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Included and Excluded.The Identitary issue during the Modern and Contemporary Times

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Telciu Summer Conferences 1st edition July 2012

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This volume was issued with the help ofthe Townhall and the Local Council of Telciu,the county of Bistria-Nsud Individual contributors EIKON Publishing House 3A Bucureti Street, Cluj Napoca Editorial Office: tel 0364-117252; 0728-084801; 0728-084802 e-mail: [email protected] Broadcasting: tel/fax 0364-117246; 0728-084803 e-mail: [email protected] website: www.edituraeikon.ro Eikon Publishing House is certified by the National Research Council (CNCS) The CIP description is available at the National Library of Romania ISBN 978-973-757-857-0 Cover: Crizantema IOV Editors: Valentin AJDER Vasile George DNCU Editing: Ioachim GHERMAN Foreword........................................................................................................... 7 The reference points ofnational identity ......................................................... 9 Simona Nicoar, Toader Nicoar Unity in diversity: folk musics role in the cultural construction of the Romanian modern state .................................................................................. 30 Theodor Constantiniu The Romanian composer as intellectual in Transylvania during theinterwar period. Representing the nation through musical culture ................. 42 Otilia Constantiniu The Priest as Folklorist.From Superstition Objectorto Folklore Collector.The Case of Simion Florea Marian ............................................... 58 Valer Simion Cosma National communion on ASTRAs jubilees celebrations from Blaj .............. 69 Oana Elena Badea Excluded or Included. The Polish Unitarians of Transylvania ....................... 83 Enik Rsz- Fogarasi People on the edge of society in Lugoj, seen through the "Rsunetul"periodical between 1922-1932........................................................................ 93 Oliviu Cristian Gaido The Great War and the Issue of the Reintegration of theProscribed in the Romanian Kingdom .......................................................... 108 Gheorghe Negustor Bandits or resistance fightersin communist Romania? Teodor umans case ................................................................................... 118 Bogdan Vlad Vtavu Mitrea Cocor, or becoming a new man. ....................................................... 128 Ioana Cozma Romanias crucifixion. Militant Atheism inRomanian Communism (1945-1959) ........................................................... 139 Mihai Teodor Nicoar Creative, Social and Political Identity inMikhail Afanasievich Bulgakov`s Correspondence and Memoirs ............... 152 Nicolae Bosbiciu Being a Jewish writer in 1937-1944 Romania.Narrative identity developed around Emil Dorian's diary ............................ 164 Ioana Manta-Cosma Us vs. Them: Political Islam as a Contemporary Cultural Construct ....... 180 Felician Velimirovici Hereisacertainlycourageoustitle,whichsimultaneouslyintrigues andprovokesbyadressingahistoriographicalproblematicwhich,although has been an ever present one in contemporary historiographical debate, is still far from being capable to bring consensus among historians. Rather, the issue ofidentityhascausedcontroversyandevendisputes,andthemomentwhen scholars will agree and the matter will be considered closed is not predictable. Itisevenmorecommendablethecourageofayoungteamof researcherswhohaveassumedwithoutinhibitionsthissensitiveissueina symposiumorganizedinaplaceunconventionalinitself.Iamtalkingabout thefirsteditionoftheSummerConferencesofTelciu,avillageinNsud County, located in a wonderful landscape, the valley of Slua, a conference whichhastakenplaceon July2223,2012. Thisfactaloneshouldalsobe welcomed,aswellastheavailabilityoflocalauthorities,themayorandthe localcouncil,whichprovedsensitivetoculturalissuesandinnovative historiographicaldebates.Thepresentedpapersencouraged,fortwodays, intellectual debates and exchanges of ideas, now materialized in a volume that will, hopefully, open a series. This constitutes an additional argument for the claimsthatwelcomedinitiativesarenolongerconductedonlyinlarge academiccenters,butrathercultureitselfdecentralizes,provingthat interestingthingscanhappenanywhere,withoutbeinglimitedonlytocheap folklore and transient improvisations. Theissueofidentityformationanddeconstructionduringmodern times under itsmost consistent andobviousdimension, thenational one,has raised and certainly will still raise debates in the future debate, each time more intricate and complex. Nationalidentityrepresentsbutonlyonetypetruly,themost powerfulandcoagulantforacommunitybutnotjustasingleone.The ethno-linguisticdimensionhasbeenoneoftheearliestmarkerofidentityin allpre-moderneras,butmodernityitselfmadeittobeoneofthehighest, durable and consistent forms of identity. At the dawn of modernity, the ethnic undergoesacomplexalchemythat turnsitintonational;ethniccommunities becomenationswithstrongpowerstructurescapableofattractionand coagulation,which,then,turnthemselvesintonationstatesconsideredtobe themostdesirableformsofhumanorganization.Modernnationoffers individuals a secure place inside a community with which they share common ideals, solidarity, interests, and so on. In short, a common worldview specific to the nation in cause.Despiteitscoagulatingtrends,integratingmodernnationscontain withinthemselvesvariousdistinctivecommunitiesnotalwayswillingto dissolve into the protective and sometimes dominating great nation. In a first step,their resistanceto integrationhasbeensolvedbybruteforce,butalong withtheprogressofdemocratization,marginalgroupshavestartedtobe treatedmorecarefully,theirintegrationstoppingtomeandissolutionor disappearance,butratherconservationandemancipation,andtheirspecific culturevalued.However,relationsbetweenmajoritiesandminoritiesin modern states havestarted to beregulatedby legal instrumentsto ensurethe existence and conservation of all groups alike. As a society advances towards democracy,theinalienablerightsofman,whonowbecamecitizen,extend even to marginal groups. It is also true that they sometimes continue to cause asentimentofinsecurityperceived,bysome,tothreatentheveryexistence andconsistencyofthemajority.Inturn,thesegroupssometimesdemandin high tones and accented intensities, liberties and privileges deemed excessive by the majority. Theparticularcontentsof thevolumedrawanexcitingandcomplex archipelagoofaspects,suchasthecomplexandsometimesdifficult relationshipbetweeninclusionandexclusion,testifyingaboutworks-in-progress, most of which, in fact, are subjects of doctoral dissertations or other post-doctoralprojects.Whatarethemarkersofnationalidentity,howdid nationalidentitydevelopedandexpresseditselfinmoderntimesthrough musicandmusicalcreationsbothelitistandpopular,theroleofholydaysin coagulationandaffirmationofnationalidentity,nationalidentityduringthe GreatWar,theconditionofminoritywritersinRomaniabetweenthetwo World Wars, the religious otherness, the ideological anticommunist resistance identitybetweenthepartisans,politicalIslamasaculturalconstruction,and so on. A seemingly diverse set of issues, but in fact we find here innovative methodologicalperspectivesandappropriatescientificexpertisewhich demonstratecourageandrecommendmatureresearchersandtheirresults, resultswhichwillsurelyturnintoreferencestothestillopenfileofmodern and contemporary identities. Cluj-Napoca, June 18, 2013 Toader Nicoar Simona Nicoar, Toader Nicoar Babe-Bolyai University Two organic entities need identity: the individual who refuses to be reduced to being a numbered pawn, the nation which refuses to be treated as herd or as amorphous mass. G. Delannoi, Sociologie de la nation. Intraditionalsocieties the consciousnessof identitymanifesteditself throughanattachmentfortheplaceofbirth,thelocalcustoms,particular holidays,expressingitselfthroughisolationfromthesurroundingnetwork, which,onmanyoccasions,resultedinconflicts,rivalryandviolence,which are readily visible in the case of cultural and racial differences! The question oftheconditionsthataccountfortheshapingofnationalidentitiesstarted manycontroversies,especiallyinthe19thcentury.InBritain,Disraeli(The Spirit of Wigghism, 1836) considered that nations were given birth gradually, underthedifferentinfluencesoftheiroriginalorganization,ofclimate,soil, religion,events,extraordinaryaccidentsandincidentsoftheirhistoryand becauseoftheparticularcharacteroftheirillustriouscitizens.1Halfa centurylater,inFrance,Renan(Queest-cequ-unenation?,1882)was evidencingthediverseelementsofnationalcohesion:race,language, religious affinity, geography, economic interests, military necessities, but also showedthatthesearenotsufficientinordertocreateanation,becauseits foundationisintellectualandaffective:anationisasoul,aspiritual principleitistheresultofalengthypastfullofeffort,sacrificeand devotion;sharingacommongloryinthepastandacommonwillinthe present, accomplishing great things together, these are the essential conditions that make a nation.2

Depictions of the nation have different contents; a territory, an ethnic identity,areligion,etc.AsfortheRomanians,M.Eminescuwroteinan article,Amonolithicself-awareness:maybethereisnonation,counting twelvemillionpeople,whichhasitscomponentssolessdifferentfromthe

1 P.-C. Timbal, Nation, p. 6. 2Ibidem. Astrid von Busekist, Nation et nationalisms, XIX-e-XX-e sicle, Paris, Armand Colin, 1998, p. 5. Romaniannation.Thelanguagehasnodialect;religion,againstallformal disagreement within the church, stayed the same.3 National belonging Beyonditsobjectivecomponents,nonationcanexistwithout showing a shared sense of belonging on the part of its members.We, sons of the countrywide nation, we are of the same birth, the same character, sharing asinglelanguageandcultureandwefeelthewarmthofthosesamesacred traditionsandofthosesamegrandyearnings.4Nationalbelongingis powerfully impressed in the individual, it limits and conditions him, it frames himintoaculturewhichhecannotescape,butthisguardianshipalsooffers protection at thesametime.The need of asense of belonging is timeless for the members of the nation!5 National belonging needs a plurality of nations to establishitself,becauseitinvolvesaconsciousdifferentiationfromnational otherness. Self-awarenessandawarenessfortheself(belongingaHerderian concept)isatthesametimenecessaryforthenation,butalsoforaself-awarenessofanationalnature(recognitionHegelianconcept).This recognition,oftwoormorenationalconsciousnesses,atfirstopposed,isa mutualrecognition,asimultaneousone.Nationalbelongingalsoimpliesa mutualrecognitionofthosewhobelongtothesamenation.Inotherwords, nationsbuildmankind;nationsaretheartifactsofconviction,devotionand collective solidarity.6 To be recognized is a typical feature of modernity.7

The particularism of the nation has contents, of special dynamics and priority,suchasgeographicalfrontiers,asharedpast,acommonalityof territory,languageandreligion.Renan,forexampleindicatedthe insufficiency of race,language,religion in defining thenation,becausethere is no pure race: the noblest countries, Britain, France, Italy, are those where thebloodismixed.Languageinvites,itdoesnotimposeconvergenceon people.Religionisnotadefinitecriterion,sincebeingFrench,British, Germanetc.doesnotmeanthatonecannotbecatholic,protestant,Muslim, Israelietc.8Therealityofnationalsensecomesjustfromthemultiplicityof dosageofthesecomponents,whichcanbeunderstoodonlybyexamining eachparticularsituation.Certainlythistensionbetweendistinctfeatures, supplemented by the various aspirations from inside the communities or those

3 M. Eminescu, Publicistic, p. 531. 4I.Maniu,Noiprivimnnfptuireaunitiinaionaleuntriumphallibertiiomeneti, Discurs rostit la 1 decembeie 1918 la Alba Iula, n Oratori i elocin romneasc,p. 114. 5 National belonging is capable to resist to ideological abstractions. G. Delannoi, op. cit.,p. 134 6 E. Gellner, Naiuni i naionalism, p. 18. 7 G. Delannoi, op. cit.,p. 166. 8 D. Schnapper,op. cit., p.51-52. thatgrowinbetweenthecommunities,givesthebestexplanationtothe malaise of the modern world. Territory and frontiers; real and imagined Thelifeofthepeoples,oflocalsocietiesisconnectedtothespace, eventotheconfigurationandcontinuityintimeofthespacetheyinhabit! Territoryisasymboliccomponentofthenation,becauseitrepresentsthe birthplace, the primordial cradle of the nation or, to some, it might turn into a safe haven, a promised land! The homeland of Antiquity was perceived as the land of the fathers, a meaningpreservedintheMiddleAgestoo,whenpatriacommunis,thatis Christendom,alsogathersprestige.9Timeflies,itisunstable,thatiswhy spaceistheonewhichprovidesthestabilityofthecommunityinthe collectivementality!Inordertodefineandjustifythemselves,communities store in their memory the image of their own space; because each community cutsoutspaceinitsownway,itestablishesitslines,itsbordersandits specificconsistency;inthisframe,ofbothrealandimaginedgeometry being accessible to those who find themselves faithful to it, but banned for the otherssharedfacts,events,memories,traditionsareenclosed.The span,thespiritualvalueofthespaceisconnectedtothememoryofthis space! Collectiveevents,experiences,expectations,they all areconnected to placesthatexistedforever.Theygenerateasenseofcontinuityand,in connection to this, a certain protective sense of security! Whenithaspoliticalfunction,territoryevokesmores,temperaments andthedailyaestheticsofthepeople.Asearlyasthe17thcentury,the unmistakable hallmark the mountains conferred to this small European nation is implied in the conception about the Swiss nation! Otherwise, the landscape isaninterestingprincipleofdifferentiationwhichcanbecomeasignificant symbol: theNorwegian landscapeisthe fiord, that of Hungary thepusta etc. Montesquieu tried to explain by means of a climatic theory a certain relativity of the mores and the laws, while the romantic historians considered that there is an influence territorial conditions, - sea, continental immensity, mountains, islandetc.andclimaticconditionshadonthesoulofthepeoplesand nations.10DavidHume,inhisEssays,criticizedtheclimatictheory concerning national features. Culture, mores, history are, in his opinion, more determiningthanclimate.Nationhoodfollowspoliticalratherthan

9 P.-C. Timbal, Nation, p.7. 10A.M.Thiesse,op.cit.,p.136-137.59.N.Bocan,op.cit.,p.25.Fromamore philosophicalstandpoint,LucianBlagadefinedtheRomaniansoulastheMioriticSpace(the stylisticmatrixofthecreativeforces)inharmonywiththegeographicspace,whichis considered in his opinion as defining in what concerns national specificity. geographicalfrontiers,D.Humeremarked.Themostsensiblecorruptionof these national features is caused by time rather than space. There are features that exist in a people for centuries, but many others change in accordance with time.Helvetiussuggestedthathistoricalconditions,theroleofeducation comefirstinshapingthespiritualprofileofpeoples.11Eachnationhase predestinedspace,inheritedthroughouthistoryfromthefoundingfathers, fromtheoldpoliticalorganizations;itisevidencedbynaturalfrontiers, whichdelimit,protectthenation,assymbolicalwalls.Seas,mountainsand rivers are the most natural limits of the nations, said Herder.12

Nationisaunit(atotality)limitedinbotharealandanimaginary way,anenclosedorganism,impenetrablebyothers.13Aunitaryhistory involvesaunitarygeography,whilethemostefficientconfigurationisthe perfectionof thecirclesurrounded byrivers! ForV.Alecsandri theriversof the Romanian Principalities, the Prut and the Milcov, unify rather than divide. Thelossofterritoryequateswithsacrificingtheancestralland.14Even whenthesenaturalfrontiersdonotcorrespondtothepoliticalmapofthe moment,theirnostalgiaiskeptinnationalimagination.Everynationhasits frontiersenclosinghersonswherevertheymightbe,insideoroutside politicalborders.Theterritoryclaimedbynationalimaginationappearsina moreextendedform thanthat displayedby thepolitical maps!It isprecisely thislackofagreementbetweenimaginedandrealfrontiersthatmaintainsa latent crisis of identity in an almost permanent manner! Thefluidityofterritorialconfigurationsthroughouthistoryfueled permanentnationalfrustrations,which,stimulatedbytheboldnessof ideologicalnationalism,tookclaiming,revengingformsofwhichthetwo world wars are nostrangers.The temptation to rebuild themythical frontiers encouragedtheresurgenceofGreatGermany,GreatFrance,GreatHungary, andinRomania'scase,GreatRomania!TheidealterritoryofRomaniais surroundedbywaters:theDanube,theDniester,theTisa,butthisproject contradictsandsuperimposesthoseoftheneighboringnationswhichvalue theirownnaturalfrontiersinthesamemythicalmanner.Themythsofideal frontiersfuelwiththesameintensitytheircounter-myths,beinglegitimacy conflicts, coupled with irritation, protest, refuse, even violence.15

11 The territory, especially when it is primordial, is crucial for the Nation-State, which exercises anadministrativeandmilitarymonopolyonacertainterritory.G.Delannoi,op.cit.,p.58-59; 164.. D. Drghicescu, op. cit., p. XIV. 12 Apud L. Boia, Pour une histoire, p. 197 i 203. 13 B. Anderson, LImaginaire national,p. 20. N. Bocan, op. cit., p. 31. 14In1878DimitrieGhicamentionedinaspeechthatDobrujaoncebelongedtoWallachia. Atanasie Iordache, Sub zodia Strousberg,Viaa politic din Romnia ntre 1871-1878, Buc., Ed. Globus, 1991, p. 34-35. 15 L. Boia,op. cit., p. 198; 206-207. Ethnicity, race, nation European communities are a conglomerate of ethnicities differentiated fromoneanotherthroughhistory,traditions,mythologiesandculture.The dimensionsofethnicityareacollectivename;asharedmythoflineage;a partakenhistory;adistinctsharedculture;andassociationwithaspecific territory;asenseofsolidarity.16Theideaofpoliticalunity,-otherwisevery old in universal history! - derives mainly from the idea of ethnic unity.17 What constitutesanethny(nation)isanatural,ethicalreality,butonethatis positioned at the joint of metaphysics with history, namely a unity of fate, ofdestinyintime,aunityforwhichland,blood,past,laws,customs, traditions, thought, virtue, work, institutions, dress, misfortune, happiness and signsofcohabitation, dominanceandoppression,buildsignsofrecognition, seals, reasons whichallow people to understand and live together.18 This hermeneutic manner of seeing the people offers an explanation to the genetic and spiritual unity between all generations linked together by blood, language, territory,laws,activitiesetc.Thegeneticunitytranslatestheneedfor solidarity of all generations, from their mythic beginnings in a coherent world. Theunityofthepeoplefindsacorrespondentnotonlyinagenetic unity, but also in the unity of the land - which, in the case of Romanians, for example,istheextensionoftheideaofmoie(estate)theonethat establishesthelink between thegenerationsthat inhabitedthem successively in history! Space/place and time/age are two fundamental reference points of thecollectivementalities;specificallytheyaremeansofsetting,situatinga peopleinitsparticularcoordinates.Thisspace-timehorizon,includedinthe world-viewconstellationinspirestheintegrationandtheinvolvementofthe

16SteliuLambru,MicronaiuneaierupiaidentitarnEuropadesud-est,inInmemoriam AlexandruDuu.Identiticolectiveiidentitatenaional.Percepiiasupraidentitiin lumea medieval i modern, p. 144. 17 To us Romanians, for example, using the term Dacian as a generic name for all Romanians issignificativeinthissense;foundedonthesameconsciousnessofnationhoodonenow encountersatransfigurationoftheterms(Transylvanian)MoldavianandWallachianinto Romanian,ofthetermpeopleintonation,ofMoldaviaandWallachiaintoRomania.Vlad Georgescu,IdeilepoliticeiiluminismulnPrincipateleRomne,1750-1831,Buc.,Ed. Academiei RSR,1972, p. 171. 18MirceaVulcnescu,Dimensiunearomneascaexistenei,Buc.,Ed.FundaieiCulturale Romne, 1991, p.15 and 133. The reflections on this mental horizon also went, for example, in thisinterestingdirection:totherootoftheRomanianconceptionofbeing,onefindsthat supremacy of the virtual over the actual, the idea of a bosom, carrier of all virtualities, the idea ofagreatmother.Inthissense,Romanianthoughtmeetstheologicalandmythical-oriental thought and opposes those of the Occident, either positivist or anthropological. people in history.19 To the nation, acting as imaginary world, shared spiritual aspects, certain ancestral resonances add up. Ethnic being shows up with a specificprofile,withpeculiarmentalarticulations!20Theethnicspirit(the soul) exists in a condensed form which is subdued to the historical influences. The character of the nation shows up as constant and eternal, as in the verses Thewaywewere,that'showwe'llstay(MihaiEminescu,Gloss).21This image,onefindsinthecollectiveconsciencewasdesignatedbythefansof scientific typologies as the character, the soul, the hallmark of the nation! Thusthesoulofthepeopleappearsasastructuraldimension,aperennial spiritualarchitecturemodeledaccordingtotheculturaltemptations(the influences)ofhistory.22 Whethertheformulationofthiskindofethical patterns can or cannot be seen as dangerous, the important thing is that the discoveryofthesefeaturesandtheirtransformationintoguides,norms, normalitytendedtobecome,byagencyofideologies,askillfulstrategy! National ideologiespretend that they exaltwhat isgoodand search away to straightenwhatisbadinthepsychologicalstructureofthenation!The spiritualandmoralportraitofthepeoplesandconsequentlyofthenations, fuel thepedagogicalconceptionofthenations.Theexistenceofasystemof political,religious,juridical,moralvalues,ofasetofsharedtraditions maintainedtheconscienceofanethnicspecificity,thusthewilltolive together on the same territory.

19ThebehavioroftheRomanians...hookedineternitymustbeexplainedbythemythical dimensionoftheRomanianhistoricalmentalities,whilethecriticalor,onthecontrary,the tender view granted to this aspect has ideological connotations! Being hooked in eternity, that issearchingforthiseternalembodimentoftheethnicbeing,theincapacitytofinditmight justify a certain state of resignation, of helplessness which, if accumulated and revealed, draw afterthemselvesthatconditionwhenonecannotbearanymore!orthatfeelingof bitterness,whichboostsaction.Theseparticularitieswereusedinthespeculationson Romanian fatalism and in the awakening in the times of revolutions, of the feeling of a severity ofexistence,which,voicedbythosewhoannouncetherebirth,callfornowornever. Contrary to the view of a fatal and atemporal reality, the revolutionaries of 1848 seem to wake upthepeoplefromtheirdeath-likesleep,toreinserttheminhistory,meaningevolution, towards the making of a different fate! Ibidem, p.142-145. 20 Attempts to outline a Romanian dimension of existence, to capture the preconceptions of thenativeethosweremadeasearlyasthe19thcentury,bytheliterateandbyphilosophers, being tackled differently from the perspective of certain political or ideological sensibilities. C. Drghicescu attempted to capture The psychology of the Romanian people, C. Rdulescu-Motru analyzed The Romanianism, Vasile Prvan refelcted onThe thoughts on life and death among theDaco-romansfromLeftPontus,OvidDensuianudealtwithThepastorallifeinpopular poetry,LucianBlagawithTheMioriticSpace,OvidiuPapadimawithTheRomanianword-view etc. apud M. Vulcnescu, op cit., p. 90. 21 Ibidem, p.101. 22 Ibidem, p.97. Theshelteringandprotectivefeelingofethnicalbelongingwasa priority and it marked the beliefs, sensibilities and collective ideals. Belonging toacommunityconstitutedandmatureditselfasacomplexfeelingof identificationwiththesamehistoricaloriginsinacertainterritory,thesame languageandthesametraditions.Thisisnationalconsciousnessorethnical consciousness.Theconceptofethny,tothemedievalworld,coversthat human community prior to the modern nation, whose members have, or think theyhave,thesameorigin,culture,mentality(sensibility,will,behavior, attitudes)and(conception,aspirations,sharedideals).But,theattitudesof medieval ethnicsolidarity werepredominantly local.Local solidaritiesbased onsocialhierarchyandvassalagefamily,tribe,clan,community,thecity, theprovincewerethemostpowerfulbecausetheywerethetraditional frameworksofprotectionandhopeofthepeopleinthefaceofexternal dangers, epidemics and calamities. Modernsolidaritiesaremorediverse,slottedinorcombined: humanity, nation, rural, urban community, family etc. The modern nation is a metamorphosisofsolidarities,aharmoniousintermediaryoranopengate, whichreconciledthetwofundamentalformsofbelonging:ononeside,a local form, linked to human birth and transformation and, on the other side, a universalform,linkedtomankindinitstotality.Betweenthehumanistic thoughtofthelate17thcenturyandtheprogramoftheenlightened intellectuals from the beginning of 19th century, one can notice continuity and cultural evolution which expand on the great matters of solidarity.23 Nationcanberaceinabiologicalmeaning,ethnyinanethnological meaning, or in general terms, being of the same blood. This bio-ethnical idea served,andmayservenationalisticmyths.24Inthe19thcentury anthropological research noticed certain typologies, which were speculated in nationalist ideological views. Under the fascination of physical anthropology: culturalproblemsremainsecondary,derivedfromthephysicalqualities whichdistinguishedracesandhumancommunities.25Racialcomplexesof superiority used biological criteria to justify natural inequity between peoples andnations.GobineausreflectionsinAnEssayontheInequalityofHuman Races(1853-1855),utter theclaimofawhitesupremacybesideother races! GermanromanticismoverestimatedracialdifferencesinfavorofGerman superiority. After 1870 race became a constitutive component of the nation for some of the ideologies. But, in the same year, on October 27, 1870, Revue des deuxmondeswrote:whatdistinguishesnationsisnorrace,norlanguage. People feel in their hearts that they belong to the same nation, that they form

23 Al. Duu, Histoire de al pense et des mentalits politiques europennes,p. 181. 24 G. Delannoi,op. cit.,p. 81. 25 L. Boia, Dou secole de mitologie naional, p.63 a community of ideas, concerns, feelings, memories and hopes. However, the nationalisms of the last decades of the 19th century had the tendency to favor racial theories.26

Racedifferenceismorepregnantthanculturaldifference,being insuperableandhostile.Moreover,itcreatesthetemptationofhuman classificationinsuperiororinferiorracesanditaccentuatesthedesireof separationandthefearofmixture.Inaworldofnationalideology,racist, segregationistviewscantakehold,butatthesametimeviewsthatsupport equalityinhumanity,whichconsiderthatracialdifferencesareinfact surmountable,may alsorise.This is because, already at thebeginning of the 19thcenturymythological,philological,historicalresearchprovedthe commonindo-europeanancestryofEuropeannations.TheSlavs,the Germans,theLatinpeoplesdiscoveredbymeansofcomparativephilology theirrespectivekinship,whiletheHungarians,intheirdesiretodetach themselves from Austria,remainedfaithful to their HunandMagyar descent of Asian origin. The strong attachment to racial roots explains why Hungarian andCzechsnationalmovements,forinstance,developedadesirefor restoration, which situates them to the antipodes of that liberal and democratic idea elaborated by the French. What they were dealing with was precisely an arrogantexclusivismmanifestedagainstindo-europeannations,perceived asdifferent,thusrivals!Anypleaforracialdifferenceattractsanobvious separation of all aliens from the national body, even if they live in the national space, master the national idiom and are keen to participate to the fulfillment of national culture.27 Fustel de Coulanges addressed a serious critique, in the 1870s, to the Germanclaimfortheimpositionofanethnicandracialdefinitionofthe nation,whichwouldhavegivenapeculiarovertonetothewordnationality! Renan considered that using the word race in politics is wrong and dangerous. He did not approve of race overestimation, but he noticed that these realities, race, ethny, nation, were always subtly mingling peacefully into history! The first national wars were born in an area of Europe where ethnies blended more than in other parts of the world!28 Thenationisaparticularformofpoliticalunity;thatiswhyit distinguishes itself from ethnical groups, which are not politically organized.29 Anethnyisagroupofbelongingpeopletakethefeelingofbelongingto anethny for grantednot necessarily having apolitical expression. Ethnical identity is not of greater importance, nor more solid or durable than reality or

26 Dictionnaire du XIX-e sicle , p. 796. L. Boia, op. cit., p.63 27 Dictionnaire du XIX-e sicle , p.795. A.M. Thiesse, Crearea identitilor, p. 128 i 130. 28 G. Delannoi, op. cit.,p. 160-161. 29 D. Schnapper, La communaut des citoyens, p. 32-34. national sense. The objective peculiarities that define the nation language, race, religion, alsodefinetheethny; from anemotional point of view, ethnic meansinternalization,passion,thewilltoparticipatetoamassfoundedon sharedconcernsandfeelings.Ethniesarenotmorenaturalthannations!30 Ethny isfrequently styled nation, thesource of confusionbeing theusageof the term nation before the birth of the modern nation, more precisely as of the 13thcentury!TheEnglishorFrenchnationdesignatedtheirethnic aggregate.31Ethnies,justlikenations,arehistoricalconstructs,human groups that define themselves through their historical and cultural specificity. Thecoincidencebetweenpoliticalunityandculturalcommunitywasthe political ideal of the nation.32 Thiswhynationsclaimthattheyaretheevidenceofanethny, bestowing upon themselves their innate roots, their cultural homogeneity, the specificityoftheirrace,theircivilization,theirmoral,alltheseoutlining national character! But ethnical and cultural homogeneity are not sufficient in order to build a nation! One other condition necessary to the existence of the nationiscivic-mindedness,thatsensethatthecitizensshareanideaofa public domain independent from private interests. Thus, nation defines herself throughitsambitiontotranscendprivateadherences(biological,historical, economical, social, religious, or cultural) by means of citizenship, by defining itscitizenasanabstractindividual.Itsspecificityistheintegrationofpoly-ethnic populations in a community of citizens, whose legitimate existence acts from within and without the State.33 When the citizen community is culturally heterogeneous,politicalloyaltyforthenationmixeswithdiverseformsof attachmenttothepreexistentethnies,whichenjoymoreorlesspolitical recognition.Ethinesarenotessences,theyaretheproductsofapoliticalor social situation, in the broad sense of the word! Ehtnies can separate, regroup, reorganize, defining themselves into new social frontiers. For instance let us remembertheAfricanethnies,createdbycolonizingpolitics!Oranother significantexample,TitosinventionofamuslinethnyinBosnia-Herzegovina in 1968, regarded as an entity which shares the same religion, suppliedwithspecificrights!Racialormilitaristnationalisms,extremely

30Ibidem, p. 30 i 53.. 31Ibidem, p. 28-29. 32Nationsarefrequentlymistakenforpoliticalunitsorstates.Thetermnationsdesignatesin thiscasepoliticalunitswhosesovereigntyisrecognizedbytheinternationalorder!The confusionbetweennationandpoliticalunitstartedafter1919,whenthedemocraticnationis promotedastheuniversalmodelofpoliticalorganization.Adisciplinenamedthestudyof international relations, speaks of nations defined as political units. Ibidem., p. 32-34;43. 33Ibidem, p.49. intolerant, frequently led to wars of extermination, backed by an irresponsible propaganda directed towards the stimulation of mass immorality.34 In social and political life, beginning with the 19th century, ethny (the scientificconcept)isdesignatedbythetermpeople(politicalterm),which grants,implicitlyorexplicitly,itsrighttoclaimpoliticalindependence,its right to become a political nation-unity.35 Like all political unities the nation defines itself through its sovereignty, which exercises itself in the interior, to integrate the populations (which it includes) and in the exterior, to state itself as a historical item in a world-order founded on the existence and the relations betweenpoliticalnation-unities.Theclaimfortherecognitionofethniesas nations,inotherwordsestablishingacoincidencebetweenthehistorical-cultural (or ethnical) community and political organization, as well as the will topowerofthosenationsalreadyconstituted,inordertoprevailothers,are the roots of all virulent nationalisms! The conflicts that unroll presently in the Balkans,forexample,arenotnational,butethnicalornationalistconflicts; they are the proof of the weakness of the national tradition of old Yugoslavia proper, which formed as nation in 1919, from Serb, Croat, Slovene, Bosniac, Hungarian, Albanian ethines etc.36 Conflictsrevitalizethefeelingsthatunitepeoplefacingcommon danger,whichunitethemintheethnicalornationalcommunity.Drawing bloodonthebattlefieldunitesthecombatants!Thus,nationalfeelingswere consolidatedinaEuropeofrivalryandconflict.ThenationsofCentraland EasternEuropebecamefullyawareofthemselvesunderthepressureof always unsettling inter-ethnic conflicts. National language The linguistic Tower of Babel has always stood at the base of cultural diversity, this is why the temptation of great administrative unifications, since antiquityon,wasaccompaniedbytheimpositionofacommonlanguage, regularly that of the dominant group! Medieval Latin was to unify the Europe of departments and universities. No language has brought, as Latin did, such a solidandlongunity.Afterthe13thcenturyinEuropetheintellectuals contributedtothecreationofthelinguisticcommunity,forinstance,by translatingtheBibleorbywritingtheirworksinthelanguageofthefolk.37 PrintinghousesandReformstimulatedtheblossomingofvernacular

34 G. Delannoi,op. cit.,p. 162. 35 D. Schnapper,op. cit., p. 37. 36ErnestGellner(Nationsandnationalism)appreciatesthattherecentAnglo-American politicalsciencetreatsnationalismsinthesenseofclaimstocreatenations,andnotas manifestations of the nations proper. Ibidem, p. 37 i 46. 37Ibidem, p. 43. languages,whichbecamenational.IfforFrancetherevolutionarypolitical factorencouragedtheformingofthenation,theprotestantpeoples(English, German,etc.)evolvedtowardsthenationthroughlinguisticandcultural unification;inthissensetranslatinganddistributingtheBibleplayeda fundamental role, which meant alphabetization for the different mental levels. Language is one of the stabler elements, one of the mythical roots on whichanynationalideologyforms.Whenanationalismassertsanational language, that has to be invented, usually considering it the faithful successor ofanancientlanguage!ItisthecasewithLatinism,thebelovedheredityof the Romanian language in Timotei Cipariu's opinion.38When Greece gained itsindependencein1827thecreatorsofthisnewnationweretemptedto establishapurelanguage,borrowedfromclassicalGreek,eliminatingall Turkish influences. Modern Greece was thus viewing itself as an extension of itsgloriousantiquity.ButinTurkeytoo,acenturylater,notonlythata languagereformissetinmotion,butalsothealphabetischanging:Arab alphabetisreplacedin1928withLatincharactersinthedesiretocreatea simplified and europeanized national language.39

Avividlanguageisaprecioustreasureforanation,butthereare nation-stateswhichdidnotformaroundalanguage.In1914Francethere were14spokenlanguages,althoughlinguisticunificationwasalready institutionalizedbythelawsofthe3rdRepublic.40Languageobtainsa powerful national identity, but the linguistic benchmark is open, supple, and it doesnotexcludediversity,whichisalwaysvisibleonaculturallevel.41 Language,justasreligion,consideredRenan,invitestoreunion,to communion,because,inthecaseofthenation,unrestrictedadherenceisthe reasonablecriterion!Herdermaintainedthatlanguageexpressesthewaya nationthinks;languageisnationalthoughtitself.But,inordertoassurethe spiritual, administrative, economical congeries of the nation, written language has precedence, undermining regional dialects and speech. National language removes useless archaisms without hesitation, pointless neologisms too!42

Thescientificorliteraryinterestforthecultivationofthelanguage was,especiallyinthe19thcentury,acelebrationofit;laGrammaire franaise authored by Charles C. Letellier inspired, for instance, a Romanian grammartextbookpublishedin1828byHeliadeRdulescu,whosawinthe birthofgrammaranawakeningoftheself-awarenessofthenation.The

38 ApudOratori i elocin romneasc, p. 52. 39 D. Schnapper,op. cit., p. 136-138. 40Ibidem, p. 138. 41 G. Delannoi, op. cit., p.61 i 65;154. 42SteliuLambru,MicronaiuneaierupiaidentitarnEuropadesud-est,nInmemoriam Alexandru Duu,p. 139-140. A.D. Xenopol, Scrieri filosofice, p. 385. problemsofRomanianorthography,theelaborationofagrammaranda dictionary became the task of the linguistic elite in theSocietatea Acedemic (TheAcademicSociety),foundedonAugust1/13,1867,whichbecamethe RomanianAcademyin1879.43Nationallanguages,frequentlyformedout of thesynthesisofsomedialectsandaliterarytradition,wereslowly strengthened by the elite! The Church, a national bastion Pre-modern times were dominated by the world-view of a God given universe,quasi-immobile,withacivilizationtransmittedwithoutalteration fromonegenerationtoanother.Thiscollectiveviewonlifeandsociety encouragedobedienceandatemptationtopreservesocialstructures consecratedbytradition.Inthetraditionalmentality,thedivinitysetthe materialworldandthedestinyofmaninorderandthisiswhythemain communal reference was of a religious nature.Christianconsciencerepresentedaformamentisthatmarkedthe sensibilities and the attitudes of man, influencing solidarities, both those of a universalisticChristiantype,andthosethatfortifiedtheindividualityof medievalnations.BeginningwiththeprotestantReformofthe16thcentury the ties that linked Christianity to the national realities were not broken, but substantiallytransformedthroughthedivisionofChristendom.Churches becomenational,becausereligiousreferencerepresentsavehicleforthe expression of national singularity and a component of its particular identity in the Concert of Europe.44 The English example is, from this point of view, a telling example, that in this case national belonging arose not only from inside theparliamentaryinstitution,butalsowithinandthroughanindissolubly monarchicandnationalChurch.EnglishProtestantism,calledAnglicanism, whichfeaturedarational individualism,associatedwith theindividualismof citizenship and stimulated the awareness of English national singularity.45 Counter-Reformationhadcomparableeffects,becauseitencouraged theallegiancetothetraditionalfaithandtothemonarchy,thecenterof temporal authority. In the Old Regime, the state was confessional, the slogan of theFrench monarchy being one faith, oneking, onelaw, acceptablefor

43ApudI.Em.Petrescu,Configuraii,p.119.Mirela-DanielaTrn,Sprijinireaculturii romneti n viziunea Academiei Romne. Donaii i premii,n In memoriam Alexandru Duu,p.187-188. 44R.Rmond,ReligionetSoctenEurope.,p.149.N.Bocan,I.Lumperdean,I.-APop, EtnieiconfesiunenTransilvania(secoleleXIII-XIX),FundaiaCeleTreiCriuri,Oradea, 1994, p. 5. 45 Beginning with Henry VIII the Anglican Church separated from Rome. The king of England remained the head of the Church, devoting in a specific manner the union betweenorganized religion and nation. D. Schnapper, op. cit., p.124 . otherEuropeanrulerstoo.Thismentalitysurvivedinthecollective consciousnessthroughmemoryandtheimaginary!Theconflictbetween CatholicismandRevolution,-thegreatrevolutionof1789thatfoundedthe Republic, single and indivisible, set the world off track! Different confessions wereasourceofdiscord.Onelawforeveryoneismorethanenough! Democracybecomessynonymouswith unity.Theoldsloganonefaith,one king,onelawisreplacedbytheunityofthesovereignnation,theonly sourceoflaw.46 Freedomofthoughtburstingoutattheendofthe18th century, along with free choice of religion shook the rigorous endorsement of religiousunityoffitsfoundations.Callingfortolerancemeantdissociating betweenconfessionandcitizenship,openinganewchapterinthehistoryof therelationshipbetweenreligionandsocietyinEurope.47Thisfounding initiativewas brought by the10th articleofThe Declarationof theRightsof ManandoftheCitizen(August26,1789)whichopenedthewayfor secularization, but alsoto thebreak of national consciousness, becausethe formal reference to God became a polemic issue. In the 19th century, despite the irritation of the republicans, supporters of laity, French Catholics claimed andobtainedthesolemnnationalconsecrationofSacrCurin1873.48 Secularizationaffectednationalpedagogy,laicizingeducationbyremoving all religious reference from school curricula, adjusting the national calendar in a profound manner, offering predominance to national holidays. In France the fall of Bastille, July 14, was considered provocative in catholic milieu for a long period!49 OnlyinFrancenationaldestinyisproclaimedseparatedfromany religious reference, a confession not being, theoretically, of political unity or a criterionofnationalbelonging.But,theintransigenceofthepoliticalpower towardsreligionwasnotthesamewiththefactthatnationandreligion represent two social factswith universal pretensions, whichexpect exclusive attachmentandtranscendtheextentofindividualexistences.Thetimeof profane existence is still that of the religious holidays, which have lost, more orlesstheiroriginalmeaning.Religionasprivatemanifestationstillinspires shared conducts and values! The universalism preached by the Christian faith was a generous idea, buttoodifficulttoapplyandmaintaininpoliticalpractice,asthehomeland andthemonarchybecomesacred,andfromacertaintimecorpusmysticum

46 R. Rmond,op. cit., p.162. 47Ibidem, p. 44-45 ;52; 151. 48Ibidem,, p.60-61; 78-79. 49 R. Rmond,op. cit., p. 193.; 196. patriaesubsumescorpusmystiticumecclesiae.50Otherwise,beginningwith the14thcentury,WesternEurope,onaccountofthegrowthofeconomical values and of thedevelopment of technical knowledge,anew social classof urban origin took shapeprogressively,which forced theprevalenceof away ofthinkingingreateraccordwithitsinterests.Politicalorreligious Renaissancedignitaries got contaminatedby thenew principles andideason world and society, they adopted Machiavellian social ethics, which prejudiced the traditional prestige of chivalry and Christian austerity.51

Themodernnationappearsastheimageofaspiritualbody,thisis why theequality of soulsisassumedas principle.52TheChurch isthemoral force,thesoulofanation,butNationwouldreplaceChurchasaglobal society,self-sufficient,secularized.53Europeannations,allChristian, identifiedwithCatholicism,OrthodoxyandProtestantism.Theproblemof unity,asunityoffaith,thistimepolitical,reemergeswiththehelpofthe generallyacknowledgedideathatnationshaveanexclusivelyreligious vocation;eachnationinvokespredestinationanddivineprotection,the messianic call, the religious sentiment of belonging to a national community, tosuchanextentthatbetweenreligionandnationalfactaunionestablishes itself,aunionwhichassumestherelationshipoftheoldalliancebetween religion and dynasty.The rivalry between religion and nation to win adhesion and fervor of people'sfeelingsisnot a negligible aspect in analyzingmodernity! Catholics intheEuropeanspace,intheirturn,opposedlaicizationandaccusedthe liberalism,sprungfromrationalism,ofbeingguiltyformakingsociety atheist!Thenationalisttendencytoidolizethenationwasconsideredas divergingfromtheChristianspirit!Nationbecamereligioninitsturn,a secularizedreligion.54Thereligion-nationcompetitionfracturednational consciousness,especiallyinthecatholic-Europeanspaceaffectedby revolutionarycontagioninthe19thcentury.Confessionalantagonism manifesteditselfintheGermanspace,nationalunificationbeingrealizedat

50N.Bocan,I.Lumperdean,I.-A.Pop,op.cit.,p.5-6.NicolaeIorgawroteaboutthe Orthodoxconsciencewhichwassopowerfulthatitpreventedthestimulationofadistinct, pronounced national consciousness. 51Thenewethicsproclaimsitselfonthenotionofhumandignityandonthecultofthe efficiency of the preachedvalues. An ethics ofmaterialand social promotion is stated, whose principles are: to have, to know,to be able to. Cl.-G. Dubois,Les modes de classification des mythes, p.32. 52 G. Delannoi,op. cit.,p. 95. 53 rtf pentru ar..Iai, 1856, apud,Al. Jinga,Alteritate i identitate naional-confesional. Discursul unui cleric ortodox din Romnia secolului XIX,in In memoriam Alexandru Duu, p. 119. 54R.Rmond,ReligionetSocitenEurope.LascularisationauxXIX-eetXX-esicles, 1780-2000, p. 77; 152; 159-163; 221. the initiative and around protestant Prussia, by excluding Catholic Austria and absorbingsomeofthesmallCatholicprovincesinaReichdominatedby Reform. The conflict between patriotism and Catholicism had a specific tint in Italy,becausein1848,forexample,theaspirationsofnationalunitywere promoted without the approval of the Catholic Church. New Italy took shape withouttheCatholics!Theintransigenceofthepapacyperpetuatedthe conflictbetweenpatrioticfeelingsandfaithfulnesstowardstheChurchup until1915,whiletheintegrationofCatholicsinthenationwasonly announced in 1919!55 ForEuropeannationsplacedunderforeignunchristiandomination nationalreligionmaintainedandfavoredtheconsciousnessofnational singularity.Thechurchbecameanarkoraholyanchorofthehomeland,a keeperofthenationalspirit.56Thespiritualcultureofthepeopleuntilthe middle of the 19th century, in the absence of formal education, was nourished bytheinstructionofferedbybreviaries,homilies,religiousandsuperstitious writings.AllOrthodoxreligiouspedagogiesencouragedthedeliveranceof the soul of the Christians, being less preoccupied by the practical life of the people.57Asaresultoftheexceptionalprestigethatthecollectivementality had,nationalChurchwaspracticallytheonlyplaceofcollectivesociability, thepoliticalframeworkbeingabsent,otherlearnednotabilitieswhocould have acted as spokesmen for the nation being also absent, the clergymen were theonlycultivatedelite.58ItisthecasewithTransylvaniapriortothe revolutionof1848!Thereligiousfactorwasnotlessdeterminingin dislocatingtheOttomanEmpire,hurriedbytheemancipationmovementof theChristianpeoplesintheBalkansforindependenceandOrthodoxyat thebeginningofthe19thcentury:Romanians,SerbsandBulgarians.Inthe newnationalstates,constitutedafterthefalloftheOttomanEmpire, Orthodox Churches became independent and national. The Orthodox Church became a national Church because of the value ofitsapostolicpast,becauseofitsfixednessinthehabitsofthepeople, because it cultivates the national language, it propagates religious and national feelings. Article 21 of the first Constitution of modern Romania set Orthodox religion as the dominant religion of the Romanian state.59 Nation is just like Church. Those who blame the church of the past blame the nation also, those

55Ibidem, p. 161. 56 S. Nicoar, Mitologiile, p. 155. 57C.Rdulescu-Motru,reflectingonRomanianOrthodoxy,appreciatedthatitlackedthe fermentthatshouldhavepreparedtheChristiansoulforabetterlifehereonEarth!ApudD. Drghicescu,op. cit., p. 292 i 299. 58 R. Rmond,op. cit., p. 154. 59Al. Jinga , op. cit., p. 106-107. whopraisethechurch,praisethenation.It'sthisstrongthebondofchurch and nation in Orthodoxy.60 ThesocialconsistencyofOrthodoxyisratherjuridical,itexigently involves the conformity of the believers to the preached dogma. Transformed intoRomanianlawthedogmaticformulaofOrthodoxymeltedintoan ethnicalexpression,whichnormalizescollectiveexistenceonitsown criteria.61IdentifyingRomanianismwithOrthodoxyreflectstheattitude towardsthoseofadifferentreligion,whicharethusconsideredtobe nonbelievers,thosewithwhomOurChurch(i.e.Orthodox)canhaveno religiouscommunication until they firstly convert (iconomia) to Christianity. The different elements of foreign nationality which crowd our country should blendintotheRomaniannationality,shouldbecomegenuineand accomplishedsonsoftheRomaniannation.Thismightbeachievedsince they,becomingRomaniansfromapoliticalpointofview,willalsobecome RomanianOrthodoxChristians,aclergymanwroteinareportreadatthe HolySynodin1881.62ThefactthatthefaithfulnessoftheGreek-Catholics wasdirectedtowardsaforeignauthority,ledtodoubtsconcerningtheir patriotism and national loyalty. We have our church and our religion, which webroughttoDaciafromChristianRomeoftheancienttimes,truly apostolic, and not papist like that of our times. Today's Rome should use her propagandisticzealonthenon-ChristiannationsanOrthodoxclergyman wrote in 1883.63 The symbiosis between Romanianism and Orthodoxy lashed againstTransylvaniawheretheGreek-Catholicswereregardedashaving driftedawayfromtheflock,asbeingthosewhokepttheirnationalityonly becausetheykepttheirOrthodoxrite!Catholicpropagandawasconsistently considered an attempt to denationalize.Religiously, the reluctance that both Orthodoxes and Catholics had for eachothermaintainedareciprocalstateofintolerance,eachconsideringthe otherschismatic,heretic,andadversary!The16thcentury,acenturyofnew schismsinsideChristianityignitedaseriesofconfessional,political,and nationalconfrontations.64Thefeelingofreligiousdiscriminationgenerated complexes,resentmentsand national frustrations, as those in Transylvania in the18thcenturywhereOrthodoxwassynonymouswithRomanian,meaning

60 Citat din scierile lui tefan Melchisedec n 1885.Ibidem, p. 103. 61 D. Barbu, Bizan, p. 97. 62Apud Al. Jinga,op. cit., p. 102. 63Ibidem, p. 103. 64InTransylvania,forinstance,thepoliticalsystembasedongrantingthepowertothethree privilegednationstheMagyargentry,theSaxonsandtheSzkelys,iscompletedbya religioussystemofacknowledgedreligions.Thelinkbetweenconfessionandnation becomesdecisive:theSaxonsareLutheran,theMagyarareCalvin,,theRomaniansare Orthodox. Ibidem, p. 43. theoppositeofnobleman,protestantorCatholic.Ontheotherhand,the antithetical usageof the termschristiani-valachiin thedocuments and in the decisionsofthegoverningbodyofTransylvaniasuggestednotaseparation, butanexclusionofOrthodoxesfromtheranksoftheChristianconfessions! ConsideringtheunionwithRomeasagateopenerforRomaniannational emancipation,theadeptsofGreek-Catholicismdidnotencourageanynew national identities other than the Romanian one. Despite the confrontation and thehesitation, thetwoRomanianChurchescommittedtothenational ideals, being stimulated by the secular intelligentsia for whom the conservation of the nationality, the consolidation of the moral and cultural unity of the nation took precedence.65

In Eastern Europe the common loyalty of the Romanians, the Greeks, theBulgarians,theSerbs,theRussians,theAlbaniansforOrthodoxywas frequentlyabindingagentagainstforeigners.ResistingtheTurksorfacing the threat of the territorial annexation of Orthodox provinces to Catholic states madethechurchasymbolofnationalresistance.Thenewmonarchsof Greece, Bulgaria, Romania converted to Orthodoxy, both as guaranty for their adhesiontotheirnewhomeland,andalsotomakesurethattheygetthe loyalty of the people.66 Turkeyafterthefallofitsempiretooktremendousstepsfor secularization, because in Muslim tradition the State is God, He who governs thepeople;thelawisMuslimlaw;onlyGodhasrights,manhasonly responsibilities. The secularization launched by Kemal in Turkey in the 1920's and the 1930's, did not mean that Turkish identity does not regain its link with Muslim religion! Theconservation of Muslim enclaves in theBalkans was a permanentsourceofconflictandviolence,ofrefusaltoliveinsidethesame politicalentitybelongingtopopulationsofdifferentreligions.Thetwofold intoleranceledtotheseparationoftheOrthodoxSerbsfromtheCatholic CroatsandoftheMuslimsfrombothreligiouscommunities.67Informer Yugoslavia religious segregation represented a live demonstration!

65Catholicproselytismgeneratedseriousreluctancewhenswitchingfaithwasinvolved.The ChurchUnitedwithRomemeant,foritsfollowers,keepingtherites,theholidays,Orthodox customsandthegrantofsignificantlaicbenefits,thatisthegrantingofanofficialstatus, cultural gains etc. As consequence, this change which generates a new church... individualizes the Romanians in the Transylvanian space, but the distinction that came into view between the Romaniansofdifferentconfessionsdidnotdiversifytheoptionsandhopesofnationalunity! TheUnificationwithRomeisseen...inalargerperspective,thatofRomanity...-areturnto the roman community of the ancients - while Orthodoxy (represented) Romanian law or the uninterrupted continuity of the Romanian people in its own space, as opposed to other ethnies, other confessions. Ibidem, p. 50- 60; 79; 187. 66 R. Rmond,op. cit., p. 77. N. Bocan, I Lumperdean, I-A Pop, op. cit., p. 7. 67R. Rmond,op. cit., p.156. D. Schnapper, op. cit., p. 139;142. Building a democratic nation on Islamic land involves a reinterpretation of religious tradition, even secularization. The will to be together The modern nation, as imaginary personality, is of social value, in the chain of social, historical, juridical and ethical values. It is the vector of social values,aunityofwill,asubordinationofallpartialpurposestoasole purpose! The modern nation is the image ofa single and orderly will, which replacesthemyriadofselfishanddivergentwillsofthesocialcommunity. Thefusingofthewillsbecomesthenorm,breakingthisnormisimpunity! Nationalwillcanbeconsideredasthecausamovensofthenationinan integratingway,offeringasecretdynamism,asentimentofirresistible necessity to the national community.68 Thenation,oneandindivisible,isthecollectivewilltoexistasa sovereignpeople.Asthereferencepointofunityandsolidarity,thenation establishes itself through purposeful adherence, through fidelity, but this will alsoestablishesitselfthroughcalculations,interests,throughtheconcernsof not staying out or not being left outside the boundaries of the community. The abbot Sieys thought of the nation in 1789 as an ensemble of free individuals, who decide their own faith, who carry out a shared existence, share the same laws, being represented by the same legislator. It is also true that for him the nation included only the third estate, those who do not have any privileges and form a certain community of equals.69

InhisspeechWhatisthenation?,Renanconfirmedthefact thatthe nationisprojectedasasoul,aspiritualprinciple,amoralconscience.This spiritual principle should be precisely that updated national consent,the wish tolivetogetherwiththemembersofthesamenation,tokeeptogetherthat sharedculturalheritage.Thishumanassemblage,thewilltoliveina congeries cannot be conceived apart from the memory of the past, because it appears as a mythical will to exist together National history becomes a shared memoryofthewilltobetogether.70Nationalspirithasarichheritageof memories ascribed to it, memories which are kept in the collective memory. Theargumentsofasharedculture,ofawayofliving,offeeling,of acting together were cultivated in press, literature and school. They are taken from the reassembling of the past, of the events that have realized or seem tohavehadrealizedthisunity.Mythicalmemorycultivatedbynational ideology fables a real history that created real solidarities, because the projects ofnationalunityalwaysincludeasystemofhistoricalrepresentationsthat

68 R. Girardet, Mythes etmythologies politiques,Paris, d. du Seuil, 1986, p.142. E. Gellner, Naiuni i naionalism. Noi perspective asupra trecutului, p. 87-88. Naiunea romn. Genez. Afirmare, Orizont contemporan, p. 13-14. 69P.Andrei, Filosofia valorii,p. 235. G. Noriel, tat, nation et imigration, p. 89.70 Ernest Renan, Quest-ce qu une nation ?, Paris, d. Mille et une nuits, 1997, p. 34. justifythewillforunity.TheRomanianterritories,forexample,havehada genuinesharedhistory,butnationalideologyandpedagogyaccentuatesand cuts out the moments that might demonstrate this will for unity, extending the patternsofpoliticalexpansionontothepatternsofcollectivepolitical solidarity.Thusthenationemergesasanaturalproductofhistory.The nation,Historyreclaimedit!Thenationaldiscourseof1848,thatofthe unifyingPrincipalitiesin1859,thatof1918,theyallsharethesame description of the common framework of that history of the will to be together theRomanianshadinallRomanianprovinces!ThatDaciaofancienttimes, thealmostconcomitantriseoftheRomanianmedievalstatesandthe legendaryfoundationexperience,theunitycarriedoutbyMichaeltheBrave in1600,theSlavonic-Romanianchronicleswhichmentionthecountriesand their inhabitants were all used as arguments of this continual will to rejoin on the part of the Romanians, to build a unity characterized by national features! Gheorghe incai wrote in 1800 Cronica romnilor i a mai multor neamuri, a mannerofapproachingthepastwhichwastobeprecipitatedtowardsa formulaofnationalhistory.Romaniansarecalledbrothersinhistory,in order to be included in the being of a single people, a fascinating retrospective illusion of the past where former generations were conscientiously laying out the grand deeds of national unity!71 Nation, as reality did not emerge as the expression of a random social community,butasacontractualassociationonthebasisofaunifying principlewhichperpetuateditselfhistorically,butalsoasculturalheritage. The nation is therefore the symbol of an identity which has to unify all those whoidentifythemselveswithit:whileRousseauheraldedthecontractual version, proper to French philosophy, Herder endorsed the cultural, ethnic and linguisticversionpreferredbytheGermans.Inotherwords,onecomesinto the world German, but chooses to be French. Nevertheless, either by birth or option,onehastobelongtoannation.Nationalityessentiallyconsistsnot onlyinethnic,linguisticorhistoricelementsbutmainlyin theawarenessof identity, that which makes it capable to model itself into consciousnesses and tomanifestitselfoutwardly.72 Anationisnationalconsciousness()the consciousnessof being what oneisand thefirm determination to be() the foremost strength of the people, said I.I.C. Brtianu in 1918.73 A person without Nation is like The Man with no Shadow, because he orshecanbeignored,defiedandevenbanishedfromthecity!Theyare constantlyconsideredtobeahybridethnicalelement,orsedimentsresulted fromtheethnicalmixture,dwarfs,withnotraditions,nohomeland,no

71 L. Boia, Dou secole de mitologie naional, p. 36 72 Dictionnaire du XIX-e sicle, p.795. 73 Apud t. Lemny, Originea i cristalizarea ideii de patrie, p. 189. nationalityandwhosneakamongstthemembersofthenationinorderto masterthem:thiswasEminescusconcernwhenwritingthattheRomanian people feels instinctively that it is dominated by individuals who pretend to be Romanians, though they are not, and who have no compassion for the people, nor understanding for its genius.74

Thecreationofanationisalwayslinkedtotheresistance,tothe hostilityofagreaterpower,towhichthenationhastoshowanastonishing vitality. The nation must support itself,it has to have faith in its material and moralforces.Acquiringself-awareness,bringingittotheforefrontofthe collectiveconfidenceisconsideredtobetheinstrumentsofnational redemption in the face of the unfortunate events of history!75 The glorification of national sense is frequently nourished by suffering and sacrifice evidenced bytheentirehistoricalevolution.Thenationisavictim,feelsthatitis atavisticallysuffering,itisalwaysdefensive(although,paradoxicallythe nation is the image of vitality itself, of a huge and seductive force). National ambitionsareperceivedaslegitimatebytheirsupportersandtheyanswerto frustrations accumulated in time. Identity crises are always the reflex of some nationalfrustrationsinducedbyanadversary,frustrationsanchoredinthe present and in the past! The feeling of fear and insecurity, also aggravated by realchallengesleadtoidentityconflictsinwhicheithersideseesitselfasa victim! The founding force of national identity, that is history, was at the heart oftheidentitaryissues,whichwerefrequentlyintransigent:theHungarians and the Romanians had different and divergent views on the territory of Dacia andonromancolonization.In19thcenturyTransylvaniatheRomanians thought of themselves as a nation, having a living conscience of their territory asaspaceofidentityandsolidarity,ofasharedhistory.Ontheirpartthe Hungarians were influenced by the obsession of their millenarian kingdom, by theprivilegeofbeingadominantnation.Thesementalitiesfoundtheir expressionmostlyonanelitelevel,thelevelthattransformedtheidentitary arguments into nationalist, competitive and rival, ideologies.76

The Russians and the Polish have had for centuries contrasting views concerning Lithuania, the disputed historical reference point being the period betweenthe10thandthe14thcenturies,butsimilarlybetweentheGermans andtheDutch,theduchyofAlbawasforlongadisputedandconflicting topic.TheFrench-Germandisputeattheendofth19thcenturyconcerning

74VeziM.Eminescu,Distinquendumest,1881,Publicistic,p.348.E.Gellner,Naiunii naionalism, p. 16-17. 75 B. de Montferrant, op cit., p. 91 D. Drghicescu, Din psihologia popoprului romn., p. XX. (Studiu introductive). 76 Cf. E. Hobsbawn, Nations et nationalisme depuis 1780,p. 132. Vezi Bibo Istvan, Misre des petits Etats de l Europe de lest, Paris, Harmattan, 1986, p. 21 i 25. AlsaceandLorrainegavebirthtoirreconcilabilityandtwodivergent conceptionsofnationality:onebasedonnaturallaw,theotheronhistorical righteousness.ButitalsounderlaidGermanfrustrationswhicherupted violently in the First World War.77Becoming one of the main reference points ofthecollectivemodernidentity,thenationtendstoactasthesourceofa fundamentalism which does not admit any critique, without qualifying it as heresyorblasphemy.Thestruggletosavetheidentity,ortoexacerbateitin front of other groups,carriedin thenameof thenation reachedsometimes a paroxysmofviolenceandhate.Thelasttwocenturiesofnationalismsingle out as a bleak testimony!

77 Dictionnaire du XIX-e sicle, p. 706. Theodor Constantiniu Gheorghe Dima Music Academy Beginningwiththe19thcentury,theinterestforfolkmusicgrewall overEuropeand,bytheendofthiscentury,thefieldofcomparative musicology(latercalledethnomusicology)was designedtostudyfolkmusic withscientificmethods.InRomania,thediscoveryofthefolkmusic,dance andliteratureasavaluableculturalactwasmadebythegenerationof intellectualsof1848.Butthefirstmoreprofessionalapproachestothiskind of musicweremade by BelaBartk in thebeginning of the20thcentury.He wasthefirstfolkmusicscholarwhoemphasizedthediversityofthe Romanianfolkmusic,takingintoaccountashisargumentsthescales structures, the rhythms and the final cadences. On the other hand, he stressed the impact of the language in modeling the structure of the folk songs verses. Thus, the two types of verses - with eight syllables and with six syllables are astrongreasonforthefolkmusicsunityofthecountry.AfterBartks studies,nootherattemptsweremadetostudytheparticularcharacteristics and the structural differences between the musical idioms of different regional traditions. The nationalistic ideology that predominated in the interwar period hadaprofoundinfluenceonthewaytheRomanianethnomusicologists conceived the multiplicity of the traditional music idioms. The stress was laid ontheunityof thismusicasasignificantfeatureof thenationssoul, rather ontheregionaldiversityortheinfluenceoftheminoritiesonthiskindof music.Thenationalismcontinueditsevolutionwithashortbreakinthe communistperiod;itwasinthosetimeswhentheexpressionunityin diversitywasfirstusedinrespecttoRomanianfolkmusic.Witha contradictory sense, this oxymoronic construction tries to make reconciliation betweenthemusicscharacteristicsandtheideologicaldemands,offeringa metaphor instead of a scientific conclusion. Our investigation over the musiciansconceptionsabout themultiple facets of the Romanianfolk music and the cultural unity of the nation state is dividedintothreemainperiods:thefirstoneincludesthesecondhalfof the 19thcentury,untiltheendofworldwaroneandtheunificationofall Romanianregions,amostlyromanticperiodintheRomanianculture;the second one is focused on the interwar period in which a major problem for the intellectualswastheculturalandpoliticalintegrationofthenewlyunified provinces;thelastpartisdedicatedtothecommunistperiodandtothenew perspectives that appeared in the relation between the diversity of folk music and the political requirement for historical and cultural unity. 1.Theromanticperiod:folkloreasanargumentforhistorical continuity The interest for folklore in this period had a propagandistic aspect: it wasthetraditionalculturewithwhichtheintellectualswilldemonstratethe continuityoftheRomanianpopulationinTransylvaniaaftertheRoman retreat.Indoingthis,theywerefollowingthedirectioninitiatedbythe Enlightenment-influencedTransylvanianSchool,which,bytheendof18th century and the beginning of 19th century, were seeking for historical, cultural andlinguisticargumentstosustainRomanianscontinuityinTransylvania. Besidesthispropagandisticaspect,inwhichfolkcreationswereendowed with a major cultural and aesthetic value, the folklore discovery had also a material dimension, one of intensivematerial collection1.AsPhilip Bohlman pointsout,inthenineteenthcenturyitbecameincreasinglyimportantfor nationsstrivingtowardnationalismtohavenationalfolk-songscollections. The motivations for these nineteenth century collections, coming from the top down, were decidedly nationalist, even though the contents were supposed to be national.2

IntellectualssuchasEftimieMurguorBogdanPetriceicuHadeu were involved in polemics concerning the continuity topic, and they both used arguments provided by the Romanian traditional culture: Eftimie Murgu uses fiveRomanianfolksongsandfourSerbianfolksongstodemonstratethe highly individualized character of Romanian folk music. In his argumentation, heseekstoportraythenationalartistictasteandthenationalcharacter3. ForHadeu,thelyricalfolksongcalleddoinaisthemainargumentfor continuity in his polemic with Eduard Robert Rsler.ThediversityinRomaniantraditionalculturewasan important issue in1860-1861polemicregardingthestandardnationalcostumethat RomaniansfromTransylvaniashouldwear.Theideaofanationalcostume came up as a cultural response to the Hungarian national costume, which was inspiredbythetraditionalsuits.ButfortheRomanians,todecideona

1 Paul Cornea, Originile romantismului romnesc, Ed. Minerva, Bucureti, 1972, p. 505 2 Philip V. Bohlman, Music, nationalism and the making of the New Europe, Routledge, 2011, p. 63 3 Paul Cornea, op. cit, pp. 506-507 standardmodelcostumeseemedtobeadifficultproblem.IoanPucariu suggestedthatsuchacostumeshouldfulfilltworequirements:firstly,it shouldemphasizeasmuchaspossiblewhatdifferentiatestheRomanian costume with respect to other nations costumes and secondly, it should stress what is common to all the Romanians. In the last case, the author believes that theromanbackgroundconstitutesthecommonelementoftheRomanian traditionalsuitfromalltheregions4.AnotherRomanianintellectual, AthanasieMarienescu,agreeswith thehypothesisof theromanorigin found in the peasants suits and he mentions that this kind of suit was conserved in alltheRomanianregions5.Butlater,whenhetriestosketchupaunified model of such acostume,hemixes different elementsfrom different regions into one ideal type. Of course, his attempt didnt persuade much of the public opinion,mainlybecauseofitsoverlookoftheregionalcharacteristics. However,AthanasieMarienescubelievesthathisworkshouldbeastarting pointtoasystematicresearchofthetraditionalsuits,aresearchwhoshould alsotakeintoaccounttheregionalcharacteristics.Then,theidealcostume willbeobtainedbycivilizingthesemodels.Themethodofcivilizingis applied by Marienescu also in editing his literary folk collections: from a large numberofversionsofaballad,forexample,hecompoundsaprototype, thinking that this is its original version6. Averylucidandpro-Europeancontributiononthenationalsuit polemiccamefromapriest,VasilePopfromSatuMare,whofindsthe requirementofaunifiednationalcostumetobeimpossible,duetothe regionaldifferences.Finally,heaskswhyshouldRomaniansrenouncetheir usualsuit,whoisneitherSaxon,neitherHungarian,neitherSerbian,butits simply the wear of the civilized people, the European wear7.Althoughtheproblemoffolkmusicsdiversityisnotyetdiscussed systematicallyinthesecondhalfofthe19thcentury,Romanianfolklorists couldconceivefolkmusiconlyasaunitaryformofart.Theybelievedthat this kind of music should represent the spirit of the nation, the Volksgeist. If thenationshouldbeonlyone,unitingalltheRomanianswithinthesame borders, the spirit of the nation is also a concept of unity, unity that should bereflectedin thetraditionalfolkmusic.Inoneofhisessaysaboutthefolk researchesinthisromanticperiod,RomaniansociologistHenriH.Stahl argues that, in those times, the faith that the folklore is the direct expression of thenationsspiritwasmuchoutspread.Itwasconsideredenoughtofinda

4GeorgeEm.Marica,Studiideistoriaisociologiaculturiiromneardelenedinsecolulal XIX-lea, Ed. Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 1977, vol. I, p. 251 5 Ibidem, p. 249 6 Ibidem, p. 256 7 Ibidem, p. 259 fine specimen of folk creation; this would account for the rest of productions of thesametype.Thus,theethnicityof thenation isdisplayedincessantly and unaltered in each of the folkloric manifestations8.Inthisideologicalquest,ethnomusicologyitsnotanindependent discipline,withclearmethodsofinvestigation,butitsratheraninstrument for national propaganda in which the idea of diversity was out of the question. The romantic approaches to folklore in the East European countries, countries with a contested legitimacy in that period, were stressing the individual side, what was specific and irreducible9. For the national ideology, the traditional cultureisonlyanevidenceforthenationswayofthinking.Thus,the Romanian folklore is rather canonized than analyzed10. 2.Theinterwarperiod:theethnicandnationaldistinctiveness an intellectuals obsession Assuming Victor Neumannsexpression, thenational specificity was an obsession for the intellectual elite in the interwar period. This obsession wasgroundedintheVlkerpsychologieparadigmwhichdevelopedin Romania at the end of the 19th century through intellectuals such as Alexandru DimitrieXenopol,DumitruDrghicescu,AurelC.PopoviciorConstantin RdulescuMotru11.ForthesupportersofVlkerpsychologie,thecultureis whatgivesensetothenationalexistence.Intheir arguments,theyusedboth psychological and historical facts and, after 1918, the racist theories from that period.Thefolklorehadonceagainahighstakebecause,forthiskindof intellectuals, without culture there is no history12, and the only important kind of cultureat that timewas the traditional culture.Emblematic for theway in whichthetraditionalculturewasconsideredinthoseyearsistheinscription laid on a marble column in the Romanian pavilion at the Universal Exhibition inNewYork,1939:Romaniahasover20millioninhabitantsaltogether united through language, traditions and culture. This motto is a very accurate description of the national idea that dominated the Romanian politics and the Romaniansocietyintheinterwarperiodanditrepresentstheethnic nationalisms answer to ethnic and regional diversity13.

8 Henri H. Stahl, Eseuri critice, Ed. Minerva, Bucureti, 1983, p. 232 9 Paul Cornea, op. cit., p. 499 10BalzsTrencsnyi,Conceptualizareacaracteruluinaionalntradiiaintelectual romneasc, n Victor Neumann, Armin Heinen, Istoria Romniei prin concepte, Ed. Polirom, Iai, 2010, p. 345 11 Ibidem, p. 347 i urm. 12 Ibidem, p. 352 13 Irina Livezeanu,Cultur i naionalism n Romnia Mare, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti, 1998, pp. 11-12 The first truly scientific approach to Romanian folk music is made by theHungariancomposerandethnomusicologistBlaBartk.Hisresearch campaignsinTransylvaniastartedinthefirstdecadeofthe20thcenturyand they ended along with the Romanian unification in 1918, but the influence of hisstudiesspreadtoalongperiodintheRomanianethnomusicology. Exceptinghisfolksongscollections,hisfirstvolumethatcollectedhis particular papers regarding the Romanian folk music werepublished in 1937 byhisfellowethnomusicologistConstantinBriloiu. WhenBartkdescribes thetraditionalmusicaldialectsinTransylvaniahetakesintoaccountthe lyricalsongcalleddoina.Thus,suchmelodiesareverydifferentifone comparesthenortherndialect(theMaramurearea)andthesoutherndialect (theHunedoaraarea),sodifferentthatBartksaysthattheycouldbe consideredasbelongingtotwodifferentpopulationswithnorelationship14. Moreover, the southern dialect is also divided into three subcategories. One of Bartksveryimportantremarksisthatofhorizontaldiversityofromanian folkmusic.InSlovakia,anotherregioninvestigatedbyhim,thevillages musical repertoires count up to 100-150 melodies; almost the same repertoire couldbefoundinalongdistanceregion(thisiswhathecallsvertical diversity). In Romania, a common village musical repertoire contains no more than30or40melodies,butthenextvillagemaycontainothermusical exemples, so that the repertoire differs from an area to another.In all his demonstrations, Bartk makes a detailed research on scales, melodic cadences, versification methods and rhytmic patterns. But this is not thecaseofsomeoftheromanianmusicians,whotrytoexplaintheregional differencesthroughanemotionalandpseudo-historicaltypeofreasoning. Speakingaboutthedoina,theromaniancomposerTiberiuBrediceanustates that these melodies are reflecting, in the centre of Transylvania, the oppresion underwhichthispopulationlived,whileinnorthernTransylvaniatheyalso have a melancholic character, but in a lesser degree15. At the same conference, whichtookplaceinBucharest,1927,thesamemusicianseemsreadyto accept the diversity of romanian folk music, arguing that romanian provinces werecarringdifferentpoliticalandculturalimfluencesthatreflectedinthe multitude of folk music styles16. The next year, at an international conference inPrague,Brediceanumentionsthisdiversityoffolkmusicandcomparesit with the one of the traditional costumes, but stresses more its unity, alike the linguistical unity and homogeneity, due to an essential background. No matter

14BlaBartk,DialectulmuzicalalromnilordinHunedoara,nScrierimruntedespre muzica popular romneasc, ediie ngrijit de Constantin Briloiu, Bucureti, 1937, p. 6 15TiberiuBrediceanu,Motivulmuzicalncreaiapopular,nTiberiuBrediceanu,Scrieri, Ed. Muzical, Bucureti, 1976, p.59 16 Ibidem, p. 55 the region the music comes from, any Romanian will feel it and understand it ashismusic,andeverymusicscholarwillrecognizeinititscharacteristics anditsoriginality17.ButBrediceanuslectureismissingthemostimportant thingsforanargumentationofthiskind:themusicologicalanalysis,inthe absenceofwhichnocomparisoncanbedoneandnoconclusioncanbe drawn.Thiskindofdiscourse,withemotionalandpseudo-scientific argumentsandinsertedwithnationalpropagandastopics,suchastheunity mythorthecontinuitymyth,willspreadfarinthe20thcentury,servingthe interests of various regimes, either democratic or totalitarian. After1918,alongwiththeunification,theRomanianstatefaceda veryimportanttask:thecohesionofitsregionsanditspopulation.Atthis point,severalproblemsraised:institutionalandlegislativehomogeneity,the recruitment and development of a national elite, regionalism, the formation of anationalconscienceforthepopulationswholivedunderaforeign administration, an important number of minorities, of which the Jews and the Hungarians formed the urban elite in Moldavia and Transylvania18. From this perspective of a new formed national state, the cultural identity was intensely discussed.Theprincipalinstrumentforculturalhomogeneity,capableto acceleratethemodernizationofthenation,wastheeducationalsystem,the schoolsandtheuniversities,whichwereanimportantpromoterofthe nationalist ideology19.In the interwar period folk research, a very influential personage was thesociologistDimitrieGusti,professorattheUniversityofBucharest, around whom a so called sociological school formed. While Gusti believed in anethnicconstructionofthenationinsideofaunitaryandcentralizedstate, someofhisfollowerswereslidingtowardsaracistview,adheringtothe extremerightideology.ForGusti,theRomanianruralsocietyisthe equivalentoftheRomaniannationandofthenationalstate20.Suchan importancegiventotheruralcommunitiesisexplainedbytheRomanian historianVictorNeumannthroughtheirroleinshapingtheculturaland politicalidentity.NeumannarguesthattheEnlightenmentsideaspenetrated theCentral-EasternEuropearea,butthesedirectionstowardspolitical rationalismandindividual responsibilityweresoonreplacedbytheromantic conceptionwhichsubstitutesthenationalwithethnicity.Inthisnew

17TiberiuBrediceanu,Istoriculiatareaactualacercetrilordemuzicpopular romneasc, n op. cit., p. 63 18 Irina Livezeanu, op. cit., p. 30 19 Antonio Momoc, Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice, Ed. Curtea Veche, Bucureti, 2012, p. 320 20 Ibidem, pp. 332-333 framework, the peasant is representing the ideal of purity for the nation. Such a conception is hence far from the notion of social and cultural diversity21.Inthisperspective,folkmusic,asaspecimenofthetraditional culture,hadtoservethepurposesofthenationalpolitics,suchas centralization and cultural unity. Beside homogeneity, folk music should also represent the continuity and the originality of Romanian traditions. Romanian musicologistGeorgeBreazul,withhisanalysesonthepentatonicand oligochordic scales in Romanian folk music, tried to establish a direct link to the Thracian musical system. Although he admits the regional diversity and he stresses the need to compose a musical atlas which should contain a stylistical delimitationoftheregions,herejectsthesameconclusionsofaGerman musicologist,WernerDanckert,whoalsoremarked,inhis1939bookDas europischeVolkslied,thehighdegreeinwhichtheRomanianmusical dialects are different. For George Breazul, such conceptions tended to impose the false conclusion that states the lack of unity in Romanian folk music22. ForabetterunderstandingofRomanianmusiciansopinionabout music and culture, it is useful to bring into discussion the notions of national andnationalistmusic,largelyexplainedbyPhilipV.Bohlmanishisbook Music,nationalism andthe making of theNew Europe.Here, national music rescues history for the nation, and nationalist music rescues the nation for the history23.Thedefinitionof thenational musicseemsmoreappropriate to the cultural situation in interwar Romania: Defined most simply, national music reflects the image of the nation sothatthoselivinginthenationrecognizethemselvesinbasicbutcrucial ways. It is music conceived in the image of the nation that is created through effortstorepresentsomethingquintessentialaboutthenation.The quintessenceofthenationexistspriortoitsimagination;hence,thetaskof musicistorepresentthatpreexistingentitythroughmusic[]National musictherefore,frequentlyturnstofolkmusic,layingclaimtoits authenticity.24

The idea of something quintessential about the nation is also present in the discourse of most Romanian musicians in the interwar period and also inthecommunistregime.Theybelievedthatmusicshouldexpressthis

21 Victor Neumann, Ideologie i fantasmagorie, Ed. Polirom, Iai, 2001, p. 45 22 George Breazul, Pagini din istoria muzicii romneti, vol. V, Ed. Muzical, Bucureti, 1981, pp. 152-154 23 Philip V. Bohlman, Music, nationalism and the making of the New Europe, Routledge, 2011, pp. 59-60 24 Ibidem, p. 60 quintessence,buttheyneverrealizedtonameitprecisely.Although philosopherslikeLucianBlagatransferredthediscussionaboutcultural authenticity from thefield of political ideology to theoneofphilosophy and createdacomplexsystemtodeterminethestylisticallymatrixfromwhich theRomaniancultureshouldevolve,thenationsquintessencefloated somewhereabovetheRomanianvillages.Nevertheless,musicianslike GeorgeBreazultriestosetthedirectionsoftheRomaniancompositional schoolonthefolkmusicfoundations,arguingthatonlythefolk-inspired compositions consecrates historically the musical being of our race.25 In this shortquotethereisapartofthemostinfluentialideasinthatperiod:from Hegels philosophy of history (Breazul studied two years at the University of Berlin)tothescientificracismwhichpredominatedintheendofthe19th centuryandinthefirsthalfofthe20thcentury.Besidesthenationalbeing, thereisalsoamusicalbeing,whichshouldprobablyrepresentthemost powerfulandoriginalcharacteristicsoftheRomanianmusic,asa quintessential predicate of an Aristotelian definition. 3.Thecommunistperiod:theethnomusicologicalanalysis connected to the ideological requirementsIntheinterwarperiod,theRomanianethnomusicologybenefitedby the works of Bla Bartk and other Romanian ethnomusicologists, especially ConstantinBriloiu.Bothscholarsimposednewstandardsconcerningthe precisionofthetranscriptions,thefolkmusictypologiesandgenres,the analyzeofmetricalandscalarsystemsandalsoaboutthemethodsoffield research.Withthem,ethnomusicologygainedatrulyscientificbasis,which wasfurtherdevelopedduringthecommunistregime.But,after1947,the politicalideology,eitherinternationalistornational-communiststrongly influencedtheresearchinthisfield.Thepresenceofthisideological dimensioninthepapersorbookswritteninthisperiodcanbelocatedina higher or a lesser degree, and its not the aim of this study to discover if their authors truly believed in those political ideas or they had to pay an ideological tribute.Thispoliticalpressureallowedthecontinuityoftheromanticand interwarstereotypesaboutthetraditionalculture,eventhoughnewnuances wereadded.Inthe70,theculturaltrendcalledprotochronism,whichwas focusingonthecountryspastandontheaboriginalvalues,flourishedin Romania. In doing this, the Romanian protochronism developed a number of conceptssuchasthenationalgenius,thespecificityandtheoriginality,the continuity,thegloriouspast,theorganicallycultureortheaimfor

25 George Breazu, Concepiile dominante n muzica romneasc de azi, n revista Gndirea, an XI, nr. 1, p. 35 universality26.ThismajortrendintheRomanianculturepermittedthe perpetuationofthefolkmusicsunityconception,ofcourse,afterthe recognitionofitsregionaldiversity.Itisinthecommunistperiodwhenthe expressionunityindiversitygainedalargeusage.Acommonpracticein thedescriptionoftheRomanianfolkmusicgeographyisfirsttospecifythe generaldifferencesbetweentheregions,andtostressimmediatelythe background unity of Romanian folk and of course its continuity. It seems that inthecommunistperiodthefolkmusicsdiversitybeguntorepresentareal problemforboththeethnomusicologicalandpoliticalinterests.Thiscanbe easytoseeintheethnomusicologicalwritingsofthatperiod,becauseevery timethediversityaspectisdiscussed,theauthorsalwaysconcludeby stressingtheunity.AsfarasIknow,everytimetheproblemofdiversityis solved with the one of the unity, and I havent found yet any study who takes intoaccountonlythediversityandwhodoesnotmentionthefolksunity. Although the diversity could be a proof of a highly original culture, this aspect isneglectedinfavoroftheunity,whichcouldhelptheregimetoimposea national consciousness. AprominentRomanianethnomusicologist,GheorgheCiobanu,also dealswiththisproblem.Heenumeratesanumberofaspectsinwhichlocal variants of folk music are different even inside the same area: architectonical shape,cadences,ornaments,giustoorrubatoasdifferentmannersof interpretation,differentmodalstructuresordifferentmelodicandrhythmic formulas.But,abovethoselocalpreferences,thereissomethingthatunites theRomanianfolkmusiccreationsandthisis,inGh.Ciobanusview,the melodicandrhythmicorganization.Thiscanbeexplainedbytheclose relationwiththeversificationsystem,basedontheunityoftheRomanian language27.Hislinguisticargumentisonlypartiallytrue,especiallyforthe vocalmusic,butintheinstrumentaldancemusic,anotheragentof organization that is represented by choreography, and in this particular kind of music, the regional differences are most noticeable.Also present in the communist period is the obsession of continuity andtheargumentsarethesamelikeonehundredyearsago,whenHadeu triedtodemonstratetheRomanianscontinuity.Fromthecomparative investigationofthelyricalvocalsongs(doina),someauthorsconcludethat doinaistheargumentforunityindiversityanditindubitabletestifiesa

26AlexandraTomi,Oistorieglorioas.Dosarulprotocronismuluiromnesc,Ed.Cartea Romneasc, 2007, pp. 21-22 27GheorgheCiobanu,nprefaavolumuluiGeorgeBreazu,Paginidinistoriamuzicii romneti, vol. V, Ed. Muzical, Bucureti, 1981, p. 28 stylistically unity, seamless completed by a pregnant diversity.28 In the same paper,wecan find out that thestylistically diversity of theRomanianlyrical songisanevidenceforitsageofseveralmillenniaandfor,ofcourse, Romanians ancient lineage29. The study from which these expressions belong containsnomusicalanalysis,butitsthetypicalsortofdiscourseinwhich therecanbefoundanargumentationbasedonostentatiousexpressions, designed to serve the nationalist ideology of the communist party.Averysimilarsituation canbefound in theworkof folkliteratures scholars.OvidiuBrlea,forexample,arguesthatthediversityofthefolk creationsisduetothedifferent regionalethnicalkernelsinthepre-history30. The most varied region is Transylvania, and this conclusion is not a surprising one,beingalsoconfirmedbylinguistexperts31.But,afterthispleadfor diversity,theauthorstatesthattheRomanianfolkcreationwasauseful elementforthenationalhomogeneity,enlargingthegroupconsciousnessto anethnicalconsciousness.Moreover,thecrowdhadadiffuseintuitionofa nationalentityspreaduponaspaceclearlydefined32.Asaproofforthis unpremeditatederuptionoftheconsciousnessofbelongingtoalargerand unitaryethnicalgroup,theauthormentionsthepresenceoftoponymsinthe epicballads.Forabetterunderstandingofthesefacts,hecitesafragment from theIntroduction to theNew Testament written bymetropolitan Simeon tefanin 1648, wheretheclergymanadvisesthe reader that theRomanians are not speaking the same way in all their provinces, and neither in the same provincetheydontspeakallthesame.33IfforOvidiuBrleathisquote representstheprooffor theanticipationof aunifiednation,forme,thismid 17thcenturydocumentshowsclearlythelinguisticand,wecansuppose,the culturaldiversityinthepre-modernerainRomanianprovinces.The linguistically unity was a strong argument for the folklorists in their analyses ofthefolktraditions,butitwasusuallyforgottentomentionthatthis linguisticalunitywashardlyachievedbecauseoftheinstitutionalefforts beginning with the second half of the 19th century.The last subject to analyze in this study is the university courses from the communist period for the discipline of ethnomusicology. The course from Bucharestdoesnttakemuchintoaccountthediversityproblem.Itsimply states that the Romanian folk music has a unitary character, but in its vertical andhorizontalevolution,somestylisticaldifferencestookshape.The

28 Virgil Medean, Doina, argument al unitii spirituale romneti, n Lucrri de muzicologie, vol. XIX-XX, Cluj Napoca, 1986, p. 89 29 Ibidem, p. 89 30 Ovidiu Brlea, Folclor romnesc, vol. II, Ed. Minerva, Bucureti, 1983, p. 438 31 Ibidem, p. 442 32 Ibidem, p. 457 33 Ibidem, p. 466 quantitativeanalysiscanhelpustodistinguishtheessentialfeatures,the national specific, the secondary features, which are the regional ones, and the featuresthatbelongtotheuniversalheritage34.Wecanseethathere,the nationalfeaturesarestressedout,whiletheregionalparticularitiesareofa secondary importance. In afurtherparagraph, the lyrical song is supposed to have its roots in an ancient unique style that evolved into different forms after the formation of the Romanian folk35. Thisideaofahomogeneousfolkcultureintheancienttimesisalso present in the Cluj-Napoca university course, but in a more radical way. Here, theregionaldifferencesareduenottothedifferentpathsofevolutionor differentkindsofinfluences,buttheyareconsideredtobetheresultofthe differentstagesinwhichthefolkmusicisin36.Inspiteoftheseregional differences,thenationalspecificityprovidesaunityofcontentandshape, whichcorrespondstotheethno-psychicalunityoftheRomanianfolk37.This perspectiveofafolkmusicwhichisessentiallythesame,butisindifferent stagesofevolutionindifferentregions,iscompletedbytheassumptionthat Romanianfolkmusicwas,beforethecontactwithotherpopulationsmusic andbeforethecontactwiththeclassicalmusic,aunitarymusicallanguage, whichlatersplitsintodifferentregionalidioms38.Thisnostalgiaofalost paradisecanbeencountered,inthecommunistregime,asapropaganda instrumentforsubjectsconcerningRomanianhistory.Thisnostalgiawas projectedmostlyintheancienttimes,withwhichtheregimewastryingto establish a direct connection. Although the hypothesis of a unitary folk music style in illo tempore who splits once with the formation of the first Romanian state ethnomusicologists never bother to inquire about it, it is significant that such a statement is introduced in auniversity course, intended to prepare the future musicians of the communist Romania. 4.ConclusionsThisviewovertheevolutionofunityindiversityexpressioncan alsobeconsideredasareviewoftheevolutionofRomanian ethnomusicology.Someofthefeaturesthatthisdisciplinecontainsinthe secondhalfofthe19thcenturyarestillpresentintheinterwarperiodandin thecommunistregime.Thus,itspropagandisticrolethatshoulddemonstrate Romanianscontinuityandtheirculturalunityarestillpresentintheentire 20thcentury.Moreover,thefolkmusicshould reflect thequintessenceof the

34 Emilia Comiel, Folclor muzical, Ed. Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1967, p. 53 35 Ibidem, p. 269 36 Ioan Nicola, Traian Mrza, Ilona Szenik, Curs de folclor muzical, Cluj-Napoca, 1969, p. 33 37 Ibidem, p. 173 38 Ibidem, p. 169 Romanian spirit. This useless wind chase39 (as Reinhardt Koselleck calls thesearchfortheGermanidentity)isalsopresentinthe21stcentury Romanianethnomusicologicalresearch.Ina2005bookwenoticeagainthe samediscussionaboutthenationalfeature,whichisprobablythemost important one in the musical creation of every nation.40 Thesekindsofapproachescouldneveradvantageareallyscientific andnon-ideologicaldebateonfolkmusicsdiversity.Inthisway, ethnomusicologywasneveracompletelyindependentdiscipline,asit suffered constantly, in all of the periods mentioned above, from the intrusion ofthenationalpropaganda.Infact,theexpressionunityindiversityhas ideologicalconnotationsasthestressfallsoverthefirstconcept