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7/30/2019 Improving Government Performance-What Gets Measured, Gets Done
1/6
Improving Government Performance
What Gets Measured, Gets Done
Prajapati Trivedi
In response to the then prime minister's concern for accountability of top government officials, the Economic
Administration Reforms Commission had produced an absolutely superb report on this subject in 1982. Sadly, 11 yearsafter there has been not an iota of increase in the accountability of government officials and departments. This paper
examines the reasons for this failure and suggests a practical plan to achieve the goal of increased accountability.
I
Introduction
"OUR purpose is not to criticise
government, as so many have, but to renew
it. We are as bullish on the future of the
government as we are bearish on the current
condition of government. We do not
minimise the depth of the problem, nor
the dif fic ult y of solv ing it . But because wehave seen so many public institutions
transform themselves from staid bureau
cracies into innovati ve, fle xibl e, responsive
organisations, we believe there are
solutions."
This paragraph by Osborne and Gaebler
(1992) captures the essence of this paper.
It is clear to all thinking people that civilised
societies cannot exist without effective
governments. The efficiency of the
government sets an upper bound on the
efficiency of the market system. Thus, to
compete in the world today, it is not enough
to reform the market system, one must
overhaul the working of the government as
well. In other words, markets work where
government works. This paper outlines a
strategy to reinvent the government.
Whether we like it or not, there is a
widespread perception that the performance
of the Indian government is poor, at best.
Even the staunchest defenders of the
government give arguments that smack of
defensiveness and helplessness. Some of
them point out that we should be, in fact,
thankful because the performance of the
government could be much worse. Otherswant us to derive some consolation from the
fact that the central government is doing a
much better job than most of the state
governments in India.
The reasons given for the poor
performance of the government are also on
predictable lines. Most people blame it on
the lack of will power among politicians
or on a singular and conspicuous lack of
efficiency, dedication and commitment on
the part of bureaucrats. Unfortunately,
people who advance these reasons aremixing up cause and effects. The reasons
mentioned above are mere symptoms ofthe underlying, fundamental cause of poor
performance of the governmentlack of
accounta bility of the top echelons of ci vi l
servants. Another way of saying the same
thing is to point out that the people who work
in the government are not the problem; rather,
the systems in which they work are the
problem.1
In making the above observation I am
neither breaking any new ground nor can
I claim much in terms of originality. Inresponse to the then prime minister ' sconcern
for accountability of top government
officials, the Economic Administration
Reforms Commission, known popularly as
the L K Jha Commission, produced an
absolutely superb report2
on this very
subject in 1982. Sadly, 11 years after this
report there has not been even an iota of
increase in the accountability of the
officials. The main purpose of this paper
is to examine the reasons for this failure
to increase accountability of seniormost
government functionaries and suggest a
feasible, practical and necessary game
plan to achieve this goal of increased
accountability.
II
Reasons for Poor Performanceof Government
( I ) Multiple Principals with Multiple
Goals; Secretaries to the government of
Ind ia have to answer to a number of agencies
and institutions of the state. For example,
in additi on to the parliamentary committees
such as the Public Accounts Committee,newly created Standing Committees and
parliamentary procedures such as question,
motions and debates, the senior government
officials have to deal wit h the Compt rolle r
and Auditor General, enquiry committees
and commissions, prime minister's office
and the Cabinet Secretariat. Each of the
above agencies considers it to be their
sacred duty to hold government offici als
responsible.
The multiplicity of principals would not
pose such a major problem if there was a
clear agreement or consensus as to what is
expected of the seniormost governmentofficials. Unfortunately, various concerned
agencies and institutions of the state have
diverse and, often, conflicting objectives.
As a consequence, the top officials get fuzzy
and conf lic tin g signal about results expected
from them. Since it is not humanly possible
to meet the expectations of all concerned,
the official s often end up being criticise d by
those principals whose mandate could not
be fulfilled. This leads to demoralisation,
preference for risk aversion and proclivityfor non-action.
In addition, the focus by multiple
princ ipal s on form and procedure, perceived
lapses or excesses of the executive has
lead to a narrow, negative and formal
concept of accountability. This, in turn,
has compounded the problem of risk
aversion and demoralisation among civil
servants. As the L K Jha Comm ission
concluded: "What we have in our system
is essentially accountability for error and
wron g doin g, and not for non-achievement
or inefficiency."
(2) The Not-Me Syndrome: Another
source of poor governmental performance
can be traced to the complexity of the
functions of the modern government and
the nature of its developmental tasks. These
tasks are invariably multidimensional and
involve a large number of agencies in the
process of examination as we ll as decision
making. This leads to blurring of the
organisational as well as individual
accountability. Each individua l department
is eager to pass the blame for delays and
inaction on to another sister department.
Each department claims that they are notresponsible for the final results as they
have no control over the decision-making
process.
III
Solution for Poor Performanceof Government
Common sense tells us that if we wish
to improve performance of the government,
we must at the very least know what
constitutes 'performance'. The L K Jha
Commission examined various instruments
used by the gove rnme nt to .measureperformance of the government and found
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them severely deficient. The commission
concluded, that A nnua l Plan, Performance
Budget and the Annual Reports did not
measure up to the task and recommended
that each "Mini stry /Depa rtme nt should ask
itself well in advance what it proposes to
do in the ensuing year and formulate as
specific and precise an answer to this
question as possible." The commission
described the document containing this
information as an Action Plan.Since the acceptance of the recom
mendation of the L K Jha Commission in
this regard, Action Plan has become an
integral part of the functioning of all
departments in the government of India.
It was expected that these Action Plans
wi l l eliminate the root causes of the poorperformance of the government. First,
listing of all the tasks various departments
were to perform during the year was
intended to provide a consistent and
unambiguous signal as to what was
expected from each department. Any
trade-offs among conflicting demands of
various principals were to be resolved at
the beginning of the year and were not to
be used as an excuse to pass the buck at
the end of the year.
Second, laying down of precise,
quant ifiable and measurable targets was
intended to provide an objective standard
for measuring performance. This, in turn,
was supposed to reduce subjec tivity in
rewarding or punishing officials and thus
improve their morale and credibility.
The above expectations were based on
sound principles of management and werea precursor to the current best selling book
on the subject of improving government
performance entitled Reinventing Govern-
menu How the Entrepreneurial Spirit Is
Transforming the Public Sector by David
Osborne and Ted Gaebler. Talking about the
power of performance measurement, these
authors outlined the following basic
principles:
(1) What gets measured .gets done.
(2) If you don 't measure results, you can't
tell success from failure.
(3) If you can' t see success, you can't reward
it.
(4) If you can't reward success, you're
probably rewarding failure.
(5) If you can 't see success, you can't learn
about it.
(6) If you can't recognise failure, you can't
correct it.
(7) If you can demonstrate results, you can
win public support.
IV
Problems with Action Plans
As has been the fate of many other publicpolicies, the Act ion Plans were never really
implemented effec tively. Hence, a good idea
remained just thatan idea waiting to be
implemented properly. In its current form,
Action Plans in most cases represent an
exercise in futility. That is, the manner in
which Action Plans are being implemented
currently, they have not added to the
improvement in the 'quality of account
ability'. As we shall see below, even if we
take up the exercise in all its seriousness,
the Action Plans as designed currently wi l l
not take us very far. The problem is notnecessarily with the "will" to implement.
The main reason for this problems lies in
the conceptually flawed design of the
current batch of Action Plans. Because
these Acti on Plans are congenitall y flawed,
even the best intentions in the past have
yielded no results. Let us, therefore,
examine the major flaws with the current
design of Action Plans.
Problem Number I: A glance at the 1993-94
Action Plans suggests that there is a
fundamental confusion among departments
regarding the very purpose of these Action
Plans. This is reflected most dramatically in
the fact that some departments have an Act ion
Plan document that is 10 pages long
(Department of Mines), whereas, others have
Action Plans that are close to 100 pages
(Department of Telecommunications and
Department of Power). The latter include
detailed performance parameters for all
organisations under them. Their own
department's performance parameters are a
minuscule part of these documents.
Either these departments are genuinely
oblivious of the rationale, purpose and
objectives of the Act ion Plan exercise or they
have included a humongous amount of details
to create an incorrect impression that they
are responsible for a lot of action.Problem Number 2: Even if we accept the
contents of a particular department's Acti on
Plan at its face value, it is impossible to
measure its performance at the end of the
year using the curren t documents. For
example, the 1993-94 Action Plan for
Ministry of Power lays down a list of 24
activities to be done during the period
Apri l-Ju ne 1993. Now if at the end of this
quarter, they inform the Cabinet Secretariat
that they have been able to perform only
20 activities out of a total of 24, how are
we to judge their performance? Since all
24 activities are not of equal importance,
we cannot really judge their performance
correctly or objectively. It is possible
that they may have completed the less
important activities and ignored the more
important ones.
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Thus, what is required is priori tis ing the
activities by attaching weights to them.
This is not a new idea as most departments
are used to doing this while negotiating
Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs)
with public enterprises under their
supervision.
Problem Number 3: Even if we take care
of the above two problems, one will have
to overcome yet another congenital fatal
flaw with Action Plans. The Action Plansin their present form ask the departments to
specify specific target dates for each act ivi ty.
However, they do not give any indication
regarding how to interpret any devia tion
from the target dates.
For example, one item in the 1993-94
Action Plan for the Ministry of Power is
'Submission of PIB Note on Agartala Gas
Based Power Project by June 1993'. Now
if the note is submitted in August 1993 as
opposed to June 1993, how are we to judge
the ministry's performance? Clearly, the
current system would give the Ministry of
Power no credit at all. This may not only
be 'un fai r' but its perverse effects on the
incentive structure may be also 'dangerous'.
If in the month of May 1993 the ministry
realises that it cannot meet the June 1993
deadline, it may decide to completely freeze
action on this front and move its focus to
other activities where it sti ll has the potential
to meet the June 1993 deadl ine. This is a
common problem with all-or-nothing
deadlines.
The solution to this lies in not having a
single target but a 5-point scale as shown
in Table 1.Problem Number 4: A related but equally
important problem w it h the current system
arises out of the confusion created as a
result of two parallel action plansone
relating to the implementa tion of 'election
manifesto' of the ruling party and the other
to the usual activities of the departments.
This situation is analogous to having two
'pr ofi t and loss' statement in a business.
The perverse consequences this duality of
action plans has on motivation and
behaviour are predictable and vindicated
by the available evidence.
For example, it is not clear which action
plan is more important from government's
point of v iew. Common sense would suggests
that elected officials are li kel y to care more
about the action with respect to the election
manifesto. This, in turn, implies that much
of the 'other' work wi l l suffer.
The sum total of the above-mentioned
four problems with the current system of
Action Plans is to make them absolutely
useless as instruments for measuring
'performance'and achieving accountability.
For a democratically elected government,
the absence of accountability of implementorsof electoral promises becomes a fatal flaw.
The elected officials are obviously held
accountable by the cycle of elections, thus
it is only 'fair" that they have a management
control system which provides them an
instrument to get 'results' and not excuses
for non-performance.
The answer does not lie in increasing the
'quantity' of controls. Rather, the focus
has to shift to increasing the 'quality' of
cont rol. Thi s can be achieved by reducing
the reports submitted by the government
departments and improving the design ofthe Action Pans.
V
Action Plans Reinvented
The heart of the action plan consists of
the performance evaluation system. Thus
any improvement has to focus maximum
possible attention in this area. We suggest
that the design of new Action Plans
referred to as Performance Contracts in
the futureshould involve the foll owi ng
four steps:
Step 1: Criterion Selection. The first step
is to choose a set of criteria to measure the
performance of the department. The crite ria
to choose these crite riathe mega cri ter ia
are simple. First, we must insure these criter ia
are 'f ai r' to the secretary or the head of the
depart ment. That is, they must onl y
encompass those areas over which the
secretary to the government has control.
Second, these criteria should also be 'fair'
to the country.
For example, inclusion of profits of the
public enterprises under a particulardepartment as a criterion may not be 'fair'
to the secretary because he or she is not a
super managing director and should not be
made to behave like one.
A sample of possible criteria for evaluating
the performance of the Department of Mines
is given in Table 2. This is only an illustra tive
list for stimulating discussion. Much more
intimate knowledge of the relevant
department is required than what the author
can legitimately claim.
Step 2: Criterion Weight Selection. Once
the relevant criteria have been identifi ed, we
must indicate the relative priorities by
attaching a series of weights to each criteria
as shown in the Performance Contract
(Appendix I ). This makes it easier for the
secretaries to decide what is more important
when the chips are down and they have to
ration their precious resources. These weights
have to be determined by a process of mutual
negotiations between the two parties entering
into a Performance Contract.3
Step 3: Criterion Value Selection. The
next step is to select a target value for each
performance criter ia. However, instead of
having a single value, one must choose afive-point scale for the reasons discussed
earlier in this paper.
Step 4: Performance Evaluation
Calculating the Composite Score. The real
revo lution in the new design proposed lies
in this step. Appendix II shows how the
Composite Score for the hypothetical
Performance Contract may be calculated.
This is a rather simple procedure of calculating
a weighted score for performance on various
fronts.
If the department does an excellent job on
all fronts, then they are like ly to get acompositescore of 'I' On the other hand, if the
department does a lousy job on all fronts,
then it wi l l end up with a composite score
of '5' . A combination of 'excellent' and 'poor '
performance is likely to yield a composite
score which lies between 5 and 1.
As can be seen from the Appen dix I I , one
has to first compare the achievement wi th
respect to criteria values and determine the
'Raw Score' on a scale of 1 to 5. Then, one
has to multiply this 'Raw Score' with the
respective weights and calculate the
'Weighted Raw Score'. The sum of weighted
Raw Scores gives us the Composite Score.
In the hypothetical case of the Ministry of
Mines, we find that the Composite Score
turns out to be 2.10, whic h is close to 'Ve ry
Good'.
V I
How to Interpret Composite Scores
If we had composite scores for all
departments, it wou ld provide us wi th a
unique measure of comparative performance.
However, it is important to note what is
being compared. We are not comparing theindividual tasks of various government
departments. Rather, we are compar ing the
ability of respective departments to meet
their commitments to wh ich they had agreed
to at the beginni ng of the year. Wh ile many
tasks undertaken by the Department of Power
are likely to be different from those of the
Department of Family Welfare or the
Mini stry of Mines, yet their abilit y to meet
their respective commitments can be certainly
compared.
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At the end of the year, the prime minis ter' s
office can announce results which may look
like as follows:4
The potential impact of this kind of list
is mind-boggling. It wi l l create a sense ofcompeti tion among government departments
to perform the basic tasks assigned and serve
the public interest, which is the very core
of the proposed reform. The above list is
a sort of an index of performance in a
hypothetical stock market for the governmentdepartments.
V I I
Policy Options
Anybody who has given serious thought
to the whole issue of accountability in the
government, w il l soon come to the conclusion
that the current system of Action Plans is
in a serious need of fine-tuning. There does
not seem to be much option in this regard.However, on individua l aspects of this overall
proposal, there are some options available
to us.
Name of New Instrument: In public policy
arena nomenclature is a substantive and not
merely a cosmetic issue. Essentially we have
three options:
(a) Continue to call it an Action Plan and
simply change the contents by asking
departments to select a more appropriate set
of criteria; attach weights to indicate inter
se priorities among them and device a 5-
point scale of criterion values rather than a
single target.
(b) Call it Performance Contract to
emphasise the contractual obligati on that thedepartment heads have in fulfilling their
respective targets.
(c) Call it Performance Agreement to
indicate that it is a professional agreement
and not a legal contract as may be inferredby some if we use the term Performance
Contract,
(d) Call it Performance Evaluation System
in order to send a clear signal regarding its
intended purpose. This term also de-
emphasises the corresponding obligationsof the government and lowers the
expectations in this regard that the evaluatees
may have. The lessons from the governmentof India's MOU policy should not be lost
sight of. There the public enterprises were
given an exaggerated impression that MOUs
will provide a vehicle to make their
performance conditional on all kinds of
unrealistic expectations and commitments
from the administrat ive departments. It took
several years of education to convince public
enterprises that MOUs want to measure
performance in the "real " wor ld not in some
imaginary Utopian world.
Institutional Arrangement: The literature
on performance evaluation c learly suggests
that "who" measures performance is as
important an issue as "how" performance
is measured. Here, again, we have some
choices:
(1) Cabinet Secretariat: The Performance
Contracts could be between the CabinetSecretariat and respective government
departments. This would be the most
natural and least disruptive optio n since
the Cabinet Secretariat is already the lead
agency in this regard. One will have to,
however, consider the issue relating to
how the differences in opinion betweenCabinet Secretariat and the departments
will be resolved. Will this require the
intervention of prime minister in order to
ensure fairness or wi l l the Cabinet Secretary
have the final say.
Also, one wil l have to consider issues
relating to the expertise and time availab ility
for this purpose at the Cabinet Secretariat.
In this connection, one will have to think
of creating a think tank of experts to assistthe Cabinet Secretariat in the initial stages.
(2) Standing Committees: Once the new
concept of Performance Contract is accepted,
it would be essential to synchronise other
performance evaluation exercises in orderto achieve the objectives of the proposed
reforms. This instrument could be used to
make the parliament-government interface
more focused and effective.
Scope of the Policy: The coverage of the
policy, i e, number of departments to be
covered under the proposed policy will
have to be decided wi th great care. Basically ,
we have two options in this regard. According
to one option, it may be desirable to start
with the infrastructure ministries and
departments. This option has two advantages.It wi l l be easy to manage the process of
designing and implementation of a handful
of Performance Contracts for thesedepartments. In addition, it is likely to be
relatively easier to prepare Performance
Contracts for departments dealing with
infrastructure.
According to the second option, it may
be more convincin g as well as necessary
to start with Performance Contracts for all
departments. This will reduce the possibility
of one weak link in the chain of government
departments becoming a constraint on the
performance of all others. Moreover, itmay suggest that the government only cares
about effic iency of a select few departments
and not others. If efficiency is important
then one must find resources to do the bestpossible job.
Complementary Policy Decisions: To make
this policy effective, it would be necessary
to take a few other supportive measures. For
example, one will have to consider the option
of giving a secure tenure to a secretary tothe government for the duration of the
Performance Contract. Therefore, if a
secretary is due to retire in September of a
particular year, he or she will have to be
allowed to continue t i l l the end of March
in the following year. This will prevent the
disruptive impact of frequent changes at
the top level during the year and would be
necessary for ensuring the sanctity of ayearly agreement. Similarly, many other
complementary decisions may also be
necessary for the eventual success of this
system.
V I I I
Why This Cannot be Done:Expected Sources of Resistance
As a French scholar once said, systems
are not required for the top 10 per cent or
the bottom 10 per cent. The top 10 per cent
will continue to do the right things with or
without a system. Simi lar ly, the bottom 10
per cent wil l always try to find ways to beat
the system. However, for the rest of the 80per cent, investment in designing systems
is likely to pay rich dividends.
As with any change, one must expect
resistance. In what follows, we have tried
to anticipate the most like ly lines of argument
against the current proposals.
Argument Number I: It is impossible to
evaluate our performance. This is exactly
the same argument given by public
enterprises when the system of Memorandum
of Understanding (MOU )5 was introduced.
However, it was found that, indeed, some
aspects of public enterprise operations are
difficult to quantify, but a little thought and
ingenuity is required to overcome this
barrier. It is our fi rm convic tion , that one
can fi nd good proxies for quali tative as
well as non-economic aspects ofgovernment operations. One has to only
ask some of the retired secretaries, and one
wi l l be flooded with ideas. These peoplehave no vested interests in the status quoand can be an invaluabl e source of most
innovative ideas.
This is not an academic issue. Thi s barrier
has been overcome in the past by many
ministries who have done a fine job of
selecting appropriate criter ia for measuring
their performance . Our research shows
that the best example is the 1985 Ac tion
Plan for the Department of Irrigation. It is
the only case whi ch tru ly captured thespirit of the recommendations of L K Jha
Commiss ion in this regard. The government
should have circulated this document and
held "information-cum-training" sessions
to effectively implement this policy.
Argument Number 2: There are too many
unpredictable variables in running a
government department and, hence, it is
not possible to measure performance
objectively. If every thing was predictable,
there would not be any need for the
leadership of senior government officials.
The junior officials could do every thingon a routi ne basis. The proposed system
of Performance Contract does not expect
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to reduce all measurements to only
predictable indicators. Rather, the goal is
to encourage top officials to do contingency
plann ing by ide nti fyi ng sources of
uncertainty.
Argument Number 3; Performance of
government departments is dependent onthe performance of others and, hence, it
is not possible to isolate their share in the
total performance. First, let us try to at
least delineate those areas that are withinthe control of the department and those
that are not. This in itself would be a
major achievement. Second, one can work
out the precise contributions made by
each department and design a system
accordingly. In particular, the idea of a
lead department' which has the primary
responsibility for delivering the final
service as suggested by the L K Jha
Commission may need to be seriously
considered.
CONCLUDING COMMENTS
The task outlined above is simple yet
profound. In one sense we are merely fine-
tuning the existing public po licy instrument
of Action Plans. Yet, the modifications
suggested are intended to bring a major
qualitative change in the functioning of the
Indian government. This is the first crucial
step to transform a process-oriented
government to a result-oriented government.
We have no choice in this matter. It must
be done. Other countries have started the
process and are already ahead of us in this
regard. We must therefore begin and wemust begin now.
Notes
[The views expressed in this paper are solelythose of the author.)
1 The present paper is in line with a wellestablished tradition in this field representedby important contributions to it by McKean(1958), Hendricks (1981), Miller (1984),Johnson and Lewin (1984), Wholey andNewcomer (1989) and Lane (1993).
2 Economic Adminis tra tion Reforms
Commission Report No 29 on'Accountabiliy ',June 30, 1982.
3 See Downs and Larkey (1986) for more on thisaspect.
4 This is purely for the sake of illustrating thepoint in a manner that brings it closer to homemore effectively. It should not be taken toreflect the reality, which is unknown at thetime of writing this paper.
5 Good principles of management are, indeed,transcendental. Thus, there is a great degreeof similarity between the principlesunderlying the government of India's policyon Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)for public enterprises and the proposed
Performance Contracts for the administraivedepartments. For further details on the MOUpolicy, see Trivedi (1990 and 1992).
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M-114 Economic and Polit ical Weekly August 27, 1994