Improving Government Performance-What Gets Measured, Gets Done

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    Improving Government Performance

    What Gets Measured, Gets Done

    Prajapati Trivedi

    In response to the then prime minister's concern for accountability of top government officials, the Economic

    Administration Reforms Commission had produced an absolutely superb report on this subject in 1982. Sadly, 11 yearsafter there has been not an iota of increase in the accountability of government officials and departments. This paper

    examines the reasons for this failure and suggests a practical plan to achieve the goal of increased accountability.

    I

    Introduction

    "OUR purpose is not to criticise

    government, as so many have, but to renew

    it. We are as bullish on the future of the

    government as we are bearish on the current

    condition of government. We do not

    minimise the depth of the problem, nor

    the dif fic ult y of solv ing it . But because wehave seen so many public institutions

    transform themselves from staid bureau

    cracies into innovati ve, fle xibl e, responsive

    organisations, we believe there are

    solutions."

    This paragraph by Osborne and Gaebler

    (1992) captures the essence of this paper.

    It is clear to all thinking people that civilised

    societies cannot exist without effective

    governments. The efficiency of the

    government sets an upper bound on the

    efficiency of the market system. Thus, to

    compete in the world today, it is not enough

    to reform the market system, one must

    overhaul the working of the government as

    well. In other words, markets work where

    government works. This paper outlines a

    strategy to reinvent the government.

    Whether we like it or not, there is a

    widespread perception that the performance

    of the Indian government is poor, at best.

    Even the staunchest defenders of the

    government give arguments that smack of

    defensiveness and helplessness. Some of

    them point out that we should be, in fact,

    thankful because the performance of the

    government could be much worse. Otherswant us to derive some consolation from the

    fact that the central government is doing a

    much better job than most of the state

    governments in India.

    The reasons given for the poor

    performance of the government are also on

    predictable lines. Most people blame it on

    the lack of will power among politicians

    or on a singular and conspicuous lack of

    efficiency, dedication and commitment on

    the part of bureaucrats. Unfortunately,

    people who advance these reasons aremixing up cause and effects. The reasons

    mentioned above are mere symptoms ofthe underlying, fundamental cause of poor

    performance of the governmentlack of

    accounta bility of the top echelons of ci vi l

    servants. Another way of saying the same

    thing is to point out that the people who work

    in the government are not the problem; rather,

    the systems in which they work are the

    problem.1

    In making the above observation I am

    neither breaking any new ground nor can

    I claim much in terms of originality. Inresponse to the then prime minister ' sconcern

    for accountability of top government

    officials, the Economic Administration

    Reforms Commission, known popularly as

    the L K Jha Commission, produced an

    absolutely superb report2

    on this very

    subject in 1982. Sadly, 11 years after this

    report there has not been even an iota of

    increase in the accountability of the

    officials. The main purpose of this paper

    is to examine the reasons for this failure

    to increase accountability of seniormost

    government functionaries and suggest a

    feasible, practical and necessary game

    plan to achieve this goal of increased

    accountability.

    II

    Reasons for Poor Performanceof Government

    ( I ) Multiple Principals with Multiple

    Goals; Secretaries to the government of

    Ind ia have to answer to a number of agencies

    and institutions of the state. For example,

    in additi on to the parliamentary committees

    such as the Public Accounts Committee,newly created Standing Committees and

    parliamentary procedures such as question,

    motions and debates, the senior government

    officials have to deal wit h the Compt rolle r

    and Auditor General, enquiry committees

    and commissions, prime minister's office

    and the Cabinet Secretariat. Each of the

    above agencies considers it to be their

    sacred duty to hold government offici als

    responsible.

    The multiplicity of principals would not

    pose such a major problem if there was a

    clear agreement or consensus as to what is

    expected of the seniormost governmentofficials. Unfortunately, various concerned

    agencies and institutions of the state have

    diverse and, often, conflicting objectives.

    As a consequence, the top officials get fuzzy

    and conf lic tin g signal about results expected

    from them. Since it is not humanly possible

    to meet the expectations of all concerned,

    the official s often end up being criticise d by

    those principals whose mandate could not

    be fulfilled. This leads to demoralisation,

    preference for risk aversion and proclivityfor non-action.

    In addition, the focus by multiple

    princ ipal s on form and procedure, perceived

    lapses or excesses of the executive has

    lead to a narrow, negative and formal

    concept of accountability. This, in turn,

    has compounded the problem of risk

    aversion and demoralisation among civil

    servants. As the L K Jha Comm ission

    concluded: "What we have in our system

    is essentially accountability for error and

    wron g doin g, and not for non-achievement

    or inefficiency."

    (2) The Not-Me Syndrome: Another

    source of poor governmental performance

    can be traced to the complexity of the

    functions of the modern government and

    the nature of its developmental tasks. These

    tasks are invariably multidimensional and

    involve a large number of agencies in the

    process of examination as we ll as decision

    making. This leads to blurring of the

    organisational as well as individual

    accountability. Each individua l department

    is eager to pass the blame for delays and

    inaction on to another sister department.

    Each department claims that they are notresponsible for the final results as they

    have no control over the decision-making

    process.

    III

    Solution for Poor Performanceof Government

    Common sense tells us that if we wish

    to improve performance of the government,

    we must at the very least know what

    constitutes 'performance'. The L K Jha

    Commission examined various instruments

    used by the gove rnme nt to .measureperformance of the government and found

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    them severely deficient. The commission

    concluded, that A nnua l Plan, Performance

    Budget and the Annual Reports did not

    measure up to the task and recommended

    that each "Mini stry /Depa rtme nt should ask

    itself well in advance what it proposes to

    do in the ensuing year and formulate as

    specific and precise an answer to this

    question as possible." The commission

    described the document containing this

    information as an Action Plan.Since the acceptance of the recom

    mendation of the L K Jha Commission in

    this regard, Action Plan has become an

    integral part of the functioning of all

    departments in the government of India.

    It was expected that these Action Plans

    wi l l eliminate the root causes of the poorperformance of the government. First,

    listing of all the tasks various departments

    were to perform during the year was

    intended to provide a consistent and

    unambiguous signal as to what was

    expected from each department. Any

    trade-offs among conflicting demands of

    various principals were to be resolved at

    the beginning of the year and were not to

    be used as an excuse to pass the buck at

    the end of the year.

    Second, laying down of precise,

    quant ifiable and measurable targets was

    intended to provide an objective standard

    for measuring performance. This, in turn,

    was supposed to reduce subjec tivity in

    rewarding or punishing officials and thus

    improve their morale and credibility.

    The above expectations were based on

    sound principles of management and werea precursor to the current best selling book

    on the subject of improving government

    performance entitled Reinventing Govern-

    menu How the Entrepreneurial Spirit Is

    Transforming the Public Sector by David

    Osborne and Ted Gaebler. Talking about the

    power of performance measurement, these

    authors outlined the following basic

    principles:

    (1) What gets measured .gets done.

    (2) If you don 't measure results, you can't

    tell success from failure.

    (3) If you can' t see success, you can't reward

    it.

    (4) If you can't reward success, you're

    probably rewarding failure.

    (5) If you can 't see success, you can't learn

    about it.

    (6) If you can't recognise failure, you can't

    correct it.

    (7) If you can demonstrate results, you can

    win public support.

    IV

    Problems with Action Plans

    As has been the fate of many other publicpolicies, the Act ion Plans were never really

    implemented effec tively. Hence, a good idea

    remained just thatan idea waiting to be

    implemented properly. In its current form,

    Action Plans in most cases represent an

    exercise in futility. That is, the manner in

    which Action Plans are being implemented

    currently, they have not added to the

    improvement in the 'quality of account

    ability'. As we shall see below, even if we

    take up the exercise in all its seriousness,

    the Action Plans as designed currently wi l l

    not take us very far. The problem is notnecessarily with the "will" to implement.

    The main reason for this problems lies in

    the conceptually flawed design of the

    current batch of Action Plans. Because

    these Acti on Plans are congenitall y flawed,

    even the best intentions in the past have

    yielded no results. Let us, therefore,

    examine the major flaws with the current

    design of Action Plans.

    Problem Number I: A glance at the 1993-94

    Action Plans suggests that there is a

    fundamental confusion among departments

    regarding the very purpose of these Action

    Plans. This is reflected most dramatically in

    the fact that some departments have an Act ion

    Plan document that is 10 pages long

    (Department of Mines), whereas, others have

    Action Plans that are close to 100 pages

    (Department of Telecommunications and

    Department of Power). The latter include

    detailed performance parameters for all

    organisations under them. Their own

    department's performance parameters are a

    minuscule part of these documents.

    Either these departments are genuinely

    oblivious of the rationale, purpose and

    objectives of the Act ion Plan exercise or they

    have included a humongous amount of details

    to create an incorrect impression that they

    are responsible for a lot of action.Problem Number 2: Even if we accept the

    contents of a particular department's Acti on

    Plan at its face value, it is impossible to

    measure its performance at the end of the

    year using the curren t documents. For

    example, the 1993-94 Action Plan for

    Ministry of Power lays down a list of 24

    activities to be done during the period

    Apri l-Ju ne 1993. Now if at the end of this

    quarter, they inform the Cabinet Secretariat

    that they have been able to perform only

    20 activities out of a total of 24, how are

    we to judge their performance? Since all

    24 activities are not of equal importance,

    we cannot really judge their performance

    correctly or objectively. It is possible

    that they may have completed the less

    important activities and ignored the more

    important ones.

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    Thus, what is required is priori tis ing the

    activities by attaching weights to them.

    This is not a new idea as most departments

    are used to doing this while negotiating

    Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs)

    with public enterprises under their

    supervision.

    Problem Number 3: Even if we take care

    of the above two problems, one will have

    to overcome yet another congenital fatal

    flaw with Action Plans. The Action Plansin their present form ask the departments to

    specify specific target dates for each act ivi ty.

    However, they do not give any indication

    regarding how to interpret any devia tion

    from the target dates.

    For example, one item in the 1993-94

    Action Plan for the Ministry of Power is

    'Submission of PIB Note on Agartala Gas

    Based Power Project by June 1993'. Now

    if the note is submitted in August 1993 as

    opposed to June 1993, how are we to judge

    the ministry's performance? Clearly, the

    current system would give the Ministry of

    Power no credit at all. This may not only

    be 'un fai r' but its perverse effects on the

    incentive structure may be also 'dangerous'.

    If in the month of May 1993 the ministry

    realises that it cannot meet the June 1993

    deadline, it may decide to completely freeze

    action on this front and move its focus to

    other activities where it sti ll has the potential

    to meet the June 1993 deadl ine. This is a

    common problem with all-or-nothing

    deadlines.

    The solution to this lies in not having a

    single target but a 5-point scale as shown

    in Table 1.Problem Number 4: A related but equally

    important problem w it h the current system

    arises out of the confusion created as a

    result of two parallel action plansone

    relating to the implementa tion of 'election

    manifesto' of the ruling party and the other

    to the usual activities of the departments.

    This situation is analogous to having two

    'pr ofi t and loss' statement in a business.

    The perverse consequences this duality of

    action plans has on motivation and

    behaviour are predictable and vindicated

    by the available evidence.

    For example, it is not clear which action

    plan is more important from government's

    point of v iew. Common sense would suggests

    that elected officials are li kel y to care more

    about the action with respect to the election

    manifesto. This, in turn, implies that much

    of the 'other' work wi l l suffer.

    The sum total of the above-mentioned

    four problems with the current system of

    Action Plans is to make them absolutely

    useless as instruments for measuring

    'performance'and achieving accountability.

    For a democratically elected government,

    the absence of accountability of implementorsof electoral promises becomes a fatal flaw.

    The elected officials are obviously held

    accountable by the cycle of elections, thus

    it is only 'fair" that they have a management

    control system which provides them an

    instrument to get 'results' and not excuses

    for non-performance.

    The answer does not lie in increasing the

    'quantity' of controls. Rather, the focus

    has to shift to increasing the 'quality' of

    cont rol. Thi s can be achieved by reducing

    the reports submitted by the government

    departments and improving the design ofthe Action Pans.

    V

    Action Plans Reinvented

    The heart of the action plan consists of

    the performance evaluation system. Thus

    any improvement has to focus maximum

    possible attention in this area. We suggest

    that the design of new Action Plans

    referred to as Performance Contracts in

    the futureshould involve the foll owi ng

    four steps:

    Step 1: Criterion Selection. The first step

    is to choose a set of criteria to measure the

    performance of the department. The crite ria

    to choose these crite riathe mega cri ter ia

    are simple. First, we must insure these criter ia

    are 'f ai r' to the secretary or the head of the

    depart ment. That is, they must onl y

    encompass those areas over which the

    secretary to the government has control.

    Second, these criteria should also be 'fair'

    to the country.

    For example, inclusion of profits of the

    public enterprises under a particulardepartment as a criterion may not be 'fair'

    to the secretary because he or she is not a

    super managing director and should not be

    made to behave like one.

    A sample of possible criteria for evaluating

    the performance of the Department of Mines

    is given in Table 2. This is only an illustra tive

    list for stimulating discussion. Much more

    intimate knowledge of the relevant

    department is required than what the author

    can legitimately claim.

    Step 2: Criterion Weight Selection. Once

    the relevant criteria have been identifi ed, we

    must indicate the relative priorities by

    attaching a series of weights to each criteria

    as shown in the Performance Contract

    (Appendix I ). This makes it easier for the

    secretaries to decide what is more important

    when the chips are down and they have to

    ration their precious resources. These weights

    have to be determined by a process of mutual

    negotiations between the two parties entering

    into a Performance Contract.3

    Step 3: Criterion Value Selection. The

    next step is to select a target value for each

    performance criter ia. However, instead of

    having a single value, one must choose afive-point scale for the reasons discussed

    earlier in this paper.

    Step 4: Performance Evaluation

    Calculating the Composite Score. The real

    revo lution in the new design proposed lies

    in this step. Appendix II shows how the

    Composite Score for the hypothetical

    Performance Contract may be calculated.

    This is a rather simple procedure of calculating

    a weighted score for performance on various

    fronts.

    If the department does an excellent job on

    all fronts, then they are like ly to get acompositescore of 'I' On the other hand, if the

    department does a lousy job on all fronts,

    then it wi l l end up with a composite score

    of '5' . A combination of 'excellent' and 'poor '

    performance is likely to yield a composite

    score which lies between 5 and 1.

    As can be seen from the Appen dix I I , one

    has to first compare the achievement wi th

    respect to criteria values and determine the

    'Raw Score' on a scale of 1 to 5. Then, one

    has to multiply this 'Raw Score' with the

    respective weights and calculate the

    'Weighted Raw Score'. The sum of weighted

    Raw Scores gives us the Composite Score.

    In the hypothetical case of the Ministry of

    Mines, we find that the Composite Score

    turns out to be 2.10, whic h is close to 'Ve ry

    Good'.

    V I

    How to Interpret Composite Scores

    If we had composite scores for all

    departments, it wou ld provide us wi th a

    unique measure of comparative performance.

    However, it is important to note what is

    being compared. We are not comparing theindividual tasks of various government

    departments. Rather, we are compar ing the

    ability of respective departments to meet

    their commitments to wh ich they had agreed

    to at the beginni ng of the year. Wh ile many

    tasks undertaken by the Department of Power

    are likely to be different from those of the

    Department of Family Welfare or the

    Mini stry of Mines, yet their abilit y to meet

    their respective commitments can be certainly

    compared.

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    At the end of the year, the prime minis ter' s

    office can announce results which may look

    like as follows:4

    The potential impact of this kind of list

    is mind-boggling. It wi l l create a sense ofcompeti tion among government departments

    to perform the basic tasks assigned and serve

    the public interest, which is the very core

    of the proposed reform. The above list is

    a sort of an index of performance in a

    hypothetical stock market for the governmentdepartments.

    V I I

    Policy Options

    Anybody who has given serious thought

    to the whole issue of accountability in the

    government, w il l soon come to the conclusion

    that the current system of Action Plans is

    in a serious need of fine-tuning. There does

    not seem to be much option in this regard.However, on individua l aspects of this overall

    proposal, there are some options available

    to us.

    Name of New Instrument: In public policy

    arena nomenclature is a substantive and not

    merely a cosmetic issue. Essentially we have

    three options:

    (a) Continue to call it an Action Plan and

    simply change the contents by asking

    departments to select a more appropriate set

    of criteria; attach weights to indicate inter

    se priorities among them and device a 5-

    point scale of criterion values rather than a

    single target.

    (b) Call it Performance Contract to

    emphasise the contractual obligati on that thedepartment heads have in fulfilling their

    respective targets.

    (c) Call it Performance Agreement to

    indicate that it is a professional agreement

    and not a legal contract as may be inferredby some if we use the term Performance

    Contract,

    (d) Call it Performance Evaluation System

    in order to send a clear signal regarding its

    intended purpose. This term also de-

    emphasises the corresponding obligationsof the government and lowers the

    expectations in this regard that the evaluatees

    may have. The lessons from the governmentof India's MOU policy should not be lost

    sight of. There the public enterprises were

    given an exaggerated impression that MOUs

    will provide a vehicle to make their

    performance conditional on all kinds of

    unrealistic expectations and commitments

    from the administrat ive departments. It took

    several years of education to convince public

    enterprises that MOUs want to measure

    performance in the "real " wor ld not in some

    imaginary Utopian world.

    Institutional Arrangement: The literature

    on performance evaluation c learly suggests

    that "who" measures performance is as

    important an issue as "how" performance

    is measured. Here, again, we have some

    choices:

    (1) Cabinet Secretariat: The Performance

    Contracts could be between the CabinetSecretariat and respective government

    departments. This would be the most

    natural and least disruptive optio n since

    the Cabinet Secretariat is already the lead

    agency in this regard. One will have to,

    however, consider the issue relating to

    how the differences in opinion betweenCabinet Secretariat and the departments

    will be resolved. Will this require the

    intervention of prime minister in order to

    ensure fairness or wi l l the Cabinet Secretary

    have the final say.

    Also, one wil l have to consider issues

    relating to the expertise and time availab ility

    for this purpose at the Cabinet Secretariat.

    In this connection, one will have to think

    of creating a think tank of experts to assistthe Cabinet Secretariat in the initial stages.

    (2) Standing Committees: Once the new

    concept of Performance Contract is accepted,

    it would be essential to synchronise other

    performance evaluation exercises in orderto achieve the objectives of the proposed

    reforms. This instrument could be used to

    make the parliament-government interface

    more focused and effective.

    Scope of the Policy: The coverage of the

    policy, i e, number of departments to be

    covered under the proposed policy will

    have to be decided wi th great care. Basically ,

    we have two options in this regard. According

    to one option, it may be desirable to start

    with the infrastructure ministries and

    departments. This option has two advantages.It wi l l be easy to manage the process of

    designing and implementation of a handful

    of Performance Contracts for thesedepartments. In addition, it is likely to be

    relatively easier to prepare Performance

    Contracts for departments dealing with

    infrastructure.

    According to the second option, it may

    be more convincin g as well as necessary

    to start with Performance Contracts for all

    departments. This will reduce the possibility

    of one weak link in the chain of government

    departments becoming a constraint on the

    performance of all others. Moreover, itmay suggest that the government only cares

    about effic iency of a select few departments

    and not others. If efficiency is important

    then one must find resources to do the bestpossible job.

    Complementary Policy Decisions: To make

    this policy effective, it would be necessary

    to take a few other supportive measures. For

    example, one will have to consider the option

    of giving a secure tenure to a secretary tothe government for the duration of the

    Performance Contract. Therefore, if a

    secretary is due to retire in September of a

    particular year, he or she will have to be

    allowed to continue t i l l the end of March

    in the following year. This will prevent the

    disruptive impact of frequent changes at

    the top level during the year and would be

    necessary for ensuring the sanctity of ayearly agreement. Similarly, many other

    complementary decisions may also be

    necessary for the eventual success of this

    system.

    V I I I

    Why This Cannot be Done:Expected Sources of Resistance

    As a French scholar once said, systems

    are not required for the top 10 per cent or

    the bottom 10 per cent. The top 10 per cent

    will continue to do the right things with or

    without a system. Simi lar ly, the bottom 10

    per cent wil l always try to find ways to beat

    the system. However, for the rest of the 80per cent, investment in designing systems

    is likely to pay rich dividends.

    As with any change, one must expect

    resistance. In what follows, we have tried

    to anticipate the most like ly lines of argument

    against the current proposals.

    Argument Number I: It is impossible to

    evaluate our performance. This is exactly

    the same argument given by public

    enterprises when the system of Memorandum

    of Understanding (MOU )5 was introduced.

    However, it was found that, indeed, some

    aspects of public enterprise operations are

    difficult to quantify, but a little thought and

    ingenuity is required to overcome this

    barrier. It is our fi rm convic tion , that one

    can fi nd good proxies for quali tative as

    well as non-economic aspects ofgovernment operations. One has to only

    ask some of the retired secretaries, and one

    wi l l be flooded with ideas. These peoplehave no vested interests in the status quoand can be an invaluabl e source of most

    innovative ideas.

    This is not an academic issue. Thi s barrier

    has been overcome in the past by many

    ministries who have done a fine job of

    selecting appropriate criter ia for measuring

    their performance . Our research shows

    that the best example is the 1985 Ac tion

    Plan for the Department of Irrigation. It is

    the only case whi ch tru ly captured thespirit of the recommendations of L K Jha

    Commiss ion in this regard. The government

    should have circulated this document and

    held "information-cum-training" sessions

    to effectively implement this policy.

    Argument Number 2: There are too many

    unpredictable variables in running a

    government department and, hence, it is

    not possible to measure performance

    objectively. If every thing was predictable,

    there would not be any need for the

    leadership of senior government officials.

    The junior officials could do every thingon a routi ne basis. The proposed system

    of Performance Contract does not expect

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    to reduce all measurements to only

    predictable indicators. Rather, the goal is

    to encourage top officials to do contingency

    plann ing by ide nti fyi ng sources of

    uncertainty.

    Argument Number 3; Performance of

    government departments is dependent onthe performance of others and, hence, it

    is not possible to isolate their share in the

    total performance. First, let us try to at

    least delineate those areas that are withinthe control of the department and those

    that are not. This in itself would be a

    major achievement. Second, one can work

    out the precise contributions made by

    each department and design a system

    accordingly. In particular, the idea of a

    lead department' which has the primary

    responsibility for delivering the final

    service as suggested by the L K Jha

    Commission may need to be seriously

    considered.

    CONCLUDING COMMENTS

    The task outlined above is simple yet

    profound. In one sense we are merely fine-

    tuning the existing public po licy instrument

    of Action Plans. Yet, the modifications

    suggested are intended to bring a major

    qualitative change in the functioning of the

    Indian government. This is the first crucial

    step to transform a process-oriented

    government to a result-oriented government.

    We have no choice in this matter. It must

    be done. Other countries have started the

    process and are already ahead of us in this

    regard. We must therefore begin and wemust begin now.

    Notes

    [The views expressed in this paper are solelythose of the author.)

    1 The present paper is in line with a wellestablished tradition in this field representedby important contributions to it by McKean(1958), Hendricks (1981), Miller (1984),Johnson and Lewin (1984), Wholey andNewcomer (1989) and Lane (1993).

    2 Economic Adminis tra tion Reforms

    Commission Report No 29 on'Accountabiliy ',June 30, 1982.

    3 See Downs and Larkey (1986) for more on thisaspect.

    4 This is purely for the sake of illustrating thepoint in a manner that brings it closer to homemore effectively. It should not be taken toreflect the reality, which is unknown at thetime of writing this paper.

    5 Good principles of management are, indeed,transcendental. Thus, there is a great degreeof similarity between the principlesunderlying the government of India's policyon Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)for public enterprises and the proposed

    Performance Contracts for the administraivedepartments. For further details on the MOUpolicy, see Trivedi (1990 and 1992).

    References

    Barzelay, Michael (1992): Breaking through Bureaucracy; A New Vision for Managing in Government, University of California Press, Los Angeles.

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