to  confront  the  problem  of  the  Franciscan  vow:  how  was  it  possible  for  Monks  to  eat  if  they  did  not  own  their  food?  Does  not  digestion  constitute  the  very  essence  of  appropriation?  At  a  given  moment  in  the  debates   the  Church  arrives  at   the  conclusion  that  use  without  possession   is  conceivable   if  use  can  be  understood  as  a  mode  of  time.  This  notion  of  use  is  central  to  Tiqqun’s  notion  of  a  communal  form  of  life  that  organizes  itself  as  a  struggle  against  capital.    Tiqqun’s  fighting  commune   is   usually   understood   as   idealism   by   historical   materialists,   but   my   paper  attempts,  via  the  methods  of  Political  Marxism  to  place  that  conclusion  in  the  context  of  the  

material  conditions   leading  to  the  production  of  monks  as  populations  unnecessary  to  the  reproduction  of  the  rest  of  feudal  society,  and  to  ask  under  what  conditions  the  enjoyment  of  activity’s    products  could  emerge  as  a  temporal  mode  rather  than  a  use  value  within  or  after  the  continuous  crisis  of  capitalism.  

Richard   Seymour          

The  Austerity  State   "It   is   too   often   glibly   assumed   that   austerity   is   a   project   for  ‘downsizing  the  state’.      

This  ideologeme  is  linked  to  a  series  of  claims  about  the  state  in  the  neoliberal  era,  including  above   all   the   claim   that   the   state   has   been   ‘withdrawing’   from   the   economy.     That  ideologeme  is  misplaced.    This  paper  will  argue  that,  while  ‘spending  cuts’  and  public  sector  firings   are   the   means   through   which   the   objectives   of   austerity   are   achieved,   and   while  there   are   rational   reasons   for   capitalist   states   to   reduce   the   burden   of   expenditures,   the  long-­‐term   effects   of   austerity   involve   redeploying   state   apparatuses   rather   than   reducing  their  size.    Using  the  examples  of  past  austerity  projects,  and  in  the  light  of  Poulantzian  state  theory,  this  paper  will  argue  that:  

The  state  under  austerity  is  neither  reducing  its  scope  nor  ‘withdrawing’  from  the  economy,  but   is   rather   changing   the   character  and  mode  of   its  extensive   involvement   in  productive  relations.  

The  state’s  cost-­‐cutting  commitments  are  real,  but  are  subordinate  to  its  crisis-­‐management  commitments.    This  in  practice  tends  to  mean  that  opportunities  for  cost-­‐cutting  are  limited  by   the   constant   need   for   the   state   to   assimilate   and   process   the   crisis   tendencies   in   the  economy.    Austerity  is  a  response  to  capitalist  crisis,  and  as  such  is  part  of  a  project  which  demands  more  state  ‘intervention’  rather  than  less.  

State  institutions  act  within  a  context  of  class  and  political  struggles,  and  must  register  the  strengths   of   opposing   sides   in   these   struggles.     This   does   not  mean   that   the   state   simply  tallies   the  balance  of   forces  on  either   side  at  any  given  moment.     It  has   its  own   resistant  materiality,   itself   the   result   of   accumulated   outcomes   of   previous   class   and   political  struggles.     It  possesses  a  certain  ‘selectivity’   in  favour  of  particular  strategies  as  a  result  of  this,  and  this  determines  the  forms  that  crisis  management  can  take.  

The  specific  form  of  crisis  management,  known  as  austerity,  must  be  understood  in  terms  of  the  particular  coalition  of  classes  and  class  fractions  that  dominates  the  state  apparatuses  -­‐  the   ‘power  bloc’.    One  effect  of  austerity   is  precisely   to   reorganise   this  power  bloc   to   the  benefit  of  ascendant  or  already  incumbent  class  fractions.  

The   relationship   between   a   state   and   the   society   which   it   organises   is   permanently  characterised  by  dysfunction  and  disequilibrium.    This  means  that  no  simple   ‘functionalist’  reading  of  austerity  is  possible,  as  it  is  by  no  means  clear  that  everything  the  state  does  can  

be   understood   as   functional   to   accumulation   or   legitimation.     It   also   means   that   each  resolution  of  crisis  that  it  achieves  is  partial  and  provisional,  and  that  each  solution  is  likely  to   contain   pathologies   of   its   own.     This   paper   will   conclude   by   discussing   the   ongoing  elements  of  crisis,  both  generic  and  conjunctural,  in  the  austerity  state."  

Stefano   Sgambati          

Leveraging  equity,   securitising  debts:   the   significance  of  modern  banking   in   the  making  of  financialisation    

"The   current   debate   on   financialisation   is   changing   our   understanding   of   class   and   class  struggle   (Bryan,   Rafferty   and   Martin   2009),   as   social   property   relations   are   being  progressively  re-­‐conceptualized  in  terms  of  debt  relations  (Ingham  2004,  2008).  This  said,  it  is  not  really  clear  who  in  the  age  of  financialisation  is  indebted  to  whom  and  how  this  affects  the  construction  of  power  relations.  Financialisation  in  effect  signals  the  ‘stabilisation’  of  a  capitalist   regime   characterised   by   the   systematic   commodification   of   debt   relations,   a  growth   ‘out   of   measure’   of   profit-­‐yielding   financial   instruments,   endemic   speculation,  financial  bubbles  (Knafo  2012;  Hudson  2012):  in  such  a  regime  nobody  is  a  genuine  creditor  because   in   principle   every   proprietor   –   and   especially   the   financier   -­‐   is   indebted   to  everybody  else  via  a  capillary  infrastructure  of  liquid  financial  relations  encompassing  states  and  markets  altogether.  

To  get  a  better  sense  of  how  class  struggle   is  articulated   in  such  a  context  of   institutional  over-­‐indebtedness,  the  paper  aims  to  outline  a  brief  phenomenology  of  the  ‘negotiation  of  value’  that   is  at  the  basis  of  modern  banking.  The   latter   is  conventionally  understood  as  a  centralized   form   of   cash   intermediation,   portfolio   management   and   credit-­‐debt  bookkeeping.   Moving   from   a   monetary   understanding,   the   paper   by   contrast   examines  modern  banking  as   the   institutionalisation  of  debt   intermediation  and   the  construction  of  modern  money  as   liquidity.   That   is   to   say,   far   from  mediating   savings,  modern  banking   is  from   principle   involved   with   the   creation   of   money   'out   of   nothing'   –   in   fact,   with   the  articulation  of  a  monetary  system  of  borrowing  and  lending  capable  of  producing  net  worth,  and   based   upon   a   combination   of   asset   and   liability   management   involving   respectively  leverage  and  securitisation.    

The  paper  thus  examines  the  rise  of  English  banking  in  the  second  half  of  the  seventeenth  century.  More   specifically   it   focuses  on:   (a)   the   financial   revolution   initiated  by   goldsmith  bankers,   as   based   on   bank   leverage   (performed   via   bill   discounting);   (b)   the   monetary  revolution  carried  by   the  Bank  of  England  during   the  eighteenth  century,  as  connected   to  the   securitisation   of   the   English   national   debt   and   the   emergence   of   a   liquid   secondary  market   for   public   securities   (Amato   and   Fantacci   2012).   Hence,   without   denying   the  specificities   of   the   current   situation,   the   paper   argues   that   to   grasp   the   significance   of  contemporary   financialisation   we   must   nonetheless   reconsider   the   very   historical  foundations  of  capitalism,  and  in  particular  the  role  of  modern  banking  in  the  production  of  

value,  because  it  is  only  from  there  that  we  can  glance  at  the  shining  skyline  of  its  tottering  towers  and  discover  what  lies  today  in  their  shadow.    

Nizan   Shaked          

Capitalist  Institutions/Leftist  Art    

Emblematic  of  the  modern  age,  museums  are  at  the  political  crossroads  of  wealth  and  the  public.   Modeled   after   its   European   predecessor,   the   American   museum   “perfected”   the  former’s   reformist   thrust   by   using   a   hybrid   private-­‐public   non-­‐profit   administrative  structure,  where   institutional  governance  has  regularly  been  steered  by  boards  comprised  of   the   upper   echelon.   Artists   in   the   United   States   have,   since   the   late   1960s,   recognized  museums   as   a   stage   where   a   political   drama   is   suspended   in   the   cultural   and   financial  tensions  between  themselves  and  their  work,  professional  personnel  (directors  or  curators),  and   the   museum   board   with   its   oversight   capacities.   A   peculiar   line   of   communication  opened  between  artists  and  the  wealthy,  and  this  paper  will  look  at  key  examples  of  works  that   spoke   directly   to   or   about   patronage.   Universities—also   spaces   where   barons   and  boosters   purport   to   share   a   culture   with   intellectuals,   where   conservative   administration  meets   progressive   faculty   and   students   (perhaps   even   revolutionary   on   occasion)—differ  from  museums   in   that   the  dialogue  with  wealth   in   the  museum   is   triangulated  by  a   third  entity:  the  public  as  audience.  This  paper  will  discuss  works  staged  with  the  public  in  mind  by  Guerrilla  Art  Action  Group,  Daniel   J.  Martinez,   and  Andrea  Fraser.   I  will   consider   them  within  the  contexts  of  the  brief  yet  significant  forming  of  the  Art  Worker’s  Coalition  in  the  late  1960s  as  a  reformist  position  of  resistance,  the  efficacy  of  which  was  debated  by  critics  and  artists   such  as  Les  Levine  and  Mel  Ramsden   (of  Art  &  Language),  who  sought  a  more  revolutionary   redefinition   of   art.   The   idea   that   art   could   intervene   into   the   means   of  production   was   subsequently   seen   as   naïve   at   best,   after   all,   the   entire   field   is   always  already   super-­‐structural.   But   since   museums   can   offer   insight   into   the   life   cycle   of   case  cultural   transactions,  we   can   also   observe   its   political   and   economic   implications   vis-­‐à-­‐vis  the   public.   I   will   ground   this   perspective   in   a   work   by   Hans   Haacke,   MoMA   Poll   (1970),  staged  to  engage  the  pubic  in  a  question  about  Nelson  Rockefeller  (then  Governor  of  New  York  State)  in  a  museum  founded  and  governed  by  members  of  the  Rockefeller  family,  and  the  dialogue  it  elicited  between  the  museum  board  (specifically  David  Rockefeller  of  Chase  Manhattan  Bank)   and   its   administration.  Disrupting   the   liberal   façade   the  museum  would  rather  foreground,  Haacke’s  work  showed  how  politics  and  money  are  “related,”  unmasking  the  resemblance  of  NY  to  an  oligarchy   in  hopes  to  point  out  a  speculative  road-­‐map  to   its  demise.  Being  pragmatic,   I  also  track  the  process  by  which  museums  have  contained  such  resistance,   and   how   artists   then   responded   in   return,   culminating   with   Andrea   Fraser’s  contribution   to   the   Whitney   Biennial   in   2012   titled   Le   1%   C’est   Moi.   Rather   than  revolutionizing   art   itself,   or   hitching   it   to   serve   the   revolution,   these   artists   aimed   their  interventions  to  question  what  ideology  does  the  institutional  structure  serve  and  why  it  is  that  the  public  tolerates  it.  

Divya   Sharma          

‘Metabolic  Rift’  and  Resistance:  Political  Ecology  in  colonial  and  post-­‐colonial  Punjab,  India  

"This  paper  will  focus  on  conceptualisations  that  build  on  the  Marxian  concept  of  ‘metabolic  rift’   (cf.   Foster,  1999;  Moore,  2011;  McMichael   and  Schneider,  2010),   to  examine  how  an  ecological   lens  helps   rethink   the  Marxist  conception  of   ‘political  agency’.     I  argue   that   the  framework   of   ‘metabolic   rift’   provides   a   way   of   understanding   how   alienation   effected  through   the   separation   of   labour   from   the   production   of   knowledge,   or   the   division   of  mental   and   menial   labour,   shapes   the   articulation   of   resistance,   by   tracing   the   changing  form  of  agrarian  struggles  and  the  landscape  of  rural  resistance  in  the  Indian  state  of  Punjab  through   the   colonial   and   post-­‐colonial   period.   Technological   interventions   have   been  employed   as   a   way   of   reorganizing   agrarian   production   and   rural   life   in   Punjab   by   the  colonial  and  the  post-­‐colonial  state,  exemplified  by  the  establishment  of  the  canal  system  by  the  British   in  the  late  nineteenth  century,  and  the  ‘Green  Revolution’   in  the  1960s.  Today,  the   agrarian   crisis   in   Punjab   is   being   articulated   by   farmers   in   a   way   that   signals   that  ecological  viability   is  contingent  on  restructuring  unequal  social   relations  of  production.   In  this  context,  I  suggest  that  an  analytic  focus  on  how  the  changes  in  the  production  process  and  the  practices  of  work  are  experienced,  in  conjunction  with  the  social  relations,  in  which  they   are   embedded,   is   significant   for   understanding   the   forms   in   which   resistance   is  articulated.  It  also  provides  a  theoretical  framework  for  understanding  both  the  rift   in  and  the  reconstitution  of  socio-­‐ecological  relations  historically  and  experientially.      

Stuart   Shields          

The  time   for   reform   is  always  now:  The  European  Bank   for  Reconstruction  &  Development  and  the  renewal  of  neoliberalisation  in  Central  Eastern  Europe  after  the  financial  "crisis”.    

The   paper   interrogates   the   role   of   the   EBRD   in   the   refinement   of   neoliberal   strategies   in  post-­‐communist   transition.   By   drawing   upon   a   Gramscian   critical   political   economy  approach,  the  paper  argues  that  the  EBRD  has  promoted  the  deepening  commodification  of  post-­‐communist   social   relations   through   the   diffusion   of   ideas   centred   round   three  successive  waves  of  neoliberalisation   in  Central  Eastern  Europe  (CEE).  The  EBRD  has  taken  advantage   of   a   series   of   crises   to   redefine   the   relationship   between   national   state   and  regional   and   international   institutions,   to   accelerate   the   closure   of   divergent   paths   to  development:  the  first  based  on  market  construction  from  the  early  1990s,  a  second  based  on   reconfiguring   institutional   arrangements   in   CEE   associated   with   European   Union   (EU)  accession,   and   third,   the   neoliberal   promotion   of   competitiveness   after   EU   membership.    The   paper   contends   that   the   EBRD’s   strategies   for   neoliberalisation   have   shifted   again   in  response   to   the   current   crisis,   and   thus   a   fourth   wave   of   neoliberalisation   is   emerging  following  the  North  Atlantic  financial  crisis.  This   latest  wave  of  neoliberalisation  evident   in  recent  EBRD  material  prompts  CEE  to  discover  sources  of  growth  less  sensitive  to  changes  in  the  external  environment:  households  and  individuals.  

Jonathan   Short          

Benjamin  and  De-­‐Vitalized  Life:  Notes  on  Politics  

  In   this   presentation   I   situate   Benjamin’s   conception   of   historical   memory,   as  elucidated   through   the   theory   of   translation,   relative   to   the   dire   state   of   contemporary  politics  under  neo-­‐liberalism.  This  discussion  of  Benjamin  seeks  to  connect  his  thought  to  a  reading  developed  by  Frank  Ruda   (2009)  of   the  young  Marx’s  Economic  and  Philosophical  Manuscripts   of   1844   as   a   way   of   thinking   politics   internal   to   and   the   overcoming   of   the  historical   production   of   a   generic   and   universal   human   essence   in   necessarily   alienated  form.  Not  only  does  my  reading  of  Benjamin  in  this  context  show  quite  clearly  the  difference  between  Benjamin  and  Heidegger  on  the  status  of  historical  time,  but   it  also  intervenes  in  the   present   political  moment   by   rejecting   contemporary   vitalist   accounts   of   philosophical  anthropology.   If   contemporary   vitalism   in   its   various   guises   asserts   a   generic   human  essence,  it  does  so  in  an  “infra-­‐political”  manner  (Bosteels  2011),  that  is,  as  a  substitute  for,  and  implicit  regulation  of,  political  action  itself.  In  Benjamin’s  thought,  like  that  of  the  early  Marx,   we   find   a   philosophical   anthropology   predicated   on   humanity   as   generic   historical  being   for   whom   memory   of   enslavement   and   dispossession—in   short,   essential  estrangement,  turns  awareness  of  devitalized  (alienated)  lives  toward  revolutionary  politics.  

Rick   Simon          

Russia,  Ukraine,  and  the  ‘new’  Imperialism    

This   paper   will   explore   the   current   (at   the   time   of   writing)   crisis   in   Ukraine   from   the  perspective   of   the   ‘new’   imperialism   associated,   in   particular,   with   David   Harvey.   It   will  argue   that   Russia’s   motivations   in   relation   to   Ukraine   must   be   analysed   from   the  perspective  of  two  dialectically  inter-­‐woven  ‘logics’:  territorialism  and  capital  accumulation.  In  respect  of  the  former,  the  collapse  of  the  Soviet  Union  replaced  an  integrated  economic  space,   in  which   Russian   cultural,   linguistic   and  military   domination   had   been   entrenched,  with   a   patchwork   quilt   of   states,   most   of   which   had   not   previously   enjoyed   independent  statehood  and  in  which  there  exist  significant  ethnic  Russian  minorities.  The  prospect  of  US  aid  to  support  Russia’s   transformation   in  the  1990s  has  been  replaced  by  the  spectre  of  a  US-­‐led   NATO   at   the   borders   of   the   Russian   Federation   and   a   new   ‘containment’   of   a  weakened   Russia   by   a   hegemonic   US.   In   respect   of   capital   accumulation,   Russia   did   not  undergo  a  transformation  to  a  capitalist  economy  in  the  manner  foreseen  by  many  Western  experts  but  instead  underwent  a  passive  revolution  in  which  elements  of  the  Soviet  system  have  been  reproduced  and   intertwined  with  new  capitalist   features  generated  by  Russia’s  integration   into  the  global  economy.   In   the  absence  of  a  strong  capitalist  class  developing  productive   capacity,   such   integration   has   been   through   the   medium   of   Russia’s   natural  resource  base.  The  combination  of  constant  US/EU  pressure  on  Russia’s  periphery  combined  with  a  concern  over  control  of  Russia’s  key  assets   in  a  deteriorating  economic  situation   in  

which  domestic  opposition  is  growing  have  prompted  Russia’s  actions,  first  in  Georgia,  and  now  in  Ukraine.  

John  Smith    

Resource   extraction,   production   outsourcing   and   the   new  divisions   of   labour   in   the   global  economy  

This   paper   locates   resource-­‐extraction   within   the   broader   context   of   proliferating   global  value  chains,  in  which  ‘lead  firms’  (MNCs  headquartered  in  imperialist  countries)  outsource  production   to   low-­‐wage   countries,   thereby   siphoning   surplus   value   extracted   from   super-­‐exploited   workers   which   reappears   as   ‘value-­‐added’   arising   from   their   own   branding   and  retailing   activities.   It   examines   why   the   increasingly   favoured   ‘arm’s   length’   relationships  seen  in  production,  i.e.  the  processing  of  raw  materials  into  finished  goods,  are  not  seen  in  the  extractive  industries,  where  giant  mining  firms  strive  to  maintain  ownership  and  control  over   natural   resources   and   their   extraction.   It   argues   that   resource-­‐extraction   and  production  outsourcing  are  two  essentially  complementary  forms  of  imperialist  exploitation,  a   ‘division   of   labour’   between   different   f(r)actions   of   imperialist   capital   whose   profits  increasingly  depend  upon  the  suppression  of  working  people  and  the  subversion  of  national  sovereignty  in  so-­‐called  emerging  nations.  

 

Murray   Smith          

Toward  a  Marxist  Phoenix:  The  Case  for  a  21st-­‐Century  Scientific  Socialism    

The  ability  of  global  capitalism  to  weather  so  well  the  financial  crisis  and  great  recession  of  2007-­‐09,  and  the  palpable  inability  of  socialists  to  extend  their  influence  significantly  in  the  face  of  so  severe  a  systemic  crisis,  has  been  viewed  as  an  enigma  by  many  on  the  left.  An  adequate  explanation  of  this   'enigma'  calls  for  an  exploration  of  three  inter-­‐related  issues:  the  long-­‐standing  and  deep-­‐going  damage  done  by  Stalinism  to  the  Marxist-­‐socialist  project;  the   persistent   hegemony   of   'utopian-­‐reformist'   conceptions   on   the   contemporary   radical  left;   and   the   acute   crisis   of   leadership   that   continues   to   afflict   the   international   working  class.  This  paper  explores  these  issues  by  summarizing  and  extending  some  of  the  principal  arguments   presented   in   'Marxist   Phoenix'   (2014)   by   Murray   E.G.   Smith,   concerning   the  theoretical   and   practical   prerequisites   for   the   revival   of   'scientific   socialism'   as   the  indispensable  foundation  of  an  insurgent  21st-­‐century  socialist  movement.  

Stuart   Smithers          

“Mimesis  and  Magic:  Breaking  the  Spell  of  Self-­‐Forgetfulness  and  Reification  in  Adorno  and  Benjamin”    

"In  his  1938  letter  to  Benjamin,  Adorno  laments  the  omission  of  theory  in  certain  aspects  of  the  Arcades  study,  suggesting:  “If  one  wished  to  put   it  very  drastically,  one  could  say  that  your  study  is  located  at  the  crossroads  of  magic  and  positivism.  That  spot  is  bewitched.  Only  theory  could  break  the  spell…”      

Adorno’s  warning   reminds  us  not  only  of   the  centrality  of   the  commodity   form   in  Marxist  thought,   but   also   the   critique   of   capital   as   a   medium   and   matrix   for   the   overlapping,  blending,   intersecting,   mystifying   and   often   bewitching   forms   of   commodity,   fetishism,  reification,   and   objectification.     While   both   authors   discuss   magic   and   mimesis   with   the  hope  of  liberating  the  modern  subject  from  arrested  development  (especially  in  the  form  of  reified   consciousness),   Adorno   and   Benjamin’s   maneuvers   demonstrate   very   different  techniques  of  spell-­‐breaking  with  regard  to  self-­‐reification.  

The  primary  concerns  of  this  paper  are  twofold:  First,  to  locate  and  elaborate  the  problem  and   significance   of   the   self-­‐reification   of   consciousness   as   central   not   only   to   Frankfurt  School   thinkers,  but  to  Marxist   thought  more  generally.  Self-­‐reification  presents   itself  as  a  form   of   “ego-­‐enclosure”   that   is   unconsciously   dependent   on   psychological   structure   and  tendencies   as   well   as   social   structures.   This   concept   of   self-­‐reification   encourages   us   to  question   the   ways   in   which   the   commodity   form   accelerates   and   disguises   the   reality   of  “self-­‐forgetting,”  which  allows  capital  to  solidify  its  victories  in  the  reified  self.  

The  second  concern  of  the  paper  is  to  begin  a  study  of  the  concepts  of  magic  and  mimesis  as  tropes   employed   by   Benjamin   and   Adorno   in   discussions   of   self-­‐forgetfulness   related   to  commodity,  fetish,  and  reification.    The  paper  argues  that  discussions,  images,  and  theories  of  “magic”  represent  a  special  intersection  for  the  critique  of  the  ideas  of  identity,  naming,  thinking,   and   reification   in   Adorno   and   Benjamin,   a   bewitched   spot   in   which   capital’s  mystifying  and  alluring  processes  of   commodity   structure  and   self-­‐reification  are   revealed  and  therefore  made  potentially  more  vulnerable  to  spell-­‐breaking."  

Panagiotis   Sotiris          

Encounter,   inexistence   of   the   origin   and   virtual   forms   of   communism:   Althusser’s   new  materialist  practice  of  philosophy  in  the  1970s    

The   recent   publication   of   Althusser’s   1972   course   on   Rousseau   and   of   his     important  manuscript,   from   the   second   half   of   the   1970s,     on   the   Initiation   to   Philosophy   for   non-­‐philosophers,   along   with   other   texts   already   published   from   the   same   period,   such   as  Machiavelli  and  Us,    the  “Transformation  of  Philosophy”  lecture  and  the  texts  on  the  crisis  of  Marxism,  offers  us  the  possibility  to  retrace  Althusser’s  confrontation  with  the  question  of    a    new  and  highly  original  materialist  practice  of  philosophy  as  a  parallel  process  with  this  attempt  towards  a  left  critique  of  the  many  shortcomings  of  the  communist  movement  in  a  period  of  strategic  crisis.  These  texts  help  us  realize  that  the  materialism  of  the  encounter  should  not  associated  only  with  the  posthumously  published  texts   from  the  1980s,  but,   in  

contrast,   should   be   viewed   as   an   integral   part   of   Althusser’s   theoretical   and   political  

propose   a   historical   understanding   which   conceives   the   past   and   present   as   an   organic  totality  adopting  the  presupposition  that  every  history  is  necessarily  contemporary  history.  

Vicky   Sparrow          

Resisting  the  commodity  form  in  language:  the  poetics  of  Anna  Mendelssohn.    

"The   poet   under   capital   has   been   given   a   heavy   task.   Since   Walter   Benjamin’s  conceptualisation   of   Baudelaire   as   the   poetic   subject   compelled   to   give   voice   to   the  commodity,   and   T.   W.   Adorno’s   declamation   of   poetry’s   death   in   the   wake   of   European  fascism,  the  poetic  producer  contends  with  the  form’s  compromised  position.  

When  it  is  written  through  the  colonised  minds  and  subject(ivitie)s  of  late  global  capitalism,  poetry   can   do   nothing   but   share   its   linguistic   material   with   capital.   Furthermore,   poetic  language  might  unavoidably  –   through  techniques  which  raise   the   ‘value’  of   its  composite  language  –  exploit  a  kind  of  inflated  linguistic  economy.  Does  this  methodological  sympathy  with   capitalist   logic   make   poetry   predisposed   to   complicity   with   capitalist   modes   of  domination?  Anyone  reading  mainstream  poetry  now  might  feel  constrained  to  answer  yes.    

This  paper  focuses  on  one  writer:  Anna  Mendelssohn,  the  poet  and  activist  made  (in)famous  through  her  1972  conviction  for  conspiracy  to  cause  explosions,  along  with  other  members  of  the  British  anti-­‐capitalist  activist  group,  the  Angry  Brigade.  Mendelssohn’s  poetic  output  finds   innumerable   ways   of   resisting   the   economico-­‐linguistic   structures   of   meaning   and  domination  she  perceived,  and  attacked,  in    concrete  social  relations  under  capitalism.  The  paper  considers  how  poetry  can  endure  its  commodification;  and  how  the  commodity  form  endures  in  language."  

Ross   Speer          

Machiavellian  Marxists:  Comparing  aspects  of  Gramsci’s  and  Althusser’s   interpretations  of  Machiavelli    

"This   paper   compares   the   interpretations   of   Machiavelli   put   forward   by   Gramsci   and  Althusser.      I  argue  that  the  two  interpretations  discussed  are  more  complimentary  than  has  been   recognised.   Gramsci   and   Althusser   approach   Machiavelli   with   similar   concerns   and  draw   from   him   similar   conclusions.   By   adopting   a   comparative   approach   to   the   texts   it  becomes  possible  to  uncover  the  lines  of  continuity  that  exist  between  them.    

Machiavelli   is   of   such   significant   influence   on   the   respective   oeuvres   of   Gramsci   and  Althusser   that   looking   at   them,   and   in   particular   the   relationship   between   them,   through  this  lens  provides  a  useful  avenue  through  which  we  may  find  an  underlying  unity  between  their  respective  Marxisms.  Both  thinkers  are  making  use  of  Machiavelli  to  construct  a  non-­‐deterministic  Marxism,  whereby  political  practice   is   the  most   important   factor   in  deciding  the  course  of  history.  Politics  is  the  space  of  beginnings,  where  new  aims  are  constituted  as  practical  projects;  the  success  of  which  is  never  guaranteed  in  advance.  Althusser  goes  on  to  

make  explicit  the  philosophical  conception  underlying  this  –  aleatory  materialism  –  and  it  is  argued   here   that   Gramsci   acts   as   an   important   predecessor   to   the   development   of   this  idea."  

Annie   Spencer          

Toward  a  Geographical  Historical  Materialist  Theory  of  Addiction   in  the  Capitalist  Mode  of  Production    

"In  the  United  States  a  growing  prescription  opiod  and  heroin  epidemic  among  the  working  and  workless  poor  is  erupting  at  the  same  time  that  dwindling  state  budgets  and  brimming  state  prisons   contribute   to  widening  discursive   concession  among  U.S.  politicians   that   the  forty-­‐year  old  War  on  Drugs  has  been  a  “failure.”    The  contradictions  of  the  moment  suggest  a  coming  reconfiguration  of  state  policy  toward  the  treatment  of  drug-­‐addicted  people,  and  thus  an  important  moment  for  studying  the  state’s  role  in  managing  surplus  populations  and  surplus  capital.    

While   the   Big   Pharma   Industrial   Complex   directs   research   and   development   on   addiction  toward   the   production   of   new   drugs   for   the   ‘management’   of   the   presumed-­‐terminal  condition  of  being  addicted  (thereby  guaranteeing  what  recovery  can’t—a  revenue  stream),  in  addition  to  new  drugs  to  become  addicted  to,  publicly-­‐funded  studies,  many   leveraging  the  advances  afforded  by  recent  MRI  and  other  brain-­‐mapping  technology  reveal  a  different  understanding  of  the  nature  of  addiction,  one  in  which  chronic,  early  childhood  stress  and  trauma  emerge  as  the  strongest  predictors  for  a  susceptibility  to  addiction  (CDC  2013,  Maté  2010).  Scholars  bridging  the  divide  between  the  emerging  evidence  and  existing  social  policy  offer  the  empirical  data  to  back  up  what  a  gut  instinct  already  tells  many  of  us—the  primary  factors   contributing   to   addiction   are   social,   environmental,   political-­‐economic,   and   thus,   I  contend,  inherently  spatial.  

The  new  medical  and  social  science  research  offer  insights  that  problematize  the  dominant  views  of  addiction  and  ‘addicts’  that  animate  existing  state  policies.  The  emerging  consensus  refutes   the  bio-­‐determinist   genetic   argument   as  well   as   the   related  medical   consensus  of  addiction   as   a   ‘disease,’   and   shine   a   stark   light   of   truth   on   the   criminal   justice   system’s  dismissal  of  even  the   'disease'  model,   in  favor  of  a   liberal-­‐punitive   ideological  construct  of  the  ‘addict’  as  a  racialized  subject—  derelict,  parasitic,  possessing  poor  moral  character  and  thus  an  inherent  criminality.  

In  putting  an  examination  of  changing  state  policy,  discourse,  and  infrastructure  in  response  to  the  opiod  and  heroin  addiction  epidemic  in  conversation  with  Marxist  social  theory,  the  Black  Radical  Tradition,  and  Third  World  Feminism(s),   I  work  toward  some  intellectual  and  methodological   clarity   on   the   following   (working)   hypothesis:     Addictions   arise   as   an  attempt   to   self-­‐medicate   the   embodied   (physical,   emotional,   socio-­‐spiritual)   pain   that  accompanies   the   necessary   violence   required   for   social   reproduction   under   the   capitalist  

mode  of   production,  which   is   inherently   racial   and   gendered   (see   Spencer   2014).     I   posit  that   the   fatal   couplings   of   difference   and   power   that   the   system   requires   (Hall   1992,   in  Gilmore   2008;   see   also   Smith   1984),   always   entail   social   and   geographical   dislocation  (Spencer  2014,  Alexander  2012)  a  process  that   is  always  unfolding,  transmuting,  as  capital  reconfigures   to   subvert   barriers   and   maximize   accumulation   and   one   in   which   the   state  plays  a  central,  but  not  singular,  role.    

 

Jonathan   Stafford          

Circulation,  Repetition  and  Globalised  Patterns  of  Accumulation:  the  temporal  logic  of  steam  power  in  nineteenth  century  imperialist  shipping.    

In   Volume   III   of   Capital,   Marx   reproduces   a   lengthy   quotation   from   the   Manchester  Guardian   concerning   a   practice   of   ‘fabricating   fictitious   capital’   whereby   the   shipping  documents  of   commodities   travelling   from   India  by   sailing   ship   around   the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  to  England  were  sent  rapidly  by  steamships  via  Egypt.  Preceding  the  goods  by  several  months,  the  documents  could  be  redeemed  by  the  company  through  pawning  the  banker’s  drafts  with  a   London  bank  well   in  advance  of  actually  having   to  pay   for   the  merchandise.  What  is  significant  for  Marx  in  this  passage  is  that  the  utilisation  of  steamships  marked  the  simultaneous   existence   of   two   distinct   structures   of   temporality   in   the   context   of   the  capitalist   means   of   production.   Steamship   time   as   the   temporality   of   industrial   capital   is  rendered   in   opposition   to   that   of   sail   –   the   circulatory   logic   of   merchant   capital.   This  historical  departure  marks  the   inception  of  a  new  circulatory  regime,  governed  by   its  own  temporal   structure,   which   runs   in   parallel   with   the   existing   system,   discontinuously  simultaneous   but   nonsynchronous.   This   paper   sets   out   to   challenge   the   received   logic   of  temporal  acceleration  characteristic  of  the  narrative  of  capitalist  spatial  domination  with  a  study  of  new  temporal  modalities  of  accumulation  on  a  global  scale  which  exhibit  circulatory  patterns  distinguished  rather  by  their  predictability  and  repetition.  

Luke  Stobart  

The  politics  and  'anti-­‐politics'  of  Podemos  

Contrary   to  economistic   categorisations  made  of   the  15-­‐M   (Indignados)  movement   in   the   Spanish  State,  this  movement  was  primarily  a  rebellion  against  ‘really  existing  politics’  and  an  example  of  the  new  ‘anti-­‐politics’  identified  by  Humphrys  and  Tietze.    Due  to  the  historic  dimensions  of  the  15-­‐M,  its  consciousness-­‐raising,   and   the   reconfiguration   of   social   struggle   it   inspired,   the   15-­‐M   has   fed   a  progressively-­‐inclined   organic   crisis   of   the   state.   More   recently,   ‘anti-­‐politics’   has   confirmed   its  transformative  potential  through  the  electoral  advance  of  Podemos  —  a  radical  organisation  mainly  consisting  of  participants  from  the  ‘new  social  movements’.  In  a  context  of  political  disaffection  and  ‘institutional  blockage’,  Podemos’  systematic  antagonism  towards   ‘the  political  caste’  enabled   it   to  win  8%  of  the  vote  in  its  first  elections,  and  to  dominate  subsequent  debate  in  the  mainstream.  This  militancy  and  Podemos’  ‘new  way  of  doing  politics’  (mass  assemblies,  open  primaries  and  rejection  

of  ‘closed-­‐door’  negotiations)  are  unsettling  and  destabilising  the  traditional  Left,  and  strengthening  calls  for  a  change  in  the  institutional  framework  after  the  abdication  of  King  Juan  Carlos.  Even  when  taking  local  factors  into  account,  the  surprise  impact  of  Podemos  suggests  that  radical  ‘anti-­‐politics’  provides  a  strong  basis  for  progressive  projects  within  the  contemporary  international  context.  

Robert  Stolz          

From  Imperial  Agriculture  to  “Income  Doubling”:  The  Postwar  Japanese  Agrarian  Crisis    

Using   Uno   Kozo   and   Tosaka   Jun’s   understanding   of   a   free-­‐floating   “feudality”—a   feudal  essence  as  opposed  to  a   feudal  system—this  paper  will   look  at  Occupation   Japan’s   (1945-­‐52)   agricultural   policies   as   a   way   to   explore   how   the   loss   of   Japan’s   empire   forced   a  rethinking  of  not  only   landholding  and   taxation  policies,  but  also  a   significant   recycling  of  imperial   ideologies   that   had   a   profound   influence   on   the   structure   and   politics   of   the  postwar  Japanese  state.  As  a  way  to  get  at  how  contemporaries  viewed  the  nature  of  the  global  crisis  of  1931-­‐45  and  what  they  considered  necessary  for  a  Japan  without  an  empire,  I  will  use  the  records  and  materials  submitted  to  SCAP  for  the  1950  rehabilitation  hearing  of  the   purged   head   of   Yukijirushi   (Snow   Brand   Dairy),   Kurosawa   Torizō   (1885-­‐1982).   Snow  Brand,  or   its  wartime   incarnation,  Hokkaido  kōnō  kōsha,   is  well  placed   for   this  discussion:  Originally  a  producers’  cooperative  conceived  as  a  solution  to  the  vulnerability  of  farmers  to  market  and  political   forces   in   the  Ashio  Copper  Mine  Pollution   Incident,   it   later  became  a  key  part  of   imperial  agricultural  policy  when  Kurosawa  was  appointed  to  the  Imperial  Rule  Assistance  Association    (IRAA).  Though  this  resulted  in  an  initial  breakup  and  purge  by  SCAP,  both   Kurosawa   and   Snow   Brand   had   reformed   on   the   eve   of   the   Ikeda   cabinets’   famous  “high-­‐growth”  and  “income  doubling”  plans  of  1960.  

Ted   Stolze          

Paul  of  Tarsus,  Thinker  of  the  Conjuncture    

"In   my   talk   I   defend   the   following   thesis:     the   apostle   Paul   should   be   understood   as   a  theorist   not   of   the   “universal”   but   of   the   “conjuncture.”     Here   I   part   company  with   such  continental  philosophers  as  Giorgio  Agamben,  Alain  Badiou,  and  Slavoj  Zizek,  who   in   their  own  ways  have  upheld  a  universalist  account  of  Paul.    By  contrast,  I  follow  Pauline  scholar  Neil   Elliott,   who   has   criticized   such   contemporary   recapitulations   of   a   longstanding  Protestant  motif  about  a  supposed  radical  break  between  Jesus’  particularizing  movement  and  Paul’s  universalizing  mission  (a  motif  most  recently  taken  up  in  books  by  James  Tabor  and   Reza   Aslan).   It   is   important,   I   contend   (following   New   Testament   scholars   David  Wenham   and   Bruce   Longenecker)   to   understand   Paul   as   thinking   and   acting   in   profound  continuity   with   the   teachings   and   traditions   associated   with   the   historically   remembered  Jesus,  in  particular,  regarding  the  latter’s  identification  with,  and  concern  for,  the  “poor.”      

Moreover,  I  maintain  that  it  is  crucial  to  approach  Paul  not  through  an  undue  emphasis  on  his  Letter  to  the  Romans  (as  Agamben,  Badiou,  and  Zizek  have  done),  but  through  his  earlier  

letters   to   various   ekklēsiae   (“assemblies”)   of   Jesus   followers   in   Thessalonica,   Philippi,  Galatia,  and  Corinth.    In  each  of  these  letters  Paul  was  concerned  to  address,  and  to  resolve,  specific   internal   community   disputes;   he   played   the   role   of   a   “troubleshooter.”     I   equally  propose  that  in  these  letters  Paul  was  interested  in  providing  concrete  analyses  of  concrete  situations   within   the   context   of   the   clashing   theologico-­‐political   priorities   of   first-­‐century  Jewish  and  Roman-­‐imperial  cultures  and  traditions.    

Finally,   in   philosophical   dialogue   with   Louis   Althusser’s   conception   of   “aleatory  materialism,”   I   approach   Paul’s   “cosmology”   as   rooted   in   what   Pauline   scholar   Troels  Engberg-­‐Pederson  has  called  a  bodily  conception  of  pneuma  (“spirit”).   I  also  maintain  that  Paul  was  especially  concerned,  as  Althusser  would  put  it,  with  the  primacy  of  practice  over  theory,   namely,   with   drawing   lines   of   demarcation   between,   reconsolidating,   and   then  taking   positions   on,   tendencies   within   nascent   Christian   doctrine.   In   sum,   I   would   like   to  identify  and  elaborate  on  defining  key  features  of  what  Althusser’s   friend  Stanislas  Breton  has  called  the  “radical  philosophy”  of  Paul."  

Veronika   Stoyanova        

The  construction  of   the   idea  of  civil   society  and   its   role   in   the  neoliberal   transformation   in  Bulgaria    

This  paper  is  an  attempt  to  contribute  to  research  on  the  postcommunist  ‘transitions’  from  socialism   to   capitalism,   and  particularly   on   the   role   of   discourse   and   ideology   in   these.   It  focuses  specifically  on  the  case  of   the  discursive  construction  and  construal  of   the   idea  of  ‘civil  society’  within  the  neoliberal  agenda  of  the  transformation  in  Bulgaria.  Throughout  the  course  of  the  Bulgarian  ‘transition’,  the  concept  of  civil  society  was  predominantly  borrowed  as   an   abstract   but   ready-­‐made   yardstick   by   which   to   judge   whether   the   country   was  successfully   transitioning   to   a   liberal   democratic   system,   and   the   term   came   to  dominate  political  discourses.  For  the  purposes  of  this  paper,  I  take  four  reports  published  by  NGOs  in  the   period   between   1998   and   2007,   whereby   the   ‘state   of   civil   society’   is   evaluated   and  policy   recommendations   made.   I   adopt   the   methodology   of   critical   discourse   analysis  (Fairclough   1995)   in   reading   these   reports,   focusing   on   their   language   as   1)   text,   2)   as  discursive   practice,   involving   the   production   and   interpretation   of   text,   and   as   3)   social  practice.   I   also   draw   on   theories   of   social   imaginaries   (Taylor   2004)   and   of   utopias   and  ideologies   (Mannheim   1936/1976;   Bloch   1954/1986)   to   acquire   the   analytical   lens   to  investigate  questions  of   structure,  agency  and  culture   in   the  discursive   justification  of   the  specific   (neoliberal)   form   of   civil   society   which   was   promoted   in   the   Bulgarian  postcommunist  transformation.  

Alen   Suceska          

Dead  Weight  of  Times  Long  Past:  The  Temporality  of  "Common  Sense"    

Antonio  Gramsci's  „common  sense“  is  a  concept  signifying  a  fractured  world-­‐view  composed  of   various   non-­‐contemporaneous   and   often   contradictory   layers   from   various   historical  periods,   whereby   each   represents   certain   beliefs,   values,   practices   and/or   folklore  knowledge.   This   fracturedness   is   being   continuously   reproduced   by   the   hegemonic  apparatuses  of   the  capitalist  class  within  the   integral  state   (political  society  +  civil   society)  and  used  so  as  to  maintain  a  non-­‐critical  and  reactionary  way  of  thinking  and  way  of  life  of  the   masses.   But   “common   sense”   can   also   become   “good   sense”,   i.e.   a   critical,   self-­‐conscious   and   revolutionary   world-­‐view.   In   order   to   think   with   Gramsci   within   today’s  capitalist  conjuncture,  there  are  several  questions  worth  posing:  what  are  the  mechanisms  endorsed   by   the   ruling   class’   hegemonic   apparatuses   to   reproduce   and   “trigger”   the  reactionary   layers   of   “common   sense”?;   in   contrast,   what   are   the   mechanisms   used   to  repress  its  progressive  layers,  effectively  preventing  it  from  becoming  “good  sense”?;  what  is   the   role  of   revolutionaries   (organic   intellectuals)   in   “speaking   to”   “common   sense”   and  how   do   they   find   their   way   through   its   non-­‐contemporaneous   layers?;   how   can   the  progressive   “good   sense”   be   liberated  of   the  dead  weight   of   times   long  past   by   a   critical  political  practice?  

Kenneth   Surin          

Dependency  Theory's  reanimation  in  the  era  of  financial  capital    

In  this  paper  I  examine  the  claim,  advanced  in  many  quarters  and  in  several  versions,  that  the   most   recent   forms   of   capitalist   development   have   effectively   discredited   theories   of  uneven   or   dependent   development,   and   this   because   these   theories   hinge   crucially   on  conceptions   that   are   no   longer   plausible   theoretically   and   which   have   been   sidelined   by  recent  historical  events.  Thus,  the  ending  of  the  post-­‐war   'Golden  Age'  ensued  in  a  radical  restructuring  of  world  capitalism  that  saw  the  emergence  of  new  regimes  of   international  competition.      These  regimes,  it  is  claimed,  have  allowed  the  East  Asian  countries  to  emerge  as   full-­‐fledged   industrial   powers   (contra   dependency   theory);   and,   moreover,   the  emergence   of   financialization   has   up-­‐ended   the   old   notion   that   development   has   to   be  predicated  on  industrialization  (again  contra  dependency  theory).      Against  these  views,  I’ll  argue   that   dependency   or   uneven   development   theory   can   be   expanded   to   take   into  account  comprador  industrialization  and  financialization.  

Dan   Swain          

The  Actuality  of  Revolution  as  Guide  to  Action    

"In  this  paper  I  offer  an  interpretation  of  Lukács’  concept  of  ‘the  actuality  of  revolution’  as  a  practical  guide  to  action  which  is  both  consistent  with  and  informed  by  Marx’s  commitment  to  proletarian  self-­‐emancipation.  This  concept  has  been  subjected  to  varied  interpretations.  On  the  one  hand,  it  appears  to  refer  to  the  fact  that  revolution  is  historically  possible,  and  recognised  to  be  so.  On  the  other,  it  suggests  a  certain  revolutionary  approach  or  method,  

in  which   the   problems  of   everyday   life   are   recognised   as   problems  of   the   revolution.  My  interpretation   stresses   the   latter   of   these  options,   arguing   that   it   is   best   understood  as   a  guide  to  revolutionary  practice,  which  stresses  at  every  stage  practical  questions  of  working  class  empowerment  and  self-­‐emancipation.    

To   this  extent   I  agree  with  arguments   from  Paul  LeBlanc  and   Jodi  Dean  that  Lukács’   ideas  are  of  continuing  relevance  for  anyone  committed  to  radical  political  change,  and  needn’t  be  understood  as  licensing  an  elitist  approach.  However,  partially  against  Dean  and  LeBlanc,  I  argue  that  there  is  an  elitist  strain  in  Lukács  which  must  be  properly  disentangled,  and  that  this  rests  on  his  tendency  to  conflate  Marxist  theory  with  revolutionary  class  consciousness.  Although  avoiding  this  conflation  unravels  some  of  Lukács’  neat  dialectical  solutions,  it  does  not  completely  devalue  his  approach  to  revolutionary  practice.  

Krystian   Szadkowski          

Political   and   economic   consequences   of   the   first   capitalist   transformation   of   the   Polish  higher  education  system  (1990-­‐2008)    

"Until   1989   the   socialist   higher   education   system   in   Poland   was   elite-­‐formation   oriented,  with  the  average  participation  rate  of  15%  of  the  youth  population  aged  between  19-­‐24  and  around  400  000  students.  The  first  capitalist  transformation  of  the  sector,  started  in  1990,  brought  enormous  change.  Rapid  expansion  of   the  enrolments,  partially  achieved  through  creation   of   the   large   private   sector   and   internal   privatization   of   the   public   universities,  reached  its’  peak  in  2005  with  nearly  2  million  students  enrolled  and  participation  rate  over  50%.   The   specificity   of   this   universalization   of   access   at   the   post-­‐socialist   peripheries  remains   obscure.   Polish   higher   education   system,   despite   size   and   openness,   became   an  “accelerator  of  class  division”  and  a  “factory  of  precarious  workers”.  The  article  reads  this  process,  on  the  one  side,   through  the   lenses  of   the  Marxist  analysis  of  a  higher  education  systems'   dynamics   (using   concepts   of   formal   subsumption   and   ideal   form   of   formal  subsumption),  on  the  other,  with  the  focus  on  the  functionality  of  the  system  itself  for  the  expanding  capitalist  labour  market  (absorption  of  the  potentially  unemployed,  reduction  of  the   costs   of   labour   power,   precarization,   substitution   of   the   welfare   provision   under   the  neoliberal   onslaught).   The   final   part   shows   how   this   shift   from   elite   to   universal   access,  specific   for   the  systems  of   some  post-­‐socialist   countries   in   the   region,  not  only   supported  the   expansion   of   capitalism   but   also   formed   one   of   the   most   important   conditions   of   its  survival.  

Sebastiano   Taccola          

Marx  and  the  Ancients.  The  Italian  debate  during  the  Seventies.    

"The  debate  on  the  social  and  economic  life  in  the  ancient  world  has  often  interested  Marx  scholars.   Since   the   1950’s,   many   economic   anthropologists,   under   the   influence   of   the  

category   of   “embedded   economy”   proposed   by   Karl   Polanyi,   have   pointed   out   that   the  historical  materialism  categories  are  not  sufficient  to  understand  ancient  societies.  

Though  Marx  didn’t   leave  us  a   systematic  exposition  of   the  ancient  modes  of  production,  nevertheless,   he   was   really   interested   to   this   kind   of   problem.   It   is   sufficient   to   read   the  parts  dedicated  to  the  pre-­‐capitalistic  modes  of  production  that  can  be   found,  not  only   in  the  Grundrisse  and  in  the  Enthnological  Notebooks,  but  also  some  in  the  Capital.  

In  my  presentation   I  will   focus  on  the   Italian  debate  on  Marx  and  the  Ancients  during  the  Seventies.  

The   contributions   given   by   Marxian-­‐oriented   Italian   philologists,   archaeologists   and  philosophers,  far  beyond  the  twentieth  century  fundamental  contrast  between  primitivism  and  modernism,  represented  a  deep  critique  of  the  economic  anthropology  and  gave  new  life  to  historical  materialism.    

Following   this   path,   it   is   possible   to   develop,   on   the   one   hand,   a   radical   critique   of   the  “embedded  economy”  model,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  overcome  the  hypostasis  and  the  naturalizations  of  mainstream  historiography.  According  to  me,  this  could  be  the  key  for  us  to   build   up   a   rich   comparison   between   the   pre-­‐capitalistic   and   the   capitalistic   modes   of  production,  and  to  actualize  Marx’s  critique  of  the  political  economy  method,  as  exposed  by  him  in  the  Introduction    to  Grundrisse.  

Daniel   Tanuro          

Climate   change:   the   worker's   movement   and   the   necessary   reduction   of   the   material  production  

  The   2°C   Carbon   budget   implies   for   developed   capitalist   countries   to   reduce   their  GHG  emissions   each   year  by   at   least   11%,   from  now   to  2050.   Such   a   reduction   is   a   huge  challenge,  especially  if  it  goes  hand  in  hand  with  a  phasing  out  of  the  nuclear  energy  (which  is  absolutely  necessary,  for  obvious  reasons).  The  building  of  a  new  energy  system,  based  on  renewables,   will   need   great   amounts   of   fossil   fuels   causing   additional   emissions   of   CO2,  compared  to  the  BUA  scenario.  These  emissions  will  have  to  be  compensated  by  drastic  cuts  in  the  primary  energy  consumption.  The  unescapable  conclusion   is  that  the  success  of  the  energy   transition   depends   on   a   serious   reduction   in   the   material   production   and  transportation.   As   a   consequence,   it   is   not   enough   to   ask   for  more   green   jobs.  Neither   a  carbon  tax  will  be  an  instrument  to  cope  with  the  urgency  of  the  situation.  To  conciliate  the  quick  reduction  in  the  material  production  with  the  worker's  demands  for  jobs  and  against  austerity   will   be   possible   only   within   the   framework   of   a   very   radical   and   global  anticapitalist   policy,   including   a.o.:   the   planification   of   the   transition,   at   least   at   the  European   level,   the   nationalisation   of   energy   and   finance,   the   closure   of   harmful   or  unnecessary  industries,  the  worker's  control  on  the  quality  of  their  production,  new  jobs  in  new  public  services  in  the  fields  of  dwelling  insulation,  the  location  of  the  food  production,  

land  management  and  care  of  the  environment,  and  a  drastic  reduction  in  the  working  time  -­‐  without  wage   loss-­‐  as  a  qualitative  compensation   for  certain  quantitative  changes   in   the  way  of   life.  There's  no  shortcut,  no  place  for  a  class  collaboration  policy.  The  point  of  non  return   has   been   passed   in   the   melting   of   the   ice   cap   of   Western   Antarctica.   Radical   left  should   unify   its   forces   in   order   to   sound   the   tocsin   and   elaborate   an   ecosocialist   plan   in  order  to  limit  the  catastrophy.  

Zehra   Tasdemir   Yasin        

Capital,  Nation-­‐State  and  Ecology:  Production  of  Mosulas  as  an  oil-­‐field,  1914-­‐1958  

This   paper   explores   the   historically   and   geographically   specific   relationship   between  capitalist   development   and   nation-­‐state   formation   with   respect   to   the   socio-­‐ecological  content   of   this   relationship   based   on   the   instance   of   the   incorporation   of   the   Ottoman  province  of  Mosul  into  the  modern  world  economy  in  the  first  half  of  the  twentieth  century.  Based   on   the   archival   research   conducted   at   the   British   Petroleum   Company   Archives,   it  explores  particular   spatial  modalities   through  which  Mosul  was   reproduced  as   a   concrete  space   of   both   nation-­‐state,   i.e.   Iraq,   and   commodity   frontier.   It   firstly   argues   that   the  demarcation  of  the  geo-­‐political  boundaries  of  mobility  and  sovereignty  was  not  only  a  geo-­‐political  process,  but  also  a  process  of  demarcating  and  defining  economic  space  of  nation-­‐state  within  the  world  division  of  labor  and  nature.  Secondly,  rather  than  presuming  oil  as  a  “raw  material”  or  “free  gifts  of  nature”  in  the  process  of  commodity  production,  it  specifies  the   abstraction   and   exploitation   of   Mosul   oil   as   a   matter   of   a   specific   socio-­‐ecological  relation   that   creates   value   through   alienation   of   nature   and   human-­‐nature   relation.   It  argues  that  the  production  of  Mosul  in  the  image  of  the  cycle  of  oil  production  created  the  concrete   economic   space   of   nation-­‐state   in   which   nature   is   dominated   to   the   relation   of  exchange.  

Eigo   Tateishi          

Smoking  Metropolises:  Capitalist  urbanization  and  fossil  fuels    

"Urban  areas  are  the  most  significant  contributors  to  today’s  global  warming.  International  Energy   Agency   estimates   that   approximately   70   %   of   CO2   emissions   stem   from   urban  activities.   At   the   same   time,   as   David   Harvey   argues,   urbanization   is   a   primary   way   of  absorbing  over-­‐accumulated  capital,  which   is   imperative  for  the  survival  of  capitalism.  Can  we   find   any   theoretical   connection   between   fossil   fuel   consumption   within   the   city   and  capitalist   urbanization?   I   shall   try   to   show   that   today’s   global   capitalism   and   the   mass  consumption  of  fossil  fuels  are  indeed  closely  linked.  This  shall  be  done  by  showing  not  only  that  capitalist  production   is   fossil-­‐fuel-­‐dependent   (FFD)  but  also  that  spatio-­‐temporal   fixes  for  crises  of  over  accumulation,  as  identified  by  David  Harvey  formulated,  is  FFD  as  well.  The  sequence  might  be  sketched  in  the  following  way:  

{[CP  +  FF  =  AC]  →  [OAC]  →  [STF(U)  +  FF’]}  →    

{[CP’  +  FF’’  =  AC’]  →  [OAC’]  →  [STF(U)’  +  FF’’’]}  →    

{[CP’’  +  FF’’’  =  AC’’]  →  [OAC’’]  →  [STF(U)’’  +  FF’’’’]}  →  

…continues  until  the  ecological  (or  systemic)  breakdown.  

Abbreviations:  

CP   :  Capitalistic  Production  

FF   :  Fossil  Fuels  

AC   :  Accumulation  

OAC   :  Over  Accumulation  

STF(U)   :  Spatio-­‐Temporal  Fix  (Urbanization)  

I  would  like  to  discuss  these  theoretical  arguments  with  special  reference  to  Marx,  Lefebvre,  and  Harvey  while  referring  to  my  future  fieldwork  outcomes  about  Iskandar  Malaysia  urban  development  project  in  Johor  Bahru,  Malaysia,  during  this  summer.  

Michael   Thompson          

Reified  Intersubjectivity:  A  Critique  of  Contemporary  Critical  Theory  

  The   power   of   the   commodity   form   to   shape   consciousness   is   at   the   heart   of   the  theory   of   reification.   Despite   this,   contemporary   critical   theory   persists   in   defining   itself  against   reification   through   the   pragmatist   theory   of   knowledge   and   social   action.     For  thinkers   such  as  Habermas,  Honneth  and  others  of   the   third  generation  of   critical   theory,  this  means  that  a  theory  of  society  can  be  articulated  external  to  the  powers  of  reification  stemming   from   the   specific   socialization   processes   that   occur   under   capitalism.   In   this  paper,   I  will  extend  the  theory  of  reification  beyond  the  commodity  form  and  into  a  more  general   theory   of   deformed   consciousness   that   emerges   from   capitalist   forms   of  socialization  –  due  to  commodification  but  also  the  specific  forms  of  value  acquisition  that  occurs  from  capitalist  economic  life  –  and  argue  that  this  has  deep  effects  on  consciousness  that   render   intersubjectivity   an   unsuitable   framework   from   which   to   formulate   a   critical  theory.  Specifically,  I  will  argue  that  capitalist  culture  comes  to  effect  the  value-­‐orientations  of   subjects   which   then   warp   cognitive   and   epistemic   capacities,   rendering   theories   of  discourse   ethics   and   recognition   essentially   unable   to   formulate   critical   consciousness.   I  then   sketch   a   critique   of   Habermas   and   Honneth   and   their   theories   of   modernity   and  consciousness.  

Alan   Thornett          

The  biodiversity  crisis:  the  sixth  great  extinction   "The   biodiversity   crisis:   the   sixth   great  extinction  

Alan  Thornett  is  a  writer  and  campaigner  on  ecological  issues.  He  is  active  in  the  Campaign  Against   Climate   Change   and   its   trade   union   committee.   He   is   a   member   of   the   editorial  boards  of  Socialist  Resistance  and  of  International  Viewpoint.  His  book  Militant  Years  is  an  account  of  his  time  as  a  trade  union  leader  in  the  car  industry.    

This  paper  will   look  at  what   is  arguably   the  biggest   single   impact  on   the  biosphere  of   the  planet  by  climate  change  and  the  ecological  crisis:  crisis  the  crisis  of  biodiversity.  

That  is  best  described  as  the  sixth  great  species  extinction  to  hit  the  planet  in  its  450  million  year  history.  

That   we   are   therefore   living   through   a   new   geological   epoch:   the   epoch   of   the  Anthropocene—as   argued   by   ecologist   Eugene   Stoermer   and   Nobel   Prize-­‐winning  atmospheric  chemist  Paul  Cruzen.  

That  whilst  previous  mass  extinctions  were  the  result  of  naturally  occurring  phenomena  this  one   is  a   result  of   the  unconscious  activities  of   the  most,   successful,  and  rapacious  species  the  planet  has  produced—modern  human  beings.  

The  paper  will  note  that:  

•   Between  40   and  50  percent  of   species  on   the  planet   could  be  extinct   by   the  mid-­‐  century  

•   In  the  tropics  around  5,000  species  are  being  lost  each  year.    

•   The  extinction  rate  among  amphibians   is  a  mind-­‐boggling  45,000  times  higher  than  the  “background”  rate  that  existed  for  millions  of  years.    

•   A  quarter  of  all  mammal  species  are  at  risk  (the  background  rate  for  mammals  is  one  in  700  years).    

•   The  acidification  of  the  oceans  means  that  coral  reefs  are  dying  off  as  are  organisms  that  rely  on  calcification  for  their  shell  structure.  

The  paper  will  discuss  the  necessary  steps  to  be  taken  to  mitigate  this  situation  and  to  seek  to  reverse  it  and  it  will  argue  that  extinction  rates  of  this  kind  puts  at  risk  all  species  on  the  planet  including,  eventually,  our  own."  

Tania   Toffanin          

Feminism  in  Italy  after  the  Seventies:  from  the  struggle  for  the  wages  for  housework  to  the  ideology  of  equal  opportunities    

"In  Italy  during  the  Seventies  there  were  many  feminist  movements  claiming  for  the  refusal  of  the  androcentrism  but  also  the  idea  of  “equality”,  considered  as  an  empty  box  useful  for  neglecting   women’s   condition.   But   after   the   legalisation   of   divorce   and   abortion   and   the  

formal  recognition  of  the  “women  question”  the  feminist  movements  collapsed.  The  season  of  terrorism  played  a  crucial  role   in   Italy  to  order  the  political  discourse:  after  that  season  the  “social  conflict”  was  considered  as  mere  “violence”,  also  for  the  normalisation  done  by  the   Italian   Communist   Party   that   needed   to   be   legitimated   as   a   democratic   party.   In   the  Eighties   while   the   Italian   communist   party   and   left   unionism   changed   their   aims   as   a  consequence  of   the  political  exchange   that  allowed  them  to  keep   their   structure  with   the  assurance   to   decline   any   revolutionary   perspectives,   other   more   radical   left   movements  disappeared.   These   processes   of   both   institutionalization   and   weakening   concerned   also  feminism.   Both   the   concept   of   “equality”   and   “difference”   have   mystified   that   also   for  women   the  standard,   the  unit  of  measure  has  become  men  and   their  behaviour   in  public  and   private   sphere.   This   standard   also   changes   on   the   basis   of   economic   and   social  contingencies  but   it  continues  to  dominate.  And  what  about  the  gender  dimension?  It  has  been   formally   but   elusively   solved   by   the   “ideology   of   equal   opportunities”   while   the  intersection  between  gender  and  class  has  been  totally  silenced.    

So  why   do  we   take   for   granted   or   imagine   that   feminism  would   be   fully   impermeable   to  capitalism?  I   think  that  Marxism  has  been  given  more  blame  than   it  had   in  relation  to  the  concealment   of   the   “women   question”.   Considering   what   happened   in   Italy,   as   working  class  movements  hidden  the  gender,  the  feminist  movements  dismissed  the  class  and  both  feminism   and   Marxism   have   lost   a   crucial   battle.   As   already   highlighted   in   1971   by  Mariarosa  Dalla  Costa,  the  struggle  of  women  had  to  fight  patriarchy  and  act  as  a  catalyst  for   other   subjectivities   dominated   by   the   patriarchal   system.   While   feminist   movements  have   got   lost   in   the   creation   of   modern   gynaecea,   reduced   within   the   logic   of   equal  opportunities,   the   working   class   has   dismissed   its   identity.   The   result   has   been   again   the  disavowal  of  the  inseparable  bond  between  productive  and  reproductive  work  in  a  circular  process  that  allows  the  State  to  deny  any  engagement  in  reducing  the  care  burdens  and  the  reproduction  of  the  patriarchal  system  as  well."  

Stavros   TOMBAZOS          

The  Economic  Crisis  in  Cyprus    

Cyprus’s  model  of  accumulation  was  not  only  structurally  unbalanced  but  also  very  sensitive  to   exogenous   developments,   especially   after   the   accession   of   Cyprus   in   the   EU   and   the  adoption   of   the   euro.   The   economic   crisis   in   Cyprus   is   closely   related   to   the   deep   and  prolonged  recession  in  Greece.  In  the  general  context  of  the  European  economic  slowdown,  the   Cypriot   ‘hypertrophic’   banking   system,   expanded   internationally     in   recent   years,  couldn’t  absorb  the  double    shock  of  the  increase  of  its  non-­‐performing  loans  in  Greece  and  the  ‘haircut’  of  Greek  sovereign  debt.  The  memorandum  imposed  on  Cyprus  led  to  a  vicious  circle,   where   the   recession   of   the   ‘real   economy’   fuels   the   banking   crisis   and   vice   versa.  Beside  the  decrease  in  wages,  the  austerity  policies  didn’t  result  to  an  increase  in  Cyprus’s  price-­‐competitiveness,   but   to   the   rise   of   the   labour   force’s   exploitation.   Under   these  circumstances,  an  exit  from  the  structural  crisis  is  not  in  sight.  

Adorno's  Inverse  Theology    

It   has   often   been   noted   that   Adorno’s   works   abound   with   references   to   golden   calves,  image   bans   and   broken   vessels.   The   religious   provenance   of   Adorno’s   terminology,   thus,  invites  the  question  what  –  if  anything  –  these  references  mean  in  the  wider  context  of  his  work?   Such  an   inquiry   requires   considerable  qualification   for   two   reasons.   Firstly,  Adorno  does  not  engage  at  any  point   in  a   sustained   scholarly   inquiry   into   the  nature  of  God   that  might  be  called  properly  theological  in  an  academic  sense.  (Certainly,  Adorno  had  no  formal  knowledge   of,   either,   the   Jewish   or   Christian   traditions   from   which   he   draws.)   Secondly,  Adorno  explicitly  accepts  the  verdicts  of  his  intellectual  progenitors  Friedrich  Nietzsche  and  Karl  Marx,  arguing  that  “positive  religion  has  lost  its  (…)  validity”;  that  “traditional  theology  is   not   restorable.”   Accordingly,   his   many   invocations   of   biblical   motifs   are,   indeed,  somewhat  surprising,  begging  the  question  how  they  are  to  be  seen  as  anything  more  than  incidental   metaphors.   My   wager   is   that   the   answer   to   this   question   lies   in   Adorno’s  enigmatic  notion  of  an  “‘inverse’  theology”,  contained  in  a  letter  to  Walter  Benjamin,  dated  17.12.1934.  As  I  argue,  the  point  is  that  ‘inverse  theology’  presupposes  a  particular  kind  of  reversal:   on   the  one  hand,   it   concerns   a   standard   enlightenment   narrative  which   teaches  that  the  traditional  authority  of  a  monotheistic  world-­‐view  wanes  with  the  advancement  of  the  natural   sciences;   on   the  other  hand,   it   concerns   the   view   that   the  ostensibly  modern  phenomenon   of   capitalism   is   itself   imbued   with   religious   characteristics.   Against   the  backdrop  of   recent  work  on   this   question   (Hamacher,   Santner,   Khatib)   I   ask  whether   it   is  conceivable  that  Adorno,  too,  turns  the  displaced  terms  of  theology  against  the  capitalism  cult  religion."  

Sofia   Tsadari          

Τhe   50   shades   of   red:   perspectives   of   the   left   in   conflict   during   the  memorandum   era   in  Greece    

"The   introduction  of  Greece   to   the   ""support""  mechanism   in   the   spring  of  2010  marks  a  historic   milestone.   The   memorandum   era   is   a   synonymous   of   flagrant   oppression   of   the  working  majority  and  the  youth.  At  the  same  time   it   is  a  period  of  extremely  massive  and  important   social   struggles.   Unprecedented   worker's   strikes   and   the   square   movement  constitute   key   moments,   in   the   development   of   which   left-­‐wing   organisations   played   a  leading  role.  So  it  is  important  to  record  what  they  were  advocating,  and  it  is  for  sure  that  there  were  differences.  In  this  viewpoint  ""red  had  many  shades"".    

In  this  paper  we  will  examine  the  different  assessments  and  political  responses  of  the  left  on  some   issues   that  we   consider   fundamental.   The  background  of   different  political   answers  and  slogans  is  the  basic  assessments  concerning  a)  the  standing  of  Greece  and  its  economy  at  international  level  and  b)  the  character  of  this  new  period  that  follows  the  entry  into  the  memorandum  era.     Is  Greece   a   dependent   territory   and  what   is   the   content   of   the   term  dependency?   Do   we   experience   a   state   of   occupation   similar   to   the   1940s?   (critical  

approach   to   the   theories   of   dependence   /   new   occupation).   What   is   the   role   and   the  conditions  of  the  Greek  participation  in  EU?  (critique  of  the  neoliberal  view  underlining  the  facts  of  uneven  development  and  the  exploitative  character  of  the  union,  critical  approach  to  the  possibility  of  a  social  European  Union).  And,  ultimately,  how  is  the  answer  to  these  questions     related   to   the   political   platforms   of   the   left?   (upgrading   the   national   or   class  nature  of  the  struggle).  

There   is   an   extensive  discussion   concerning   the   fragmentation  of   the   left  wing.  However,  the   demand   for   unity   stumbles   over   rocks   in   the   darkness.   Which   are   the   rocks?   On   the  basis  of  different  approaches,  the  simple  invocation  of  unity  is  not  sufficient  when  strategic  matters  are  existent.    

Capitalism   survives   for   one   more   reason,   because   of   the   strategic   failure   of   the   counter-­‐power  that  could  overthrow  it."  

George  Tsogas  

The  Commodity  Form  in  Cognitive  Biocapitalism  -­‐  Alive  and  Excessive  

Through   the   thought   of   Sohn-­‐Rethel   we   can   see   how   his   daring   suggestions   on   the  ontological  unity  of  consciousness  and  commodity  exchange  can  have  a  renewed  relevance  for  the  era  of  cognitive  biocapitalism.  He  can  help  us  see  under  new  light  and  explain  how  commodities   in  cognitive  biocapitalism  appeal  and  appear   to  us.   In   this  paper,  we  explain  how   the   feelings   and   emotions   of   the   immaterial   labour   of   thousands   of   people   is  embedded   in   any   commodity,   even   in   such   a   “simple”   thing   as   a   t-­‐shirt   or   a   pair   of   cool  trainers.  But,  cognitive  biocapitalism  creates  no  “simple”  commodities.  Each  and  every  one  becomes  the  depository  of  a  vast  array  of  cognition  and  states  of  consciousness;  not  only  of  the  mechanical  knowledge,  the  data  of  the  manufacturing  and  logistic  systems,  but  also  of  the  sentiments,  sensations  and  ways  of   life  of  workers  along  the  value  chain.  All  these  are  amassed   into   a   logo,   a   brand   name,   a   symbol   of   the   commodity,   and   through   it   are  channelled  back  to  us.  They  are  our  own  knowledge  and  thoughts  that  we  project  into  the  commodity  and  it,  in  turn,  sends  them  back  to  us.  They  match  perfectly  our  own  thoughts,  feelings,  and  expectations  of  life,  because  they  are  parts  of  us;  they  are  us.    

In  that  way,  it  makes  perfect  sense  that  in  cognitive  biocapitalism  (as  business  practitioners  understand   very   well)   commodities   may   only   come   to   life   (often   through   the   blood   and  tears   of   exploited   workers)   when   –   and   because   of   –   a   particular   outlet   for   their   desire,  adoration  and  consumption  has  arose  and  calls  for  them  to  come  into  existence.  We  –  our  consciousness   –   are   that   outlet.   Anticipated   consumption   (that   is   our   cognitive   states,  formed   as   they   are   by   capitalist   commodity   exchange)   dictate   what,   how,   where,   when,  how   much,   by   whom,   etc.   will   be   produced.   Production   matches   the   demands   that  consumption   puts   upon   it.   Knowledge   is   not   outside   and   unaffected   by   the   production  

process;   it   is  shaped  by  it,  enshrined  into  a  commodity-­‐form,  which,   in  turn,   is   in  harmony  with  our  own  levels  of  consciousness.    

The  commodity  form  in  cognitive  biocapitalism  is  alive  and  kicking  with  the  excessive  energy  of  life  itself.  It  is  life!  

Jana  Tsoneva  &  Georgi  Medarov      

Representative  Democracy  and  its  Discontents:  the  Rise  of  the  Rhyzomatic  Party  Form    

"November  2014  will  mark  the  25th  anniversary  of  the  transition  to  democracy  in  Bulgaria.  Far   from   an   occasion   for   jubilation   over   the   relatively   unproblematic   implementation   of  liberal   political   and   economic   reforms,   the   past   year's   popular   mobilizations   and   dismal  performance   of   electoral   politics   have   alarmed   liberal   intellectuals.   In   an   idealist   fashion,  they   are   (mistakenly)   looking   for   the   causes   of   the   crisis   of   representation   the   rise   of  “populism”  rather  than  in  the  glitches  in  capital  accumulation,  austerity  and  the  incapacity  of   the   neoliberal   ideological   straitjacket   on   democracy   to   offer   change   of   politics,   rather  than  of  politicians.  Since  1989  Bulgarians  have  not  re-­‐elected  any   incumbent  government;  Bulgaria,  therefore,   is  a  country  where  electoral  volatility  makes   it  easy  for  new  parties  to  displace  old  ones,  only  to  be  cast  away  shortly  after.  In  that  respect,  the  2013  mass  protests  in  Bulgaria  were  not   a  disillusionment  with   some   imperfections  of   liberal  democracy   (e.g.  “corruption”),  but  directed  against  representative  politics  as  such.    

Our   contribution  discusses   the   logic  of   the   crisis  of   representation  plaguing  parties  across  the  political  spectrum.  We  scrutinize  the  effects  of  discursive  strategies  of  political  elites  on  party   ideology,   nomenclature   and   organization,   specifically   the   rise   of   what   we   call  “rhyzomatic  party  form”."  

Lori   Turner          

“Walter   Benjamin,   Precarious   Labour,   and   the   Proletarianisation   of   the   Independent  Producer”    

In   this   paper   I   would   like   to   explore   Benjamin’s   writings   from   1924-­‐1934,   beginning   with  One  Way   Street   and  ending  with   “The  Present   Social   Situation  of   the   French  Writer”   and  “Author  as  Producer”.  Over  the  course  of  these  10  years  of  hyper  inflation,  unemployment,  malnutrition,   monopolisation,   concentration   of   capital   and   ending   with   economic  depression  and  the  victory  of  fascism,  Benjamin  confronts  the  problem  of  class  and  working  class  consciousness  with  an  analysis  of  his  own  changing  class  position.  This  paper  is  neither  biography  nor  history.   I  would   like   to  address  a  dimension  of  Benjamin’s  analysis  which   is  grounded   in   self-­‐reflection   informed   by   a   historical   materialism   he   consciously   adopts   in  1924.   Contrary   to  much  Benjamin   scholarship  which   denies   the   political   dimension   of   his  work,  Benjamin  is  very  clear  that  political  and  economic  conditions  affected  the  direction  of  his   thought.  Material   deprivation  and  precarious  work  opportunities   (an  awareness  of  his  

position   within   the   production   process)   led   to   theoretical   reflection   on   the   fate   of   the  independent  producer  –  regarding  both  his  own  work  and  that  of  a  variety  of  authors  whose  works  he  reviewed  as  a  freelance  writer.  

Tom   Twiss          

Trotsky,  Bureaucracy,  and  Capitalist  Restoration    

Between   1917   and   his   death   in   1940   Trotsky   advanced   three   diverse   analyses   of   the  problem  of   Soviet   bureaucracy,     each   of  which   provided   a   very   different   account   of   how  bureaucracy   was   promoting   capitalist   restoration   in   the   USSR.   This   paper   will   trace   the  development   of   Trotsky’s   views   on   these   questions—from   his   “administrative”   focus   the  issue   of   bureaucratic   inefficiency   during   the   civil   war   and   the   early   years   of   NEP;   to   his  initially  impressive  but  increasingly  problematic  characterization  of  the  bureaucratized  state  and   party   apparatuses   as   highly   responsive   to   external,   alien   class   pressures   during   the  years  1923-­‐33;  to  his  final  theory,  most  fully  articulated  in  The  Revolution  Betrayed,  of  the  bureaucracy  as  a  highly  autonomous  social  formation  threatening  to  transform  itself  into  a  new   capitalist   class.   The   paper   will   conclude   with   some   observations   regarding   both   the  significant  weaknesses  and  the  major  strengths  of  Trotsky’s  final  theory  and  its  predictions  regarding  the  restoration  of  capitalism  in  the  Soviet  Union.  

Martin  Upchurch    &  Claudio  Morrison      

Nationalism,  Neoliberalism  and  Revolt  in  Bosnia    

In  February  2014  a  revolt  broke  out  across  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.    The  rebellion  included  demands   for   payment   of   delayed   wages,   for   renationalisation   of   privatised   industries,   an  end  to  asset  stripping  by  oligarchs,  and  for  the  reduction  of  salaries  for  local  political  elites.  Plenums,  or  peoples’  assemblies,  began  to  reject  the  nationalist  and  ‘ethnic’  division  of  the  country.   The   roots  of  nationalism  and   ‘ethnic’  division  are   located   in   the  1980s  when   the  economy   of   Yugoslavia   was   in   crisis   and   crippled   with   debt   (Chossudovsky   1997).  Nationalism  was  presented  by  elites  as  a  way  out  of   the  crisis.  After   the  civil  wars  Bosnia  was   left   isolated,   held   together   in   ‘ethnically’   based   entities   by   the   1995   Dayton   Accord.  Loans  and  grants  from  international  financial  institutions  and  USAID  liberalised  the  economy  but   created   debt   subservience   and  worker   impoverishment   (Upchurch   2009).   However,   a  class-­‐based  anti-­‐nationalist  mood  has  now  developed.  In  this  paper  we  present  the  story  of  the   protests   but   also   examine   the   politics   of   nationalism   and   anti-­‐nationalism   in   post  socialist  states.  We  assess  the  dynamic  interplay  between  nationalism  and  the  economics  of  market  democracy  with  reference  not  only  to  Bosnia  but  also  the  states  of  the  former  Soviet  Union.  

Ugo   Urbano  &  Casares   Rivetti      

Critique  and  Modernity:  Raymond  Williams'  Marxism    

Here   I   intend  to  examine  the  work  of  Raymond  Williams  through  a  perspective  still   rather  underexplored   by   the   specialized   literature:   namely,   that   of   a   project   interested   in   the  comprehension   of   modern   society   and   of   the   historical   process   that,   beginning   with   the  Industrial   Revolution,   formed   its   bases,   which,   in   the   English   case,   were,   notably,  industrialism   and   democracy.   In   order   to   accomplish   such   task,   I   intend   to   adress   the  relations   between   the   work   of   Williams   and   those   traditions   which   were   his   greatest  influences:   English   literary   criticism   and   Marxism.   These   theoretical   strands   concern   me  both  because   this  matter   (critique  of  modernity)   takes  a   central  position   in   its   theoretical  schemes,  as  well  as  because  they  rest  in  the  foundation  of  Williams’  thought,  as  he  himself  stated  on  different  occasions.  I  intend  to  focus  on  the  genesis  of  the  thought  of  Williams  in  its  interrelationship  with  those  two  traditions,  always  assuming  the  fact  that  (and  this  is  my  first  hypothesis)  the  theory  of  culture  of  Williams  can  only  be  plainly  understood  if  inserted  in   this   major   project   of   critique   of   modernity:   as   Williams   states   in   Culture   and   Society  (1958),  the  task  is  to  think  culture  as  a  concept  which  expresses  the  general  reactions  to  the  social   changes   that   took   place   after   the   Industrial   Revolution   and   which   carried   on  throughout  the  19th  and  20th  centuries.  According  to  this  hypothesis,  the  same  statement  could   be  made   about   the   theories   of   culture   of  Marxism   and   of   English   literary   criticism:  when  dissociated  from  its  social  and  historical  dimensions,  the  notions  of  culture  mobilized  by  these  two  approaches   loose  meaning.  My  second  hypothesis   is   that,  when  the  work  of  Raymond  Williams  is  framed  as  a  critique  of  modernity  nourished  by  these  two  theoretical  influences,  it  is  possible  to  identify  a  path  in  its  development:  in  the  1950s,  a  closer  relation  to  the  English  literary  criticism  tradition  and,  as  a  result,  a  critique  of  modernity  as  industrial  society.     On   the   other   hand,   in   the   1960s   and   1970s   (and,   according   to   my   hypothesis,  notably  in  The  Country  and  The  City),  a  closer  relation  to  Marxism  and,  as  a  result,  a  critique  of  modernity  in  a  Marxist  approach:  for  here  (again,  especially  in  The  Country  and  The  City)  Williams  apprehends  the  critique  of  industrial  society  and  civilization  of  the  English  literary  tradition  as  what  it  really  was,  as  a  critique  of  capitalism.  

Jonas   Van   Vossole        

Global  Climate  Governance:  a  legitimation  crisis  Capitalism,  power  and  alienation  -­‐  Marxist  and  Polanyian  Perspectives  

This  article  frames  the  failure  of  COP19  in  Warsaw,  the  problems  of  the  RIO+20  summit,  the  failure  of  the  Copenhagen  COP15  and  the  problems  of  the  carbon  markets  within  a  broader  legitimacy   crisis   of   Global   Governance,   consequence   of   the   crisis   of   the   global   capitalist  socio-­‐ecology.   Two   mechanisms   give   rise   to   the   loss   of   legitimacy;   unequal   development  and  mercantilization,   or   the   reconfiguration   of   the   power   balance   and   the   destruction   of  social   ties.   As   a   consequence   both   winners   and   losers   contest   the   legitimacy   of   the  institutions   and   mechanisms   that   govern   global   capitalism.   In   this   article,   we   distinguish  Marx-­‐type   of   contestation,   referring   to   emerging   classes/states   and   Polanyi-­‐type   of  contestation,   referring   to   the   victims   of   global   mercantilization.   In   the   case   of   Climate  

governance,  these  are  represented  by  the  role  of  the  BRIC’s  in  climate  negotiations  and  by  the  global  environmental  justice  movement.  

Murillo   van  der  Laan  &  Mariana  Shinohara    

Roncato   The  June  Days  in  Brazil  and  the  challenges  of  the  left    

In   june  2013,  during   the  Confederations  Cup,   the  wave  of  mass  protests   that,   since  2008,  affected  many  countries  reached  Brazil.  Initially,  the  demonstrations  were  motivated  by  the  rejection   of   the   public   transportation   fare   increases   in   Sao   Paulo.   After   a   violent   state  repression,  the  marches  have  grown  significantly,  spreading  through  various  Brazilian  cities  and   culminating   with   the   direct   involvement   of   millions   of   people.   The   agenda   of   the  protests   also   grew  and   varied,   encompassing  different   demands   from  different   sectors   of  the   Brazilian   society.   These   events   questioned   an   assumed   socioeconomic   optimism  ongoing   in   the   country   –   based   on   economic   stability,   unemployment   reduction,   welfare  programs,   easier   credit   access,   etc.   –,   highlighting   the   limits   of   the   so-­‐called   new  developmentalism  policies.   In   this   context,  our  aim   in   the  article   is   to  analyse   the  various  positions   of   the   left-­‐wing   movement   (intellectuals,   parties,   social   movements,   etc.)  concerning  the  causes,  developments  and  challenges  brought  forward  by  the  so-­‐called  June  Days.  Some  of  the  questions  that  emerge  from  this  debate  are:   the  current  organizational  issues   of   the   working   class,   new   forms   of   struggle,   the   limits   of   the   Partido   dos  Trabalhadores'  hegemony,  the  concurrent  attempt  of  the  traditional  right  to  capitalize  the  national  instabilities,  the  resurgence  of  the  far-­‐right  movement,  etc.  

Matt   Vidal          

Sociology  and  the  seven  theses  of  Marxism  -­‐  Or,  sociological  marxism  without  apologies  

This  paper  seeks  to  challenge  the  declining  influence  of  classical  marxism  within  sociology,  with   a   particular   thought   not   exclusive   focus   on   American   sociology.   While   many   basic  marxist  analytical  categories  and  insights  have  been  assimilated  into  sociology,  and  marxist  concepts   such   as   class,   hegemony   and   the   labor   process   continue   to   be   used   within  sociology  in  vaguely  marxist  ways,  historical  materialism,  crisis  theory  and  value  theory  have  been   largely   excoriated   from   the   discipline,   at   least   within   the   American   academy.   This  exorcism   has   been   largely   performed   by   two   scholars   who   are   among   the   best   known  American  marxist  sociologists  –  Michael  Burawoy  and  Erik  Olin  Wright  –  both  of  whom  have  recently   been   presidents   of   the   American   Sociological   Association.   This   paper   reviews  Burawoy  and  Wright’s  explicit  attempts  to  define  marxist  sociology  as  a  combination  of  class  analysis,   labor   process   analysis   and   state   theory,   while   explicitly   rejecting   historical  materialism,  value  theory  and  crisis  theory.  As  such,  Burawoy  and  Wright  have  presented  a  neomarxism  that  is  a  gross  distortion  of  classical  marxism,  one  which  systematically  neglects  the  remarkable  range  of  vibrant  theory  and  research  guided  by  the  core  theses  of  classical  marxism.   In   the  process,   they  have   robbed   sociology  of   the   tools   it  needs   to  explain   core  

problems  in  the  contemporary  global  political  economy.  I  will  argue  that  despite  the  modern  political  and  academic  ritual  of  trying  to  find  the  holy  grail  that  invalidates  marxism,  it  is  in  fact  a  living,  vibrant  research  program  consisting  of  at  least  seven  core  theses  –  on  the  social  construction   of   reality,   historical   materialism,   and   the   contradictory   and   problematic  reproduction  of  capitalism  –  each  of  which  has   inspired  whole  research  traditions,  making  marxism   the   critical   social   research   program   par   excellence.   These   theses,   which   are  irreducibly-­‐marxist,   continue   to   present   singularly   penetrating   and   analytically   fruitful  insights  into  the  operation  of  capitalist  societies.  Without  some  version  of  the  bulk  of  these  theses,  critical  analysis  of  capitalism  would  be  impossible.  As  such,  they  provide  the  basis  for  a   unified   sociological   framework   that   could   –   if   it   were   not   so   apologetic   –   offer   a   real  alternative  to  mainstream  economics.  

Satnam  Virdee          

A  Marxism  without  guarantees:  Stuart  Hall  and  why  race  matters    

"Stuart  Hall  was  probably  the  most   important  socialist   intellectual  of  post-­‐war  Britain.  The  first   editor   of  New   Left   Review,   ‘he   continued   to   play   an  outstanding   role   in   the  broader  New  Left  for  the  rest  of  his  life’  (Blackburn  2014:  75).  Unlike  so  many  in  the  western  Marxist  tradition  who  tended  to  produce  a   form  of   theory   largely  divorced   from  political  practice,  Hall   was   an   organic   intellectual   –   embedded   in   the   anti-­‐racist   black   movement   –   and  someone   who   appreciated   that   ‘theory   is   a   detour   on   the   road   to   somewhere   more  important’.   This  paper  undertakes  an  assessment  of  Stuart  Hall’s  writings  on   racism,   class  and  historical  capitalism  –  particularly   that  body  of  work  he  produced   in  the  course  of  his  critical   engagement   with   the   intellectual   thought   of   Marx,   Althusser   and   Gramsci.     It  suggests  that  for  too  long  Marxist  explanations  of  racism  have  remained  narrowly  grounded  within  the  organization  of  work  and  labour  market  inequalities,  and  thus  open  to  the  charge  of   economic   reductionism.   I   discuss   how   in   ‘Race,   articulation   and   societies   structured   in  dominance’  (1980)  and  ‘Gramsci’s  relevance  to  the  study  of  race  and  ethnicity’  (1986)  Hall  offers  Marxists   a  way   out   of   this   impasse   by   giving   greater   consideration   to   the   political,  ideological  and  cultural  dimensions  structuring  and  manufacturing  racialized  social  divisions.  In   particular,   he   outlines   the   contours   of   an   innovative   theoretical   framework   for  understanding  racism  that  is  capable  ‘of  dealing  with  both  the  economic  and  superstructural  features   of   such   societies,   while   at   the   same   time   giving   a   historically-­‐concrete   and  sociologically-­‐specific   account   of   its   distinctive   racial   aspects’   (1980:   336).   In   conclusion   I  draw   out   a   number   of   theoretical   and   political   implications   of   Hall’s   re-­‐thinking   of   the  race/class  nexus,   including  how  race  can  no  longer  be  seen  as  an  epiphenomenon,  a  mere  phenomenological  expression  of  the  underlying  reality  of  social  class  but  rather  something  that  is  relatively  autonomous  and  needs  to  be  given  its  own  specificity.  A  related  implication  of   race   not   being   reducible   to   the   ‘economic   sphere’   is   that   Hall   helps   to   shift   our   gaze  towards   the   study   of   how   racism   ‘works’   at   the   political   and   cultural   levels   of   society  suggesting  that  there  are  additional  layers  of  explanation  that  require  excavation  if  we  are  

to   fully   account   for   the   reproduction   of   racism   in   contemporary   society,   and   understand  why  capitalism  continues  to  survive  into  the  21st  century.  

Marina  Vishmidt  &  Melanie  Gilligan      

Subjects  of  Crisis    

This   paper   is   part   of   a   larger   body   of   ongoing   research   and   publishing   investigating   how  current   shifts   in   the   material   relations   of   money,   commodities,   and   social   abstraction   in  general  shape  contemporary  forms  of   interority.    There  has  been  a  surfeit  of  discussion  of  the   ways   in   which   subjects   are   formed   through   their   social   roles   within   the   relations   of  production,  but  less  has  been  said  about  the  determinate  shaping  of  people  by  abstraction.    This  preliminary  inquiry  into  the  relationship  between  capitalist  abstraction  and  subjectivity  has  two  parts.    In  the  first,  we  will  discuss  some  of  the  most  significant  theoretical  accounts  of  capitalist  abstraction;   in  the  second,  we  will  depart  from  the  history  of  Marxist  thought  towards  the   future  of  capitalism,   tracing  a   few  of   the  abstract  psychologies  on  which  that  future  depends,  and  setting  out  some  reflections  on  how  they  -­‐  and  it  -­‐  might  be  overcome.  If  the  contemporary  subject  is  a  derelict  shell  housing  data  bodies,  social  commodities  and  quantified  selves,  we  need  to  develop  another  materialist  understanding  of  the  subject,  one  which  looks  to  the  collective  production  of  affects  and  rationalities  in  resistance  which  both  exhibit  -­‐  and  forecast  the  surpassing  of  -­‐  the  symptoms  of  our  present.'  

Zhaohui  Wang        

The  world-­‐systems  theory,  the  US-­‐China  economic  relations,  and  the  global  economic  crisis  

Through  the  lens  of  the  world-­‐systems  theory,  I  understand  the  global  economic  crisis  as  a  structural  crisis  within  the  world-­‐economy  and  the  China-­‐US  imbalanced  economic  relations  to  a  large  extent  contribute  to  this  structural  crisis.  The  United  States,  as  the  core  country,  has  the  exorbitant  privilege  of  issuing  the  dollar  used  as  international  reserve  currency  and  a  tendency  to  live  beyond  its  means.  China,  as  the  periphery  country,  has  been  committed  to  export-­‐led  growth  based  on  the  maintenance  of  an  undervalued  exchange  rate.  China  has  intervened  in  the  foreign-­‐exchange  market  to  keep  its  currency  down,  which  results  in  large  accumulation  of  dollar  reserves.  I  will  argue  that  the  US  and  China  actually  form  a  symbiotic  relationship   in  the  capitalist  world-­‐economy.  The  growth  of  China’s  export  engine  and  the  growth  of  its  dollar  reserves  and  US  debts  are  both  closely  linked  to  the  consumption  spree  in  the  US.  However,  I  would  also  argue  that  the  symbiotic  relationship  between  the  US  and  China   is   not   long-­‐term   sustainable   but   conducive   to   the   structural   crisis   of   the   world-­‐economy.  The  Triffin  Dilemma  has  pointed  out  the  monetary  system  based  on  the  currency  of  one  country  cannot  sustainably  deliver  both  liquidity  and  confidence.  Finally,  I  will  discuss  China’s   response   policies   to   the   recent   global   economic   crisis   in   both   domestic   and  international  dimensions,  including  the  fiscal  stimulus  package,  the  economic  restructuring,  and  the  internationalization  of  the  renminbi.  

Rikard  Warlenius    

A  renewable  transition:  Capitalist  barriers  and  Socialist  enticements  

Despite  what  obviously  makes  sense,  and  despite  the  long-­‐term  interests  of  ANY  social  class  or  force,  very  little  is  done  to  avoid  catastrophic  climate  change.  In  order  to  overcome  the  self-­‐destructive  mode  of  current  capitalist  development,  we  need  to  consider  what  aspects  of  renewable  energy  are  so  threatening  to  capital  accumulation  that  even  climate  chaos  is  preferred,  and  how  they  can  be  transcended.  

 

Siobhan  Watters        

Capital's  Means  of  Subsistence    

Food  production  was  one  of  capital's  first  strongholds  (i.e.  through  primitive  accumulation)  and   remains   a   principle  mechanism  by  which   capitalism   survives.  We  often   fail   to   realize  that  the   incarceration  of   food  by  the  commodity   form  degrades  the  food  object   itself  and  guarantees   continued   dependency   on   the   wage.   It   is   the   body’s   frailty,   its   need   for   the  means   of   subsistence,   that   forces   the   subject   to   move   through   capital’s   infrastructure   of  self-­‐valorization,  repeatedly  constituting  capital  through  the  extraction  of  her  surplus  labour  and   participation   in   exchange.   And   yet,   food   commodities   are   produced   not   to   satisfy  human   need,   but   capital’s,   e.g.   the   ways   in   which   food   is   manufactured   are   intended   to  make   products   shelf-­‐stable   and   resilient   in   transit,   not   nutritious   and   safe   for   the   end  consumer.   This   paper   will   explore   the   contradiction   between   the   concrete   and   abstract  natures   of   commodities   as   embodied   by   the   food   object   as   a   way   of   illustrating   the  progressive   disavowal   of   human   need   by   capital,   in   spite   of   human   necessity’s   pre-­‐constitutive  role  in  the  formation  of  capitalist  relations.  This  contradiction  creates  not  only  a  profound  crisis  for  human  life,  but  for  capital  itself,  as  it  ceaselessly  negates  the  ground  of  its  own  survival.  

Amy   Wendling          

A  Brief  History  of   Property:  How  Duties   to  Objects   and  Community  were   transformed   into  Possessive  Individualism    

"As   a   concept,   Property   undergoes   some   crucial   modifications   during   the   modern   and  contemporary  periods.    The  talk   looks  at   the  history  of   the  property  concept   in   the  West,  and  traces   the  narrowing  of   this  concept   to   the   form  of  property  holding  we  recognize  as  possessive   individualism.     Possessive   individualism,   as   its   name   indicates,   is   the   form   of  property  holding  most  likely  to  produce  the  Tragedy  of  the  Commons.  To  illustrate  this,  the  talk   will   discuss   the   troubles   of   the   property   concept,   once   narrowed   into   the   form   of  possessive  individualism,  when  it  is  applied  to  resources  like  surface  and  groundwaters.    

A  related   feature  of  possessive   individualism   is   its  disregard   for   the  qualities  of   the   things  held   as   property,   in   favor   of   abstract   quantifications   such   as   their   exchange   value   or  functionality.   So,   as   the   property   concept   comes   to   range   over   more   and   more   kinds   of  things,  it  does  so  by  abstracting  from  their  precise  qualities.  

The   talk   will   draw   on   Marx’s   histories   of   the   property   concept   in   various   notebooks   and  published  works."  

Chris   Williams          

Assessing  Development  Strategies  in  the  Context  of  Neoliberalism  and  the  Age  of  Ecological  Crisis:  A  Comparative  Analysis  of  Vietnam,  Morocco  and  Bolivia    

"Vietnam,   Morocco   and   Bolivia,   where   I   have   spent   the   last   few   months   examining   the  nexus   of   energy,   water   and   food   in   the   context   of   climate   change,   are   three   rapidly  developing   countries   which   are   simultaneously   among   the   most   severely   threatened   by  global   warming.   While   each   is   on   a   slightly   different   developmental   pathway,   through  capitalist   economic   development   and   growth,   each   is   attempting   to   escape   the   legacy,  amongst  other  power  dynamics,  of  unequal  ecological  exchange  generated  by  a  history  of  European  colonization  and  domination.    

As  such,  in  the  new  age  of  ecological  crisis,  they  offer  striking  examples  of  how  ruling  elites  in  each  country,  as  well  as  the  working  people  they  govern,  are  further  assimilating   into  a  United   States-­‐dominated,   globalized  and  neoliberal   capitalism.   In   a  quite   striking  manner,  government  reports  are  replete  with  references  to  climate  change  and  the  need  to  develop  in  ecologically  sustainable  ways.  Yet,   in  practice,  government  policy  often  contradicts  their  own  reports.  The  process  is  therefore  highly  contradictory  and  conflictual,  as  nation  states  see  their  salvation  through  a  prism  of  helter-­‐skelter  growth  based  on  exports,  industrialized  agriculture,  and  the  exploitation  of  natural  resources  which  can  be  seen  as  a  form  of  green  neocolonialism.    

Analysis   of   these   countries   on   three   separate   continents,   which   in   many   ways   exemplify  combined   and   uneven   development,   offer   the   opportunity   to   examine   how   internal  pressures  combine  with  larger,  external  forces  of  imperial  power  and  capitalist  dynamics,  to  produce  developmentalist  states  in  the  context  of  expected  severe  climate  disruption.  How  much  room  for  maneuver  do  these  states  have,  and  what  would  be  required  for  any  of  them  to   move   in   a   recognizably   different   direction?   One   that   increases   climate   resilience,  ecological   sustainability  and  social  equity?  To  what  extent  can  one  argue  any  of   them  are  doing  so?  As  a  comparative  analysis,  this  paper  will  examine  similarities  and  differences   in  order  to  generalize  from  these  examples  and  posit  potential  alternatives."  

Jocelyn   Wills          

Satellite   Surveillance   and  Outer   Space   Capitalism,   Jocelyn  Wills,   History,   Brooklyn   College,  City  University  of  New  York  

"My  paper  will  explore   the  ways   in  which  capitalism   in  outer  space   incorporated  satellite-­‐based  surveillance  technologies,  firms,  entrepreneurs,  and  workers  in  Canada  into  regional  industrial,   academic   and   military   alliances,   particularly   with   the   United   States.   I   employ  research  on  the  45-­‐year  history  of  Canada’s  MacDonald,  Dettwiler  and  Associates  (MDA)  as  a   case   study   in   this   development.   Founded   in   Vancouver,   British   Columbia   during   1969,  MDA   evolved   from   a   four-­‐person   software   consultancy   into   one   of   the   world’s   most  significant  suppliers  of  reconnaissance,  communications  and  earth  observation  satellites,  as  well   as   a   prime   commercial   and   government   contractor   for   surveillance   and   intelligence  information.   MDA   is   also   a   major   provider   of   the   ground   stations   that   receive,   process,  archive,  and  exploit  satellite  data,  the  navigational  systems  that  support  aircraft  (including  unmanned  aerial  vehicles,  commonly  known  as  drones),  and  robots  working  in  space.    

The  path  from  a  small,  local  firm  to  a  global  operation  was  not  smooth,  but  throughout  the  stages  of  MDA’s  development,  engineers  and  scientists  consistently  maintained  their  faith  in  technology’s  power  to  revolutionise  the  world  for  the  better.  That  faith,  along  with  MDA’s  increasing  integration  into  the  USA’s  military-­‐industrial-­‐academic  complex  and  participation  in  the  commercialisation  and  commodification  of  outer  space,  demonstrates  that  a  critical  engagement  with  historical  materialism  continues  to  matter  to  our  understanding  of  society  and  outer  space.    

Sociologists   Johan   Söderberg   and   Adam   Netzén   suggest   that   despite   the   post-­‐structural  turn,  a  rejection  of  the  dialectic,  and  the  project  of  deconstructing  the  dichotomy  between  human   agency   and   the   larger   structural   forces   of   capitalism,   we   need   to   remember   that  human   subjects/classes   and   power   structures   have   remained   relatively   stable   precisely  because   “we   are   living   in   a   society   seduced   by   dreams   about   perpetual   change   and  newness.”   (Söderberg  and  Netzén,   2010,  97,   111)  MDA’s  experience   reinforces   this  need.  Karl   Marx   may   have   underestimated   the   adaptability   of   capitalism,   the   many   stages,  technological   innovations   and   class   fractions   it   might   produce.   (Bourdieu,   1984,   283-­‐317)  But  Marx  made  astute  historical  observations,  including:    

Men  make  their  own  history,  but  they  do  not  make  it  just  as  they  please;  they  do  not  make  it   under   circumstances   chosen   by   themselves,   but   under   circumstances   directly  encountered,  given  and  transmitted  from  the  past.  (Marx,  1994,  1)  

Historians  care  about  such  contexts  as  we  map  change  (and  continuity)  over  time.  Looking  at  the  context  behind  the  MDA  experience  does  not  mean,  however,  that  new  theoretical  approaches  and  the  relationships,  systems,  networks,  and  products  that  people  create  and  engage   do   not   matter.   Rather,   it   is   the   synergy   between   an   uncritical   faith   in   new  technology  and  the  post-­‐structural,   technology  turn  that  has  tended  to  obscure  the   larger  historical   forces   that   drew   MDA   and   others   into   outer   space   projects   in   the   first   place.  

MDA’s  competitive  posturing   in  outer  space  resulted  in   increased  economic  crises  and  the  further   consolidation   of   the   global   elite   while   simultaneously   contributing   to   increased  global  uncertainty,  including  job  insecurity.    

Because  they  thought  they  were  different  from  previous  industrial  workers,  most  engineers  at  MDA  simply  adjusted  to  the  next  phase  of  capitalism  rather  than  challenge  it.  In  this  they  were   far   from   alone.   People   from   all   walks   of   life   rationalise   their   decisions   and   choose  selective   memories   from   the   past   to   make   sense   of   their   current   circumstances.   Social  anthropologist  Hylton  White  recently  captured  this  reality.  In  an  environment  structured  for  unending   expansion,   he   reminds   us   that   capitalism   inevitably   turns   each   new   wave   of  technological   enthusiasm,   gadget   and   profession   from   an   exotic   first   to   a   ubiquitous  commodity.  (White,  2013,  667-­‐81)  Satellite-­‐based  surveillance  technologies  and  outer  space  are  no  different.    

The   paper   will   provide   an   overview   of   satellite-­‐based   surveillance   technologies,   their  applications  and  users,  and  how  they  influence  daily  life.  I  then  turn  to  the  historical  context  MDA   inherited   from   previous   generations.   Finally,   I   focus   on   MDA,   and   what   lessons   we  might  draw  from  the  firm’s  stages  of  development,  the  capitalists  who  guided  the  firm,  and  how  MDA’s  engineers  adjusted  to  their  role  as  workers  over  time."  

Colin   Wilson          

Intersectionality  in  early  capitalism:  race  and  sexuality  in  Enlightenment  France   "Theme:  Intersections  of  Marxism,  feminism,  critical  race  and  postcolonial  theories  

A  profound  ambivalence  typifies  eighteenth-­‐century  political  theory.  Enlightenment  authors  endorse  rationality  and  the  rule  of  law,  yet  such  values  coexist  with  an  increase  in  racial  and  class  violence  such  as  slavery  and  the   frequent  use  of  capital  punishment.  As  Losurdo  has  recently  highlighted,  readers  are  constantly  led  to  question  how  far  asserted  universalisms  are   truly   universal,   and   how   far   they   reflect   the   interests   of   particular   class,   gender   and  racial  interests.  

This  paper   seeks   to  build  on   this  work   to  examine   ideas  around   sexuality   and   race   in   the  work  of  authors  including  Montesquieu,  Voltaire  and  Diderot.  In  seeking  to  reject  Christian  sexual  morality,  such  authors  repeatedly  reference  other  cultures  –  both  non-­‐European  and  ancient   societies.   Insofar   as   they   are   seeking   to   create   a   “civilised”   morality   rooted   in  universal  natural  laws,  then,  their  concepts  of  sexuality  always  exist  in  ambiguous  dialogue  with  a  racial  other.  The  literary  forms  of  Enlightenment  texts  centring  on  sex  and  race  –  such  as  dialogues,  novels  and  satires  –  only  increase  the  difficulty  of  assessing  how  far  they  are  conservative  or  subversive.  Locating  these  authors  in  the  context  of  early  capitalist  France,  the  paper  argues  that  these  ambiguities  are  best  understood  as  reflecting  the  social  conflicts  of  the  Ancien  Régime."  

Jim   Wolfreys          

Austerity  politics  and  the  relationship  between  conservatism  and  fascism   "Austerity   politics  and  the  relationship  between  conservatism  and  fascism    

The   European   elections   of   2104   saw   an   unprecedented   rise   in   votes   for   fascist   and  authoritarian   populist   parties   campaigning   on   an   anti-­‐immigration   platform.   This   paper  focuses  on  the  4.7m  votes  achieved  by  the  Front  National  (FN)  in  France  and  the  4.4m  votes  for  UKIP   in   the  UK.  Do   these   results   reflect   a   capacity   on   the   part   of   such   parties   to  win  lasting  electoral  support?  Are  these  scores  primarily  a  symptom  of  the  fragmentation  of  the  mainstream  right,  reflecting  the  disarray  of  a  traditional  conservative  electorate,  or  is  there  evidence  to  suggest  that  working  class  voters  are  being  won  from  the  left  to  authoritarian  politics  via  a  racist  agenda?    

The   paper   examines   the   long-­‐term   implications   of   growing   electoral   support   for  authoritarian  populist  and  fascist  parties.  It  assesses  the  role  played  by  mainstream  parties  in   legitimizing   racist   attitudes   towards   immigrants,   situating   the   claims   made   by   Labour  politicians  that  the  party  must  take  a  tougher   line  on  ‘mass  migration’   from  Europe   in  the  context   of   the   failure   of   the   UMP   and   the   Parti   Socialiste   to   stem   the   rise   of   the   Front  National  by  pandering  to  racist  attitudes  towards  migrants.    

It   examines   the   relationship   between   conservative   and   authoritarian   populist   parties   and  fascism.  To  what  extent  do  parties  like  UKIP,  or  initiatives  like  those  developed  by  Philippe  de  Villiers  in  France,  act  as  temporary  transmission  belts  between  the  mainstream  right  and  parties  with  an  extra-­‐parliamentary  agenda?  Are  they,  and  developments   like  the  anti-­‐gay  marriage   protests   of   2013   in   France,   indications   of   a   more   durable   structural   shift   in   the  political  landscape  of  the  right?  What  evidence  is  there  to  suggest  that  electoral  support  can  be  translated  into  organizational  reserves  for  UKIP  and  the  FN?  

What   are   the   differences   in   terms   of   strategy,   organizational   structure   and   ideology  between   populist   parties   and   the   far-­‐right?   What   strategies   should   the   left   develop   to  combat   their   rise?   The   paper   draws   on   historical   studies   of   the   relationship   between  conservatism  and  fascism  to  conclude  that  the  interplay  between  the  two  traditions  is  fluid,  providing  an  assessment  of  potential  outcomes  drawing  on  comparative  contemporary  and  historical  analyses  of  the  relationship  between  political  traditions  in  transition  and  economic  crisis."  

Jamie   Woodcock          

Possibilities   for  new  workplace  organisation:  workers’   refusal  and   the   challenges   for   trade  unions.    

The   trade   union   movement   in   the   UK   faces   a   number   of   difficult   challenges:   failing   to  confront  austerity,  falling  membership,  and  an  inability  to  relate  to  precarious  workers.  The  possibilities  for  overcoming  these  are  often  conceived  of  in  terms  of  trade  union  renewal  or  the   adoption   of   an   organising   model.   While   these   are   important   perspectives   for   those  

workers  already  in  trade  unions,  they  fail  to  consider  the  large  number  of  workers  who  are  not  members  of  trade  unions.  To  address  these  questions  it   is  necessary  to  begin  with  the  workplace,   rather   than  the  trade  union.  This  paper  seeks   to  explore  how  the  questions  of  resistance  in  the  workplace  can  be  linked  to  an  organisational  strategy  through  a  number  of  examples.   It  will  consider  the  role  of  academic  research  in  relation  to  workers’  struggle  by  drawing  on  the  debates  on  the  use  of  workers’  inquiries,  specifically  in  the  Italian  Workerist  tradition.   Mario   Tronti’s   concept   of   ‘the   strategy   of   refusal’   will   be   used   to   refocus   the  analysis   on   the   activity   of   workers   themselves   and   consider   the   possibilities   of   new  organisational  forms.  In  conclusion,  the  paper  will  argue  for  an  intervention  into  the  debates  on  trade  unionism  that  combines  critical  theory  with  emerging  examples.  

Xavier  Wrona          

Turning  Architectural  Thought  Processes  Against  Capital    

"""Architecture""   and   ""social   engineering""   are   absolute   synonyms.   If   social   engineering  designates  this  by  which  capitalism  proliferates  around  the  globe  (D.  Harvey,  N.  Klein),  the  ""thinking  of  globality""  as  well  as  the  ""ability  to  implement  ideological  reforms  of  the  built  environment""   that   social   engineering   requires,   has   historically   had   only   one   name:  Architecture  (D.  Hollier).  

The   totalitarian/totalizing   thought   process   of   architecture   (systematic   thinking,   inter-­‐proportionality  of  parts,  mastery  of  details...)  has  historically  been  used  by  Power  to  implant  capitalism   (Colonialism/Imperialism),   reinforce   capitalism   (Renaissance),   rescue   capitalism  (Haussmann).  Architectural  thinking,  as  both  ""construction  of  mindsets""  and  the  ""reform  of   the   organization   of   the   territory""   this   entails,   has   demonstrated   its   mastery   of   the  economy   of   war:   from   machines   designed   by   Vitruvius,   to   the   redefinition   of   warfare   on  architectural  terms  operated  by  Palladio,  to  Speer's  ministry  of  War  during  WWII...  

If  architectural   thinking  can  be  applied   to  other  objects   than  buildings,   such  as  warfare,   it  could  be  useful   in  countering  the  expansive   logics  of  capital   rather   than  fueling  them.  We  propose  means  to  reorient  part  of  architecture  schools  trainings  away  from  the  production  of  buildings  towards  the  production  of  post-­‐neo-­‐liberal  modes  of  ordering  of  reality."  

Izadora   Xavier   do  Monte        

Consumer  bodies:  queer  and  class  in  Brazil's  "rolezinhos"   "The   paper   proposes   the   use   of  Claire   Hemmings'   statement   of   “neo-­‐liberalism   as   precisely   not   queer”   to   analyze   the  phenomenon  of  Brazil's  “rolezinhos”.  

Rolezinhos  are  a  brazilian  mass  movement  that  have  been  happening  for  a  couple  of  years  and   recently   called   the   media's   attention   after   a   police   confrotation   during   one   of   their  demonstrations.     At   the  beginning  of   2014,   a   group  of   young  people   from   the  peripheral  areas  of  São  Paulo  decided  to  go  in  a  large  group  to  a  central  shopping  mall,  resulting  in  the  

group  being  stopped  by  the  shopping  mall  security  for  no  apparent  reason,  except  the  fact  of   their  race  and  social  origin.  Rolezinhos  are  scheduled  through  social  networks  and  they  gather  circa  of  twenty  people  at  a  time,  most  of  them  poor  adolescents  looking  for  a  leisure  time.        

The  phenomenon  of  rolezinhos  arrive  in  the  moment  where  the  politics  of  inclusion  of  the  Labour  Party  of   the  past   twelve  years  are  being   criticized.  Despite   their   success   in  pulling  millions   of   working   class   people   from   poverty,   the   focus   on   turning   the   workers   into  consumers  instead  of  citizens  starts  to  show  its  limits.  Rolezinhos  clearly  define  one  of  those  limits,   and   allows   to   think   about   the   limits   of   neo-­‐liberal   capitalist   and   “developmental”  discourse  in    emergent  powers  such  as  Brazil.  

Liberal   discourse   advances   the   thesis   that   inclusion,   difference   and   multiculturalism   are  possible  once  all  subject-­‐consumer-­‐citizens  have  accepted  some  basic  “rules  of  the  game”.  Rolezinhos   show   that   the   subject-­‐consumer-­‐citizen   of   neoliberal   discourse   is   not   so   open  and   multicultural   –   it   has   a   normativity,   a   body,   and   a   race.   The   paper   will   try   to  demonstrate  how  the  racialized  bodies  of  youths  from  the  peripheries  of  São  Paulo  perform  a   sort  of   “class  queer”   in   relation   to  neo-­‐liberal  discourse,  which  doesn't   recognize   them,  and  doesn't  allow  them  the  privileges  of  participating   in  spaces   that  were  promised  to  be  opened  by  their  position  as  consumers."  

Galip   Yalman          

Different  Forms  of  Reproduction  of  Labour  as  “Victims  of  Privatization”    

"The  Turkish  economy  during  the  2000s  even  before  the  2008  global  financial  crisis  has  been  manifesting   the  symptoms  of   ‘jobless  growth’  as   the   increases   in   labour  productivity  have  not  been  accompanied  by  an  improvement  in  real  wages  or  labour  participation  rates  under  the  Justice  and  Development  Party  (AKP)  rule.  Meanwhile,  an  ambitious  acceleration  of  the  process   of   privatization   by   the   AKP   government,   seems   to   have   made   the   country,   an  ‘investors’  paradise’  from  the  perspective  of  international  finance  capital.  The  privatizations  of   the   large-­‐scale   profitable   state   economic   enterprises   (SEEs)   were   facilitated   through  legislative   changes   that   favoured   foreign  and  domestic  powerful   capital   groups.  However,  the  actual  brunt  of  this  neoliberal  assault  has  been  carried  by  the  workers  of  the  privatized  companies  who  tended  either   to   lose   their   jobs   in  mass  and  were  deprived  of   their   social  rights  or  were  forced  to  work  in  conditions  that  are  increasingly  perceived  to  be  comparable  with   the  19th  century  working  conditions  of   today’s   industrialized  countries.   If   the   fate  of  the   workers   of   Tekel   tobacco   products   and   alcoholic   beveridges   monopoly   -­‐   which   was  dismantled  in  order  to  be  privatized  -­‐  provided  a  case  for  the  former,  the  coal  miners  who  paid  with  their   lives  for  being  subjected  to  the  abject  conditions  of  precarity   in  the  recent  mining  disaster  in  Soma  coal  mine  could  be  considered  as  a  saddening  example  of  the  latter.    

This   paper   aims   to   provide   a   critical   review   of   the   deliberate   strategies   of   labour  containment   by   the   AKP   government   which   produced   different   modalities   of   the  reproduction   of   labour   as   “victims   of   privatization”   as   many   workers   who   suffered   the  consequences  of  these  strategies  have  called  themselves.  Hence,  it  will  attempt  to  develop  an  analysis  of  the  case  of  Tekel  workers  and  Soma  coal  miners  in  a  comparative  framework  so   as   to   explore   the   possibilities   for   developing   counter-­‐hegemonic   strategies   and/or   the  reasons  for  lack  of  them."  

Faruk   Yalvac          

Uneven   and   Combined   Development     and   Islamic   Socio-­‐Historical   Transformation   in   the  Middle   Ages:   The   Case   of   the   Transition   from   Umran   Badawi   to   Umran   Hadawi   in   Ibn  Khaldun's  Thought    

This   paper   analyses   the   transition   from   tribal   societies   to   sedentary   societies   which   Ibn  Khaldun,  the  13th  century  Muslim  historian  analysis,  explains  in  his  Muqaddima.  Khaldun’s  main  concern  is  the  reason  for  the  rise  and  fall  of  dynasties  in  the  13th  century.  He  analyses  this   as   a   struggle   between   nomadic   societies   and   sedentary   societies.   This   is   a   cyclical  dialectical   process  enshrined  by   comparative  economic  developments  between   these   two  tribal  forms.  The  main  motivating  factor    to  form  a  new  state  is  asabiyya    or  social  cohesion  stregnthened  by  the  ideological  power  of  Prophecy.    However,  sedentary  societies  are  eaisly  corrupted  and  suffer  from  the  demoralizing  effects  of  civilization,  much  like  what  Rousseau  and   Marx   will   describe   later.   The   process   is   one   of   uneven   and   combined   development  where   the   uneven   development   initially   attracts   the   bedouins   to   attack     the   sedentary  populations  but  adopt  the  advantages  of  combined  development  by  imitating  the  strengths  of   the   preexisting   civilizationb.   While   this   process   partially   supports   the   argument   of   the  transhistorical  nature  of  uneven  and  combined  development,  it  also  draws  attention  to  the  differences/similarities   between   the   premodern   socio-­‐historical   transformations   and   the  form  this  assumes  with  the  development  of  the  capitalist  mode  of  production.  

Andreas  Ytterstad  and  Helge  Ryggvik  

Strategies  for  climate  jobs  in  fossil  based  economies  -­‐  the  case  of  Norway  

More   than   500   people   were   part   of   the   «Create   Green   Jobs   Now!   Put   a   Brake   on   Oil  Extraction!”   section   on   May   Day   in   Oslo   this   year.   It   signaled   an   ever   more   recognized  alliance  between  some  of  the  trade  unions,  environmentalists,  and  the  Norwegian  Church,  who   two  months  earlier  had  co  organized  “The  Bridge   to   the  Future  –  A  Climate  Solution  from   Below”   Conference.   This   conference   was   attended   by   350   people   in   the   House   of  Literature   in   Oslo,   and   watched   via   streaming   by   more   than   1000   people   elsewhere   in  Norway.  During   the  day  a   completely  new  word  “climatejobs”   (#klimajobber14)   traded  as  second   only   to   “Ukraine”   in   Norway   on   twitter.   Next   years   conference   is   already   set   for  March  13th,  and  it  will  be  bigger.    

The   authors   of   this   paper   have   written   two   small   books   (Ryggvik,   2013;   Ytterstad,   2013)    that  have  played  a  significant  part  towards  erecting  a  campaign  with  the  two-­‐fold  message  of   May   Day.   But   the   popularity   of   the   idea   of   100   000   new   climate   jobs,   and   the   verbal  support  for  cutting  Norwegian  oil  in  half,  is  not  the  same  as  actual  change.  The  Norwegian  Parliament  is  just  about  to  open  the  new  Sverdrup  Field  in  the  North  Sea  –  which  alone  will  increase  emissions  by  25  per  cent.    

This  paper   is  a   first  attempt   to  develop   into  one  single  article,  a   reduction  and  mobilizing  strategy   for   stopping   the   break-­‐neck   extraction   of   Norwegian   oil,   AND   a   viable   planned  intervention  to  create  100  000  jobs   in  offshore,  wind,  transport  and  buildings.  Drawing  on  previous  critiques  both  of  the  political  economy  of  oil  (Ryggvik  2010)  and  the  hegemony  of  Norwegian  Climate  change  policy  (Nilsen  2001,  Ytterstad  2012),  the  first  part  of  the  paper  debunks  key  arguments  of  the  oil-­‐industrial  complex   in  Norway  (e.g  Norwegian  “clean”  oil  and  gas  is  better  than  coal,  or  that  Norwegian  emissions  are  locked  into  EU  targets  anyway).  The  second  part  draws  on  the  lessons  of  the  nascent  much  broader  climate  movement  itself  (Ytterstad   forthcoming)   as   well   as   from   the   emerging   literature   of   environmental   labour  studies  (Räthzel  and  Uzzell  2012)  to  argue  for  working  class  agency  aided  and  corrected  by  other   popular   forces,   like   climate   justice   movements,   students   involved   in   divestment  campaigns  at  Norwegian  Universities  or  faith  groups.  The  last  part  of  the  paper  suggest  an  action  plan  before  the  COP  20  meeting  in  Paris,  which  –  unlike  previous  rounds  of  Summit  demonstrations   –   is   squarely   focused   on   national   action   (cf   Hovden   and   Lindseth   2004).  Climate   jobs   in   Norway   as   bridge   towards   a   renewable   Norway,   is   –   we   believe   –     the  message  that  will  best  strengthen  a  global  campaign  for  climate  jobs  to  keep  carbon  in  the  ground.  

Mehmet   Yusufoglu          

The  Cost  of  Energy-­‐material  Intensive  Economy  on  Ecology  and  Labor  in  Turkey    

"The  accident  in  a  coal  mine  in  the  town  Soma  in  Turkey  led  to  the  death  of  301  miners.  The  energy   cost   or   in   Marxian   terms   “the   cost   of   the   usage   of   constant   capital”   became  extremely   important   since   the   beginning   of   the   2000s.   For   Turkey   1990s   were   years   of  internationalization   of   money-­‐capital   and   2000s   were   years   of   internationalization   of  productive  capital.    (F.Ercan)  

During   the   last   ten   years   the   energy-­‐material   intensive   structure   of   the   economy   has  increased.   The   leading   export   industries;   car   production,   petro-­‐chemical   products,   iron-­‐steel,   glass,   cement     and   materials;   are   main   components   of   the   exports.   For   example,  Turkey  is  the  second  big  cement  exporter  of  the  world.  The  current  account  deficits  due  to  import  dependence  of   exports   and  high  and   floating  energy   costs  made   the   capital  much  more   aggressive   in   production   of   primary   products   and   energy,   hence   equally   aggressive  against  natural  cycles.  Mining  and  energy  production  became  the  so  called  solution  for  the  current   account   deficit   problem   and   a   good   excuse.   Forced   expropriations   of   farmers   for  

power   plants,   brutal   mining   laws   against   nature   and   labor,     proliferation   of   coal   burning  energy  plants  and  nuclear  power   investments  were  guaranteed  by  many   legal   regulations  and  laws.  

Trying   to   compete  with  Russia  ad  China;   capital  used  a   two   layer  place  oriented   strategy.  Close  markets   in  Europe  and  middle  east   for  energy-­‐material   intensive  products  was   their  first   aim.   Secondly   the   relative   surplus   value   created   depending   on   the   advantage   of   the  place   in   the   energy   and   mining   production   became   a   good   opportunity   mainly   for   the  capitalist   which   have   closer   ties   with   the   developmentalist   neoliberal   government   who  wants   the   create   support   its   own   scattered   capital   against   the   old   finance   capital   groups  which   are   still   dominant   in   Turkish   economy.   These   new   capitalists   exploited   their   close  relations   in   getting   licenses   and   permits   for   commodification   of   natural   resources   and  cycles.   So   there   is   a   intra   class   struggle   parameter   in   the   event.   The   widely   discussed  importance  of  construction  sector  and  the  urbanization  rent  was  a  complementary  of   this  energy-­‐material   intensive  structure.  Uneven  urbanization  became  main  sources  of   income  distribution  problems.    

Other  than  the  energy  cost,   low  cost  of   labor  power  (   increased  subcontractor  relations   in  production   processes,   chemicalisation   of   food,   delayed   and   covered   damage   of  environmental   problems   on   workers,   poor   working   and   safety   conditions,   increased  effectiveness  of  social  aid  and  social  services  for  low  wage  earners  and  precarious  workers)    is  especially  necessary  for  service  sectors  in  the  city  and  subcontractors  of  the  main  export  industries.  The  costs  of  products  of  subcontracting  companies  (  e.g.  producers  of  car  parts)  are  important  factors  in  external  competition.  

Hence  the  energy  cost  and  labor  cost  reduction  policies  combined  in  Soma  coal  mines.  The  301  miners  who   lost   their   lives  were  producing   cheap  energy   for   construction   sector   and  mainly  export   industries  which  try  to  ease  the  cost  of  floating  energy  prices  and  exchange  values  which  increases  energy  costs.  Unequal  ecological  and  economic  exchange  matters  in  multi-­‐scales."  

Ivan   Zambrana-­‐Flores          

A   short   and   unwinding   road:   State,   indigenous,   and   environmental   contradictions   in  Plurinational  Bolivia    

Hidden  under  the  haze  of  the   latest  Latin  America’s   left   turn,  and  amidst  the  realities  and  fantasies  of   a  promised  post-­‐neoliberalism,  old   contentions  are  emerging  anew   in  Bolivia.  Tensions   over   development   paradigms   and   territorial   rights   have   caused   the   relationship  between   indigenous   organizations   and   the   self-­‐declared   pro-­‐poor   Movement   Towards  Socialism   (MAS)   government   of   Evo   Morales’   party   to   deteriorate;   incongruously,   against  the  backdrop  of  a  government’s  international  campaign  for  the  rights  of  Mother  Earth.  Most  observers  point  towards  hegemonic  pragmatism  on  the  part  of  the  MAS  as  the  root  of  these  

conflicts,   especially   as   regards  overlapping   territorial   claims,   extractive   frontiers   and   large  infrastructure  projects.  In  this  article,  we  analyze  the  TIPNIS  conflict  –around  a  planned  road  through  a  protected  area–  as  a  case  study  to  shed  light  on  the  deeper  sources  and  dynamics  of   conflict   as   identified   from   a   political   ecology   perspective.   More   attention   needs   to   be  devoted  to   the   internal  contradictions  of  environmental  and   indigenist  discourses,   instead  of  solely  focusing  critiques  on  inconsistency  in  government  policies.  

Carlos   Zamora          

The   paradox   of   modernization:   the   alleged   territorial   hegemony   of   the   Brazilian   state  against  capital's  structural  crisis    

Aiming   at   a   theoretical   and   critical   analysis   of   the   Brazilian´s   development   our   approach  aims   to   contribute   to   an   analysis   of   current   power   relations   and   the   prominent   role   that  Latin  America,  represented  by  Brazil,  can  play  in  setting  another  new  world  order.  Redeem  the   historical   dimension   of   socioeconomic   life,   reduced   by   immediate   interests   that  consolidates   power   relations,   is   to   assert   that   any   contribution   to   the   critique   of  International  Political  Economy  not  expend  effort  to  emphasize  the  paradox  of  modernity  is  just   a   baseless   justification   for   restoration  of   bubbles   financial   characteristics   of   a   system  that  was   built   on   the   pillars   of   inequality   and  monetary   rationality.   After   power   relations  underlie   the   idea   that  underdevelopment   is   the   reverse  of   the  development   and   the   two  poles  are  the  same  historical  field.  Therefore,  only  with  an  International  Political  Economy,  which  prioritizes  the  principle  of  interdependence  ,  can  engender  the  actual  development  

Andreja   Zivkovic          

Towards  a  Critique  of  Euro-­‐Marxism    

"This  paper  will   focus  on  one  aspect  of  the  crisis  of   left  alternatives,  namely  the  failure  to  address   the  national   question(s)   at   the  heart   of   European   integration.  We  will   argue   that  this   aporia   is   symptomatic   of   the   interpellation   of   the   left   as   political   subject   by   the  European   ideology,  resulting   in  an   inversion   in  which  the  critique  of  the  political  economy  takes   on   the   form   of   its   opposite,   the   dominant   market   ideology,   and   becomes   purely  apolitical  criticism.  We  call  this  theory  Euro-­‐Marxism  after  the  great  Austro-­‐Marxist  school  of   thought.   It   may   be   characterized   by   the   belief   in   the   progressive   character   of   great  economic  ensembles  which  are  held  to  unite  the  collective  worker  and  decouple  the  nation  from   the   state,   culture   from   politics.   To   merely   take   the   post-­‐Yugoslav   variant   of   this  ideology,  the  national  question  is  erased,  imperial  domination  ignored,  and  all  that  is  left  is  apolitical   criticism.   More   generally,   Euro-­‐Marxism   takes   the   institutions   of   the   European  Union  as  the  indispensable  and  privileged  level  of  reform,  a  level  that  in  fact  does  not  exist  since   neo-­‐liberalism   is   hardwired   into   an   institutional   fortress   beyond   all   spaces   of  democratic   representation.   As   a   result,   critical   theory   bifurcates   in   the   direction   both   of  utopianism  and  of  neo-­‐Kantian  adaptation   to   the  European   ideology.   Instead  we  consider  

the  nation-­‐state  as  a  ‘weak  link’,  a  space  of  the  condensation,  articulation  and  displacement  of   the  contradictions  of  capitalist  accumulation  within   the  European  empire,  and   thus   the  starting   point   for   the   conceptualization   of   political   strategy   proper;   and   dialectically,   the  only  points  from  which  one  can  pose  the  questions  of  national  self-­‐determination  and  the  transformation  of  economic  relations  for  Europe  as  a  whole.  

Luciana   Zorzoli          

What  does  structural  reforms  meant  to  worker's  organizations?  The  impact  of  neoliberalism  in  the  trade  union  model  in  Argentina.    

"Despite   a   longstanding   tradition   in   the  marxist   study   of   neoliberalism   and   the   impact   of  structural  reforms  on  trade  union  structure,    there  are  still  a  wealth  of  important  aspects  to  be   studied   in   Latin   America   since   neoliberalism   has   succeeded   in   promoting   massive  changes  in  most  of  the  relevant  areas  that  frame  trade  union  structure:  industrial  relations  including   the   labour   market   and   workforce   composition   (unemployment,   precarization,  outsourcing),  labour/state  relations,  and  the  form  of  the  state.    

This   paper   aims   them   to   bring   light,   along   the   roots   of   actual   trade   union   structures   in  Argentina.    We  will  critically  review  academic  production  and  challenge  their  understanding  of   the  trade  unions  model   through  a  case  where  all   this   tensions  have  been  revealed:   the  murder   of   Mariano   Ferreyra,   a   young   grass   root   activist   by   members   of   ""Unión  Ferroviaria""   the   Railways   trade   union.   The   judicial   case   (that   lead   its   general   secretary  among  others  to  conviction  in  2012)  will  show  how  this  ""business  unionism""  was  formed  and   will   allow   us   to   discuss   structural   changes   in   workers   organizations   stemming   from  neoliberal  reforms  and  the  last  dictatorship."