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University of Nigeria Research Publications
NWOSU, Ikechi Nwachukwu
Aut
hor
PG/Ph.D/89/8351
Title
Conversion In Luke-Acts And Its Pastoral Implication For Understanding The
Conversion Of The Igbo Of Nigeria
Facu
lty
SOCIAL SCIENCES
Dep
artm
ent
RELIGION
Dat
e
FEBRUARY 1995
Sign
atur
e
CONVERSION IN LUKE-ACTS AND ITS PASTORAL IMPLICATION FOR UNDERSTANDING THE CONVERSION OF THE IGBO OF
NIGERIA
REVD. CANON IKECHI NWACHUKWU NWOSU PGRBh.D/89/835 1
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO TJ3E UNVERSITY OF NIGERIA NSUKKA FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR 0 1 7 PHILOSOPHY
Department of Reiigion University of Nigeria Nsukka
NsukkaICambridge
February 1995
APPROVAL PAGE
w
This Thesis has been approved for the Department of Religion, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
REV. DR. N. ONWU (SUPERVISOR) (HEAD OF DEPARTMENT)
PROF. A.E. OKORAF'OR DEAN
FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
DEDICATION
~ ~ m r ~ m n 1 - 0 rmm. IN^ M A R K 1:. GI A S S W I ~ I , I , I N A I ~ I ~ I < I - : ( ~ I A . I . I O N O I ; ~ IE
EXTRAORIDNARY DEVOTION AND INTEREST HE SHOWED IN THIS PROJECT UP
TO THE DAY E4E PASSED AWAY ON 14 JANUARY 1995 AT I 1.35AM IN THE
ARTHUR RANK HOSPICE, CAMBRIDGE, AND FOR HIS WORK 1955-1984 IN
NIGERIA.
PREFACE
This study is inspired by some discoveries made by some scholars about Luke-Acts and also
about the Igbo people. Shelton has clearly argued that Luke is a theologian whose main
purpose of redaction of Mark and some other materials was controlled by the desire to
present the gospel as i t relates to his particular communities. Ikenga-bletuh has noted that if
the gospel is to survive in Africa for the future i t has to take the form of pastoral theology.
Wilson and Franklin definitely recognise Luke as a pastor whose pastoral insight and
theology has not been fully investigated by New Testament scholars.
Our study is taken in line with the views expressed by these scholars namely to discover in
Luke an approach to the gospel and the tradition about Jesus which may be of ?reat benefit
when applied to the current discussion about Ihe understanding of conversion of the Igbo
people on a pastoral base. The definition of conversion has been h e preoccupaiion of some
studies in the conversion of the Igbo people with often a wonder and worry if this were not as
schizophrenic as ambivalent. Luke has no definition of conversion as will be shown later,
but instead the author describes in models some of Lhe circumstances surrounding the
conversion of some people to follow Jesus. In the studies of the conversion of the Igbo
people, some scholars find themselves making biblical references to texts which imply and
valitlaie n biblical undersi:rrding of co~~vcrsion. Wllal wc havc tloiic i l l this study as wi l l be
made clearer in the following pages is to approach conversion from a particular author and
text instead of a multiple and 'random' biblical references. Luke-Acts may have been written
later than the other synoptics, with a distinctive approach to the tradition of Jesus, covered
conversion within Jewish and gentile areas, and Llle author recognized as a pastor and
theologican. Therefore he seems an obvious authority to appeal to in a biblical approach
towards understanding the conversion of the Igbo peoplee.
1,uke.s presentation of the conversion-mission of Jesus is set within Lhe context of the
covcliant a~ ld its cu~itral place withi11 tlic Jewisli religious sysleltls. 111 the I'orthcoming
discussior~s we shall seek to understand 1,uke's conversiorl in relation to the covenant motif
cf salvation on which basis Lucan gentiles and Jews found Jesus as the Saviour. The
covenant motif itself has always had a very social ethos which comes out in Lucan Jubilee
themes. This is a reason why we suggest i n this st~ldy that L ~ ~ c a n Jesus' mission is firmly
oriented i n the social and political concerns for justice, a point Dr N. 0nwu7s thesis on
Matthew recognized, as well as the Will of God, a theme which introduces and consistently
guides Lucan conversion toward the goal, the Kingdom of God.
In chapter one which is an introduction to the whole study, the position of scholars regarding
the unity of Luke-Acts, the recognition of the author as a pastor and ~heologian, the method
we take in investigating L.ucan understanding of conversion and how it could be useful in
understanding the conversion of the Igbo people to Christianity are discussed, and the state of
the problem with limitations of the enquiry highlighted. Chapter two looks at the social
interaction between Lucan texts and its social world with the aim of setting in clear and
distinct terms the base on which a conversion call to Jesus is made, that is within the context
of the oppression of the people generally by the civil and the religious rulers. Chapter three
looks into the covenant as the basis of conversion to Jesus and the attitude of L~ican Jesus to
the law. Chapter four continues the investigation of the covenant but as i t is taken into other
Limn salvation motifs from which Luke is able to nuke conversion to Jesus the need of both
Jews and gentiles and consequently the gospel for the world. In chapter five we focus on the
important role of the Holy Spirit in conversion, highlighting the probable influence of
proselytism of the. Jews on Luke but emphasising the difference of Lucan conversion. In
chapter six, after a consideration ol' some difficulties in getting a consensus on scholar's
opinion regarding the definition of conversion, we looked critically and exegetically into
some Lucan texts dealing on conversion. Chapter seven is a section on the conversion of the
Igbo people. Scholars views and conclusions form the theses. Our findings on Lucan
understanding of conversion are used to critique the theses on the conversiou of the Igbo
people. The result is evaluated on the overall 1,ucan pastoral approach to conversion which
we shall discover gives authenticity to the conversion of the Igbo people. As a pastor i t is
with passion a r ~ d concern for the lgbo convert's spiritual and material well being that I
approach this study with an openness to be guided by Luke.
'This project was closely supervised by the Revd. Dr. Mark Glasswell who gave his time and
talent including mo'ney to i t . The extraordinary interest he showed in this project is made
clear by his willingness to continue to discuss i t even a few hours before he passed m.ay on
Saturday the 14 of January 1995 at 11.35am. 'The dedication of this project to him is a
gesture of the recognition of his deep seated involvement and interest in this work and also in
the University of Nigeria Nsukka, and our gratitude. W e are indebted to the Principal
Graham Gray, staff and students, College Secretary, Mary Russell , Principal's Secretary,
Suzie Hancock, and all in ridley Hall, Cambridge (September 1992-February 1995) without
whose financial and general support and encouragement the dissertation could not have been
completed, including the typing. And so we are grateful to Clare Miller for [he typing. We
are grateful to the Divinity Faculty Cambridge for providing supervision and graduate
seminars for stimulation of thoughts and broadening of knowledge. We are grateful to the
staff of the University Library Cambridge; Dr Bruce Winter, Warden and Dr Andrew Clarke,
Librarian and research students of Tyndale House Cambridge; staff of the Divinity Faculty
Cambridge; staff of the African Studies Center Cambridge, the staff of the libraries of the
Federation 'Theological Colleges Cambridge, and Revd Canon GrahamKings and the Henry
Martin Library, Cambridge. We are grateful to the staff of [he Heslop Room (special
collection of some of the C.M.S. materials) Birmingham, the staff of the C.M.S. Library
London, the staff pf the Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies London for
assisting with very rare materials.
We are grateful to Prof. A.F. Walls, and the staff and research students of the Center for the
Study of Christianity in non-Western World Edinburgh for their wonderful assistance. and
the staff and students of Coates Hall Edinburgh for the comfort of their accommodation.
We appreciate the stimulating thought of Prof. C.K. Barrett alld the provision of the comfort
of their home and hospitality by his wife Margaret.
We must express our gratitude to Revd. Dr. Max Turner of the London Bible College, Revd.
Dr. Philip Seddon of Selly Oak Colleges Birmingham and his wife Debbie and family, Mr
and Mrs E.P.T. Crampton of Cambridge. Prof. Sam Okoye of the Nigerian High
Commission, London and Revd Canon Martin and Mrs Sheena Greenfield and family. We
also express our gratitude to the Parishes of Holy Trinity, Cambridge, St Mark's Cambridge,
Christ's Church Cockfosters London, St Mary's and St Mark's Hitchin, for their fellowstlip.
We are very grateful to the Parish of the Sampfords, St Michael's and St Mary's for their
wonderful support and enthusiasm and provision of a car which was a help in fetching my
thesis materials, looking after the parish and Mark in his illness. On this a special mention
needs to be made of Peter and Bridget Cast, Fr. Richard, Fr. Geoffrey, Fr. Brian and Colin
Towsend. We are also grateful to Revd Canon John and Ann Goodchild, Muriel Macgaar,
Nneoma Jane Backhouse, chief and Iolo Fred Hasted, Andy and Rita Macgaar and the people
and parish of St John Knutsford, Cheshire. We are grateful to Dr S 0 Okafor in London, and
Dr Chris and Grace Thomas in Oxford for academic and moral support.
We have enjoyed a tremendow goodwill of people which is too numerous to recount and for
which we will always remain grateful. But we will not forget to thank the Rt Revd & Mrs H.
A. Afonya and family, the Rt. Revd. Prof. A.O. Iwuagwu, Bishop of Aba, Nigeria, the Rt.
Revd. & Mrs U.U, Ezuoke, Bishop of Urnuahia, Nigeria, Sir and Lady E.O. igwe, Sir and
Lady Omezue, De Ochia and Bridget Nwankwo, De Allison and Angy Ogbonna, Chief Mrs
N.K. Asinobi, Revd. Sir and Lady Law Utaegbulern, H.R.H. Eze J.J. Ogbulafor, Sir and Lady
J.N. Ogbonna, Sir J.O.J. Okezie, Sir and Lady Grant Woko and many others. A special
gratitude goes lo the U~iiversity or Nigcria, Nsukka, and the Dcpnrtn~ent ol' licligion, n1y
Supervisor, Revd. Dr. N. Onwu, to Revd. Fr. (Dr) If'esieh, Revd. Dr. M. Adiele, Kevd. Dr. J.
Ebo and Rev. Dr. G.E. Okeke. A special gratitude goes to Dr & Mrs Chima Nwafor, former
Deputy Governor of Abia State, Sir & Lady Vincent Ofolebe (Bencov Nig. Ltd) for financial
grants, and Sir & Lady lgwe for housing my family throughout this period.
The all time support and encouragement of my home Parish, St Luke's Parish Amakama
IJmuahia is appreciated. My parents, John and Patience, and my parents-in-law Godwin and
Rhoda, and all our brothers and sisters and the entire family have simply been wonderful in
their support and we will never thank them enough.
My three year self imposed exile in the United Kingdom to get this project done caused some
pain both physical and spiritual to Patience, my wife, Nkwachi, Ozichi and Kelechi our
children. The extraordinary courage and determination with which they bore my absence and
encouraged me to get this project finished is a record. T o Patience and our children there is
no adequate expression of gratitude.
Ikechi N. Nwosu (Revd. Canon) (PGlPh.Dl89183.5 1)
C.Th (Oxon), B.D. (Lond)
Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul, 1995. Cambridge, England.'
ABBREVIATIONS
AA - African Affairs
Africa Africa: Journal of the International African Institute
AL
AnGr
ATJ
BAR
CBQ
CJ
CJAS
CTM
CV
D m
E.R.
ed(s)
EDNT
EQ
ET
!A-aJ
EWK
ExpTm
GOTK
HBD
HTR
HTS
IBMR
IDB
IDNTT
- Ahiajoku Lectures
- Anglecta Gregoriana
African Theological Journal
Biblical Archeology Review
- Catholic Biblical Quarterly
- Conservative Judaism
Canadian Journal of African ,Studies
- Concordia Theological Monthly
- Communo Viatorum
Dictionary of New Testament Theology
The Ecumenical Review
edi tor(s)
Exegetical Diclioniwy of thc Ncw T C S I ; W X ~ I
Evangelical Quarterly
English Translation
et a1 i i
East and West Review : An Anglican Missionary Quarterly Magazine
The Expository Times
Greek Orthodox Theological Review
Harpers Bible Dictionary
Harvard Theological Review
Harvartl Tllcologicid Studies
International Bulletin of Missionary Research
Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible
International Dictionary of New Testament Theology
.- IRM - JAAR
JAAS
JBL
JFT
JRA
JSNT
JSNTSup
JSS
JSSSR
JTS
MC
MS
nd
NIDNT
NJSS
Nov Test
NTS
NZM
ODU
RSR
S A -
SBL
SBLDS
SC
SDB
SJT
SLBR
- Orita: lbadari Journal of Religious Studies
International Review of Mission
Journal of the American Acadamy of Religion
Journal of Asian and Africa11 Studies
' Joirrnal of Biblical Literature
- JournaI of Pentecostal Theology
Journal of Religion in Africa
Journal of the Study of the New Testament
Journal of the Study of the New Testament Supplement
Jourrlal of Semitic Studies
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion
Joumal of Theological Studies
Modem Churchman
Mission Studies
no date
New International Dictionary of the New Testament
Nigerian Joumal of Social Studies
Novum Testamentum
New Testament Studies
Neue Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft
A Journal of West African Studies, University of Ife, Nigeria
Religious Studies Review
Social Analysis
Society of Biblical Literature
Society of Biblical Literature and Divinity Studies
Second Century
Smith's Dictionary of the Bible
Scottish Journal of Theology
Sierra Leone Bulletin of Religion
TDNT - Theological Dictionary of the New Testament
TZ - Theologische Zei tschrift
Tyrd3ul - Tyndale Bulletin
UBS - United Bible Society
WAR - ' West African Religion
WUNT - Wissenschitliche Untersuchungen Zum Neuen Testament
ZNW - Zeitschrift fur die Nei~testamentliche Wissenschaft
ABSTRACT
The study makes use of some findings about Luke's mderstanding of cont.ersion for a re-exanlination
of some notions about the conversion of Igbo people into Christianity.
Modern scholars increasingly recognize Luke as an authority who, out of the tradition about Jesus
produced a distinctive theology for his age and time which enabled them to keep faith. His work
which is about the mission of Jesus also describes the conversion people made to Jesus at thar period,
across both Jewish and non-Jewish (gentile) cultures.
For the Igbo of Nigeria, past efforts to understand their conversion present either religious, socio-
scientific or historical approach, some with "random" biblical references covering Genesis to
Revelation! Some of this approach tend to ignore the fact that biblical authors all through the
centuries addressed different ages at different places at various times with each author presenting a
particular message from God to his people. Luke is one such author. The Igbo people are one such
particular people at some remote place at some time. That author who sees the hand of God in social
and historical events, ant1 with p;lstorid illsight rcli~tc this to col~vcrsio~r sccms to us lo I>c i l l1
appropriate author to appeal to in a biblical (Luke-Acts) attempt to understand the conversion of the
Igbo people with its historical and pastoral aspects.
Scholars argue that Jews thought of conversion as a property' available only to them as the people of
God and not for rhe geotiles. Luke's understanding of the covenant in relation to Jesus, and the
whole question of salvation in 'His' name serves as a background to a particular Lucan understanding
of conversion which all now need.
Wlicli scholars of the convcrsio~l ot' Igbo people ~ruke ce rhn clecliicrions and conclusions, and these
are in turn subjected to a possible Lucan critique, some facts emerge:
( 1 ) In understanding of the conversion of Igbo people, little or no use is made of their world view.
(2) The problems the Igbo converts face are not peculiar to them only but evident in one form or
another in Christendom.
(3) Lucan pastoral insight and approach when applied to the lgbo situation gives authenticity to
the conversion of the Igbo people. , L
Conversion in Luke has the Kingdom of God, prayed for in this world, as its goal. There is therefore
n responsibility expectctl of the lgbo converts that is to work imtl to strive towards this holisi~ i n
conversion.
CONTENTS
Title page
Dedication
Preface
Abbreviation
Abstract
Contents
- CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Focus/Scope
1.3 An Introduction to Luke
1.4 Assumptions
1.5 Scholars views on Luke-Acts
1.6 Definition of conversion ( E X L ~ P O @ ~ )
1.7 Methodology
1.8 Necessity of Enquiry
CHAPTER TWO 1 The Interaction Between Lucan Social World and Texts
2.2 John the Baptist
2.3 The Yl~arisees
2.4 The People
2.5 Herod Antipas the Tetrach of Galilee
2.6 Concluding Points
CHAPTER THlREE 3.1 Conversion and Covenant in Luke Acts
3.2 Covenant Terms
3.2.1 Torah
3 -2.2 Commandment
3.2.3 The Law
3.2.4 Custom
3 -2.5 Moses
3.2.6 Covenant
3.3 Law in Luke
Infancy narratives (Luke 1-2) 95
The temptation of Jesus (Luke 4: 1-13) 10 1
The public ministry of Jesus (Luke 4: 1430) 1 02
The healing of a leper (Luke 5: 12- 14) 103
The paralytic is forgiven (Luke 5: 17-26) 1W
a Eating with a sinner (Luke 5: 27-32) 105
The question about fasting (Luke 5: 33-39) 106
The Sabbath controversy (Luke 6: 1- 1 1) 1 07
The touch of a Sinner (Luke 7: 36-50) 109
The appearance of Moses and Elija (Luke 9: 28-36) 1 10
A question and the parable of the Samaritan (Luke 10: 25-37)112
3.3.12 The parable of the lost sons (Luke 15: 11-32)
3.3.13 The story of Zacchaeus (Luke 19: 1 - 10)
3.3.14 A rulers quest of eternal life (Luke 18: 18-30)
3.3.15 The passion of Jesus (Luke 19: 28-23.56)
3.3.16 The Resurrection of Jesus (Luke 24: 1-53)
33,17 Concluding our findings on the gospel
3.4 Law In Acts
3.4.1 The Pentecost (Acts 1-2)
3 A.2 The sto~y of Stephen (Acts 6-7)
3.4.3 The Temple in Stephen's speech
3 -4.4 Lucan silence about the destruction of the Temple
3.4.5 Cornelius and Perer (Acts 10- 1 1)
3.4.6 Gentiles response (Acts 1 1: 19- 14.28)
3.4.7 The Apostolic Council (Acts 15)
3.5 Concluding Points
CHAPTER FOUR Salvation Motifs in Luke-Acts
4.1.1 The Community
4.1.2 Salvation
4.1.3 Repentance
4.1.4 The Sinners
4.1.5 The Will of God
4.1.6 Kingdom of God
4.1.7 Faith
Concluding Points
CHAPTER FIVE 5.1 'I'he Role of the Holy Spirit in Conversion in Luke-Acts
5.1. I The Spirit in the Old Testament
5.1.2 The Spirit in the Intertestamental Period
5.1.3 Jesus and the Spirit
5.1.4 'The Spirit ahd the Word
5.1.5 Conversion and the Word
5.1.6 Jewish Converting Methods' influence on Luke
5.2 Concluding Points
- CHAPTER SIX 294
6.1 Some conversion texts in Luke-Acts 294
6.1.1 Defining terms 294
6.2 Gentile mission in Luke-Acts 302
6.2.1 Sinners and toll collectors 308
6.2.2 Women 309
6.2.3 Samaritans 3 10
6.2.4 The Marginalized (The Quest Stories) 31 1
6.3 The Hellenists 3 17
6.4 Texts 3 19
6.4.1 Lake 15: 1 1-32 ('The I m t Sons) 319
6.4.2 Luke 1 9: I - 10 (Zacchae us) 326
6.4.3 Acts 2: 38-39 (The Pentecost Crowd) 330
6.4.4 Acts 8: 4 2 5 (The Samaritans) 332
6.4.5 Acts 8: 26- (The Ethiopian Eunuch) 336
6.4.6 Acts 9: 1-30,22: 1-2 1 ; 26: 1-32 (From Saul to Paul) 341
6.4.7 Acts 10- 1 1.18; 15: 7- 1 1 , 14 (Cornelius) 346
6.4.8 Acts 14: 8- 18; 22-2 1 (At Lystra) 349
6.4.9 Acts 19: 1-7 (Certain Disciples at Ephesus) 352
6.5 Concluding Points 354
+ -
CHAPTER SEVEN 360
7.1 A Possible Lucan Critique of Understanding of the Conversion
of the Igbo People 360
7.1.1 Introduction 360
7.1.2 Defining terms 363
7.1.3 Stating the problem 366
7.1.4 klethodological limitations 367
7.1.5 ScholauTheses on the Conversion of Igbo People 368
7.1.6 Historical quest 369
7.1.7 Religious quest 37 1
7.1.8 Socio-scientific quest 373
7.2 The Will of God and the European Preserrce in Igboland 376
7.3 The Holy Spirit in Luke-Acts and the Mission to Igboland 380
7.4 Previous World View of Converts in Lnke-Acts and the
quest for nnderstanding the conversion of the Igbo people 386
7.5 The gentile question in Luke-Acts as a possible gnide to the
phenomenon of the New Religious Movements in Igboland 396
7.6 Pastoral implication of Lucan understanding of conversion as a
possible guide to mdersbnding the conversion of the Igbo
people to Christianity
7.7 General Conclusions
CONVERSION IN LUKE-ACTS AND ITS PASTORAT, IMPIJICATIONS FOR
UNDERSTANDING THE CONVERSION OF THE IG130 OF NIGERIA
Introduction
I ,ukc h;is ill1 i iccoi~nt 01' Jesus ~llinistry and its beginning in a work of two volumes to include
the ministry of his disciples. Both the gospel and Acts of the Apostles are taken by some
scholars as coming from one author.1 This assumption has influenced the dissertation title,
'Conversion in Luke-Acts'. Two approaches to the study of Luke-Acts over the centuries
include looking at i t as a history of the Jesus movement, from Jesus (the gospel), to his
disciples (Acts of the Apostles). The theological and pastoral importance of the work was
neglected.2 The other approach was to see Luke-Acts as a handbook for Church
development, superimposed over Pauline Church order. I t supplied models for missionary
movements, church planting and cross-cultural Christiani ty.3
On reading Luke-Acts however, one discovers a great variety of responses to the gospel.
contained in the volumes, firmly held together by faith in Jesus. I t soon becomes a challenge
to discover how all the various peoples of different ethnic backgrounds and groups respond.
They do not all respond in one particular way, to the gospel, and yet Luke sees the validity
and r~sefulness of their conversion to Jesus, as to warrant recording them.-' I begin to ask
I cl'. A.C. Clark, The Acts of the Amslles, Osford, O.U.P. (1930) pp. 393-408. cl'. A.W. Argyle, The Greek of Luke-Acts' m, 20, pp. 41-445. cf. W.L. Knos, The Acts of the Apostles, Canibridge C.U.P. (1048) pp. 1-15, 100- 109; B.E. Bcck, The Common Authorship ol' Luke and Acts' m. 23, pp. 346-357. cf. E.E. Ellis, The Centurv Bible: The Gospel of Luke'. London: Marshill ( 1974) pp. 42-51; F.F. Bruce, Commcntnrv on [he Book of Acts. Londoll: Marshall. ~Morgan and Scot[. 1954. cf. C.K. Baneti, New Testament Essavs London: (1972) especially Chapter 6. 2 c ~ . Roger Sironstad, The Chnrismat~c Theoloav ol' St. Lill;c Hendrickson: Mii~siichusetk (1984) pp. 1 I?'. Also F.D. Bruner, A I'hcolonv ol' the Hal\, Spirit: Thc Penlccostal Esperiencc and the new Testament Wit=, Hodder and Stoughton (1970) pp. 191'. Also J.G. Dunn, Baptism in thc Holv Spird SCM (1970). cl'. H. b1. En.in, Thesc are Not D~.u~iken. As Y e Sup= Plaitil'ield: Logos Internatiooal, I%H. Also, T. Soia~I, A. Walker, N. Wright (cds), Charisma~ic Renewal: Thc Search I'or aTlieoloev, SPCK 1993. .' el-. H. E. Dolliir, A Biblical Missiolo~ical Esploriition of Cross-Culti~ril Dimensions ol' Luke-Actsh Francisco: Mcllcn Research: Universily Press lW3. -I~here IS quite a varicty or pcople, includccl by Luke, who responded to Jesus, right from his infancy no~~alives up to the Acts 01' tlic Apostlcs, cl.. Prophetess Ann, Lukc 2: 36-38, to a Centurion's faith, Lukc 7 9 . Thc
myself what is it that Luke wants us to understand about Jesus, and about the social
background and contexts of his characters.. Are we able to discern from Luke-Acts the
importance of world views to the gospel?
Luke presents Jesus as the Messiah of God.5 This Messiah of God is revealed through the
particular history, culture and religious system of the Jews. According to Luke, i t is the
divine plan to make this particular Messiah to be not only for the Jews, but for the gentiles
and the rest of mankind, not: only for the rich and powerful, b ~ t for the poor and humble in
the lands.6 Stories of Jesus' accepting, calliug and eating with tax collectors abound in the
gospel. The Samaritans and gentiles are welcomed by him, and sinners are forgiven by a
word of command. When challenged by the Jewish religious authorities for breaking Sabbath
regulation by performing acts of healing, his reply gives the impression that he is above the
Sabbath. He does not seem to betray any ignorance of the Jewish religious system. He
knows it very well. He was born of Jewish parents and brought up by Jewish tradition. But
he appeared to have open arms for those outside the Jewish religious system, to bring them
in, to extend salvation to them. This attitude was uncommon in the religious tradition in
which he grew up at the time. I t had one obvious result - gathering of peoples around him.
This dissertation examines Luke's, focus on the response people made to Jesus, and after his
ascension. to the ministry of his disciples. This movement, quickly took the form of a
community movement and spread far and wide across ethnic and cultural boundaries giving
birth to "Christiani.tyn a "Conversion movementn.7 The mission of Jesus and the respolise
people made to him and his movement is what Luke has set himself to narrate.
conwrsion of rhc Ethiopian cunuch, Acts 8: 36-40 is of'a dillcrcnl kind lo lhal o f Paul (Acts 9: 1-22). Somc othcr c\;amplcs will bc 1rcatcd in thc main body of thc thcsis.
cl'. H. ~ l e i n k n & h ~ ; G. Von Rad; K G . Icuhn; and K. L. Schmidt; 'Bntrrheq'. in TDNT, Vol. I , pp. %I- 593. Also see F. Hesse; M. De Jongc; A . S. van dcr Nonde; N. Grundmann; ' ~ p i u ) I ~ p ~ " r o ~ ' in TDNT, Vol. IX, pp. 393-380. 6 ~ l i c inianc! narra~ive. Luke 1-3 and the gcneral Minis~ry 01' Jcsus as prcsenlccl by Like , conlain lhesc molil's. There n illbc more to say illx)ul thesc laler.. 7 ~ e are using or adopting this phrasc to suggesl lhc inaugura~ing nulurc of the ministry ol' Jcsus out 01' which g ~ . c n around him, disciples and I'ollowc~~s. Considering also that 11ic masses rccogni~cd that his words had au~horil!' and p o w r (Lukc 4: 3 1-37).
As a pastor, my aim is to inquire further into what Luke intends us to understand, when he
catalogues Jesus' attitude to the Samaritans. tax collectors, women, sinners and publicans.
This seems to be the pattern also i n Acts where the gospel does not seem to know any
boundaries whatsoever, for the gentiles also came in their numbers.
Luke narrates this event, beginning from Jesus i n Jerusalem, through Peter in Samaria, to
Paul in Rome in a few decades, crossing social and cultural barriers. Luke keeps punctuating
his interpretation of these events as the 'Will of God', despite the author's awareness of the
fact that there were cultural and social difficulties and problems."~~ke has a way out of
these problems which include the presence and prompting of the Holy Spirit, and the
authority of the Scriptures. I t was not always easy for the apostles, who were mainly Jews.
Haerichen observes they were mostly led into the cross-cultural ~nissiori areas almost against
their human will.Y
A review of the modern missionary movements' attitudes to cross-cultural mission and
conversion exhibit similar reluctance and indifference. l o The gospel goes into mission in the
culture of the gospel carrier, which I call here "culture specific mould". This culture specific
mould can easily he mistaken as the norm. We hiwe to rccognisc lllc age long 1)roI)lc111 ol'
defining the pure gospel from it's culture specifics. We do not have any easy solutions in
Luke-Acts. But what is clear is that Luke has such unsurpassing confidence in the Will of
God to guide and guard the gospel in its testimony to Jesus.
This dissertation attempts a fresh look at the Jesus movement, which started as a revival
movement within Jewish religion, and quickly grew and spread through all peoples and
cultures.1' How Luke accounts for this i n his conversion narratives, and what pastoral
cl . J. 1'. Squlrcs, 'Thc Plan ol' God in Luke-Acts, Cambriclgc C.U.P. ( 1993). ') cl'. Hxnchcn, Acls 01' lhc Apostles: A C O I I I I ~ C I I ~ ~ \ I T , O\l'c.,r.cl B I ~ l c k \ ~ l l IWI, pp. 362-363, also 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 .
c1'. A . F. Walls, 'The Gospcl as h e Prisoncr and Libcialor 01' Culture', in Missionuliu, 10(3), 1983, p. 104. I ' ~ 1 ' . J . Gagcr. Kincclom oncl Cornnwnitv, Nc\v Jcrscy ( 1975) cspeciully pp. 381T. For u cliSSeren1 upprouch to the hopc ol'an cncl in the curly church. to be csplainccl within eschatological hopcs, and thcrclbrc ~ h c Jesus rno\wnent undcrstotxl as an eschatologiml cornmunil!., cS. C. Ro\\'li~nd Chrisrinn Oricins SPCK (1985) pp.351'1'
lessons can be drawn from this, particularly in the quest for Igbo Conversion, is the concern
of this study. .
A study of Luke-Acts will reveal some working patterns for mission. 12 The clues we derive
from i t will enable us' to interpret the Igbo response to Christianity, in the light of our
understanding of biblical conversion as seen throt~gh Luke-Acts. 1.3 We hope that this will
enable us to contribute to the current debate about the potency of the gospel itself to find
roots in particular cultures, without losing the main message of Jesus. The pastoral
implication has a responsibility, as in the case of Luke, to maintain the Gospel tradition but
relate it to a specific socio-cultural context. I-'
1.3 Focus/Scope
The Jesus movement is regarded by some scholars as a renewal movement within Judaism, at
the inspiration of Jesus of Nazareth. I t is still debated whether the movement was meant for
Jewish religion only or to include other nations, as the movement later spread beyond
Judea.15 Luke seems to trace this development from being a revival movernent to a
-- ~p - - - -- ~ - - -- ~ - - p p - p p p
I I Iff. See also F. F. Brucc, Ncw Tcstarncnt Hislon; London ( 1969) cspccially pp. 33-01'. For a more balanccd approach see G. Theissen. Sociolo~v ol' Earlv Palestinian Christinnitv Fortress Press ( 1975). l 2 cf. H. E. Dollar. & l 3 This section is inspired by the thoughts ol' A. F. Walls, in, 'The Gospel a s the Prisoner and Liberator ol' Culture'. I-' cf. S. G. Wilson, The Gentiles and the Gentile Mission in Luke-Acts Cambridge, CUP 1973. Also, cl: R. J. [<anis, 'Missionary Communities A New Paradigm fcx the Study ol' Luke-Acts' in 41 (1979) pp. 831.1'; also see A. J. Muttill, Luke and the I u t thinns: Dillsboru: Western North Caroliru (1979) p. 69; also Eric Frdnklin, Christ the ~ d r d : A Studv in the purpose and Theolow of Luke-Acts SPCK (1975) p. 175. also his Luke: Interpreter ol' Paul, Critic of Matthew, JSNT Sup 92 JOST, 1994. cl'. Haenchen, Acts c u . p. 107. I%llcce is at least one tcst in Matthcw which prohibits the disc~plcs ol' Jcsus from going to the gentilcs and Samaritans in Matthew 1 0 : 5-6, which is usually regarded as Jesus unders~anding of the limiution of his ministry to Jews (Is~ael). In the Luca~i parallel ol' the mission oi the twelve, it is not l'ound (Luke 9: 1-6). In the Murkan palallcl, i t is not found (Mark 6: 7-13). Assuming [hill iMark is original and acted as source to Matthcw and Luke, the casy solution will be lo say ll i i~t Luke's account wh~ch agrces with Mark is probably nwrc authentic. This will be conhrrned in the Matthcan test which prohibits cnlry into gentile lcniloi~y in 10:5, but in LO: 18 says that the same disciples will be dragged to Kings and to the gentiles to give testimony. Did Jesus have the gentiles in mind and in his vision during the earthly ministiy? He most likely shrted within Jcn~sillcn~ (Israel), but i t \ \ . i l l be dil'hcult from New T c s ~ ~ ~ n c n ~ te.xts, arld I - u c ~ I ~ in pariicular, to demonstrille conviocingly hat he intended to limit i t to Jerusalem only. For a balanccd argument on this issue cf. S. G Wilson, T& Gentiles and the Gentile M i s s i o n ' c m pp. 3-38. For a more historical approach cl'. A. Ha~nack, The Mission and Expansion of C h r i s t w , Vols. I Sr 11, Lundon ( 1908). F. Hahn, Mission in the New Testament, London, ( 1965). T. W. Manson, Jesus and the non-Jews London ( 1955).
conversion movenie r~ t .~~) 'I'lie setling was Jewish, but i t soon included the gentile world. The
gospel is mainly.the account of the life o f Jesus. Acts of the Apostles narrates how the 1-loly
Spirit l7 enabled his disciples to proclaim the Kingdom1* from Jerusalem to Rome persuading
people to accept Jesus as the Christ. Some have noted Luke 's interest in geographical
expansion of the gospel l;ere, from Jerusalem. the center of Israel, to Rome, the center of the
known world.'g How it was that after a few decades of the resurrection and ascension of
Jesus, the movement engulfed most of the Roman and Mediterranean world, is still a
phenomenon which interests historians, sociologists, and 1heologians.2~)
T h e geographical expansion of the movement cuts across the cullural and sociological
boundaries. The movement was Jerusalem based with its roots in Jewish religious systems.
T h e religion of the Jews knew no separation between religion and culture, for they belonged
together." On the other hand the Samaritans could not be put together as Jews.22 Cultural
differences did exist in societies. Was Luke conscious of these cultural differences in the
places mentioned in his Conversion narratives? T h e impression one tends to get on reading
Luke-Acts, is to think that the gospel had an easy way out f rom Jerusalem into gentile
I6was con\,ersion peculiiir to the Jesus movement? Different i4en.s are espressed regarding this. Jesus' \\.ord to the Scribes and Pllansees, iibout 11ow they traverse sea and land to malie a s~ngle proselyte, suggest making con\.ersion into Judaism of the timc (Matthew 33: 15). But wils making a proselyte the same as conwrsion'! We shall look inlo this in Chapter 5. el.. F. M. Dcrwent\vater. Preparing the Wav h r Paul. Thexroselvte Movement in Later Jucli~isln Thc Mucmillan Cornpony, New York ( 19.30) 11. 1 19. el'. J. C. O'Ncill. Tf&Tlicoloas of Ac15 i n 11.4 1 lis~wcal Sc~ting Lontloe SICK ( 1 9 7 0 ) pp. 139- 159'). 1.c. Chapter 5. cl' Johannes Blauw, The Missiona~y Nature 01' the Church: A Survev ol' the Biblical Theolorv ol' Mission, Luttenvorth Press, Guildford and London: ( 1974) pp. 581'1'. l 7 We shall devote chapter 5 lo the Lucan undershnding ol' thc Spirit in rclution to conversion. I8'The ffingdom of Gal" in a way is the sum total ol' the proclamation ol' thc Jesus movement. The Lucan unders~nding will be considered in the body of the dissertalion. cf. K. G. Kuhn and K. L. Schmidt, ' B ~ x ( T I ~ E u ~ ' in TDNT Vol. 1. pp. 58111: 19~or the si~nificance 01' Lucm gcographicsl implications in his t\\.o volumcs, cl'. J. C. 07Neill, Ac~s, oacil., pp. 59-76, 2°c1'. G. Thcissen, Social Rea!itv nntl thc Earlv Christians: Thcolog~~. Ethics, and thc World of thc New Tcstiimcnt, T & T Clark Edinburgh (1993) pp. 91-93. 3-1 cl'. B(xtni,~iJ; in TDNT Vol. I, pp. 58111'; also 0. Cullmann, The Shtc in thc New Testarncnt, SCM (1959). 22cf. J. Jcrcrnias, '%X!W~LTL<' TDNT, Vol. VII, pp. 88-94: also his Jc~vsalem in thc Time of Jesus, Philadelphia: Fortrcss Press ( 1969) pp. 7-52-33. Jcrvell thinks tl~at Lukc presents them ;is Jcws, end not as Gentiles I'rom any Luceri text. C1'. J. Jen~cll, Luke and thc Pcoplc ol' Gtd: A Ncw Ltwb at Luke-Ac& Minneapolis: Angusburg ( 1972) p p 1 13- 132. Dollar disagccs Icith Jcrvcll's conclusion and sccs Samaritans as distinct from Jcws in thc Lucan presenlation. el'. H. E. doll^, ~l,.cil pp. 741'1'. 'l'lic llistory bcliincl Jew-Sa~iiaritiu~ rnnhcs tllc qucstion not an aisy ollc to scttlc. Lukc was probably awa~.c 01' this, hence the promincncc ol' lhe Snmaritans in his materials mow than any othcr Ncw Tcstamcnt \VII~CI.S.
c,xcepting Jotin the Evm~gclist. Scc Chapter 6 below.
territories, spreading like wild tlre.3 Does reading between the lines really provide suctl an
assessment of Luke-Acts? If Haenchen summarizes Luke as 'wrestling, from beginning to
end with the problem of the n~ission to gentiles without the law', a theological and political
problem. what do we make of and how releva~lt to us is, such an asses~rnent?~~ Can we gain
any insight from Luke 01; how to go about presenting the gospel to peoples in different lands'?
There is at the present moment a renewed interest in the role cultural differences play in
conversion and i n translating and appropriating the gospel rne~sage.~S The other reason is
that in an attempt to find a solution to increased Christian disunity, scholars are recovering
the beauty of a variety of Christian response found in Luke-Acts, which
believers as Christian.26
pass for Lucan
? -3~ i l son criticizes the Lucon presentiitio~i of thc Mission in Acts, in the t'ollowing \\~ods, '... Luke's account of thc origins and earl!' development of the Gcntilc mission lbllows a broad and idcal piitcrn ... whereas in reality i t \\,as spontuneous, unplanned, unauthorized i~nd unorganized, the rcsult 01' "a wnndermission" which was not based on a singlc geographical or ecclesiastical centre, in Acts is a planned, gradual progression which follows a strict pattern.' cf. S. G. Wilson, Gentiles and Ihe Gentile bfission in L-ukc-Acls & p. 261. Wilson was ilpprcntly lollowi~ig tlaenclien. 'Thc Spread of Christianity was 110 sucli simple proccss as the reader of Acts must ii t I'irst impression be given to believe. The congregations at Damiacus, Aotiocli, Ephesus, and Rome \\,ere foundcd by u~iknown Clirist~ans. It is not the 01.1-broke11 line ol' tlie missions actual evolution that Luke traces - but its ideal c u i ~ ' , cf. E. Haenchen, o e p. 103. Luke may not have ti*iinsmitted ;~cc~riitcly thc pi~th { ) I ' 1 1 1 ~ I ~ I I S S I O I ~ 111 ~ICIS, 1~1Iiii11~ \ V I K I ~ l i ~ I I ~ I S I ) U I L ~ J \ \ ' I I a11d IIO\ \ , 11 IS i ~ r r i ~ ~ g c d ~ I ~ C S C I I I S a I . C C < ) ~ I ~ I L ~ I ~ I ~ p a t t ~ ~ i , Luke-Acts as i t is presented to us in the texts is reliable el. C. H. Talbert, Reading Luke, London SPCK (1990) pp. 226fl'. 24 cf. E. Haenchcn. m, &., p. 100. 25cl'. H.E.Dollar, pp 221'1 see also L.Lwbetak. The Church iind Cultures: New Pcrspecti\,es in Miss~olozical Anthnqx)lorv, Orbis Books, Maryknoll, 1988, 1993, p.397. 111 esamming New Testament ivlodels ol' Mission, Davrd J. Bosch has tliis to say, 'Luke has several intermingling missionary motits: the I'irsl is certainly the relationship between the mission to Jews and the mission lo Genliles,' cf. D. J. Bosch, Transl'onninr blissioo Orbis Books: ivlaryknoll (1991) p. 98. Wtiting il little funher, on contertualization, hc observes, '... the missionary message of the Cliristian Chui-ch incilrnated itsclf in the lil'c and \vorld ol' those who had clnbraccd i t . I t is, I io \ \ t \ t r , only I'airly lzccntly that tliis essential conteltual nature ol' laith has been recognized' (p. 43 1). That Luke hus records.ofcruss-cultural proclanlalion, o n its own, was such a big stride nl the time he wrote, hence, the conllicts. Prof. A. F. Walls observes that inter-religious dialogue is as old as the bible itselr, the light 01' Clirist Iias only oiadc i t marc prominent, he writes that i t is ouly the mtdern mind wlio think tliesc things are nctv or stiatic or belongcd to the past only. 1-12 wrilcs: 'Thcre is assumption among Western Christians, that we are suddenly at Day One ol' the inter religious encounter, an assuniption ha t by-pusses tlie accumulated experience ol' many generations, and still worsc, implicitly locks Christian~ty h t o a Western I'~;une\vork', el'. A. F. Walls, 'Structural Prchlcms in Mission Studics, IDMR 15, no. 4 (Octobci 1901): pp. 146- IS?. 1%- 155. Coasdcr-ing viuious cultu~al rnoiiis cvidcnt io Lukc-Acts. Scli\\xiLer sccs tli~s as an ad\mtage at ~nission situation rather than at doctrinal crisis situation, and laments that Lucan whole approach lo Kerygmlr has not been ~ c o \ : e r c d yet, I'or our own advantage. Hc secs Lukc's preseatations ol' the Jcsus event as a cliallenge to our time. Schweizcr writes, "Luke does not ol'l'cr cas); solution. 1 suggcst thi~t you listen attentively to him, bccause I think that hc contributes somc tlloughts \\.hicli ha\.e 1101 bcen taken ser~ously enough. nor have they been applicd to our midcrn problems" cl'. E. Schwcizer, Luke: A challcncc to Dcescnl Theoloev, SPCK ( 1982) p. 'A. 26~hcl ton aims in his book to make Lukc stand on his own lcgs as a thcologiun who is reliable, and does no1 haw to bc intcrpretcd ~hrough Paul, a situation Lukc has suCl'ercd I'or dccadcs. c f J B Shclton, Michiv in word iuid Dced, Hcndrickson, 1992.
Luke at present may be recognized by some as the source book for redefining missionary
strategies.Z7 The author records the conversio~i of both Jews and gentiles. He traces the
movement from Jerusalem with Jewish ethos, and follows i t into gentile areas, with a
different culture. he agonizing decision of the place of gentiles who were converted to
Jesus, within the law, occupies a prominent position, and presented in a variety of forms.28
Without giving the impression that the issue was simple, the validity of both the Jewish
position and that of the gentiles, was set out, with minimal attempt at legislation. Even when
legislation comes in, the apostles seem to have a way of knowing that the Holy Spirit actually
same ethnic or sociological background, neither were their responses to Jesus unifonn.30
Yet, he writes with the strong sense that despite the fact that this community of believers are
7-7~osch writcs: v... anothcr Ncu. Testiiment passage has bccornc \,cry promincnt in the debate about a biblical lo~~ndation I'or mission: Luke's rendering ol'Jeon's scrmon in his homc town synagogue of Nazareth, in which hc applied thc prophecy ol' Isaiah 61: Il'to himsell'and 111s ministr). The incident is rccorcied in this l'or~n only in Luke's gospel ... the cnic~al pos~tion ol' the lest has been recognized in recent years, pariicularly in conciliar and liberation theology ... Luke 4: 16-3 1 has l'or all practical purposes, replaced clliittliew's "Great Commission" as key 1e.u not only Ibr understanding Ch~isl's own mission but also lhal ol' the church. This circumstance alone should be sul'l'icient reason for tak~ns a closer look ar Luke's understanding ol' missioa". CI'. David J. Bosch, opcit, p. 84. 2 8 ~ h a i we have in inl~id here is that i n Luke-Acts, especially in Acb, there is sornelhing usually peculiar about some ol' the converts from the gentile te~nlo~ies or outside Jewish fold. We will give ii iew esamples. In Acts 8: 4-25, the conversion of the Saniaritaas seemed to liave ran into problems which probably meant that apostles h;1d 10 bC SCM t o lay 11ic1r Iii~nds, LX))IC 11ic I Ioly Spirit ccmld bc yivcn to 1hc111. (8; 14- lo). In Acts 10- 1 I , Peter had to be conCmnted by God through an extraordinary drcam or vision belbre Cornelius could be reached. Even in the conversion ol' the Etluop~a eunucli, the Holy Spirit and the Scripture did vir~ually everything before Philip then performed thc walcr bap~ism. (8: 26-40). In Acrs 16 1-3, Timothy a disciple. but ol' Jewish ~rlollier and gentile hither, had to be circumcised belh-e 11e could join in mission. These in one I'orm or another \\:ere takcn to the apostolic council in Acts 15 Ibr a review. 2 9 ~ Jcnish scholar has made use ol' the ' Mitjl.vah 01. Kemv' mcaning 'the religious obligalion (in Judaism) 10 make othcr people dlaw ncar to Tocrli', to csplain and interpret Jamcs' word at thc council in Acts 15: 19 '... wc should not burden thosc amon9 h e Gcntilcs n q h o turn lo God.' Daue~miinn statcs that in Rabbinic tradition, two schtx,ls 01' thought existed. Onc school make i t dil'l'icult I'or ~hosc sccking to convcrt, whilc tllc otlicr schtwl makc i t cilsy lor thcm. Both traditions cliiim Aaron as thcir paradigm cvungelist to Moses, iind jo recognized the n.01-k o f h e Holy Spirit o i Ged. That in this council, James \\.as actually I'ollowing tlic tradition 11u t ~nakes i t attainable I'or scekers to coavcrt. as a guide Ibr thc council to li)llo\v. In this case, that llic gent~les wcrc to rcmain gentilcs Irhile convcrtcd to Jesus. and riot to become Jewish. cl' S~uart Dauermann, 'Let my Pcople Go ... inlo All the World: ~lltotiwing Ibr nlission i n Mcss~anic Jcwish Coatcat' in Tlie Good Ncws ol' the Kingdom" Mission Theolorv Sol the third Millennium by C. Van Engeri, D. S. Gilliland, P. Plrrson (cds), Orbis Btxks, p vary knoll: Nc\v Yolk (19))) pp. 1- 191'1'. .'Owhen one considers tl~c individual conversic)ns especially, thcy n~akc a paitcrn i~nalagoi~s to thc I'ull'illnicnt ol' I I I ( > orcls O I ' J ~ S I I S I I I Acts I: 8 - IIII~:SSCX I I I . ~ : I ~ I I S ; I ~ C I I I , S ~ I I ~ I ; U , ~ ; I ~ I I I C I i t ) Ill(: ~ I I I C I ~ I I I ~ I S ~ p;111 01' 111e: ~ . ; I I I I I . 'l'ltc Eth~opian culiucli's con\,crsion turlcs Irom Paul's. 'I'hc Philippian jiiilcr's con\lcaic)n \.nrics l'rr)m Cornelius'. Gavantc sees these not as individual con\.crsions, but reprcseniativc of comaiunitics and nationalilics cl'. B. R. Gavcnta, Froni Darkncss to Linht: As~ccts 01' Conversion in thc New Tcs tumx Ph~ladcl phia: Fol-trcss Prcss ( 19%) pp. 1231'.
different culturally, they recognize their sense of oneness as the Spirit guides and empowers
I t does not follow that what we find in Lucan material is all easy to follow. Neither
does Luke give the impression that the proclamation oC the kingdom in the mission areas
were all straight forward. That the work is proclaimed, arrd lire people are lilled with the
Spirit, is in Luke, but it'is not the whole story. This issue often make some to prejudge
After centuries of the Jesus movement, those who now find in Luke their peer
include pastors, evangelists, psychologists, historians, social-anthropologists, theologians,
charismatics and even novelist^.^^
A reader going through Luke-Acts wonders what the purposes of the two volumes are. At a
glance i t looks as if it is an impossible task. But in fact, this is the one clear thing Luke puts
down. In both Luke 1: If and Acts I : I , Luke gives the impression that his purpose was to
kt'. Acts 3: 43; 7: 46. 3 2 ~ h e issue here is that of taking the narratives in Ac~s, which suggest that \\,hen thc apostles proclaim the \vord, those who believe are filled with the Holy Spirit, and this is taken to be the norm for all believers. In an attempt to criticm this position. scholars tend to appeal to Paul, and the epistlcs as didactic. This problem is raised acutely by the Pentecostal theology OF baptism with the Holy Spirit tvhich is purely based on Acls of the Apostles. With all the problems created by this heated debate comes a positive result that has lol-ced scholarship lo realize that i t is not fair on Luke, to judge him wilh Piiul. Such words as, 'This rwelation oF the purpose of God in Scripture should be sought in its didactic, rather than its llisto~ical parts. More precisely, we should look lor it in the teaching oI Jesus, and in thc sernlons and writings ol' the apostles, and not in the purely niurative portions ol' the Acts', was rel'crring to making use 01' Paul rather than Acts. ci. J. R. W. Stott, Ba~tism a d Fullness: The Work ol' the Holv Spint Todav. London: Inter-Varsity Press ( 1975) p. 8. In an article, Pinnock and Osborne write: 'The [Pentecostal[ argument is u.eak methodologically and e.;egetically. Didactic portions ol' scripture must hiavz pl~ccedence over liistorical passages in eslablislling doctrine. We ought 10 move here from the teaching 01' First Corintliians to the narrative oF Acts rather than the reverse. When one Ibllows this propcr metliodoloyy, onc riotcs thiit tlicrc is IIO ~iii~riil'estatioii ol' tongucs which is norlnativc' cl'. C1a1.k.H. Pinntxk and Gmnt I<. Oshrne, 'A Truce Proposal ior thc Tongues Contro\!c~~sy', in Christiunitv Todav (October 8, 1'97 1) p. 8. Malshall's word is a fitting reply to this. He says, 'Luke was entitled to his own views, and the fac~ that they dil'fer in some respccls from those of Paul should not be hcld against him at Illis point. On tlie contrary, hc is a theologian in his own right and must be treated as such'. ci. I. H. Marshall, Luke: Historian and Theolozian, Grand Rapids ( 1970) p. 75. This argument is sparked oil' b!, a group of Christians building so rnuch upm Lucan presentation ot' the proclamation and I-loly Spirit. A closer look at tlie teus sho\\'s that they are ncittier' so easy nor straight t'onvard, and certainly ncither call I,r dogmatic statements 1101-dis~nissul as narratives. Pentecc~al position need not be a dogma. the tests do ni)t \\wrzlnt his. The more orthodos position docs not need to d ~ a g Paul into it . I'or Luke's presentialion is cornplete on its own. 3 3 ~ t ~ r the ['act that LuL. al'ter writing the gospel goes ahead to writc Acts suggest that he understood the place ol' Christiiinity in thc N idcr \vorIJ. 'Christianity is connectctl in a ttiousand \\.u)rs with stxial I-eality 01' this \\.orld' cl'. 8. Holm bag, Sociolouv and the Nc \v Tcstamcnt , Fortrcss PI-css: ~Minncapolis ( 1990) pp. I I. Considering thc theological seriousness ol' Acts but put in an en~crtilining niiture, Richard Per\w tlevotes hls bwk. cf. Richard I . Penq _Profit with Delisht: The Li terarv Genre 01' the Acts o f the Apostles: Fortress Press: Philadelphia ( 19W7).
narrate what Jesus taught, and also enabled his disciples to achieve, in terms of converts with
the presence of the Holy Spirit.3"
All over the pages, what we find is wherever Jesus' presence went or his name proclaimed, a
decision is set in motion: and a response elicited. Soon, a community gathered around him
and his name.35 Therefore, a Lucan purpose in the two volumes can be seen to be narrating
'conversion to Jesus'. The rest of Luke's story becomes a commentary on or about this. All
problems arising as a result of this conversiori or associated with i t . be i t c t ~ l t ~ i r a l or
theological, are attended to p a ~ t o r a l l y . ~ ~ Therefore we will learn of Luke's pastoral insight
3-bThe question ol' the purpose of Luke-Acts is e big issue. C. H. Tdbcrt, making usc of gcnrc criticism, i.c. thc ~ntcrprelcr's dialogue wilh the test itself, ariivcd at a conclusion that Luke made use of ancient biograpllical t~ndition and method to write the two volumes, with the solc aim of legitimir.ing the Jesus movement ils truc heirs of Hebrew religion. 01' the two categories open to Luke, he chose the cultic rather than literary, (or lives), says Ta1k1.1. This cultic catcgoiy WAS characterized by religrous community. founder of tlie commuliity and 1it.e~ or narratives or successors or other disciples. Talbert siiys that thc I'unction ol' this in ancient Ilistog~uphy \\'as 1b1- legitimation. Luke Icgitimates Jesus' position by showing the line ol't~adition before him and al'tcr him. Therelim Luke Silys that the tradition from Jesus, was passed on to the disciples, so that t x ~ h Jews and gentiles may know imd acknowledge that Jesus is the Messiah 01' Gtd. This motlfol' legitimation is I'ound In the prehcc (Luke I : I and Acts I: I ) cf. C. H. Talbert, 'Reading Luke ' : London SPCK ( 1982) pp. 2. Talbert had earlier noted anti-gnostic tendency in I-ucan Christiolopy and - suggested that Luke was lighting the Gnostics by the way he presented the resurrection as separate from the scension. cf. C. H. Talbert, 'An Anti-Goostic Tendency io Lucan Christiology', MI 14(1967-68) p. 359.271. Othcr purposes ha\,c been suggested by Madtlou. .;uch os Evangelism. Dcl'cncc 01' Pwl's t r i i ~ l . An ilp(dogy I)cli~rc 111c I < ( J I I I ; I I I gr~\,cIillllcill cl. I<. M;rddo.\,'b I . ' L I I ~ ) o s ~ r d LOLL'-Acts, ' I ' J i ' I ' Cli~l.k~, Iili~rburgli (198'2) pp 19-33. But in his own conclusion, Maddos concent~ates upon two words nenhr\po+opq~tev~x and ?xcr+cxheia and bclieves that \\,hat Luke puts down is the full'illment oT what God promised long time ago. I t is now I'ull'illed in Jesus and thc new community, with thc Holy Spirit as their ideotity. cl: blirddox, m, pp. 186-187. Conzelman identilied Luke's purpose AS that ol' addressing the crisis ol' faith as a result 01' the delay of the parousia, and this theory has since influenced Lucan scholarship, par'ticularly Lucan eschatology. We will look into ths later. cl'. H. Conzelmann, The Theolom of St. Luke, London (1961) pp. 181'f; IOll'C. For the pastoral purpose of Luke, advocatcd by scholars, cl'. S G Wilson, M. p 355. -?-?here is no written account of the beginning ol' the Jesus movement apart I'roul what we haw In the gospels. The movcrnent wivs not thc only one in Pilcstine at the time. Factors r\:hich necessitmxl the rapid spread and acceptance by greater pajority in the years after thc resurrcction of Jesus, still occupies the niirds ol'scholars. Schweizer calls Jesus, "the man who fits no formula" cl'. E. Schweizcr, 'Jesus' Richmond: John Knos (1971) pp. 131'. Bosch argues tliat Jesus did not iritcnd to l'olm a ne\\ religion, since Judaism at thc time eshibitcd a dcgrec ol' pluril~sm which permitted Jewish Christianity to csist as one group arnong many. The members ol'the Jesus rnownicnt condnucd to ivorship i r r thc Templc and synagogues. BoscIi claims that the situation changed after the Jcwish War and the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70. cl'. D. J. Bosch, OJI& pp. 41 -42, So. Some scholal-s arc nlakiug use ol' othcr disc~pliacs such as stx:iology 01' I~istory i111d sociology 01' I;~io\\'Iedgc to gci bcliind Ncw l'csti~nlcnl dtxumcats to gct sonnc more rnl'olnlation rcgirrdiny tlrc social world ol' thc Jcsi~s movement, and cont~ibutc in the search lor 1'actor.s i n operation ill thc widc and swil't spread of the Jcsils mo\.ement. cl'. J. G Gagcr, Kin~vJom and Communitv: Social World ol' Early Christianity. Englcwood Clil'l's, Nc\v Jcrscy, 1975; ;~lso 'Shall wc ~nal-IT Our Encmics? Sociology and tllc New Tcstamcut' i r r (~tcrpr.cartions 36, ( 1982) pp. 3-56-3b5). We shall makc use (d' the principles ol'sociology ol' kiio\\~lcdgc to t h ~ w tilot-c light on some L~~ciln tcsts in the nest chapter whcn 11.e comc to thc interaction bctween Lucan test and Social World. -?%I' R J Karns, bl~ssionary Communities: A New paradigm li)r thc Stud!, ol' Lukc-Acts, CBC) 4 I ( 1979) pp 83 1'1'.
about conversion and considet how it might guide the quest for Igbo conversion. This is why
the title of the dissertation is 'Conversion in Luke-Acts and its pastoral implications for
understanding the conversion of the Igbo people to Christianity'.
As we look at conversion in Luke-Acts within Jewish culturn1 constraints, wc h o p e 10 g a i n
some insight on Luke's understanding of conversion. The insights gained will enable us to
reconsider lgbo response to Christianity with the aim of contributing pastorally to the dismal
discovery, and current debate by scholars, that Christians in Igboland are ambivalent or
'Schi~ophrenic.'3~
1.3 Introduction to Luke:
The Lucan writings are unique in the New Testament. Whereas Matthew and Mark narrate
the deeds and words. the passion arid resurrection of Jesus without direct reference to the
consequences to which they gave rise - conversion to Jesus, Jesus Movement and the church -
and the epistles are concerned with these consequences with little or no reference to the deeds
and words of Jesus, and the circumstances of his death and resurrection, Luke alone brings
the two together, and treats them as a continuation, with the ascension as the period of Jesus'
exaltation and expectation of the Parousia, in which the world wide gathering of the people of
God (conversion) must take place. The internal analysis of the Gospel according to Luke will
be able to detect this character and purpose from the author's selection of what to record and
his manner of recording it. This has been a preoccupation of the synoptic problem to unravel
the oral tradition behind the synoptic accounts. I t is now widely believed that Matthew and
Luke had, independently of each other, made use of Mark's Gospel. Luke is believed to have
reproduced the greater part of Mark's Gospel with a conspicuous omission of Mark 6: 45 - 8:
26. Among other reasons given for Luke's omission, the missionary reason anticipated in his
second volume is more cogent. For Luke, .Jesus gave a clear signal of the mission to the
37Much ol' the criticism on Christianity in Igboland is ccntrcd around the pronounced persis~ence ol' rhc ~radiuonol world view. Bcaausc of the combina~ion o l ' these, scholars coined [he ~vords ambivalence and schizophrcnic t o dcscribc i r . which su_cgesLs a slate of uncertainty. This problem is being approached here l'rom the biblical point - Lucan undcrsianding of conversion. The insight wc dcnve from cross-cullu~al conversions in Luke-Acis, will enable us to prcscnt a biblical l'rwt in the iicbate. Morc on this in the main body ol' the discussion.
gentiles in his earthly ministry, a pattern the disciples were to follow and put into greater
effect in his conversion accounts in Acts of the Apostles. That Luke omits Mark's
controversy of clean and unclean foods (Mark 7: 1-23), only to dwell so much on it in Acts
10-15 is just one clear evidence of strategic planning of the Gospel and the Acts of the
Apostles. I t is highly probable that Mark supplied Luke with both the evidence and general
framework of a Gospel composed as a narrative into which to integrate materials from other
swrces.-'X
Luke's redactional habits are mostly detected by scholars in his use of Mark. They are
classified under literary, stylistic and theological. An example is Mark I : 1439 reproduced
in various forms in Luke 4: 14-5: 39. Luke's reproduction of Mark here, as elsewhere in his
gospel, is not a mechanical transcription. He recasts the stories for better sequence, which
may imply an 'orderly account' (Luke 1:3) and for theological purposes a comparison of
Mark 1: 15 to Luke 4: 14-30 demonstrates Luke's literary, stylistic and theological ingenuity.
Luke was able to do this presumably because he occupied three worlds in his literary
capacity. They are the world of the gospel tradition (Luke 1: 1-2), the world of the
Septuagint which scholars have traced had so great influence in Luke-Acts. An example of
this is an almost stereotype response of the people after a miraculous healing by the words
'they glorified God', regarded by some as characteristic of the Septugint cf. Luke 5: 26; Acts
2: 47. And the third world of Luke is that of the Creco-Rornan civilization with which Luke
shows himself more conversant than any other New Testament writer. It can be assumed that
Mark gave him a framework on which to build his Gospel, and Luke out of his own intuition
planned the work in two volumesy
38cl', J. A. Fitzrnycr. Thc Gospcl xcordinn to I.tikc, Giiid~n City. Doubledi~y, Vol. I. 1981. For Lhc vicw hat Mark copicd and abbrc\'latcd Ma~thcw, and both n w c used by Lukc cf. B. C. Buller in The Oriainaliiv 01' SL. Mi~tthc\\, Cambridge and New York, 1951; Also W. R. Falmer, The S\'noptic Problem, Dilsboro, London. 1976; also C. M Tuckelt (ed) 'Synoplic Studies', JSNT(S) 7 , l W , pp. 671'1'; 75CC; 99ff; 1971'1'. For a pirticular treatment ol' Luke in this contest. cl'. J. 0 . Tyson, 'Sourcc Criticism of the Gospel d' Luke', in Perspcctiws on Lukc-Acts by C. H. Talbcrr (ed), T&T Clark Edinburgh ( 1978) pp. 24Sf; Also see C . F. Evans, Saint Lukc, New Teshment Commentiiries SCM ( 1990) pp. 151'f; For Marcan Priority cl'. G. M. Styler, 'The Prior-i~y of' Mark' in The Bi r~h ol' thc NT by C. F. D. Moulc (ed) 198 1.
39 el. H. J. Cadbury Thc Stvle and Literarv Mcthod ol' Lukc, Cambridge Evlassuchusetts 1919-197-0, Also H. J . Cadbuq, Thc Making 01' Lukc-Acts, London ( 1977) p. 75; Also V. Taylor, Behind thc Third Gospcl, Oxl'ord ( 1926) pp. 701'; See also, J.C. O'Ncill, Thc Theologv ol' Acts in its Histol-ical Setting London SPCK (1961) pp. 1 IT, 146I'l..
What about the relationship between Luke and Acts? It is generally assumed that the author
of Acts of the Apostles was at some stage an eye witness during the preaching tours of Paul,
with the introduction of 'we' passages in Acts. But Barrett cautions against such deductions:
'This means, not necessarily that the author was an eye witness, but that he
had some sort of access to some sort of eye witness material for this part of
his narrative.'u)
Dibelius does not see the 'we' passages giving any hint whatsoever to sources of Acts, rather
he suggests locating sources by using what he called 'style criticism'. This is to be
understood in the comprehensive sense of form criticism. Dibelius notes that routine reports
about routes, stations, stopping places, and hosts at these places can be separated from what
he called 'edifying stories'. In this way, he distinguishes between edifying stories and the
framework in which they are embedded. He calls the framework an 'itinerary' and
understands it as a source which runs through the second part of Acts. Dibelius thinks Luke
created the 'we' passages or form in order to make it clear that he himself took part in Paul's
journeys.-" Haenchen agrees with Dibelius and asks, 'Of whom would the reader think upon
encountering this ' we'? He answers, 'Timothy and Silas'.-'2 Conzelmann thinks the
geography of the 'we' passages should have a strong clue as to the source. The reporter may
be more of an authority on Paul's imprisonment than in missionary work, and this hightens,
according to Con~elmann, the ambiguity surrounding the 'we' passages. He concludes, 'the
only certainty is that by using 'we' the author attempts to convey the impression of an eye
witness account'.-'3 The question of the stories of the Acts of the Apostles, is not easy to
~~ - ~ - -
R. F. O'Ttx>lc writcs: Lukc did usc sources for Luke-Ac~s. Fcw doubt [hat hc uscrl Mark and the Quelle Ibr his Gospcl', cf. R. F. O'Toolc, Thc Unirv of Lukc's Thcolom.: An Anal\!sis oC1,ukc-Acts, Good Ncws Sl.udics 9, Michael Glazier, Inc. Wilrnington, Delaware, (1984) p. 11. U1cl'. C. K. Ba l~e l l Luke the Historian in Rccent S t a London ( 1961) p. 32.
cf. M. Dibelius, Sludies in thc Acts of thc Apostles, London SCM ( 1956) pp. 1021'1'. 42cl'. E. Hcnchcn, (=& pp. 3Wff. 43cf. A. Conir.clmann, Acts o f the Aptwtles Fortrcss R-ess ( 1987) p.XL. Thc question ol' thc storics of the Acts ol'lhe Apostles. is not easy to answer, and more complicaled in the l'irst I'il'tcen chaplcn. el'. E. Haenchen, (M pp. 14-50; 8 1-90; 1 16- 12 1.
answer, and more complicated i n the first fifteen c11apters.u Harnack's hypothesis of two
main sources made up of ( I) Jerusalem - Caesarea Sotme and (2) Antioch-Jerusalem
source, both running parallel all through the book, still looks attractive. -15 On the whole
question about the source of Acts of the Apostles, O'Toole writes,
'... almost all scholars will grant that Luke uses sources for his Acts of the
A p o s ~ l c s . 'The prol)lcnl ; ~ r i s c s w l l c ~ l o ~ l c tries 10 c lc tc i .~ l l i~ lc iuld ~ l c l i ~ ~ c i ~ t c
these sources in Acts. Much labor has been expended in this effort,
but little agreement has been r e a ~ h e d . ' ~
Opinions on the date of the composition of Luke-Acts vary a great deal, just like the rest of
the New Testament documents, except some epistles. If we assume the author to be Luke,
the companion of Paul, then an early date before AD70 is possible. But this position runs
into problems when the conspicuous absence of Paul's death is considered. Does the
omission of Paul's death suggest early date or late date? Conzelmann says that i t neither
proves early nor late dtlte I'or Acts, aid eve11 his dating of Luke-Acts belween 80- 100 AD is a
guess work.q7 Did Acts of the Apostles know the Pauline letters and why no reference to
them'? Again, this neither suggests lack of knowledge nor knowledge of the epistles and a
deliberate omission, rather the reason may depend on the point of contact between the
recipients of the letters and the author of Acts. That there is little or no reference to the
letters is obvious but why this is so is not as obvious.* J. C. O'Neill arrives at a date AD
1 15- 130 on the grounds that Luke-Acts breathes the same air, and has the same theological
concerns as the writings of Justin Martyr.-'"
*cf. E. Hnenchen. The Acts ol' the Apostles, Oxl'ord ( 1971) pp. 14-50; 81-90; 1 16- 131. -%I,. Adolf Harnack, The Acts ol' the Apostles, New Testament Studies 3; Crown Theological 1-ib~uly 3-7; Nc\v York: Putnam; London: Williams iind Norgale. ( 1909) pp. I(i2ff. %CC. Robcrt F. O'T(wlc, The Units of Luke's Theolor\: Q& p. 1 I . 47 cl'. f-l. Conzclmann, A cts 01' thc Apostles, Fortress h s s ( 1987) pp. XXXlII and 228. %A'. John Knw. 'Act and thc Pnulinc Icltcrs corpus', in S~udics in Luke-Acts by Lcimdcr E. Ksck and J. Louis Martyn (cds) Nashville: Abingdon, 1966lFortress 1980 pp. 7-79-37, 4"cl'. J. C. O'Neill. & pp. 251'1'.
On the question of identifications of the place of writing, there is no easy solution. We had
noted earlier that Lucan writings exhibited a knowledge or characteristic of three worlds - the
Jesus tradition world which is usually taken to be the synoptic world, that is Jerusalem
(Palestine), the Septuagint world which is strictly speaking Greek, i.e. i-lellenism, and the
Greco-Roman world w'hich combines the Mediterranean and Roman (gentile) worlds. If the
author is assumed to be Luke, tradition about him which probably arose out of some texts,
assigned the place of composition to Antioch, for Luke is believed to be from Antioch.
Evans does not see any particular place to be regarded as the place of composition, he writes,
'while references to Antioch might indicate the source of some of Luke's
information, it says nothing about where the work was written, or for
whom the prologue says vaguely 'in the districts arot~nd Achea' and
'for Gentiles7.M
This really belongs to the issue of Pre-Lucan tradition, what use Luke made of i t and how;
and also Lucan tradition proper or redaction. The other related questions would be time and
place of composition, situation and theological motivation of the author. I t has been argued
that pre-Lucan tradition was a vehicle of' Luke's literary a ~ l d theological aims for representing
his own setting: in other words, Luke may probably be interpreting the Jesus tradition
through the spectacles of his present day stretching the meaning and significance of the Jesus
tradition to take care of and accommodate his present situation in his community.jl J . T .
Carroll thinks that pre-Lucan tradition in Luke may retlect pre-Lucan settings more
accurately than Luke's situation as some imagine. The issue is not an easy one to settle.52
1.4 Assumptions
Throughout this study, we assume that L,uke-Acts is a two volume work.j3 The gospel is
about Jesus. Acts is about what Jesus continued in and through the disciples, to do, through
cC. C. F. Evans, Saint Luke op.cit p. 15. ~ I M ! . supervisor, Rcvd. Dr. Murk E. Gluss\\cll, in a tu~cmal wiih me scelns LO makc somc sensc ot'lhis \.iew. %f. J. T. Carroll, Response to the cnd dhis torv , SBL, ( 1988) pp. 351'1'. 531n his prclirninary rcrnurks to his two volume corn~ncnta~y on Lukc, Fitzrnycr said, The first remark has to d o with thc common authorship of thc Third Gospcl and A d s ... i t is \\,idcl y admittcd lhat \vc can assurnc i t hcrc cl'. J . A. F i ~ m y c r . Thc Gosncl accord in^ to Lukc '(Luke I-IX) op.clt, p. 8.
the Holy Spirit. Jesus message of the Kingdom 01. God can be summarized as conversion to
his way. The social and religious contexts, from which the responses are made will be taken
into consideration in our survey of conversion narratives.
We assume also that cross-cultural issues fomd in Luke-Acts while important, were not the
main part of Lt~ke-Acts. In other words, Luke-Acts is not a work on culture, but of the
gospcl, But how the i~uthor tliscoveretl thirl c111111ral Ixrrriers ncetl no^ stifle ~ l l e gospel. i l l 11lc
course of i t moving out of culture conscious Jewish people into the wider communities of the
Roman world, will supply us with some insight on which to approach our Igbo Christian
situation.
1.5 Literature Review
T o have in the title of a dissertation, 'Luke-Acts', may raise the question, 'why not Luke?'
Or, 'Why not' simply Acts?' Why Luke-Acts? Van Unnik's review of Lucan scholarship
from the 1940's described present trends in Lucan scholarship as "a storm center".s This
was because of a great variety of subjects appearing under Lucan scliolarship. Thc sui)jects
can be grouped under six headings:
(1) The argument we noticed above that Luke is seen to have carried out a redacrional
exercise on his materials, mainly from Mark, and shifted the imminent parousia in the Jesus
~nove~nerrt to a history of salvation. C o ~ i z e l r n a n n ~ ~ identified Luke as writing to counter the
crisis created by .the delay of the parousia. Conzelmann suggests that Luke consisrently
eradicated expectation of an imminent end from his texts in order to create a lasting solution
to the delay of the Parousia. T o interpret or re-interpret the Parousia, he created salvation
history in which parousia is now relegated to the distant future. According to Cowzclnlann,
this salvation history is divided into three - the Old Testament time which included and ended
s ~ . C. Van Unnik, Luke-Acls. A Storm Center in Con[ernporacy Scholarship' in Studies in Luke-Acts & pp. 18ff.
H. Conzelmann, Ttie Ttieology of St. Luke, OD. cit .
with John the Baptist; the time of Jesus' earthly ministry which he called 'Middle time'; and
finally the time of the Church.
Conzelmann's thesis may seem to fit into Lucari structure, but whether Luke had any such
idea of history in mind when he wrok is a diflicult question to answer. Conzelmann's theory
has had great influence on Lucan studies. Wilson for instance, inspired by Conzelmann,
advocated for accounting for the gentile Mission as a response to the delay of the Parousia.-""
Scholars are not all agreed on Conzelmann's theory. Perhaps, Charles H. Talbert summarizes
the position well when he said:
Lucan studies in the last twenty years have been like shifting sands. At
present, widespread agreement is difficult to find, except on the point
that Conzelmann's synthesis is i n a d e q ~ a t e . ' ~ ~
We shall make use of Conzelmann's view from time to time in the course of the work,
adapting, criticizing or reformulating it as the need arises.
(2) The other view is to see Luke in terms of either as a historian or as a theologian. The
relationship between the historical and theological character of Luke is in question here.
Because the problem is on history and theology, it brings the two volumes into focus. The
gospel is different from Acts of the Apostles, not simply in terms of content and structure,
but also literary differences. Therefore, can i t be of the same author'? C. J. Cadbury, making
use of Lucan prologue, traces the unity of purpose of the two v o l u m e s . ~ Haenchen disagrees
j6cl. S. G. Wilson. The Gentiles nnd (he Gentile Mission in Luke-Acts& p. 87. 5 7 ~ . ti. Talbert; 'Shildng Sands', in Interpretation 30 ( 1976) pp. 38 11. %udbury maintains that io thc Lucnn prel'ucc \\ t. haw the only placc in the synoptics in \vhich the consciousness of authorship is esprcssed. Thc unity of Luke-Acts espressed in the light ol' the c o n t c n ~ p c ~ ~ r y He1 lenis~ic 1 i ~cmti~re , and dedica~ed for the publ~c rikther thikn a single person called 'Theophilus'. I k maintains thu~ Acts was not an after thought, tllc prel'ace oi the gospel ewers the ~ w o volurnes, with preface to A c b is secondary. Neither was it out of the nolm t o produce works in ln'o volun~es, el'. H. J. Cadbur-\., 'Comnken1:lry on h e Prelacc ol' Lukc' in, Thc Beginnines o l Christianity by F. J. Fc~akes Jackson & K. Lakc (eds) Vul. I I ( 193-2), Mucmillan & Co. London. pp. 49-49 1.
that the Lucan prologue covers the two volumes. He argues forcefully on the use of
dedication, and said that i t was a common style in ancient histography, and should not be
taken as factual dedication to T h e o p h i l t ~ s . ~ ~ Many scholars now' see the hand of Luke in both
the gospel and in Acts.''" Maddox argues that Luke did not compose Acts as an afier thought
but had i t in mind when he composed the gospel. Now, the designation 'Luke-Acts' is
accepted as maintaining the unity of purpose of the two v o l ~ m e s . ~ l But the nature of Acts
has an amount of disagreement over it. While some scholars see it as historical, others see i t
as apologetic, while some see it mainly as a theological construct.
The conservative position represented by Cadbury,(j2 Ramsay,63 Bruce,& Marshall65 arid
Gasque,(h see the historicity of Acts as reliable.
The opinion of Diebelius," C o ~ n e l m a n n , ( ~ ~ and Haenchen6"ocus on apologetic or
theological construct of Acts, with little historical reliability.
Another opinion labours to harmonize the two views together and this is represented by
Lightfoot,7() Barrett?' and O'Nei11.72 A great deal of overlapping occurs in these opinions,
j9cl'. E. tiaencher, The Acts ol' the Apostles , op-., p. 136 note 3. M)Fiitmyer ilgr<es that it is almost a consensus that the Iwo volumes were the work ol' Luke. cl'. J. A . Fitzrnyer, The Gospel .i\ccording t o Luke IS, og.cit. p. 8. 6 1 c ~ . R. Muddox, The Purpose ot' Lukc-Acts' & p. 6. (%s. H. J. Cadbury, Thc Book ol' 4 c ~ s in tlistory, London: Adarns Sr Chiirlcs Black ( 1955) pp. 3-4. 63cl'. W. M. Ramsay, The Beacirrg ol' Kcccnt Disco\*crv on thc Trustworthiness ol' thc New Tcstamcnc London ( 19 15) p. 3-71. (*cl'. F. F. Bn~cc, C a m m e n t a ~ ~ on the Book ol'the (English tcst), Marshall, Morgan & Scott Ltd London ( 1956) pp. 18-20, %I'. I. H. Marshall, Lukc: Historian and Theologian The Patrnoster Prcss ( 1970) pp. 3 16-2 17. %l'. W. Ward Gasque, A Historv ol' the Criticism o f the Acts of the Apostles, W.B. Eedmans Publishing Company: Gmnd Rapids ( 1975) pp. 308-39. 67cl'. Martin Dibelius, Studies in thc Acts 01 the A ~ o s w e d i t e d by Heinrich Greeven, SCM: London (1956) pp. 1-25. ('"cl'. 1-1. Con~elmann, Acts ol' thc A~mstlcs (Hcrm: Philadclphii~ Fortress Prcss (1987) pp.sssvi - XLI For a critiquc 01' Coozcl~naru~ cc. R. P C. Harison Dic apos~clgcsscli~chtc ITS NS. 15 ( 1'964) pp. 371 -375, C'9c~'. E tlacuclicn, Tlic Acts 01' thc Apostles, M. 70cl'. J. Lightl'oot, 'Acts 01' tllc ApostIcs', i n S1111111'~ D i c t r o n i ~ ~ ~ 01' thc Biblc Volurnc 1, Londoa (1893) pp. 3-5- 43. 71c1'. C. K. Barrclt, m e the Historian in Recent Studv, pp. 9s. 72cl'. J. C. O'Ncill. The Thcologv ol' Acts in its Historical S c ~ i n q , (& pp. 168-171.
but all added together produce a great bulk of 1-ucan literature which recognize Luke to be a
theologian and a historian, and maintains the unity of the two volumes. Van Unnik again:
'We speak of i t (Luke-Acts) as a unit ... I t is generally accepted that both books
have a common author; the possibility that the Gospel and Acts, contrary to
Acts I : I, do not belong together is not seriously discussed. By almost
unanimous consent they are considered to be two volumes of a single work'.n
Two volumes of a single work necessa~ily implies that a uniform purpose running as a thread
is evident in the works. For the purposes of this study, we maintain that that purpose is
conversion to Jesus, as the Christ.
(3) The other area of scholarship concentrates on the difference between Paul of Acts,
and Paul of the ~ ~ i s t l e s . ~ - ' I t is generally recognized today that Luke probably did not know
the Pauline letters, and his personal knowledge of Paul was slim, hence the difference in the
thoughts of Paul represented in Acts, and that found in Paul's letters. Haenchen7j is not even
sure whether this was necessary for Luke, or to be seen as the problem of Acts, since
according to him, there are many other problems raised by Acts of the Apostles, and the
question of Paul is to be seen within the wider context of these problems which are difficult
to settle.
Klein76 on the other hand sees Luke as labouring to salvage Paul from gnostics who misused
his theology on the one hand, and on the other, making Paul to submit to the authority in
Jerusalem which was a kind of degradation for Paul. Barrett77 criticizes these exaggerations
73c~. W. C. Van Unnik, in Studies in Lube-Acts, OR. cit. , p. 18. 'AFor thc prcsentalion or various views of scholars on this issire, cl: R. Maddos, The Purpose of Luke-Acts, w., pp. 66-82 7%here is an extended treatment 01' this subject by Haenchen. cl-. E. Haenchen, The Acls ol' the Apostlcs &., pp. 111-132. 7 6 ~ 0 ~ this \tic\\, of Klein, cl'. E. Haenchen, lbid pp. 1131'; for ailicisrn of Klein, clv. R . Maddos, Thc purposc of Luke-Acts, Q&. pp. 7 If. 77~1'. C. K. Banett, N e w Tcstancnt Essavs: London ( 1973) especially Chapter 6.
and advocates attention to be paid to respective historical situations in which Paul and Luke
- had to do their work, and it is in this that the difference between P a d and Luke lies.
Whalever the difference between Paul of Acts and Paul of the Epistles, the slim agreement
between them is a vihdication of Lucan authenticity. Nor, according to Maddox, is the
strategic importance of the Paul of Acts to be minimized without doing a great damage to the
Jesus movement, especially in relation to Paul's conversion, and what part it plays in Acts.78
(4) One area of interest among some scholars is the discovery in Lucan materials of the
hands of a pastor or a pastoral theologian. The Evangelists are generally regarded as
possessing pastoral and theological interests, in their work.79 C.K. Barrettm may discern
pastoral concerns pervading Luke's two volumes, but it seems that for Barrett this suggests
an author involved in more practical than theological tidiness.
I t is in the area of Lucan eschatology that some scholars identify Luke's pastoral skills.
Franklin" for instance uses the argument that Luke is a pastor to account for the way the
author handled the problem created by the delay in parousia by encouraging perserverance,
steadfastness and faith, in his community. MattillHz also notices pastoral interest of Luke in
the way the author handled all sorts and conditions of his people in the issues pertaining to
eschatology, especially with the delay of the parousia.
As much as we agree on the discovery of Luke's pastoral skills in re-interpreting his tradition
to meet the pastoral needs of his people, we do not subscribe to the argument for delay in
parousia. Glasswell's position which we accept is that as far as the gospel tradition before us
is concerned there is no evidence of a delay in parousia motif. Jesus did not give any dates of
the parousia, and therefore the question of delay should not arise.
The scholar who laments that Lucan pastoral skills and theology has been neglected is S.G.
Wilson.8" For him Lucan work is a wrestling with pastoral issues created by the
eschatological kerygma.
(5) The socio-scientific approach to Lucan studies in particular and the New Testament in
general is another area that is on the increase.M John Gager'sKj work in this regard has been
influential. Making use of Millennism, Gager tries to account for the spread of Christianity
between Jerusalem and Rome in a few decades. He made use of a sociological interpretation
approach. For Gager, disconfirn~ation of religious beliefs only produced more zeal to keep
such belief aiive and win more converts. But Bartlett,so Smithg7 and Tracy88 have criticized
Gager's simplistic position which does not account for the origin and conviction of such
beliefs.
Gerald Thiessen'sgg approach in this regard is more sympathetic. He attempts to supply the
sociological conditions that probably aided the Jesus movement to spread quickly. For
example, the ecological shift and imbalance of the Jewish people as a result of the Roman
influence created a condition for honlelessness and wandering. The message of Jesus
appealed to such situations and could account for the method of his teaching (going from
place to place) and the people's response. For Theissen, conversion to Jesus movement was
not molded solely by religious considerations, there were social factors too. T o follow a
charismatic leader.(Jesus) meant or suggested escaping from social and economic pressure of
a disintegrating society. 'They adopted patterns of behaviour ... characteristic of social
uprooting ... subjective interpretation mainly, of the crisies situation. Society disintegration
Wilson, o m pp. 32,68,69,73,75,80. *. F. Best, 'S<~iolopicai Study of the NT', 36( 1'383) pp. 181-1'33. 85~0hn Gagcr, Kingdom and Comrnunilv op.cil pp. 361'1: *'D. L BartI~tt, 'John G. Gager's Kingdom and Community: A Survcy and Response' Zvcon Vol. 13 ( 1978) 2 pp. 1091'1'. X 7 ~ . Z. Smifh, 'Ttw much Kingdom Too lit~lc Communily ' Zvwn. Vol. 13 (1978) 3, pp. 1351: #D. Tracy, ' A Thcologioal Responsc to Kingdom and Community', in %!,wn, Ibid, pp. 13 I!?: X O ~ . Thcisscn, Swiolwv ol' E a l v Palestinian Ch~istianitv, Fortrcss Prcss (1977) pp. 151'1'; sec his Stxid Rcallt\- and thc Ertl-11. Christians, T&T Clark ( 1993) pp.93-93.
affect some, dlthough only a few, they nevertheless exert much pressure on the rest. The
overall effect is ftrdher disitrttigntion of the society, with more people down the lower group
marginalized, but a few at the top betoNe rich. Under this crises, traditional values and what
lil'e is all about is called into question (cf. Matthew 24:l'Q. The cosmos of existence is
shaken. People are confused. They seek interpretation and guidance. Ansbers are povidt#1,
but not all are cogent. The Jesus movement emerged and gave people hope. From the
marginal groups - now in majority as a result of the society decline, - they made their
converts, as well as some outside this group. This group has a chance for the deviant or often
eccentric forms of living often found among some Jewish circles, with their consequent
characteristics of emigration, brigandage, begging, but were taken up in the community and
creatively modified. This Jesus movement achieved, not in Palestine, but in its Hellenistic
movement, Christianity. The precondition here also is adaptation to normal, everyday life.
For a disintegrating society, this was appealing, hence the speed with which it spread.
P.E. Eslergo making his own contribution interprets Luke's community in terms of the
dispossessed, the poor and the weak who having found faith in Jesus settled to organize
themselves as like-minded communities.
The case of using social sciences in biblical exegesis need not be overemphasized. It's
greatest strength is in revealing the life situations which help both to mould the gospel and
also to create the probable response.
(6) Another area that is growing in Lucan scholarship is on the meaning of the activity of
the Holy Spirit, which is so prominent in Luke-Acts. The controversy here takes the form of
whether the Holy Spirit is given at conversion or after conversion when the gift of the Spirit
is for service. This is closely linked to the controversy of subordinating Lucan pneumatology
to Paul's. The whole question of the role of the Holy Spirit in Salvation, has been brought
into a sharper focus si~ice the resurgence of pentecostidism')1 and charismatic renewal92 in the
main line Christian denominations. The result was that the church's dogma on baptism with
water, infant baptism, confirmation and the general teaching about the Holy Spirit came
under very close scrutiny. with agonizing effect. Frederick Bruner's book was a response to
this as his preface states:
'Is the Pentecostal teaching on the experience of the Spirit in conformity
with the New Testament? 1s Acts of the Apostles represented by
Pentecostalism today1?y3
With these questions he launched into the investigation of the work of the Holy Spirit in the
New Testament, with particular emphasis on Acts of the Apostles. Bruner's position on
Spirit and conversion is clear. The Spirit is given in conversion for conversion.^ J. 1). G.
Dunn" sees the Holy Spirit as the fundamental aspect of conversion without which no one
can respond to Christ. John R. Stott acknowledges the role of the Holy Spirit in conversion
and states that the church has rightly associated the Holy Spirit with conversion.%
9'Pen~ecostalis1n is the doctrine of some Christian groups who teach and believe that e\.ery Christian, iis a mattcr of ncccssily, should esperierice the Holy Spirit, in the form similar to the day of Pentecost in Acts 3,. The doctrine which issues from this is pentccostalism, and adherents t o i t are geeerally referred to as Pentecostals. For their history and various beliefs, el: F. D. Bruner, A Theolorv of the Holv Spirit. Hcxlder and Stoughton: London ( 1970) pp. 1911'. 927'he chnrisn~iitic rcnewal ha1.e amilar ties with the Pentecostals in the scnse that both recognizc the central place o i thc Holy Spirit in a Christian lil'c. Whcrcas the Pcntccostals usually bcgin to rcckon onc as a Christiun. albcit a full flctlgcd onc. only after thc Pcntccoslal c~pcricncc of thc Holy Spirit, tl~c charismatics rccognizc the \vorl; ol' tlic Idoly Spiri~. both i n tn~tiation as it Cliristia~i and i n rcnc\viil along thc paih of discipleship, witliout neccssaril y emphasizing on pronounced pcntccostal espcrience. For details ol' the charismiltic rcneival rnovemcnt, cl- Tom Smail. Andrew Willkcr and Nigel Wright (cds) Charismatic Rcne\vnl: Thc Search for a Theolory, London SPCK (1993). %i. F. D. Bruner, A Theolorv ol' the Holv Spirit, OP. cit., p. 7. ')-I~runcr, u, pp. 193. 9 5 ~ . D. G. Dunn has written ex~ens~vcly on h e Holy Spiril and nlarntains that thc Hot! Spirit is given once, at baptism with watc~~, lo which 111. coilictl tl~c w w t l , ' ~ : o I I \ ~ I , S ~ ~ I ~ - I I \ I I I ; I I I ~ I ~ ' . d. .1. I). t i . ~ ) I I I ~ I I . Di!l!!~?!!l.j!l !IN' I h)I \ S ~ I I I L , SCM 1970; Also, ~Sp~~it-I j iq) t~s~t i a~id ~ ' ~ I I I C C ~ ~ S I ~ J ~ I S I I ~ ' 11) & O I I I S I ~ ~ o u r ~ ~ ~ ' l ' l t c t ~ l o ~ ~ , ' 3 ( 1970) pp. 397-404; Also 'Thc Birth oiii Metaphor - Baptized in Spil-it, 'EspTln' (89) 1977 pp. 134- 138. '-U'~. R. Stott writcs [hat thc baptism in thc Spirit is, i n fact, thc mcans ol'cntry into the body of Christ, in other words, the spir~t brings about conversion. el'. J. R. W. Sto~t, Thc Baptism and Fullness 01. tlic Holv Spirit, Inter- Varsity Press, 1964.
However, there is the opposing view which is mainly attributed to the pentecostal position.
This is stated-by Howard M. Ervin,
' I t is a consensus of the classical pentecostal view that the baptism in the
Holy Spirit ( A h 2: 4) is SUBSEQUENT to conversion. This argues for
two clearly distinguishable actions of the Holy Spirit in the life and
experience of the believer.'g7
The position here is that what the pentecostalists call 'baptism of the Holy Spirit' is a second
empowering experience of the Holy Spirit, without denying that the Holy Spirit is also
present at conversion. Most recently, some scholars have attempted to make use of the
pentecostalist position to explain that in Luke-Acts, the gift of the Holy Spirit is for
empowering and for service i.e., mainly prophetic, rather than for conversion or salvation.
Roger S t r ~ n s t a d ~ ~ takes this position and states that the evidence in Luke-Acts supports that
the Holy Spirit activity is always charismatic both in purpose and in result. and not for
conversion.m Robert Menziesim sees the function of the Holy Spirit as the source of special
insight and inspired speech in Luke-Acts, and not for sa lvat i~n.~O~ Paul was the first,
according to Menzies, to attribute soteriological functions to the Spirit. 1°2 Slielton makes
the same point that at Pentecost, the Spirit was for empowering for mission. and not for
conversion. But Sheltoli does recognize that the Spirit has a role to play in conversion in
Luke-Acts, but thinks that it is more about inspired speech.l(S 1 think Slleltorl recognizes the
wcl'. M. H. Ervin, Convelsion-initii~tion ml the bi~ptisrn in the Holv Spiril: A Cri~ique of James D. G. Dunn. Pcatxxly: Massachuscl~s Hendrickson, 1984. %1'. Roger Stronskrd, The Chilkimii~ic Tlleolorv ol' St. Luke Hend~ickson Publishers: Penbod!.. 1984. 991, p. 61. I0()cl'. R. P. Menzies. The Development ol' Early Chris~ian Pneurnatology, with Special Reference to Luke- Acts. JSNT Sup 54, Sheffield: JOST Press ( 1991). lo' ci. m, pp. 48,245. Itncf. Mcn-/.ies, u, pp. 47-39. Itr3ci. J . B. Shelkm, Mighty in Word ilnd Deed: the Rolc oi the Hal\- Spirit in Lukc-Acts, Hcndrickson PeahIy . 1991. l m ~ , p. 6. I()%&, ,). 127.
tcnsion between his conclusions and those found in Luke-Acts, for at a point he bemoans and
aln~ost complains that Luke is to blame for the difficulty of knowing exactly what the Holy
Spirit does in conversion.
The work of Beverly R. G a ~ e n t a l ' ~ deals on conversion in Luke-Acts with a different slant.
Although the work treated some other New Testament writings, i t is more of a search for
definition of conversion and an interpretation of the meaning. For example, the editor's
foreward writes
'while the fact of conversion is an undisputed Christian legacy, the form
itself has been differently understood.'
Gaventa looks at the conversion of Paul, for example, and concludes that conversion is not an
end in itself, b'ut into a Christian community (church). The general conclusion of the book
after looking at conversions in Samaria, the Ethiopian, and Cornelius, seems to be that the
conversion stories are not primarily about individual or group conversions, but more in the
services of Luke to account for Christian beginnings in various places at the early stages of
the Jesus movement.1I0 Caventa stresses that Luke does not intend to make a paradigm of
any of the conversions narrated, each is different; serving a different purpose for God in each
community (church).Iil Throughout tile work, especially on the Acts of the Apostles, the
role of the Holy Spirit is assumed, l l * but hardly treated. But the conclusion of seeing each
conversion as different, and into a community is important.
IMm, p. 130. l ( n ~ c l ' . B. R. ~ a v e n l a , From Darkness to Liyhc u. '(*~birl, IX. '(r)(bid, pp. 13.
1 ° ~ p. 133. u, p. 92.
I 1 2 ~ o ~ thc rcfcrencc to thc Spi~it in Paul's con\-cision. cl'. Gaventa, Ibid, p. 64. For other rel'ercnccs sce pp. 97, I IS, 119, 121, 123.
Since Gaverira has already noticed ~ h e problem with the definition of conversion, we shall
look into itnow.
1.6 Definition
The word ' e n ; ~ a p o i p l ] ' ~ ~ ~ (a noun) appears only once in the New Testament, and that is Acts
15: 3 - the conversion of the gentiles. The word 'conversion' is used. presumably with the
understanding that it is understood by Luke's audience. It is no1 tile nature of biblical authors
to give definition to words and this is the case here.
In Luke-Acts, three related words, in the same word-group, give the idea of the meaning of
conversion. They arc: hm.ape@ (return, be converted), p c ~ a p ~ h o p a ~ (regret, repent)
and ~ t e t a v o i a (repentance, conversion). These are used interchangeably sometimes to
emphasize the point. For example, in Acts 3: 19 we have ye t avoeo and E m a p e $ o .
HaenchenI14 says that whether used separately or paired up, they express the same turning
which leads to God - conversion. LaubachJl5 sees kmotpe+w used by Luke as a technical
word for putting trust in God. This, he says is at the root of a fundan~ental turning of human
will to Cod.
J. Marsh116 looking at the word says that the biblical emphasis is not upon subjective
psychological experience, but upon an objective change in Man, which is expected to lead to
an observable new way of life of trust and belief in God. Emilio Castrolt7 laments the
misuse of the woqd, and the reduction of conversion into psychological experience. He goes
on to describe it as a response to the call of Servant King Jesus ... along the path of suffering
and hope of the Kingdom.
I Incl.. F. Lrubuch, kn~trcpo+q in DNTT.. Vol. I , pp. 354-356. I 14&. Hacnchca. 'Acts', Op. cii., p. 3-08. I 1 5 ~ . Laubach, httrcpcJHu , in DN1-T Vol. I.. pp. 341-356. IC'cf. J. Marsh, 'Con\xrsionl, i n IDB vol. 1.p. 678. ' '~ rn~l io Castro, Scnl Frcc: Mission ilnd Lfnilv. in thc Pcnr>ccti\ c ol' Ihc Kingdom. 'Thc Risk BocA Scrics
W.C.C. Genet'n ( 1985) pp. 761'.
Scholars who probably popularized psychological definitior~s include William James. He
wrote:
'To be converted, to be regenerated to receive grace, to experience religion
to gain assu;ance, are many phrases which denote a process ... a self-divided ...
wrong, inferior and unhappy, becomes unified and consciously right, superior
and happy, in consequence of its firmer hold upon religious realities.' 1 1 8
Along this same line of thought is Arthur D. Nock's definition, and it states:
'By conversion we mean the re orientalion of the soul of an individual, the
deliberate turning from indifference or from an earlier form of piety to
another, a turning which implies a consciousness that a great change is involved,
that' the old was wrong and the new is right.' 11'
We can see that both definitions touch on emotions, hence their psychological emphasis.
This slant in the understanding of conversion has dominated the study of conversion for
years. This was partly what Caventa was wrestling with to redress in 'From Darkness to
Light'. The title of the book itself is an image of conversion, depicting a process, a road. But
Gaventa's definition is as interesting as it is revealing. Conversion is described, rather than
defined. Since there are several kinds of conversion, and endless arguments about which is
'real' or 'genuine', Caventa says:
'There are three types of conversion - alternation, pendulum-like, and
transformation. Alternation occurs when change grows out of an individual
past behaviour for example, the Ethiopian eunuch and Cornelius who had
I I*~i l l i iun Jamcs, The Vx i c~ i cs of Rc l i~ ious E\pcricncc: 4 Sllld\. In Human Na~urc' London: Longmans. Green 7 Co.. ( 1 WP) p. 189.
'')A. D. Nock, Conversion: Thc Old and NCIV in Re l i ~ i on from Alcxandcr llic Grcat to Augustinc 01' Hippo, London: 0 ~ l i ) r d Uniwxsily Prcss ( 1933) p. 7. 1 7 - 0 ~ . It. Ga\.cnta, F m n Diukncss to Light ol,.
been acquainted with Judaism. Pendulum conversion involves the rejection
of past convictions and affiliations for an affirmed present and future; for
example Saul of Tarsus (Paul) as Luke sees him. Transformation involves a
new way of interpretation of the past as a result of new perception, for
example in h u l , as Paul sees it himse1f.'l21
Gaventa's insight is quite helpful especially in the ability to differentiate conversion from
personal point of view, and conversion viewed objectively or by someone else, and the
alternation, pendulum and transformation models.
This distinction will help us when we come to relate our findings in Lucan conversion
narratives to Igbo context. All Lucan conversion narratives are descriptive i.e. Luke
narrating the story of conversion. Gaventa helps us to have an insight into Luke's
understanding of conversion.
There are other attempts at definitions, but we shall treat these ones in the main body of the
work, at the appropriate section.
1.7 Methodologv
The perspective of this work is historical and theological. The Lucan two volume work will
be explored, concentrating on conversion narratives within the Jewish-gentile, and cross-
cultural contexts.. Jewish method of winning proselytes will be considered in brief at some
point for having a possible influence on Luke.
The Lucan presentation of the Jesus movement as Jerusalem based with a universal scope,
will be highlighted for the benefit of using our findings to investigate the lgbo (Nigerian)
response lo Christianty and the p;istoral implications this might have f o r Christinnity ill
Igboland.
Chapter 2 will look at the sociological background to the Roman world of Luke-Acts. We
will try to understand the dynamics of the Jesus movement, method of teaching and the
response made by people within their political, economic, cultural and religious constraints.
The emphasis here dill be on the interaction between Lucan text and its social world.
Chapter 3 will look at the relationship between the covenant and conversion within the wider
context of Luke's treatment of the law.
Chapter 4 will investigate the particular use Luke made of the covenant in developing some
salvation motifs.
Chapter 5 considers the way Luke understands the role of the Holy Spirit in conversion. A
reference to the making of Proselytes within the Jewish religious sytem will be highlighted as
a contrast and a possible influence to Lucan characterisation of conversion.
Chapter 6 will be an exegesis of selected texts on conversion which will throw more light on
the Lucan understanding of conversion.
Chapter 7 will look at the response made to Christian mission by the Igbo of Nigeria in the
19th century, and the present trend of events in Christianity now in igboland. Our
conclusions from Lucan understanding of conversion will help us interpret this Igbo response
in the form of a. possible Lucan critique of Igbo conversion. We shall review some
scholarship on Igbo conversion on whose conclusions will be directed a possible Lucan
critique, Luke's pastoral insight is brought into show per focus here and the implication for
understanding the conversion of the Igbo people serves as the conclusion.
1.8 Neccessity of Enquiry
"Another major ethnic group among whom missionaries had phenomenal success were the
lbo", so writes E. A A ~ a n d e 1 e . l ~ ~ In spite of this amazing spread, now, after some
generations, many scholars observe that there are still very strong traditional religious
trappings within Christianity in lgboland in particular, and Africa in general. '7-3
R. Horton and .I. Peel '5 see i t as a result of assimilation and adaptation. Ifeka-Mollerl26
traces i t back to lgbo response to 'white power'. I s i c l ~ e i ' ~ thinks that the risk of breaching
with ancestral traditions, which lgbo view seriously but Christianity advocates, created the
problem. Ikenga-Metuh'a observes that the socio-cultural changes effected by colonialism
makes the search for explanation multi-causal. Ejizu 12) lainents the conniving at any
meaningful dialogue with the elders of the people, who were the custodians of their valued
'73 . --el. E. A. Ayandele, The Missionan. Immct ~ I I Modern Niaeria 1842-1914: A Polidcal and Social Analvsis Longmans ( 1966) p. 157. 12~~rofessor Titc Tienou says this about nlission in At'rica 'The world of the last decade ol' the twen~ieth century difli-rs fron~ that ol' the end ol' thc nineteenth century in n-~any rcspects in Africa. The thcology of Chris~ian Missian in Aliica is shaped by the histon; of Christian presence and minishy i n the continent and cu~rent economic, political, social and religious ~wlities. Mission themes should bc fed by ( i ) African Christians desirc to crali a lheolopy that deals adequately with the need to consolidate and secure the gains of Christian ~Vission. ( i i ) The need to be liberated I'rom the complexes associated with ASrican identity so that they can part~cipate in the mission nl' the crucified and risen Lord. (iii) In an age of relipous crisis and cont'usion in the continent, Al'rican n~ission theologicans need to articulate reasons lor contmued t'wus on expanding the Christian faith. (iv) .-\frican Chr~stians will need to establish solid theolop~cal bases Ihr dealing nith sugpa~ing socio-economic and political crises ot' the continent.' Therehe Al'rican mission theologians need to reverse the trends of nominrrli~y by developing a theology that seeks to permanentl!. plant the church 01' Christ In Al'lica and anchor the gospel dceply inlo c u ~ ~ c n t Al'rican Cultures. cl'. Tite Tienou, 'Themes in Al'ncan Thcology of Mission' in The Good News 0 1 ' the Kingdom: Mission Theolorv lix the Tm Millennium, by Charles V. Engcn, Dean S. Gilliland, P iu l Pierson (eds) Orbis Books Maryknoll: New York ( 1993) pp. 339-340. . 12-hcl'. R. Holton. 'ATrican Conversion', in Ainu Vol XLI ,3 ( 197 I ) pp. 85- 108; Also, '011 the Rationality of Con\,ersion', in Africa, Vol. 45.3. ( 1975) pp 219-3-35. Also in Vol. 45, 4 p 392.. IL5c1'. R. Horton & J. D. Y. Peel, 'Conversion and Conl'usion: A Rejoinder on Christianit!- in Eastcm Nigeria', in CJXS Vol. X.3, ( 1976) pp. UI4YS. lx)c1'. Caniinc ifcka-fvloller, 'White Poiilcr: Social-Structun~l Factors in Convcnion to Christianity, Eastern Nigeria 1921-1966', in m, Vol. Y. 1 , ( 1974) pp. 55-71. 127~lizabeth Isichei has quite sonic materials an the Igbo people. They includc 'Ibo and Christian beliel's: some Aspects ol'a theologicul Encounter', in AA, Vol. 68, 370 ( 1969) pp. 13 1 - 134; And. 'Se\w varieties 01' Ambiguity: some patterns ol' Igbo Rcsponse to Christian Missions' in JRA Vol. 3, (1970) pp. 209-337. I = C I ' . Emeiie Ikcnga-Metuh. 'Thc Shactcred Microcosm: A Critical Survey of Explanations of Conversion in Al.rica'. in m, 41-19852 pp. 141-34; Also, 'Conrc\tualization: A blissiological le~penr~ive I'or the Church in Al'nca in the Third Millcnium" I\IS:IBMR I?, Vol. 3 ( 1989) pp. 3- 16. Also, 'Thc Tnnh of Chrislian Uniqueness', IBMR 13, no. I (Aplil IY89)p. 49. I?-'-'cl'. Christopher 1. Ejizu, 'Endu~:unce 01' Conviction: The pcrsistencc of the Traditional World-Vicw in Ibgo Chri\~iun Conww' in N7,M 43 (19x7) 3, pp. 1 5 1 3 5 .
tradition, as the cause. O k o r ~ c h a l ~ ~ locates the problem within the search for "power", so
misconstrued: . -
- A study o f Luke-Acts, with emphasis on conversion, will throw some light on conversion,
which in turn will he$ us to contribute to the debate about the lgbo situation. .
This will take the form of interpreting the discoveries of scholars of Christianity in Igboland
in the light of Lucan understanding of conversion with the belief that a biblical approach to
converion (Luke-Acts) may provide a clue to the Igbo dilemma. Pastoral insights gained
from Luke-Acts will be brought to bear upon this Igbo response. 131
130ct'. Cy i l C. Okorochii, The Meiining of Relinious Conscrsion in Al'rica - The Case of the Igbo of Nigeria ' i\lclc~-sl~ot Avcl)rtly , 1987; Also, 'LZclig~ous Conscrsio~~ 111 Al'ricir: 11s blissich)gicd luiplicirlio~~s' In /v& Vol.
IX-2, 18, ( lW) pp. 168-181. '-I1 11 is intcrcstiny lo note thal some Igbo scholais arc calling I'or a morc pastoral apprtxich to thc wholc question. M e h h writes 'Thc emphasis of mission in Africa will need lo shill liom primary e\mgelizalion or extensive evangelization to pastoral evangeli.mtion or intensive evungelization cl' Ikengil-Mctuh, 'Contcstualization: A Missiological lmperilive for h e Church in Africa in theThird Millenium' && 12. Vol. 2, pp. 31'.
Chapter 2
2.1 - The Interaction between Lucan Social World and Texts
One of the major tasks of traditional form criticism is to establish the setting in life of
the Jesus tradition in the New Testament. The method analyses the social conditions
for preserving and transmitting tradition. But this is limited to the social condition
within the community that produced the tradition. It is not easy to distinguish
between Lucan social condition and the social situation in which Luke-Acts was
produced.1 This social situation includes the Lucan community of faith, and the civil
world. Sociology as a discipline of applying sociological methodology in biblical
studies, is not new. It is usually dated back to the time of form criticism, and their
chief proponent, Rudolf ~ u l t m a n n . ~ Whereas form criticism concentrates on the texts
and the community of faith, sociology concentrates on the general social life which
impinges on the whole of human affairs, the community of faith inclusive. The social
inquiry which sociology makes is not covered in form criticism. This is the
observation of Thomas Best when he writes:
"It cannot be denied that even fonn criticism, with all its talk on the
sitz-in-Leben of texts, was a literary and theological discipline
which produced hardly any concrete historical, social, or
economic information about the traditions which it studied'.3
Biblical traditions are meant for the community of faith, and for faith. It is not clear if
the New Testament authors had the civil world and its social conditions in mind when
they wrote, that is to say how did the New Testament authors and their communities
1.'. Eslcr, - u h , ; .,. -e-Acts, Carnbridgc C.U.P. (1987) op.cil., pp. 121'. 2cf. R. Bulonann, The Historv of the Svnoptic Tradition, Oxford (1963) p. 4. 3cf. 'Illomas F. Best, 'The Sociological Study of the New Testament Promise and Peril of a New Discipline', SJ'T 36(1983) a., pp. 18 1 - 104; (p. 18 10; Cf. Robert Morgan and John Barton. Biblical Internretation', Oxford, Oxford Bible Series (1988) pp. 145f.
see themselves in relation to the rest of the world? Were they an ascetic group for
example? s o m i new discoveries made about the life of the Qumran Communities,
ascetic groups, show certain similarities with the early Palestinian Jewish movement.
Betz and Riesner write:
'According to the archeological and literaiy evidence ... Essenes
and the earliest Christians lived as it were next door to each other
in Jerusalem. There are possible recollections in the Pentecost account
of the conversion of a significant number of Essenes.'4
If the Jesus movement of which Luke wrote had similarities with the Essenes, that is
was ascetic, would any sociological enquiry about it not be limited and Fill into the
same difficulty as form criticism which it seeks to co l~ec t ? There may be ascetic
tendencies in the Jesus movement, but i t is not clear if it lived in ascetic communities
like the Essenes. Betz and Riesner make some observations:
activity of the 'Teacher of Righteousness' and his building up of a
community in Qumran. For there, the whole concern was for the
demarcation, security and defense of the small group of the faithful
... By contrast, Jesus went on the offensive in his battle against evil'.*
W e will take this to suggest that the communities in which the Jesus movement
members lived, were to be regarded as their residence, from where they went into the
Jewish communities of Palestine for their preaching tours and mission. In which case
4 ~ o r patallels, as well as differences, between b e Qumran communiiy of the Esseno: and early Palestinian Christianity, cfl Otto Betz arid Rainer Riesner. Jesus. Ournran. and the Vatican. SCM (1993) pp. 142ff; 152. fcf. Rodney Smk, 'The Class Basis of Early Christianity: Inferences from Sociological Models,' in SA 47, (1986) pp. 216-225. For criticism of Stark see Bengt Holmberg, Sociologv and lhe New Testament, Fortress Press (1990) pp. 99f, 1 1 1 f. 5cf. Oito Betz and Rainer Riesner, a., p. 135.
it would be normal to assume that they intermingled with the society at-large,
working amongst them, and retiring to their homes at dusk. Since the Jesus
movement had some members, it would be expected of them to be as close to each
other and one another as possible, at least, as people with identical vision. If we
assume that Jesus movement saw the rest of their communities and the world as the
people and place which require their service, any investigation about their social
world would not be limited to the movement only. On the other hand, the Community
of Qumran was different from the Jesus movement, for Jesus movement did not begin
by forming a community like the Qumran, but was a movement for the renewal of
local communities. This contrast is brought out by Horsley:
"... the members of the Jesus movement not only remained in their
residential communities, but attempted to revitalize local communities'
lives, facing directly all the problems of poverty, anxiety, and local
tensions as well as conflicts with the authorities.6
If this was true, then it became almost imperative to make a study of the social world,
not just of the faithful Lucan community, but of the entire life to which they all
belonged and were part of.
Many previous New Testament studies concentrated on the soul and spirit of
believers, with little or no attention to the social world which fashioned the corporate
body. Robbin Scroggs laments this anomaly and accuses all New Testament Studies
before the advent of sociological exegesis of texts, of "methodological docetism."7
He advocates sociologicai methods that also detect implicit evidence in the texts, that
6cf. Richard A. I-Iorsley, andhe J w M o u e m m ~ Crossroad: New York (1989) p. 119. 7~ethodolo~ica l docetisrn implies the knowledge that texts have social backgrounds, so do the Christians themselves who produced these texts, but this is denied during theological exegesis, as if h e words of the texts have no life situation. This is really an impossible argument to sustain if one insists on concentrating only on the wolds of a text. cf. Robin Scrogg, 'The Sociological Interp~elation of the New Testament: The Present Slate of Research,' m 2 6 (1980) pp. 165f.
is unformulated text lying beneath the written texts. This unformulated text gives the
sociological background.
Christian scholarship had suspected all sociological approaches as attempts to reduce
Christianity to social dynamics divorced of any mvsterium. But some sociologists are
concerned that Christianity may be out of touch both in scholarship and reality if it
ignores the work of sociology. The advice of Bengt Holmberg should be clear:
'Interest in the sociology of early Christianity is no attempt to limit
reductionistically the reality of Christianity to Social Dynamics;
rather it should be seen as an effort to guard against a reductionism
from the other extreme, a limitation of the reality of Christianity
to inner-spiritual, or objective-cognition system. In short,
sociology of early Christianity wants to put body and soul together again.'8
A balanced socio-scientific approach to the New Testament studies can be a great
asset to Christianity. It would help eliminate the error of idealistic, theological
understanding of texts, divorced from their real world experience.!) Sociological
interpretation of texts, with modern approach is usually linked to the works of
Jonathan 2. Smith,lo who in search of appropriate methodological approach,
classified two levels of approach or understanding of sociology of the New
Testament. One level is the social history which is descriptive, and the other level is
the interpretative, which seeks to apply sociology of knowledge in interpreting texts
and tradition. Scholars tend to use one approach or the other in New Testament
Studies, and here, just a mention of some of them will suffice. Philip J. Richter
working with different presupposilions arrived at the same notion of levels of
. . . . . 8cf. Bengt Holmberg, PauLand Pow= The In Philadelphia: Peabody (1980) p. 201f. 9cf. Thomas F. Best, Sociololrical Sludv of the New l'estamenl, u., p. 184. lo~onalhan 2. Smith, 'The Social Description of Early Christianity' in 1, (1975) pp. 19-25.
understanding of sociology of the New Testament to be either descriptive o r
interpretative." John Gager actually applied the interpretative approach, making use
of the theories about Millenarian cults and missionary efforts in response to
disconfi~mation~of religious beliefs, to account for the spread of early Christianity.12
Robin Scroggs making use of similar approach concluded that early Christianity was
a sect.13 John Elliot arrived at a similar conclusion that early Christianity was a
conversionist sect.14 Philip Esler's approach led him into the conclusion that early
Christianity was a schizmatic and converting sect.15
Making use of the descriptive method, John Stambaugh and David Balch note the
importance and intluence of the political, economic, religious and social features of
Palestine and Roman administration to the Jesus movement.16 Gerd Theissen's
approach, covers both descriptive and interpretative levels. He believes that the Jesus
movement was prophetic, and interprets the harsh social conditions of Palestinian
ll'hilip J. Ilichter. 'Recall Sociological Approaches to llie Study of llie New Itsrament', in 14 (1984) pp. 77-90. l*~ohn G. Gager, J<ingdom and Community;, a . p p . 20-37,94. For a critique of Gager see D. L. Bartlett 'Kingdom and Community in Gager's thought: A reassessment' in ' m a ' Vol. 13 (1978) 2, pp. lO9ff; J. 2. Smith, 'Too rnuch Kingdom, too little community', 'am', Vol. 13, (1978)2, pp. 125f. See also D. Tracy, 'A Theological Response to Kingdom and Community 'Zvo,on', bid pp. 131f. 13~obbin Scroggs based his work on Werner Smk, who proposed that religious sects have seven characteristics: (a) a sect begins with a protest against economic and socied repression, many of them coming from a generally underprivileged and hungry group. (b) a small Sect rejects he view of reality taken for granted by the establishment, and tries a separation from the world. (c) a sect is egalitarian, having no hierarchy or organization. (d) a sect offers love arid acceptance widh ll~e community where m e love is to be found. (el a sect is a voluntary association, with personal commitment to join. (0 a sect asks for a t o d commitment from its members, 011 rnatters pertaining to morals, doctrine and life. (g) a sect is adventist in outlook, awaiting the end of the world and the Kingdom of God. cf. Werner Stark, 'Sectarian Religion'. u 1' ' Volume 111, London 1967; cf. Robin Scroggs 'The Earliest Chistial Colmlitted as Sectarian Movement', in ' 9 0 t h ~
m S t 1 1 c I i e s in Judt~isnr io I.ilic An~iq~iity 12, Volume 11. (ed) J Neusner Leiden (1975) pp. 7-21; Also Robin Scroggs, 'The Sociological Interpretation of the New Testament: The Present State of Research' in bITS 26 (1980) pp. 164-179; 172 note 26; See also Bengt Holmberg, S o c l o l o g v m e w Testament. Fororuess Press: Minneapolis (1990) p. 9 1. 14cf. John H. Elliot, A&)m!&c- . .
m, SCM (1981) pp 75ff. 15philip Esler. 'Community and Gospel in Luke-Acts: a., pp. 16ff. 1 6 ~ . Stambaugh and D. Balch. The S o c i a l & the FiChnst lans. . . London SPCK (1986,1989) pp. 1 lff.
world as creating factors which enabled Jesus and his disciples to take the form of
wandering ch-asmatics, seeking renewal of Jewish Communities. 17
The conclusions of these scholars are not the same neither are their methodologies. It
might be said that the sociology of the New Testament is a fairly young discipline, tile
use of sociology of knowledge to interpret the Jesus tradition will no doubt supply
great insights. It needs to be said that more work is still required in analysis and
methodology, to minimize the amount of speculation weighing so much on the rather
scanty sociological information available from the New Testament texts.18
Let this suffice for the efforts of sociologists and socio-scientists to interpret the Jesus
tradition. What about the social world in which Luke-Acts was composed, what
description can be given to it and what interactions are there between this social world
and the Lucan texts? When the early communities of Luke-Acts told the story, to the
author, can we by reading the texts discover something about their social situation?
T o these questions we now turn.
Describing the social world of Luke-Acts has a number of problems associated with
sources and date of composition. Did the author know Mark and/or Matthew (or his
sources), and in the case of Acts of the Apostles, does he know the letters of Paul?
When was Luke-Acts composed and where'?
Recalling our treatment of some of the issues in the introduction, let it be maintained
here that the author constivcts the gospel in line with Mark and possibly Matthew, but
with some materials peculiar to him alone which suggests that he had access to other
17~erd Theissen, -v of E- . . . . . Fortress Press (1977) pp. 15ff. 18cf Bengt Holmberg, Sociolwand the New Testament, (1990) pp. 134ff.
sources.19 Evidence of redactional use of Markan material abounds in L ~ k e . 2 ~ Acts
of the Apostles stands on its own since there is no other document in the New
Testament like it, therefore, the sources are peculiar only to the author.21 Since it is
generally agreed that Luke-Acts was composed between 80-95 AD, and probably
outside P a l e ~ t i n e , 2 ~ this would suggest that the author was post-presenting his
materials to be Palestinian, in before the Jesus movement spread to other
towns and cities outside Pa le~t ine .2~ It is only to be assumed that the author's
immediate environment probably played some part in the composition or writing of
the work.25 All this makes any sociological approach to the Lucan texts not at all
easy.26 As we proceed to describe the social world of Luke-Acts, and the consequent
interaction between this world and the texts, we are aware that both our descriptions
and deductions are within the range of probabilities.
Our first step will be to sketch a general social life of first century Palestine because it
is within this general context that I m m texts, which we shall consider presently, will
19cf. J. A. Fitzrnyer, u.. Vol. 1, 1981; W.F. Farmer,-, a., J.B. Tyson, 'Source Criticism of the Gospel of Luke', m. 20cf. H. J. Cadbury -Slvle of 1 &, Cambridge Massachuselts 19 19- 1920, Also H. J. Cadbury, The -, London (1927) p. 75; Also V. Taylor, -, Oxford (1926) pp. 70C See also, J.C. O'Neill, Acts Seninrr. London SPCK (1961) pp. Iff, 146ff. cf. R. F. O'Toole, T h e ' s Tbeologr ,~a p 1 1.
21 cf. C. K. Barrett Luke the Iuorian in Recent Study, London (1961) p. 22. cf. M. Dibelius, b d i e s in the Acts of the Amstles. London SCM (1956) pp. 102R. cf. E. Henchen, The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary Oxford (1971) pp. 490ff. cf. A. Conzelmmn, &s of the Anostles Fortress Press (1987) p.xl. cf. E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Aposlles, Oxford (1971) pp. 14-50; 8 1-90; 1 16-12]. cf. Aclolf Ilanuuk, :l'llc Acts of he Anoslles. New Testament Studies 3; Crown Theological Library 27; New York: Pumam; London: Williams and Norgate, (1909) pp. 162ff. c f . Robert F. O'Toole, The Uni& of 1,llke'S Theology, m p . 1 1 . 22cf. 11. Conzelmann. && on.cit. pp. XXXIlI, 228. cE John Knox, 'Act and the Pauline letters corpus', in by Leaider E. Keck and J. Louis Martyn (ecis) Nashville: Abingdon, 196Wortress 1980 pp'. 279-287. cf. J. C. O'Neill, Thew-, . .
w. pp. 25ff. cf. C. F. Evans, S ;un t l ,uke p. 15. 23cf. J. T. Carroll, 'Response to the end of history', p. 35ff. 24cf. I. C. O'Neill. The Theolocv of Acts in Its Historical Sen&oo.cit,p 58ff, 61f. 25cf. C. F. Evans, Saint Luke, m . p 15ff. See also J. A. Dm, On Character build in^^ --- - arid Rhetoric of Characterization in Luke-Acts , Westminster John Knox (1992) pp. 22-25. 26 If the Lucan preseritation of the uadition about the Jesus movement berrays h e sequence of events, for example the playing down of the role of Galilee to the elevation of Jerusalem, then the sociology of Lucan world arid makrial will have to be approached with caution. cf. R. A. Norsley, Sociobav and Lhe Jesus Movemenl, &.p 105f.
be investigated. Our second step will be to look into the interaction between this
social life and some Lucan texts and work, especially as it relates to factors for
conversion to Jesus.
Lucan text contains quite a lot of materials about Jesus' attitude to the poor. Eating
and meals have an amount of space in the narratives. As one reads this, one suspects
that there were either great affluence or serious problems about hunger and poverty.27
When one reads about debts and debtors, it suggests a society of serious
indebtedne~s.2~ The cases of exorcism and demon possession and general illness can
be explained both historically and sociological ly.~~ Jesus movement emphasized
forgiveness of sin, and in a situation in which sin serves as an explanation for
suffering and illness, it signals a suffering society.30 It is also within such a context
that the conflict of Jesus with the religious leaders make sense - a society which has
lost its vision of caring for its subjects. So, what had gone wrong with the social life
of Palestine at this time?
The Palestinian societies at the time of the Jesus movement
agrarian, with simple social structure divided thdamentally
is better understood as
between the rulers and
27The social life of the people created such factors that demarcated classes into the poor and the powerful. cf. Luke T. Jolmso~r. The I.item-v Function of Possessim in I.uke-Acts, SBL 39, Scholars Press (1975) pp. 140f. Dillion sees Luke 5: 30; 7: 37; 39; 19: 7, as occasions in which Jesus exhibits his ellibrace to the lowly, a common theme in Luke. cf. 11. J. Dillion. F r o m v e - W i w to MIW ' &-
Rome: Biblical hisdtule (1978) pp. 202f. 28cf. R. A. Horsley, &.,pp 88ff, 123f. 125. In a society where wealth and power are concentrated on a few who also colitrol Lhe economy, it is only LO be expected Lbat many ordinary people, in one way or another, will be entangled with debts, and so to say, become slaves to their creditors. When Luke designs the beginning of Jesus' public ministry within the context of 'setting the captives and oppressed free', such like situation partly created by the rulers which impoverished people may lie behind the texts (cf. Luke 4: 18-19). 291'heissen's handling of certain healing texts is full of insight. He points out that characters in miracles car1 occupy Lhree fields: the dernonic, the human, and the divine. Miracles i~lvotve crossing Llie boundary between Llie 1ium:ui and llie demonic, aid between the human and the divine. cf. Gerd Theissen, The M i r m m . ., hti;mTr;mh, Phil:idelphi:1: I%rlmss (1983) pp. 47f, 74f, 1341; 25 If. Sce also Wayne Mecks, 'I I N Firs1 (hbiw ('lirimurs: 'I'lre Stxiirl World ol ilie Anostlc
New Haven: Yale University (1983) pp. 88ff. 3Ocf. Robert L. Brawley, center in^ on God: Method and Message in Luke-Acts Westminter/John Knox Press, Louisville, Kentucky (1990) pp. 167C Also R. A. Horsley, Socioloav and Jesu Movemegt, Crossroads (1989) pp. 127f.
the ruled. The rulers were probably ten per cent of the whole population. The
societies were organized in such a way that the peasants were forced to produce more,
so that the surplus was taken by the rulers in the form of tax, rent or tribute to
maintain the military and the religious elitesa31 The rulers and their servants lived in
fortified cities, leaving the peasants to live in the rural countryside where they worked
on farms.32 With such a picture, it would be assumed that the interests and outlooks
of the rulers and the ruled were different. This could be a representation of the
general social life of ancient Jewish Palesline. The picture may be slightly dil'lerent
when places such as Antioch, Samaria, Rome, mentioned by Luke are considered, for
these would present probably a picture of an early sophisticated social life of city
states under the Roman empire.33
Assuming that Jewish Palestine had a social structure as the one painted above, then
we need to bear certain things in mind about how the society probably functioned.
The first thing to be clear of is that it was a traditional society which had not
developed differentiation between various aspects of life. For example, 'religion'
went together with politics, economics, and culture. It is only for the modern minds'
clarity that description of traditional societies are tabulated into economics, politics,
religious and culture. History of traditional societies does not approve of such
categories. There was no separable economic life from religions or politics. There
was no concept or term for 'religion', rather religion pervaded all spheres of life, and
was embedded in the social life of the family, local community, and the ruling group
31The Gospel of Luke implies hat some similar institution governed the relationships berween classes in Palestine. The parable of he pounds (Luke 19: 11-27) and the parable of the wicked tenants (Luke 20: 9-18) illustrate the subordillate position of the te~~ants for the wealthy property owner. The relatiolisliip bclwecri the rich ;vid h e poor in I . . I I ~ ; I I ~ rn:itcrial is all part oC (lit irnbaliocc of wc;~lQ. (cl: Luke 12: 35-38; 14: 12-24; 17: 7-10: 18: 2-5) cf. John Stambaugh and David Balch, O? ,L~L p. 64-65. Also see R. A. Horsley, on.cit.. p. 67f. 32~easants worked h e land as Uleir ancestors had always done; their lives were spent in small villages. In tenns of power, influence, money, and h e perceptions on the tune, it was a world of two categories, the governed and those who govern, property owners and tenants. This governed how Uley lived and where hey resided. cf. John Smbaugh and David Balch, a, pp 91f; IlOf. 33cf. Stambaugh and Balch, opcit., pp. 110-1 13; 53f; see also B. Holmberg, ~ocioloev and the New Testament, Fortress (1990) pp. 25f.
or class.34 This is important because it is under such understanding of society as a
whole, that the Jesus movement ministered, and consequently, the traditions of Jesus
in the synoptic accounts, were fashioned. The second thing is that the term 'society'
as applied to this period is different from the modern society. It was not self-
contained, as modern society, and could pass from one spoilers to another quite easily
depending on the strength or weakness of the empire to protect the society.
Palestine was part of the Roman Empire, made up of agrarian societies ruled and
exploited by another society, the aristocracy. Therefore to refer to Palestinian Society
would be a misnomer since at least, there would have been some Jewish colonies,
probably administered differently but still under Roman domination, struggling to
keep up with Roman taxation and Jerusalem Temple dues. At the end, many people
were left impoverished by such demands which did not measure with their income or
livelihood. If the word society is used, it needs to be defined.35
The third point to note is that there was a clear demarcation between the ruling class
and the peasants. Political and economic powers were monopolized and controlled by
the ruling class, the gulf between these two classes was wide, and under such a
situation does the call by Jesus, 'come unto me all who labour and are heavy laden
and I will give you rest', make some sense. Whatever economic policy was in
operation, it created hardship for many.36
34cf. R. A. Horsley, 9".citY p. 69. See also Torrey Seland, Jewish Vigilantism in the First Ceilhlrv CE, Dissemtion: Ur~iversity of 'l'rondheim (1990) pp. 13ff. 3 5 ~ f we apply 'society' to Palestine at this period, it may be better to bear in mind the fluid nalure of the govenunent, and the difficulty of thinking of it as a 'social system' in the modem sense. Jewish Palestine was an imperial situation that was both volatile and unstable. Palestine lived in a constant state of constitutional crisis which created what Theissen calls 'social rootlessness' cf. G. Theissen. 'Sociology of Early Palestinian Christianity', oD.cit.. p 33, 775 97f. See also R. A. Horsley, &, p. 86. 36~r i t ing about the political set up at this time, Stambaugh and Balch say, 'The members of the upper classes (ruling class) were relatively few, but they were conspicuous because they conuolled the wealth and political power of the empire', cf. Stambaugh and Balch. The Social World of the First Christians, on&, p. 112. Gerd Theissen attributes economic policy as the major cause of roollessness and fed the . . instincts of resistance fighters in Palestine cf. G. Theissen, of -- . . . a, p. 33l-f.
The fourth thing that needs to be mentioned is that in such a traditional society,
literary work was in the hands of the elite and controlled by the powerful and rich.
Therefore the iqterests mostly reflected were those of the elite and ruling class. But in
the case of the gospel accounts of Jesus, the picture is different, for here the interests
of the ordinary people, who were usually in a position of subordination, were
represented. That is to say that the material on law and the prophets we find in the
Jesus tradition, may represent the circumstances and interests of ordinary people, and
in fact, should determine how the texts are in~erpreted in our own time.37
So then, we come to the question, who are the ones to be refelred to as the ruling class
in Palestine at this period? Here, we need to distinguish two classes of people:
firstly, there were the Roman governors, with their Herodian Kings ruling in areas and
districts, with Hellenistic army and administration. During the life-time of Jesus,
Galilee and Pereq were ruled by Herod's son Antipas,38 while Judea, under the
oversight of the Roman governor in Caesarea, was governed by the high priesthood
based in Jerusalem Temple. Both the Temple and the people were Roman subjects.
Secondly, there were the Temple officials, the Jewish Sanhedrin. The Temple with its
highpriestly administration was a religious as well as an economic and political
government of the Jews. With this were the priests, scribes, Sadducceess and
Pharisees as the principal instrument of government. The Romans gave Jerusalem
explicit religious legitimation with the religious-economic-political domination of the
priestly aristocracy based in the 'Temple as the form through which theocracy was
37~r i t ing about this Theissen says, 'The Synoptic Tradition is undoubtedly one of tlie few waditions in the ancient world where even groups fiat were olherwise dumb And a voice. Histo~y is written by the rulers, largely speaking; but here we see the wodd from a different perspective - 'from below' cf. Gerd Theissen, Social Realitv , 9n.cit.. p. 52. See also R. A. Horsley, an.cit.. p. 70C. 38cf. F. F. Bruce, New Testament Histow, pp. 22ff. Also Howard Kee and Franklir~ W. Young (eds) The 1,ivine World of the New Testament. Darton (1960) pp. 29ff.
mediated3" Socially the Temple officials maintained good favour with Roman
governors despite the fact that for the ordinary people, it was economically
burdensome keeping up with Temple taxes and tithes and also Caesar's dues.40
When {he peasants were undcr pressure, after rendering both to Caesar's agents and to
the Temple (God), to maintain themselves and their families and keep them from
starvation, the only option left was to borrow.41 The system was oppressive. Jewish
cultural traditions are full of stories of resistance to oppressive alien dornination.42 At
this time, that domination was not just Roman governors, but Temple maintenance
and ils olficials also.
These were the two major classes, so to say, who could be described as "the ruling
class" in Palestine at this time.
Because of such a gulf between the ruling class and the peasants, popular religious
beliefs were anticipating God to intervene in whatever way for a reversal of the
present social 0rder.4~ This was the situation when Jesus started his ministry and
3 9 ~ h e adminiswation of Jerusalem a1 this lime is described by Sunbaugii and Balch thus: 'The adminisuative center of Ule province of Judea was on the Meditemlean coast in IIerod's Ilellenistic city of Caesarea, from which die governor co~nlnanded a small number of mops. I11 Jerusalem, the Sanhedrin fu~iclioned as tlie provincial senate, its members drdwn from leading Cmilies in the usual provincial pallern. The presiding officer was the high priest, who a1 Ihe beginning (from 6 10 15 CE) was Annas; even after the office was transferred to olliers, the high priest conlinued lo be the most imporla111 political person in Judea afier the governor (Luke 3: 2; Acts 4: 5-6). The official policy of the government was scrupulous in mai~ilaining Jewish aulonomy in religious ~nallers and in pennilling Jews all over Ihe world lo pay the annual tax of half a shekel for Ihe mainlenance of the Temple. Jews were exempt from h e normal requirement lo participate in the imperial cull. Instead, sacrifices (two Imbs iuid a bull) wcrc ol'ltrcd cvcry day in Llic 'lhiiplc on bcliirlf 01' Ilic c~npaor' . cl: SIi1111bi11tgll i111d Balch, a., p. 86. 40cf. R. H. IIorsley, p. 71,79. 4 1 m , pp. 88f. 4 2 ~ h e n domination reached a breaking poinl, the peasariis would pul up a resistance lo Ule poi111 of carrying arms. Whal uiggered off the Jewish uprising of 66-70 CE was parlly the requirement to pay the old half-shekel tax to the Roman state rather than lo the prieslly establishment in Jerusalem. Rome to many Jews was synonymous lo oppression. 11 was probable that Llie suffering of the people was n bmding ground for apocalyticisrn for a Messiah. cf. W. 11. C. Frend, and P w t l o n ul . .
Church. New York University Press (1967) pp. 100-105, 145. 43~uch a silualion only fueled Lhe Jewish apocalyptic expeclatio~is intensified by both resistance fighler awl Zionisls who persisted in their demands, even by force of arms and rebellion, for the Kingdom of Israel, variously interpreled as Kingdorn of God or Messianic Kingdorn. Calls for such a kingdom were as common as Lhe failures and disappoinbnenl. Under such fruslralion one Rabbi was
There are such similar texts which portray the author as one who, while narrating
events within the Jewish religious system, implied that they were related to the wider
social set up.47 HOW did the Lucan community and reader undershnd these texts'?
We shall base our investigation on the rulers, Herod48 and the Sanhedrin,49 and their
encounter with John the Baptist and Jesus. Our work is based on L i m n texts. W e
shall resist any attempt to speculate. Instead, we will see how the Lucan material
presents a consistent picture of these characters which in turn supply some
information about Lucan social situation. What cannot be proved or derived from
Lucan text will be left our or avoided. There is a basic text from which we begin, and
that is Luke 3: 1-2.
'In the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, Pontius Pilate
being governor of Judaea, and Nerod being ktrach of Galilce,
and his brother Philip te~al-ch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitits,
47This Lucan tendency lo have a glance a1 Llle wider social sel up, allllougll il may serve as an information to the reader but probably supplies Ihe extra-text for a more fuller context of events which may be about culture or llle convenlions of the day. Tlus informalion is only gleaned from the written work, and assisls in building a better piclure of h e social world ol'hke-Acts, with thousands of years gap. This extra text helps to till up these gaps, albeit in Llle range of probabilily cf. John D;UT h . . wldmg The , , fChariumkalianiD I . u k e - a , Wesuninster/John Knox (1992) pp. 147ff; see also ilatvor Moxnes, The Eco- of the I(msd- . . , . .
9 9 Relattonsorsess Press (1988) pp. 58f. 481ducan presenlation of Herod is significanl. He was the lelrarch of Galilee the home town of Jesus and is ~nentioned a couplc of limes Ixfolc Lhc Wid of Jesus. I1 sccm I11;tl Luke has more infoanation almul 1 Ierod the lelrarch lhan the other synoptic wrilers. Apart from the ~ncillial of I Ierod in connection with lhc death of John in Mark 6: 14-22 and Matthew 14: 1-6, and a Q saying aboul the leaven of Herod in Mark 8: 15, he does no1 appear again in their accounts. On h e other hand. Luke brings him in a1 stralcgic posilions in his work, taking caw lo inlroduce his r c ip ;IS Ihc lime John Ihc Baptist began his ministry. cf. J. A. Dan On Charncler Ruildin%qp.cilu pp. 136fi'. For an approach lhal Lucan 'Herod' is a theological consln~cl made lo behave in a particularly similar way towards Lucan heroes. Set: Jack T. Sanders, Ws in Y .uke-A&SCM Press (1987) pp. 20-23. %he word TO qxoflu~qprov in Luke 22: 66 is usually used lo designate the Jewish ruling Sanhedrin. But the usage of the word in Luke is seen by scholars not lo be clear; i.e. the relationship between I'resbylerium and Sanhedrin. Is Sanhedrin a plcace for meeting or the make up of a meetiug? C. F. Evans thinks it is not a constiluenl but the whole council. cf. C. F. Evans mt I.uke ye.&, p. 834. Sanders thinks it is a place of meeling for the ruling Jewish body, although Luke can also use it as a reference to the ruling body iiself. cf. J. T. Sanders, Jews in Luke-Acts op.citU p. 4-5. In our invesligadon Sanhedrin will represent Lhe council of leaders, rather d1a11 a particular place. This will nliuimize the problem sumunding the apparenl different avenues they mcl ill Luke a1 the Lrial of Jesus. For example, at Ihe arrest of Jesus, they brouglil him lo the High l'riesl's house. The make up of Lhe group here (Chief Priests, Officers of Lhe 'I'crnple and elders) should constilute the Sadedrin but meeting in the High Priest's house. But Lucan designation of 'Officers of the Temple' is not clear, and so makes olle reluctant lo say for sure who the Sanhedrin in Luke is (cf. Luke 22: 47-71).
and Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene, in the high-priesthood of Annas and
Caiaphas, the word of God came to John the Son of Zachariah
in the wilderness' (R.S.VJ50
This text looks exhaustive about the powers that be in Palestine both socially and
religiously at the time of Jesus. It mentions localities of their authority - Galilee,
Jerusalem (Temple) and Judea, for Pilate, the high priests and Herod. This is not the
only p l ; m thcy arc m c n h w d . 5 1 llut this is the only placc thcy a11 iippcnr together in
what suggests a planned literary work, with important characters introduced at the
beginning awaiting the unfolding of their roles as the story progresses.52 Our focus
on three main characters, John the Baptist, the High Priests which in this survey will
be represented by the Pharisees who are the dominant religious group, and Herod, the
overall ruler, will enable us to determine the social life as it interacted with Lucan
texts.53
1 50 For a detailed discussion ol Uie family uec of Ilcrods sec 11. J. Cadbury, The I?imily Tree of thc 11erods'in T h e d i s t i a n l l y Volume 5 (cds) F. J. hokes Jackson and Kirsopp 1,;ike l h kcr I h ) k I loc~sc, Grir~~tl Ihpids Miclrigi~n (1966) PI). 48711'. Evans ~iotes that Luke consciously introduced the prophetic activity of John in a characteristic Old Tesment pattern, but in his case on h e background of world history. IIe becomes [lie only New Testament auhor to do his. Evans writes, 'The sixfold referelice to contemporary rulers, civil and ecclesiastical, is far more elaborate Uian anything ol' the kind in lhe Old Tesmnent' cf, C. P. Evans, Salnl London SCM (1990) pp. 231ff. See also J. T. Sanders, in I.uke-Am SCM (1987) pp. 20f. 51~~erod the letrrich of Giililee figures prominenlly in Luke-Acls, cf. 3: 19; 8: 3; 9: 7f; 13: 21; 23: 7- 15; Acls 4: 27; 13:1, A~i~ias and C;iiaphas appear in Acls 4: 6 as of lligh Priestly family. 52cf. J. A. Dm; , -
. . .' pp. 135f. See also R. E. Brown, u., pp. 362f especitilly his exposilion of I,uke 1: 5 1-52 in atkmpt lo determine the mighty, a prophecy which is not uacoaacckd wih Jolin's mission iuid vision of the coming One. 53~cco~rling to Darr, a reader of Luke-Acls has a problem of 'environmental displacement' U~at is finding appropriate ways of dealing will) chronological and cultural dislance hat separates us from the origins of the Greco-Roman narratives. 'his is mainly [lie reason for our focusing on these Luci~i characters. Since hey appear mucli hi Lhe na~ralives, U u t would suggest Ihe impormt roles hey played and we might be able to find out the sort of socia1 life on which their characterization were fashioned. cf. J. A. Dm, m, p. 13. Itoetzel comments that h e Pharisees are tlie most frequently rnenlioectl i n lllc Ncw '~esl;~incnl 1,111 with some rnixctl projcclioii. 'Al~ho~igl~ II IC tIcs(~rip~ioi~ Oy Gospel writcrs alid by Paul tlislorts Iiistoriml rcalily somewhat, mucli lliat is liisrorically relii~ble may nonetheless be learned from Uiese accounts,' cf. C. J . Roctzel, The W o r w a . ' . . ll,e N~ ' . , ?estdmeul, SCM (1985) pp. 25f. Jacob Neusncr aclually says hat Lhe I'liarisees while laking Ihe idea
of purity from the Priests lived and persuaded others similarly to treat all aspects of daily life as if it . . . . pj,qrisees nefor were a part of Temple service. cf. Jacob Neusner, -1nrc Tr -the ' a, 3 volumes Leiden: B. J . Brill, (1971) Vol. 111 p. 347. See also Jacob Neusner, b n Pollt~c;sta . . Piety T h e m . . , Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice IIall(1973) p. 89.
2.2 John the Baptist
Luke 1-2 has some personal information about the birth of John. The parents,
Zechariah and Elizabeth were aged and barren and righteous. Zechariah was a priest
scrving his turn in the Tcrnplc whcn an angel Gii1)riel appeared to him and nnnouncctl
the birth of John, who was to call the people of Israel LO repenlance in preparation for
the Lord, in the line of Old Testamenl prophets, but specifically likened to Elijah.
The announcement of John's birth was in the days of Herod King of Judea (1: 5).54
This is important literary method for the later encounter ol' this child to be born with
Herod.55 We shall return to it later, bearing in mind that the texl only mentions
Herod, King of Judea at the time.
Zechariah is describcd as righteous and blamcless ( I : 7) and serving when his division
was on duty, ... and it fell to him by lot (1: 8-9). The piece of information here would
suggest that there were other priests who could have served, but the 101 fell on
Zechariah. Was it a divine selection? Was Zechariah the only priest whose heart was
in a way open to God more than the others? The text does not say. The birth of John
started in the Temple with priestly parents. God initiated it. He was to turn Israel to
their God (1: 16). The days of Herod probably characterized a turning away from the
God of Israe!. God prepared John from the womb of Elizabeth to bring back Israe1.56
From the Pharisees then, we may be able to learn solncthing about die social life lhal lo tlrc~n was cooncctcd wilh tr 'l'cmplc scrvicc. 5 4 ~ e had looked at this Herod, thal is the Great, as different from dre telrarch. See note 45 above. 5 5 ~ h e Herod under whose territory John die Baptist niinislered was Herod the teuach. Luke was aware of the confusing nature of hese reigns of Herods and made attempts to differentiate their titles. But they all belonged lo the Herod family. Introducing the birth of John under Herod, the King presupposed the encouliier of this prophel with a khg, but this time Herod Lhe ktrach (Luke 3:l). Therefore, Ilerod the King was used to intraluce a great prophet who was to act exaclly like tlie Deutronoinic prophets, pointing the erring ki~igs back to Lhe path of righteousness. cf. I. A. Darr, oo.cot., pp. 134-137. %'he parenlage of John the Baptist only found in Luke has had considerable atlention. Is il L,uc;ui conslruct or Lucan tradition? Goulder thinks that with the association of Malachi 3: 1 to John 11113 Baptist (cf Luke 7: 27) and Malachi's oracles mainly direcled against the priests, the author of the gospel corislructed John's parenls. Aaron's wife Elimbeh came to be given as Uie mother apparently because of a tradition that John the Baptist was believed lo be a Messiah of Aaronic descent whose disciples persisted well into Lhe Jesus movemelil era and probably compekd with their disciples. cf. M.
But John was in the wilderness (1: 80). Socially John rejected the city. Was this in
line with God's rejection and displeasure of the society as it was then? We are not
told. John was in the wilderness when the Word of God came to him (3: 2) and he
preached baptism of repentance for the forgiveness of Sin (3: 3).
There were still ministering High Priests (Annas and Caiaphas)57 when John's wolds
thundered. God was not pleased indeed, and from the content of his message we learn
of God's displeasure.
The multitude that came to him he called 'brood of vipers'.58 Some see this as
reference to Pharisees and Sadducees. The metaphor suggests a people who were
wicked in their dealings with one another, this is made clearer as the social ills are
exposed in 3: 11-14. Some people had two coats while others had none. When some
ate to their full, some went hungry. The tax collectors were collecting more than
D. Goolder and M. L. Sanderson, 'Sl I ,uke's Genesis', -1 of The o l o e l c ; r l S (1957) PI'. 12- 30; Wink thinks lhal since Uie church itself was an offsl~ool of Uie John the Daprisl lnovemenl il was they who broughl the Iradition. The way il is presented in Luke m y 1101 be unconnected with the great rivalry belween the two movements and h e need to subjecl John the Baptist tradition lo lake the position of a testimony to Jesus, the Messiah, because of a belief Ihen that John was a Messiah from Aaron and Jesus a Messiah from David. cf. W. Wink, John the Baptist in the Gospel Tradition, NTSMS 7, Cambridge, CUP (1968) pp. 58-86. On Lhe other hand, arguments aboul John die Baplist's Qumran conneclions make his priestly descent highly probable since i t is bclieved thal a greal number of the humble and pious Jews belonged to Illis priestly movemenl. cf. Otto Betz and ltainer Riesncr, J&-ht, , , . V , d h u ., SCM (1 993) p. 145; see dso C. 11. 11. Scobie, bhn lhe Ram Fortress (1964) pp. 32-39; cf. S. E. Davies, 'John the Baplisl and Essenc Kashrulh' bIITS, 29 (1983) pp. 569-571; cf. R. Riesner 'BeUiany Beyond the Jordan (John 1: 28). Topography, l'hcology and IIisto~y in lhe Fourdl Gospel', Tyt1Rull38. (1987) pp. 29-63. See also R. E. Brown, 'l'lie Birlh of l~ M e s a a m , pp. 2651T. Herod the King's reign was not a happy one for Ule Jews. Roetzel writes: 'In 37BC, IIerod wrested control of Judea from Aristobulus the 1Iasmonean represenlalive, whom lie ordered first crucified Ihen beheaded. According lo Josephus, Ilelod also execuled forty-five Sadducean priests, who had suppo~lcd Arislobolus' cl: Calvin J . Rocrzcl, Op.cil., pp. 15CC. cC It. If. Browa, Op.cit., PI). 54811'. 5 7 ~ h i ~ e here tnay be some LIiings U~at are not clear enough abu t the chronology of Ann* and Caiaphas as IIigh Priests al the same time, die literary functions of aligning them wilh the Roman rulers when the Word of God came to John may be higlilighling heir siding with the rulers lo oppose the prophet, a role Lhal will be consislent up lo Ihe trial and crucifixion of Jesus, and perseculion of the disciples even after the resurrection of Jesus (cf Luke 20: 19; 22: 54,66; Acls 4: 6). cf. J. T. Sanders,
Jews in 1,uke-Acts. a d . , pp. 1% also J. A. Dam, a, p. 135. 58~bout the brood of vipers Marshall writes: 'Jusl as adders tlee before the approach of a bush fire, so the Jews are trying to escap from judgement lo come'. This reference in Matthew 3: 7 is particululy for Ihe Pharisees and Sadducees, bul here in Luke, il is generalized lo include everybody. cf. I. 11. Marshall, The Gosnel of I.uke A Commentary on the Greek Texf Eerdmans: Michigan (1978) p. 139. cf. N. Celdenhuys, Conlmentarv on the Gospel of I.uke Eerdnms: Michigan (1983) pp. 138f.
necessary which would be a burden to the payers. Soldiers were immersed in violent
robbery and false accusation for bribes.
The picture begins to emerge of a society where the powerful trample on the weak,
the gulf between the rich and the poor was wide. John the Baptist sounds like a
prophet of social justice. His life was a total rejection of the society's way of life.
John and his disciples had little food and drink and that was enough for them as a way
of stressing caring for one another (5: 33, 7: 33).59 This would suggest that quite a
number of people were without food. The ones who said John was mad because he
rejected feasting (at the expense of the poor and hungry) would be the very rich
people. That John had disciples meant that he was not alone in his observation of the
oppressive situation.
John also knew the source of thc problem. In a society socially divided between the
ruler and the ruled, and the ruler is powerful and rich and the ruled is poor, it could
have something to do with the policy of the ruler.oO John confronted the ruler. We
see this in Luke 3: 19-20 where John reproves Herod. We are not told what Herod's
offence is. But Herod is classified as an evil ruler. He put John in prison, and
beheaded him eventually (9: 7-9)."' The religious leaders also rejected John and the
591r1 Mark 1: 6, tllcrc is a dcsc~,iption oSJoho's clotllcs arid liwd wliictl may no1 be uriconncc~ctl wi th lllc social condition at lhc linlc (Lukc 3: 11). Of Ihc pcriod John minislcrcd Rt~lzc t \\~rilcs: 'Rccause the Iiind in lhe hill country was marginally produclivc and rriinfiill unprctliclable, Ihc Romirn ~ u w s wcrc burtlcnsomc. Drought or insecls ol'lcn drovc Ihe small Si~rmc~ inlo intlcnli~rcd scrvicc lo largcr Ii~ntllortls, ciiusctl him lo I'orfcil liis properly, and ol'~cn l'i)rcctl him i n dcspcriitioa to turn to robbcry Ibr survival. Indignialiou Icslcrctl againsl rich lantllonis, lax collcclors, and Roman adminislralors. T l~c limcs \vcrc ripe I'or propl~clic Ilgurcs pnmlising divine tlcli\/crancc I'ronl thc hcavy burdcns, or evcn l'ix rcvolu~io~iary lcadcrs \vho drcamcd oL' libcnrling Judah ll-om Roman rirlc' cf. C. J. Rtxtzcl. Thc World Ihal Shawd Ihc Ncw Tcslamcnt, op.cll., pp, 16- 17.
(Athe Roman Icadcrs \\lcrc targets ol'somc unhappy Jcws who I'cll thal tllcir land ant1 privilcgcs wcrc bcing dcnicd them. Roctxcl quotes Josephus and wrilcs: ' Joscphus lclls of a sporadic Jcwish 1-csisla~kc fmm as carly as 6 CE, whcn Judas thc Giililcan unsuccessfully opposcd thc Roman Census. J~rdiis ... inci tcd his coimtrymcn to rcvolt, upbraiding them as cowards Ibr consenting to pay Lri butc to the Romans and tolerating morkal maslcrs, after having Gtxl l'or thcir Lord.' cl'. C. J. Rtxkcl, m, p. 17.
Writing about why John thc Baptist \\/as iolplisoncd and bchci~dcd Thicl-ing wrilcs: 'John ... was conviriccd of thc immincn~ dawn of Ihc end ol' thc agc and tlatcd i~29 -3 1 AD. HcrtA Anlipas had him ;IVI'CS~XI, f l l ~ l ~ C C ~ ~ I I S C he \YilS illlp'y ilbO111 IhL! 1 ~ ; l p l i ~ I ~ ~ l ~ ~ l l i ~ ~ ~ l l l 01. 111s l l l i l l ~ ~ ~ i l ~ ~ ~ 1 0 1 kN)dl;l~. :llld sccooilly, bccausc rl~c xc~~ophobia i l l ll~c U ~ I ~ > L I S ~ ' S prcaclu~~g sccn~ctl 10 him lo bc P ~ I I L I C ~ L I I Y ~ ~ I I ~ C I U L I S . Moreover thc prophecy of a turning point thal would bring salvation had not been full'illcd cvcn in 3 1.
tax collectors and sinners repented at John's preaching (7: 27-30). The death of John
at the hands of Herod suggest a society in which people's destiny was in the hands of
the ruler. The people belonged to the ruler to do as he wished and according to his
dictates. We s iw in the social history of Palestine at this time that socially the society
probably was run between the ruler and the ruled, with the ruler quite powerful.62 It
is clear from John's h t e that even human life did m t matter much. If John, whose
birth was announced by angel Gabriel, whose call was in the wilderness and sent by
God could be so treated, what happened to the ordinary citizens? But God has always
had his agents who minister in the Temple. What did they do about such a situation?
We shall discuss the issue, focusing on the Pharisees.63
2.3 The Pharisees
The pillars al' the Jewish socicty were the High Pricst and the Chicf Priests who acted
as custodians of the law, and the Pharisees and Scribes as the interpreters and
teachers. Within these were other influential groups such as the Sadducees. A
selection of these groups make up the highest ruling body, the council.64
Finally the Baptist was executed as a false prophet.' cf. B. 'hiering a t h e lliuper London (1992) p. 556 cited by Otto Betz and Rainer Riesner, Iesus. the Valiw, SCM (1994) p. 105. 621'he way John the Baptist is presented here is similar to some prophets of Israel addressing unjust rule. D m calls'it 'stereotyping Old Testament prophets versus evil Kings',. I-le writes 'John is simply tloiilg what IihilIly 01' his proplctic prcdcccssors tlitl. I .ikc Moscs conli.onli~rg I'llitri~ol~, or Ni~lllia~ confronting David concerning Bathsheba, or Blijah censuring Allab and Jezebel, so John confronts Herod. Tlie desc~iptio~i of llerod's evil echoes Ihe brief evaluative formulae for wicked kings in [he Deuteronomic History' cf. J. A. Dam, On Character Bail(1bg, m., p 137. 6% his discussion about [he historical presentation of the Pharisees in Lucan material, Suldarini says, 'Tlie class system in Agraria~i Empires are between die rulers and the peasants. Tlie Pharisees aid the Scribes as a religious group belong Lo Uie ruling class. As a political force they inleract with die ruling and governing class for the people'. cf. A. J. Saldarini, Pharisees. Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Societv, T&T Clark EAinburgh (1988) p. 39. They are the religious group most frequently me~itioned in the gospels. cf. C. J. Roetzel, m., p. 25. The Pharisees dominate the religious (and political) scene oulside Jerusalem, a1 leash this is how Lucan picture presents them. cf. Halvor Moxnes, m., p. 18. Because the Pharisees were part of die ruling class who also interact between the ruliug class and the peasants, a focus on their activities will supply some illformalion about Ihe social condition and climate between the governors and the ruled. This is why we focus on the Pharisees, bearing in mind that they work hand in hand with the Chief Pliests. @The council we will take to mean the Sanhed~in. See note 49 above.
In Lucan text, after the mention of Zechariah (Luke l), there is no more mention of
chief priests until the passion (Luke 19: 47).65 This is pailly why we choose to focus
on the Pharisees as leaders of the Jewish society.
There are other reasons why we focus on the Pharisees. As early as Luke 5; 17 they
appear with the lawyers and remain prominent with Scribes until the passion and are
not heard of again (19: 40) until Acts of the Apostles (Acts 5: 33; 15: 5) . Another
reason is that in Luke, the Pharisees seem to function as rulers, probably as village
rulers. (cC Luke 5: 17; 14: 1; 18: 18r!).66
The Pharisees are not directly mentioned at the passion but the High Priest and Chief
Priests and the council feature prominently (Luke 22: 66). Some Pharisees belonged
to the council (Acts 5: 34). So it could be assumed that they were there also but
played a more passive role.
The other reason is that in the account of Paul's conversion, he got permission from
the High Priest before putting up a fight against the disciples and believers. He was a
Pharisee, and obtained permission from the Chief P r i e s~~7 This could suggest that the
Pharisees represented the views of the Priests and in fact were their task masters in
Temple affairs (cf. Acts 9: 1-9). We can therefore assume that the role they played in
the Lucan tept was at the instigation and permission of the High Priest. It seems to
65The way literary structure of the Chief Priests is presented is in opposilion lo Jesus in the gospel and to h e disciples in Acls. Although they appear lo be abseni in the prepassion narralives, bul Lucan mention of. them together with Ko~nan governors in Luke 3: 1-2 structures Lhern as enemies of the good news (cf. Luke 9: 22; 20: 19; Acls 9: 1-3; Acls 22: 5; 19: 14; 14: 5). cf. J. T. Sanders, The Jews in 1,oke-Acb, m a , , pp. 19-20. O C I ~ rcirsotr why Ilrc I'lrarisccs i~rc co~~spicuously irbsurt ill LLrc passion is suggcslctl by Saltlarirri lo IN that their polilical influence was in Gi~lilee, no1 in Jerusalem, in h e wilh Lucan presenraiion of Jesus interactio~l with the Pharisees Lo be a Galilean episode. cf. A. J. Saldarini, m.. p. 178. Moxnes agrees with Saldiuini: 'I.uke emphasizes that the Pharisees lived permanenlly in Galilee and Judea outside of Jerusalem by focusing his interest 011 heir use of their homes for hospitality,' cf. I-Ialvor Moxnes, m.. p. 19. 67cf. J. T. Sanders, or,.cit. pp. 19-20.
were the Pharisees. Lucan texts suggest that Pharisees were rulers and we shall look at
some of these texts to see how.
In Luke 14: 1, we have 'a house of a ruler who belonged to the Pharisee'.72 In Luke
5: 17 we have Pharisees and teachers of the law from evely village in Galilee, Judea
and Jerusalem. While this is not specific about their role that they represented their
various villages put them in a leadership role.
In Luke 5: 33, Pharisees are said to have di~ciples.~3 Those in religious leadership
roles in Palestine usually have disciples. John had disciples. Jesus had disciples.
Scholars think it is historically difficult if not impossible to establish the existence of
disciples of the Pharisees. We have it in the text. They must have existed. It could be
an evidence of the leadership capability and influence and authority of' the Pharisees.
The three accounts about Jesus eating in the houses of Pharisees would suggest that
they lived comfortably. In the Palestinian social life, position ol' authority attracted
wealth and riches, because the ruling class controlled the economy. (cf. Luke 17: 36;
11: 37; 14: 1).74 Can the argument be sustained that the Pharisees belonged to the
ruling class from Lucan texts?
rl3~engstorf believes the appearance of p a t l q q ~ ) ~ to suggest lhal Pharisees had disciples was probably in order. He refers to Josephus' use of 'disciple' where the Old Tesla~nent has 'so11 of a prophet' (cf. Kings 9: 1). Paul had disciples according to Acts 9: 25 and as a rabbi, that would be expecled, cf. K. H. Rengslorf, ' p a 0 q q ~ ' in TDNT Vol. IV (ed) G. Kitkl, Eerdrnans (1967) pp. 440f, 444f, 459. Schweizer suggests that 'son of may mean 'a pupil o r , i.e. a disciple rather than a generic term or sense. cf. E. Schweizer ' p a e q ~ q ~ ' in TDNT Vol. VIIl, pp. 365f. Marshall Lhinks it is a strange occurrence lo have "disciples of the Pharisees". cf. I. H. Marshall, 'I& Goswl of Luke, Exeter (1978) p. 268f. Sanders thinks it is an a11omaly lo speak of the disciples of the Pharisees, Mark ]nay have intluenced Luke here. cf. J. T. Sanders, &.. p. 172. 74cf. Halvor Moxnes, u., p. 73.
The Pharisees' conli-ontation with Jesus seem Lo ccnlsc on authority and p o w ~ r . ~ ~ ' T h c
first appearance of the Pharisees is within the context of whether Jesus has authority
to heal and to forgive sins or not. Notice that earlier in that text, the author observes
that 'the powe; of the Imd was with him (Jesus) to heal' (Luke 5: 17-26). Many of
the passages dealing on the Pharisees' conflict with Jesus are on the last analysis about
authority. The conflict about purity laws (I 1: 37-41) or eating with sinners (5: 29-32;
7: 36-50; 15: 1-2; 19: 1-10) or the casting out of a demon ( I 1: 14-23), or Sabbath
rules (6: 1-5, 6-1 1; 13: 10-17) centre on authority and power. The contention of the
Phai-isees is 'it is not lawful' (6: 2) or simply 'it is understood or common knowledge
that such a thing is not done for such a one is a sinner or tax collector' (5: 30; 7: 39;
15: 2; 19: 7). The Pharisees present themselves as leaders of the people and sat on
these rules and oppressed people. Luke presents Jesus as another leader, a liberator,
confronting the Pharisees, leaders of the people. The conflict shai-pens the entranched
leadership roles of the Pharisee. In their leadership roles, the Pharisees present
themselves as defenders of the Torah, Jewish religious system and rules. Lucan texts
present this their concern for Jewish purity in contrast to the socio-economic
oppression they encourage within their conflict with Je~us.7~
Jesus criticizes the Pharisees in Luke 11: 37-54, undermining their authority as
leaders of Israel. To criticize them as selfish, hypocritical, and exploitative sounds
like a criticism from a group which is exploited discriminated against, oppressed and
marginalized.
75~assidy writes: 'Far from having my i~idepe~ident existelm of irs own, Caesar's realm, the social order of the llonmn Empire, was in Jesus' view a part of the larger order of crealion, whose only author was God. Therefore the Roman's social patterns were to be evaluated against Ihe sr;tndlu'd of h e social patterns desired by God, and supporled or not on that basis.' cf. Richard J. Cassidy .lesus, I'olilics and Society: A SLudy of I.uke's Gospel Maryknoll Ncw York Orbis Books (1978) p. 58. cf. J . 1.). M. Ihmctt, - 'I .ukc's IJcrspcclivc on 'l'ril)~rlc Lo C:icsar,' ill I Jo l i l i~~l issues i n I .ukc- Ac(s (eds) R. J. Cassidy and Philip J. Scharper, Orbis Books New York (1983) pp. 38ff. -.
76~aldari~$s observation here is worth recalling: ' lbe Pharisees use purity regulations to mainlain social order and this led to injust relationship between those classified as 'holy' a~ld hose classified as 'outcast and sinners'. cf. A. J. Saldarini, a, pp. 121, 176.
The conflict is set within a meal. The pronouncement against the Pharisees and
Scribes may be from the Q source,77 introduced by the dinner washing controversy.
The tables ale turned against the Pharisees. Despite their concern for cleansing, they
are reviled as unclean and impure. Purity was not guaranteed by observance of ritual
purity, but a matter of social relations and behaviour towards others. The Pharisees
concern for purity laws was linked to their exploitation oC the people. They are called
upon to give alms suggesting their selfishness in the fax of exploitation and
oppression (1 1: 41). They are called to the justice and love of God rather than high-
handed tithing which probably subjected the masses to perpetual poverty (1 1: 42).
They are called to desist from power stniggle and autocratic Icadership of the pcoplc
(1 1: 43). Even their apparent concern for purity is on itself and its pursuance defiling
enough (1 1: 44). The points make a pattern. The Pharisees who are leaders of the
people and are most eager to be ritually pure and make society clean are themselves
greedy, plunderous, and wicked.78
In Luke 14: 1 a Pharisee is described as a niler. There is also the appearance of
another ruler men tioned in Luke 18: 18. Could this ruler be a Pharisee?7%nd in Luke
16: 14 the Pharisees are said to be lovers of money.80 Rulers and money (economy)
7 7 ' ~ i e general principle for analyzing a marerial lliat could be from the hypothetical Q is when similar (or the same) saying or event is found in bolh Matthew and 1,uke allxit with different phraseology, but no1 in Mark at ail. In this case the woe pronouncements against the I'barisees and Scribes are found in Matthew aid Luke. There is only one 'woe saying' in Mark directed against who was to beway Jesus (cf. Mark 14: 2'1). According to Edwards, in L.uke 1 I: 39f, there is a combinalion of prophecy and wisdom in these pronouncements - a prophelic threat recalling Ihe aclivity of YHWII which is confiimed by wisdom. It is directed against the Pharisees (Jewish establishmeol) because they use the law as a shield against real conunihncnt. cC. Kichwd A. l3lwwtls, \'lbcologv m, 1;orlrcss l'rcss (1978) pp. 1 15- 1 19. 78cf. A. J. Saldarini, a., p. 176. 791n the parallels of Matthew 19: 16 and Mark 10: 17 the reference is to 'a man', but in Luke 18: 18 i t is 'a ruler'. Mention is made in Luke 8: 41 of the synagogue. The ruler in 18: 18 could be a member of the Sanhedrin, so Illinks Marshall. cf. I. 11. Marshall, The of I,uke =it., p. 286. In Luke 14: 1, a ruler who belonged to the Pharisees is mentioned while it might be the case to believe that Pharisees are rulers it could be that not all rulers itre I'llarisees. Rut Luke's use of rulers in conjunction with the Chief Priests, suggest that they probably were Pharisees (cf. Luke 23: 13,35; 24: 20). 800n the point that the Pharisees are lovers of money Sanders writes: 'The Pharisaic 'deriding' of Jesus in Luke 16: 14 lacks a ~neariingful context and appears groundless. Jesus' preceding saying in 14: 13 about human inability to serve two masters could hardly have bee11 objjectionable to either real or Lucan Pharisees. Furthermore, Luke's slander that they are 'lovers of ~noney' is without basis in the Gospel or Acts. We learn from this brief statement, therefore, that Luke has a profound dislike for
went together in Palestine as well as ancient situation. In a peasant economy much
business was based on land and labour - land owners and labourers, controlled by a
kinship or membership structure. Judea was a dependent city to Rome who controlled
the empire. Palestine was a vassal state to Rome, under the kingship of Herod. Herod
reigned or ruled in league with Temple officials, and the Pharisees were part of it. It
would seem then that the Pharisees were part of the iuling class which controlled the
land.81 At least they were close to Herod.
We see the Pharisees warning Jesus about Herod's intention. Why was Herod after
Jesus and not after the Pharisees? The probable answer would be because the
Pharisees were part of the familiar iuling class of Herod but Jesus was a stranger, and
Jcsus was upselling thcir slatus quo through his [caching, and thercforc bccame
suspect. (Luke 13: 31).
Taking this line of thought, it begins to make sense why the Pharisees are called
lovers of money. They belonged to the ruling class who were rich. We see some
Pharisees owning houses (7: 36; 14:l) inviting Jesus to their parties and feasts. Jesus'
word, '... those who are gorgeously appareled and live in luxury are in King's courts',
may be a reference which includes the Pharisees for they are focused a little further in
that same text (Luke 7: 25-30).
By focusing on the prominent characters in Lucan text, we can learn a lot about the
local scene and the sociely. The form of socio-economic interaction and ruje is that
Pharisees and lhat he thinks of [hem as making light of Jesus, but lhe grounds for bolh escape us'. cf. 1. T. Sanders, The Jews' in I.uke-Acts SCM (1987) P. 93. Sanders can be judged right in his conclusions according lo Lucan texts. We think lhat it is fair lo say that Luke does 1101 say how or from where the Pharisees make lheir money. I le gives a hint to tax collectors, for example, being extorlioncrs but nothing of Ihat sort for the Pharisees exccpt lo say that lhey are lovers of money. But for Luke or lhe aulhor to say lhat means hat there is a reason for addressing the Pharisees as such. The clue to Ihe dilemma could be supplied. Through Uiis approach to the text, Saldarini says that lhe Pharisees as part of the peoples' ruling class, had access to the economy (cf. Luke 11: 42). cf. A. J. Saldarini, w., p. 178. For a thorough discussion on this cf. Mvor Moxnes, m., pp. 1-9. 8Icf. II;~lvor Moxncs, M, pp. 1051..
of the,ruler and the ruled. The ruled lived predominantly in Galilee and the ruler in
Jerusalem. That Luke presents the Pharisees as coming from Galilee, Judea and
Jerusalem would suggest that they represented Herod anti the High Priest whose
center of leadei-ship was Jei-usalem.82 Luke presents Jesus as moving from the village
periphery to the central city which is the scene for the sest of the Lucan gospel and
Acts. Jesus' conflict with the Pharisees is therefore to be seen in the context of an
exploitative leadership regime and , oppressing the 'peo~le ' .~3 With Jesus appearing
on the scene, thc growing tension hctwccn thc peoplc ;mi tticir leadership wiks
contrasted with Jesus' criticism of the Pharisees and their system, a situation that
reached its climax, the death of Jesus at the hands of the rulers - the council. The
death of Jesus shocked the people. The Emmaus episode states that Jesus was
delivered to be crucified by the hands of the Chief Priests and rulers. But Jesus was
thought to be a prophet mighty in word and deed before God and 'the people'. Who
are this people? What was their point of wishing that Jesus would have been the one
to redeem Israel?g4 (Luke 24: 13-21). We shall now consider the people and their
social life.
2.4 The Pea*
When Luke focuses on the leaders and their conflict with Jesus, there is a single group
usually undifferentiated and called the 'people'.85 They appear in several places.
820~i1y I.ukc contains llie infol-matioa dial 1Icrocl llic lclracli was in J en~sahn at the Irial of Jcsus (Luke 23). 1C Jesus' ministry was mainly in Galilee area, and the I'hruisees are promineni in pre-passion narratives which suggest mainly Galilee area, and the Pliarisees are part of the ruling class, the appearance of Ilerod in Jerusalem in Luke may imply ilia1 Ihe power behind the arrest of Jesus is slill diere in Jerusalem but in the background. Since Jerusalem was Ihe cenlre of Jewish atkninisuation, hod1 Pilale, lhe governor of the area aid llie Chief Priests, h e officials of Lhe Teniple are presented as laking an active part. Therefore, ordinarily these people mainly resided in Galilee, where die Pharisees as reptesenlalives of the ruling class would have cousiderable audiorily, cC. Moxnes, M, pp. 68-70.
r , '%I.. D I ~ L : J . Mi~lil~i~, -NOW 101- . . , :. ., m y , AIlil~lIi~: John Knox Press (1981) pp. 84E 84~re-resurrection narratives of the underslanding of Jesus' mission by the disciples give the impression llial they probably looked on Jesus as a political redcemer. cl. 1'. 1:. Druce 'New 'l'cshrnent Ilislory', Nelson (1969) pp. 88ff. cf. C. J. Iloelzel m., p. 17. 850 '~oole believes lhal the Luca~i malerial slruclures 'the peoplc' in such a way Lliat diey are presenled on heir own, clifferenl from lheir leaders, and mostly as the ones Jesus defends from die hands of these leaders. 0"l'oole sees a lheological construcl here of the Sepluaginl bias for k o S essentially meaning the cornrnunily which God called and leads to salvation. Therefore, the Lucan
They are grouped with tax collectors who justified God because they believed John's
baptism which the Pharisees and the lawyers rejected (Luke 7: 29). "The peoplc" are
said to hang on the words of Jesus at the same time the Chief Priests and Scribes and
leaders wanted'to destroy him (Luke 19: 48). The Chief Priests and the Scribes and
the elders are even afraid of this 'people' and withdrew from facing the truth about
John itnd himself ( I ~ k c 20: 6). Fin;~lly, the Chief Priests itntl the ~nul~itudc itccusc
him of perverting "the people" (Luke 23: 14). And at crucifixion of Jesus, it was the
leaders and their subordinates made up of the officers and officials (Luke 22: 50, 52),
clients and their followers who supported the crucifixion (Luke 20: 23; 23: 4-5, 20-
23). The crowds or the people have no independent role in the case against Jesus,
rather Luke emphasizes that the leaders were responsible (Luke 22: 2, 23: 26-27, 35).
What sort of life did this people live'? How did they make their living?
Many of the people lived through working on the land, whether as peasants owning
their own land, as tenants, day labourers or servants. Other various occupaiions ihat
Luke mentions tell us how the people lived.
Work is a natural part of daily life alld appears in many parables (Luke 17: 7-10, 31,
35). But when Luke gets into details about work then it usually suggesls an abnormal
situation which needs to be redressed.86 For example, when people are unable to
produce enough for themselves, or when we hear of debts and debtors and creditors, it
signals social imbalance. Why the imbalance? The author of Lucan text often
mentions 'the poor', 'the rich' with little or no clue as to how one was poor or how
one made his riches. But some of the stories and parables give some insight to the
probable way to riches and poverty with some ways praised and others abhored.
introduction and usage of Aao~ and d X b 5 presumably is Lo bring that Logelher iu Acts Lo fonn the Sons of Israel, lhat is the church. cf. R. F. O'Toole, m, pp. 18-22. 86cf. N. Avigad, "How lhe wealthy lived in IIerodian Jeiusalern" BAR 214 (1976) 1, pp. 23-35.
The parable of the rich fool seems a natural good and acceptable way of growing rich:
'The land of a rich man brought forth plentiful in Luke 12: 16'. He did a good hard
work and had a good harvest. Good weather, absence of natural disaster were all on
his side, including good soil. What spoilt the man's work was selfishness. Being a
big land owner, he was already in plenty. What came out of the land became a
material difference between him and the peasants. He thought less abont the margin
already existing between him and the peasants, but concentrated on expansionism.
This will only create more margins between him and the peasants and more starving
people with another person more than enough to eat. This is the foolishness. He was
uncharitable.
Some other land owners may plant in unfiavourable soil as the parable of the sower
suggest (Luke 8: 4-8). Some other people may even work extra hard on their farm
and end up disappointed to the point of frustration (Luke 13: 6-9). But all these are
presented by Luke as legitimate way of sustenance.
Trade is seen by Luke also as a good way to living. The parable of the pounds would
suggest that Lucan society had some traders who made their living through that (Luke
19: 11-13).
This Lucan society also seem to have many people who are poor on account of a few
powerful ones' exploiting the vulnerability of the weak, the victims of unjust system.
By enriching themselves without care and concern for these weak ones, they are seen
as unrighteous.87
For example, we hear: 'I was afraid of you, because you are a severe man; you take
up what you did not lay down, and reap what you did not sow' (Luke 19: 21). This
may be regarded as an answer of' a wicked servant, but it describes a view of the
87 cf. A. J. Saldatii, Op. Cit., P. 21. cf. J. Srambaugh and D. Balch, m., pp. 97-98.
master which may not be easy to ignore. As it stands, there could be a situatiou in
which some get rich by exploitation oC the poor and weak, as the answer suggesk.@
The behaviour'of the soldiers towards the villagers was similar to exploitation
according to the words of John the Baptist. So while the rich exploit, their servants
and agents follow suit, and 'the people' bear the burden: 'Rob no one by violence or
I'alsc accusations, and be content with your wages' (Lukc 3: 14).
There were the tax collectors who probably made much gain out of their profession
by defrauding people. Zacchaeus becomes an example of a wealthy tax collector who
could give back fou~fold of such ill-gotten wealth to the affected people (Luke 19: 8).
It could be for this reason that tax collectors generally were looked upon as sinners
(Luke 18: 9-14). John the Baptist tells them, 'Collect no more than is appointed you'
(Luke 3: 13) from the people. It was the people who suffered the weight of such
exploitation.
Apart from trade and profession, and how people made money there is also mention
of possessions which could further reveal the sort of social life people lived. Such
possessions include houses, food and clothes.
There are mqny mentions of houses in Luke that it is taken for granted that people had
houses and homes. Some of the houses were made of tiles (Luke 5: 19) which
suggest well built and probably costly houses. While some houses may be solidly
built, others could be built on shallow foundation and would not last (Luke 6: 47-49).
As much as this illustration could say much about carefulness in building, it may have
something to do with being wealthy enough to build a solid house or too poor to
afford only a shallow one. But the two types of buildings are illustrations. The
8 8 ~ o r the various tenns of creditors and debtors and the system of oppression. cf. S. Applebaum, 'Economic life in Palestine' in The Jewish Peol~le in L e First Centurv 2, (eds) S. Safrai and M. Stern, Assen: Van Gorcum, (1976) pp. 659ff. See also J. Starnbaugh and D. Balch, &., pp. 72-73.
financial costs can only be suggested as a contributory cause as to why the difference
in solidity. While some can not live in houses because of their mental health, but in
burial places, the cause of the illness may not be unconnected with the strain and
stress of the over bearing society (Luke 8: 27).89 This may be demonstrated by the
stiltcmcnt of Jesus that 'the son o f Man has m)-where to lay his lieid'. A rcl'crcncc
which may suggest that some people probably were dispossessed of basic need of
land. Cf. Luke 9: 58. And yet the Temple in Jerusalem is described as a splendid
building (Luke 21: 5-6).g0 But then, that the disciples wondered at such a building
suggest that they were from the peasantry. Simon Peter had a house (Luke 4: 38).
Martha had a house (Luke 10: 38). Some early converts had possessions of land and
houses (Acts 4: 34). Titus' house was even next lo the synagogue (Acts 18: 7). These
speak of a social and economic interaction within the society which suggest real life
and activity. While some had houses some olhers had none. Some of the homes were
well built, some others were not so strong.
What about eating habits? Bread is mentioned several times and fish, which suggest a
simple diet. Meat is not mentioned often except at special occasion and a calf is
killed (Luke 15: 13). A lamb for passover is mentioned (Luke 22: 7). Wine is
mentioned (1: 15; 12: 19), and eggs (Luke 1 1: 12).
There are texts which suggest that there were contrasts between the hungry and the
rich. (Luke 1: 53; 6: 21, 25; 16: 19-21; 15: 17). A picture of reversal of such
conditions - the poor and needy are fed and the rich and powerful are sent away
empty, feature much in Lucan texts. Jesus gives the example of Elijah and the
Zarephath outside Israel (Luke 4: 25; See also 6: 21-25; 9: 10-17; 15: 14-24; 16: 19-
26). This is the particular theme in Mary's Song at the annunciation of the birth of
89cf. Gerd Theissen, The M i r a c U m k s of h e Ed! Chri- Philadelphia: Fortress (1083) pp. 43ff. 90The peasants many of whom struggle for daily food had lo join with all others llirough tribute and taxes to support Herod's lavish building depicted ill the Temple project. cf. J . Stambaugh and D. Dalcli, a, pp. 24,92.
Jesus (Luke 1: 46-55), used as a mandate at the beginning of his Ministry by Jesus
(Luke 4: 18- 19).
What we notice ili Luke is that while the picture of the hungry and the rich appear
almosl side by sidc, lhc poor and hungry arc put on thc part ol'casting doubts on thc
means and use of the wealthy's riches." The impression then is that i t is anomaly for
one to eat and be merry while another goes hungry. A picture well illustrated by the
parable of the rich fool (Luke 12: 16-21). He was selfish with his riches. He also
probably hoarded the goods waiting for scarcity so that he could extort the poor by
making them depend upon him for supply, rathcr than sharing what God has blessed
him with.
The rich man and Lazarus story illustrate further the same point. Although the story
depicts a rich man living a life in consonant with his position and wealth and probably
in the eyes of society, he did no wrong. However the text necessarily views it as God
would - use of wealth and power in relation to the social situation (Luke 16: 19-31).
The rich man's goods were spent on himself and his five brothers and friends, while
Lazarus wasted away.
The text castigates the gulf between the rich and their arrogance, pride and
selfishness, and that of the poor, needy and helpless. This inequality is emphasized
by the way in which the rich spent their wealth, not for the common good but most
probably to protect their own position as a group over and against the needy people,
ordinary people of the village." This was the situation John the Baptist saw and
withdrew from it by not eating and drinking, and they said that he was a mad man
(Luke 7: 33).
91cf. J. F. Ross, 'Bread', in IDB Vol. 1 (1962) pp. 461-464; pp. 304-308. 9 2 ~ o r a view that this parable illuslrates the power of manor, in possession. cf. Halvor Moxnes, &., p. 140.
This was a very grave problem that needed to be tackled and the early Christians
made a conscious effort to address the issue through common sharing out of their
resources and possessions (Acts 2: 45).93 The fact that this is mentioned at all about
the character of early Christians would suggest that such a situation not only existed
but posed a serious threat to social equilibrium. Acts finds a solution through sharing
according to the needs of all. A situation where some are dispossessed of land, house,
and food for Luke-Acts suggest a social anomaly which God is fully concerned about.
Clothes and Shoes
What people put on bear some significance to their social standing and life generally
just like the food we have considered. They all added together can give an impression
of the economic and general situation of things.
People wore a cloak with a shirt underneath (Luke 6: 29). T o have two cloaks
probably suggested one was rich enough to afford it in a circumstance where some
had none according to John the Baptist's word to the multitudes (Luke 3: 11). People
also wore sandals or shoes. John the Baptist talked about the one 'who is mightier
than hc' ... whose sandals' thong he was not worthy to untie (Take 3: 1 6). When the
prodigal son returned home, his father ordered that he be dressed in fine robes, shoes
and ring (Luke 15: 22). There could be many inferences to be drawn from this
parable, but,suffice it to say that before his return, the prodigal son represented a
clothe-less outcast of the society, which was reversed to gorgeous dressing and merry
making depicting restoration and oneness at his return.
Clothes were probably scarce which might be why robbers cot~ld go for them as in the
parable of the good Samaritan (Luke 10: 30; see also Luke 6: 29). The Gerasene
tlcmoniac had worn no clothcs hcli)rc his cncoontcr with Jcsus and wiis clothctl al'tcr
93~ohnson sees this practice in Acls as a fulfillment of a law in Deumnomy 15: 4-5 which is a sigll of Lhe true Israel. lie likens his to Ihe cllurch as fulfillment of Israel. For a detailed analysis of Lhese Lexls cf. Luke T. Johnson, Literarv Function of Possessions in 1,uke-Acts. o_n.cit., pp. 183-203.
healing. This healing story may contain a parable about society's dispossessed who
are therefore naked and in need of healing, which will bring social integration - to be
clothed (Luke 8: 26-39).94
The instruction of Jesus to his followers on a mission included not having two cloaks,
which we take to mean not carrying an extra one. Could this minimal way of living
contained in the text be a protest against unjust and uncaring society'? (Luke 9: 3; 10:
4).95
Even clothes in Lucan material could stand for society's extravagance when its
subjects are wasting away in poverty. The description of the rich man in the s t o ~ y of
Lazarus is carefully worded to show that the rich man actually was clothed in purple
and fine linen ... feasting sumptuously EVERY DAY - that is both he clothing and its
quality ... and the feasting went on daily (Luke 16: 19). Similar description occurs in
the words, 'Those who are gorgeously appareled and live in luxury are in Kings'
Courts (Luke 7: 25). The description of clothes, Sood, and luxury are all recognized
as a life-style but viewed with criticism so much so that it is represented as a life that
must take a drastic reversal to favour even the poor in the Lucan community (Luke
The Scribes land Pharisees?) put on long robes as a sign of
Jesus perceives that to be a pretence to cheat and devour the
their social status. But
poor widows (Luke 20:
9 4 ~ h e point about the demoni?cs is the alienation from Ihe society which in many cases the society is impotent to help. cf. G. Theissen, m h . , p. 25f. 95~onsidering ll~e ecological situatio~~ ill Palestine at this time there were scanty clotks and sandals anyway lo bother about. cf. Gerd 'I'heissen, Sociology of Early Palesliniu Christianity, op.ci(., p. 33f. cf. J. Sla~nbaugh and D. Balch, a., pp. 102f. 9 6 ~ t has been observed lhal Lucall presentation of the rich and powerful are in such a way as lo see them in opposition to God. From the infancy narralives lo Ule "commission" of ACE, it is almosl consistent. Mary's Song presenls Jesus as the bearer of the reversal of roles and status - Ihe migluy are put down, the humble exalted, the hungry are fed but the rich sent away empty (Luke 1: 5 1-53). Brown believes Ulat Ule Luc'an Jesus preaches lhat weallh and power are not of real values at all since they have no slanding in God's sight - an anlicipation of Ihe cross even in Lhe infancy narralion. This suspicion and criticism of riches and weallh comes out very forceful in Ule texts (cf. Luke 6: 24-26; 12: 19-20; 21: 1-4) cf. 13. E. Brown, m., pp. 363f.
46-4.7). Therefore, clothing bears a symbol of wealth or poverty. To go without
clothes is a sign of poverty and humiliation. 'To put on gorgeous clothes is a sign of
power and authority. The story of the trial of Jesus carries, 'Herod with his soldiers ...
arraying him'in gorgeous apparel ...' making Jesus look like a king he was accused of
daring to be - a mockery (Luke 23: 11). Jesus probably wore simple unidentifiable
clothes (Luke 9: 3; 10:4) and the Pharisees and Scribes wore long distinguished robes
(Luke 20: 46) and Herod wore gorgeous apparel (Luke 23: 11; 7: 25). With pictures
of robes alone 1,ucan text puts Lucan social life as one characterized by abuse of
power. This unjust and inconsiderate life of the rich and powerful suppresses the
poor. It pushes them to the periphery of the society." The way Herod treated Jesus
may be a suggestion of how he ruled the people. In conclusion, we shall look at the
attitude of Herod to Jesus to enable us to have a general understanding about the
social life divided between the ruler and the ruled, and how this created a condition
which gave rise to such factors that probably enhanced conversion to Jesus.
2.5 Herod Antips the Tetrarch of Galilee
We have noted Lucan characteristic literary style of linking the events of his story of
Jesus with the larger history of the then known world Greco-Roman and
Mediterranean world.98 Jerusalem is the center and the goal for Jesus' journey. His
first encounter with the Pharisees and teachers of the law was in Jerusalem (Luke 5:
17). Jesus predicts his death at the hands of the Chief Priests, elders and scribes
(Luke 9: 22). The Lucan presentation of the Man in whose hands rest the final
authority, Herod, is structured in such a way that it gradually builds up to his trial and
final crucifixion of Jesus.
97cf. J. Slambaugh and D. Balch, m., pp. 102f; also G . Theissen.op.cit., pp. 33ff. For various metaphors for clolhing cf. R. Scrogys arid K. I. Groff, 'Bap~ism in Mark: Dying and Rising with Chrisl', JBI,92 (1 973) pp. 53 1-548. See also R. Rummel 'Clotlies Maketh h e Man - An lasigl~t hour A~lciarl l Jgi~rit', W 2 / 3 ( 1976) pp. 6-8. %ee note 50 above about Deuaonomislic prophecy.
This picture of Herod begins with the era of John the Baptist. The Word of God came
to John the Baptist in the wilderness during the time of Herod the tetrach of Galilee.
In the text, the powers that be in Jerusalem Temple and in Judea and Galilee arc
highlighted (Luke 3: 1-2). John announces the coming one (Messiah) and calls
people to repentance in readiness for him, which is to begin with social justice and
care. John probably called the attention of Herod to the ills of his unjust rule, and
Herod put him in psison (Luke 3: 19-20) and eventually beheaded him (Luke 9: 9).
As John preached about the coming one, and challenged the social injustice of the
rulers, he became popular and was accepted by the people. It was probablc that
Herod feared this to be a peasant uprising against his policies which made him kill
John.99 From the birth narratives of John and his standing with the ordinary people,
Lucan texts already make him a great justice figure in line with God's prophets of the
Old Testament, against the iuler, Herod, and Temple officials.
By the time Jesus encountered Herod which is at Jesus' trial, the wife of Herod's
S tewad Joanna had already been mentioned along with other women as ministering
to Jesus and his disciples (Luke 8: 3). It was probably through Joanna and may be
others, that I-Ierod came to hear about Jesus. The power at work in Jesus which Herod
heard about reminded him all about John the Baptist and he became perplexed (Luke
9: 7-9). Why did Herod associate Jesus to John'? It was most likely that the preaching
of Jesus was similar to that of John, this would suggest that Jesus followed John in
pointing out the injustice in Herod's rulc. Probably Jesus did say things uncomprising
about Herod.
9 9 ~ o r the view that Herod 'I'elrarch arrested John Lhe Baptist for fear of an uprising, Lhat is for political reasons cf. Otto Belz md Raiuer Riesner, m., p. 105. Reference to Josephus for a possible infonnalion about the fear of Herod Lhat John might be a leader of an uprising cf. C. F. Evans, m . . p . 397. For the rampant uprising at the period which may have put fears inlo Herod, see C. J . Roetzel, 'The world Ulat Shaped the New Testament', op. cit. p. 17.
W e notice in Luke 13: 31-33 a group of Pharisees telling Jesus to flee for his life
because Herod wanted to kill him. The bringing together of the Pharisees and Herod
hcre may say something about thc probable relationship existing betwecn thc two.
W e have noted earlier that land, which was the principal source of Palestinian
economy at this time, was controlled by Herod and the High Priestly circle of
leadership in which the Pharisees were prominent.100 The Pharisees bringing such
information to Jesus about Herod's intention suggests their closeness to him. The
woc to Phnrisccs gives such a hint (1.ukc 1 1 : 42). And thc rcsponsc 01' Jews to
Herod's intention is cast in prophetic mould after castigating I-Ierod as fox (Luke 13:
32, 33-35). His calling Herod fox and predicting his fate in Jerusalem makes the
conflict become a confrontation with the 1ulers.101
We meet Herod again in the trial of Jesus that led to his crucifixion (Luke 23: 6- 17).
The text says that Herod questioned Jesus and wanted him to perform some signs, but
when Jesus made no answer Herod and his soldiers arrayed him in gorgeous apparel.
Jesus had made remark about those in such apparel in King's Courts (cf. Luke 7: 25).
We have lookcd at ihc signil'icancc: 01' clothes earlier. Jesus was apparcntly accused
of being or making himself a king (Luke 23: 2). Herod arrayed him in a kingly robe
as a mockeiy. Jesus' movement had come to the notice of the rulers. It probably had
a mass support to make the accusation of being a king sound true, which made Herod
to put on Jesus the gorgeous apparel. In other words Herod's action could be
interpreted to say to Jesus, [hat since he wanted to be the alternative ruler of the
people he was welcome to the robe of that office.102
loOcf. A. J. Saldarini, w., p. 121. l o l ~ h e meaning of calling llerod fox calls lo mind all sorts of rnelaphors to ay to understand what Jesus had in mind. Was it derogatory or complemenkwy? Fox can be intelligent, wise, cowardly and rapacious represenlatioos. Jesus probably meant h e destructive rule of llerod in this case. For detailed analysis of h e metaphor cf. J. A. Dam, a., pp. 127-146. lo2cf. R. Rummel, m., pp. 6ff.
Was Jesus a threat to Herod and the religious leaders? In other words, what
alternatives did Jesus present to the social anomalies which won him so many
adherents which in turn became threatening to the leaders'!l03
What has come out of the consideration of Lucan texts are the concentration of power
and authority in a few who also controlled the basic land economy. While the
religious leaders - Chief Priests and the council ruled the Jerusalem Temple, it was on
behalf of the Roman government as we have noted, who were also interested in the
Temple economy. This concentration of power and authority in the rulers was partly
thc reason for the oppressive naturc of thc system, a situation Jesus reacted against
very much like John the Baptist before him. Lucan social stance therefore shows that
Jesus not only responded to the needs of marginal people in society but that his
actions and teachings were a kind of response to oppressive and exploitative policies
and practices of Herod and the Temple c o u n c i l . 1 0 ~ h e s e rulers felt Jesus was a threat
to their leadership. We have noted Jesus' concern for the tax collector, sinners and
the poor (Luke 5: 29-32; 6: 20-21). He rebuked the rich, the Pharisees and Scribes
(Luke 12: 15-21; 18: 24; 11: 42-47). Some of his parables were against the
injustices of the rich rulers (Luke 18: 1-8; 20: 9-19). His remark to Herod calling
him fox, and contrasting his vision of leadership which is based on humility and
service to theirs characterized by lording it over their subjects is challenging enough
(Luke 13: 31-33; 17: 7-10; 22: 24-27). Jesus was by virtue of Lucan portrail a
potential threat to Lhe Chief Priesls and Herod and Pilate. The social order Jesus
lo3The way Lucan material presents the contlict of the main characters with the rulers make some see a predominantly martyrdom genre in Luke-Acts. John the Baptist ended up in the hands of llerod, Jesus in the haads of I'ilate and I lerod, Stephen in the hands of the Chief Priests and Elders. cf. C. 11. l'alkrl, 'Martyrdom in Luke-Acts and the L u h Social Ethic', in Political Issues in I ake-Acb (eds) R. J. Cassidy and P. J. Scharpr, Maryknoll New York (1983). Some others see l.ucan suucture as a literary device of events in line will) Greco-Roman culture of the charismatic-versus-ruler style (clash betweell charisma and institution) which is commonly a juxtaposition of 'I%ilosopher against tyrant'. This can be likened to the septuagint motif of Deuteronomistic type of 'prophet versvs(evil) king'. The way both Johr~ the Baptist and Jesus are presented in Lucan material fits into both categories. While Herod represenled tlie Rouian rulers, the lligli Priest and Pharisees represent the religious rulers, in each case Jesus and John the Baptist (and subsequent Christians) play the part of prophets. cf. J. A. Dc~r, m., PP. 147-168. lo4cf. J. Stambaugh and David Balch, m., pp. 102-106.
advocated could neither make sense to nor be envisaged by the Chief Priests and the
Roman governors.105 I n that social order, oppression, exploitat ion, and
discrimination would not have a place. This probably made many LO adhere LO his
words and followed him (Luke 19: 37; 48). This only heightened the suspicion o f t h e
rulers. They eventually crucified him (Luke 25: 1-25).
Jesus mission is to bring the Kingdom of God. In Acts of the Apostles we begin to
see how the conflict he generated in the gospel because of the Kingdom of God turned
to the formation of a community of his disciples living a life in contrast to the society
around them.lo6 In thc first chapters of Acts the believers in Jerusalem are described
as ideal community, one of whose main characteristics is sharing things in common
and taking care of everyone's needs (Acts 2: 43-47; 4: 32-37; 5: 1-1 1). W e see in
these texts a pattern already formed in the gospel out of Jesus words and actions being
put into practice.
But as the Jesus movement spread to Samaria, Rome and to the end of the earth, these
themes of concern, care, community, social and economic relations became absorbed
into all the encompassing salvation motifs interpreted through the life, death and
rcsurrcction of Jcsus. 107
2.6 Concludin~ Points
Lucan material presents the conflict between the Chief Priests and Herod on the one
hand and Jesus on the other as a conflict over the Kingdom of God expressed in
God's view point for social equilibrium. Therefore it begins wiih God's concern for
his people along the pattern of Hebrew tradition. With Jesus as the Messiah of God
the author presents the story of salvation in its broadest perspective. H e does this
, t 105c1., Sli;m,n I I. Ringc, Jcsus.w;vv l , I'ltiliiclclpl~i;~: Iiorlrcss l'rcss (1985) p p 33ff. cf. I\. F. O'Toole, u, pp. 20f. 106cf. R. F. O'TooIe, W, pp. 201. 1°7cf. R. F. O'Toole, U, pp. 38ff.
through weaving into his tradition salvation motifs which truly impinge on human
social life.
To be convertld to Jesus according to Acts of the Apostles would mean repentance.
Repentence for Luke means a turn to God as well as rejecting the social and religious
groups and situation that were responsible for the death of Jesus (Acts 2: 40; 3: 17-
19). The gathering and meeting habits of the disciples point towards this way (Acts 2:
46 cf. 1: 13). The rejection of the social and religious groups that were responsible
for the death of Jesus as well as repentance and baptism in the name of Jesus may be
understandable in Jerusalem. What happens when the story of Jesus crosses into
other nationalities other than the Jews, how are the boundaries to be drawn? How are
the boundaries to be drawn between Jewish religious politics which crucified Jesus,
and the ordinary life of the non-Jews especially who could argue that they had no
hand in the crucifixion of Jesus? Lucan Jesus' stand against oppressive system be it
that of sin or society in Roman Palestine is characterized by the author but how does
that same stand of Jesus speak to those outside the social confines of Palestine? How
does Luke make the transfer of his characterization of the Palestinian Jesus to the
Jesus of the then Roman world and consequently that of the ends of the earth? In
making a connection between salvation and covenant as coming to a head in Jesus,
Luke makes conversion a necessity for all. In this way the interaction hetween Lucan
social world and text becomes absorbed into a Lucan universal salvation motif
shielded by the covenant. These themes will now be devcloped in the following
chapters.
Chapter 3
Conversion and Covenant -
Our investigation of the interaction between Lucan texts and their social world in the
last chapter revealed the social condition of Rotnan Palestine which probably created
some factors responsible for ihe response of people to Jesus as the Saviour. This
response may have served as a seed-bed for Lucan characterization of followers of
Jesus as believers, drawn from the Jews and others - both in and outside Palestine.
The preaching of Jesus about the Kingdom of God is set within the context of the
jubilee, a familiar theme among the people, which probably accounts Ior the positive
response of the masses.lThis theme of freedom for captives variously put is
predominant in the gospel. The background to the message is a conflict between
Jesus and the religious rulers over the issues of ihe law. 'This eventually led to the
crucifixion of Jesus. But his message couched in practical terms of love and service
is put into practice by the disciples in the early chapters of ~ c t s . 2 Here the life of the
disciples is described in terms of oneness of mind and fellowship, a theme which
becomes absorbed into wider motifs of salvation in the rest of the book.3 Among
some recurrent theories in Luke-Acts however is the conflict over the law.4 In the
gospel this begins with the presentation of Jews holding an understanding of the law
that appears to be in conflict with that held by the Pharisees and the Chief Priests.
This is continued in Acts with the attitude of [he disciples to Jewish authorities and
l ~ i n g e ' s book is devoted lo explaining how Llie Jubilee law and theme in facl lies in Llie background of Jesus conflict with the religious leiider of the Jews at Lliis lime, and also governed his entire ministry up lo his crucifixion. cf. S. 11. Ringe, Jesus. 1.iberation. cmultl the Biblical Jubilee. a., p. 3ff; 17ff; 32ff. 2cf. Brian E. Beck, Christian in the Guipel of Lul& Epworlll Press (1989) pp. 24ff. See also H. Moxnes, l ' h e y of the l h g d ~ ~ , Fonress (1988) pp. 159-169. 3cf. 11. Moxnes, m. 4cf. S. G. Wilson, Luke and the I.aw, Cambridge Universily Press (1983) pp. Iff, 12ff. See aIso C. Blomberg, 'The Law in Luke-Acts', m 2 2 (1984) pp. 21ff; Kalvervo Salo, 1,uke's 'Treslment of (lie law: A Redaction - Critical I n v e s l i w , Helsinki (1991); E. P. Sanders, Jewish l a w from Jesus to . . , I(1L SCM (1990).
the law, except that the issue of the resurrection of Jesus adds to Lhe intensity of the
conflict.5 One thing which arises from lhis which is imporlant for our sludy is the
apostle's commilment, and people's response, to Jesus under such a situation of
conflict. Added to that is Lhe presentation oC Jesus as occupying a central position in
matters concerning salvation and the law.6
What we intend to do in this paper is to find out how the Lucan presentation of the
response to, or rejection of, Jesus comes lo be absorbed into other molifs of salvation
in Lukc-Acts. The uulhor nceds lo illuslralc lhal God who broughl salvalion lo Lhis
people in he Old Testament continues to do so through the coming of ~esus.7 He
would need to establish that the response to or rejection of Jesus has come to mean
the same thing as the Jewish religious response to or rejection of God. That is to say
that Jesus now predicates God's covenantal love to 1slsel.8 It seems to us that only
when lhis is established from the texts will it make sense to talk about conversion at
all and what this might mean for Luke-Acts, since for the aulhor, Jesus has become
the standard upon which to judge the will and righteousness of God, and indeed the
law?
The influence of the Old Testament in the composition of Luke-Acts is
acknowledged.l0 That the tradition of Jesus is construckd by the author in a way ~hal
establishes itsfirmly in the Old Testament and Israel's religious tradition is advocated
by many scholars.11 The conflict of Jesus with Jewish religious rulers centers on the
5cf. David Daube, 'A Refonn in Acls and its Models', in Jews. Greeks and Christim by R. H<merton- Kelly and I\. Scroggs (eds), Leiden, B.J. Brill, (1976) pp. 151f. 6 c ~ R. O'Toole, m., pp. 153f. 7 ~ . Daube. 'A Reform in Acts and its Models', a. p. 151. 8 ~ , p. 158. 9 ~ r . ACIS 4: 12; 17: 31. , s . . ~ LL ,IIW I ,ukc 24: 44-46. 10cl'. Joscpli A. 14utnyer, Op. Cit., I T . 153f. llcf. D. Juel, Luke-Acts, SCM (1983); J. Rhymer, rille co t 'I lrne
. 1. St Paul I'ublicarions (19'92); D. L. Tiede, 'Glory to the People Israel: Luke-Acts and the Jews', io , r 1 , (ed) J.B. Tyson, Angsburg (1988); R.C. Tannehill, 'Rejection by the Jews and Turning b Genliles', in lake-Acts and Ihe Jewish People, (ed) I. B. Tyson, Angsburg (1988); S. G. Wilson, m., also his I .uke and h e I-aw CUP (1983); K. Salo, u., P. F. Esler, m., R. Maddox, a&.
correqt understanding and interpretation of the law as God intends it for his people
which was probably in line with Deuteronomistic prophetic view in line with Jewish
tradition. It becomes necessary therefore to investigate this Jewish religious norm,
and Jesus' attitude to it. We shall do this by looking at the understanding and use of
the covenant in Lukc-Acts. This implies focusing on Lucall treatment ol' the law. His
material may present a particular view of the law, but in the course of our
investigation we shall find out this and how. It is within such a context that Lucan
motifs of salvation could be understood and viewed probably as a means through
which the nations come and belong lo the people of God together with Israel through
one covenant.
Our method of investigation is to look at Lucan texts. Where Lucan redaction is
helpfi~l and useful for clarity, we shall introduce it, othelwise we will depend upon the
Lucan final text as our authorily because the author's arrangement and ordcr of
materials belong to the message he conveys.
E. P. Sanders has undertaken some studies about the function of the law between the
inter-testamental period, including the time of Jesus with some observations and
findings which are helpful to this investigation and we need to mention them
briefly.12 According to Sanders, some biblical laws were reinterpreted, some
abandoned 4s a dead letter, while for the most part the Old Testament, not just the
Pentateuch became normative for search and meaning. His findings led him to
conclude that it is theoretically impossible to construct an exact definition of the
religious law of first century Judaism as it was then, and that this probably lay behind
Jesus attitude to the law.
12cf. E. 1'. Sanders, '?he Covenant as a soleriological calegory and Lhe nature of salvalion in Paleslinian and Hellenistic Judaism', in Jews. Greeks and Christhq, (eds) it. I-iarnerlon-Kelly and R. Scroggs, Leiden, m.; see also, Jesus and Judaism SCM 1985, pp. 335ff.
The findings made by Sanders which will be relevant to our inquiry here are that the
covenant played a great role in the symbolic representation of the Torah for the nation
as a people of God, despite the h c t that there was no coherence in the interpretation
of the Torah, 'neither in the people's belief, nor in the application of it to l i k
situations. I-Ie found out that the law was understood not as a direct means of
salvation; instead election and salvation were viewed as God's mercy, not as human
achievement. Obedience to the law was seen to be man's proper response within the
covcnanl and assurcd one's place will~in the covcnanl. Sa~lclcrs, in his conclusion
suggested that Jewish understanding of law and covenant at the Lime of Jesus is best
described and understood as a 'covenantal nomism.'l3 This means Lhat there were
certain doctrinal pillars on which the Jewish religious SYSLCIII and their understallding
of themselves as a peculiar people of God, stood.
Sanders conclusion about 'covenantal nomism' will serve as our model in
investigating the Lucan understanding of the covenant and the law.14
P. F. Esler's work also necds to be mentioned.15 His work argues that Lucan
treatment of the law appears 'ambiguous' to many scholars. According to him, while
there are instances of a positive view about the law, there are also negative instances
which suggest that the author is neither anti nor pro the Jewish law. This is a position
which is not-easy to understand. But Esler puts folward a suggestion to account lor
this that, it was as a result of the mixed nature of the Lucan community comprising
the poor, the rich, gentiles and Jews. The author was therefore shaping his sources
and traditions to meet their needs without endangering the Jewish nation and Mosaic
law. Esler calls this a 'legitimatory strategy'.16 He argues that what is unique in the
theology of Luke-Acts should be atuibutecl to a Lucan dcsire lo explain and justily,
13cf. E. P. Sanders, Paul and l'aleslinian Judaism SCM (1977) pp. 422-423. 14~or defence of "coveutal oomism" cf. J.D.G. Dunn, The Parling of rhe Ways: Betw- . . -
the C m r of Clhiiw&y, SCM (199 1) pp. 21,24. 5cf. P. F. Esler, u.. pp. 110ff.
16&& p. 129.
and so to 'legitimize' christ ianitY.l7 This insight will aid us in interpreting the
ovcrall Lucan position regarding covenant a d law and their role outside Jewish
t e r i tories.
Working with Sanders' model and Ester's insight this investigation proposes that the
Lucan altitude to the law which probably falls within 'covenantal nomism' may have
served the purpose of 'legitimizing' Christianity and consigning her as a covenantal
tie between God and the nations. How fitting this is will become evident from our
investigation. T h e basic question with which to proceed is now about the Iducan
understanding of covenant and law and what bearing it has on his salvation motifs
which necessitates conversion for all.
3.2 Covenant term$:
There are varieties of terms in Luke-Acts which Fa11 within the terminology of law,
and we shall consider some of them here before considering 1,ucan texts.
3.2.1 ~ o r a h l 8
T h e Hebrew understanding of Torah is more that of 'instruction', 'guidance',
'direction' - that which points the way for the faithful Israelite and for the community
of Israel. T h e entire story of God's dealing with mankind and Israel in particular is
envisaged here. That story is seen as being summarized in the first five books of the
Old Testament. This is why in Judaism the books are referred to as 'the Torah'. In a
way the Hebrew concept of thc Torah is not defined, and so thc fluid nature of the
concept brings it within the range of the "will of Y H W H .
17p. F. Esler, W, pp. 16ff. 18cf. W.J. Hamelson, "'1,aw' in b e Old Testament", in II>BVol. 3; pp. 77-89; See also W.D. Davies, 'Law in b e New Testament', in IDD. Vol. 3; pp. 89-102; See also J. Neusner, Jews and Christians The Mvth of a Common 'liadition, SCM (1991) pp. 146-147.
Some disservice was done to the concepts when the Septuagint translated Torah as
law. This may have led to the inputting of all sorts of legal connotations to the
understanding of 'Torah, a misconception which both Jewish and Christian scholars
have been labouring to redress.19 Hans Ucko has called for a correction of this
wrong translation.20
While wc may not find the c o ~ ~ c e p t ol' 'Torah' specifically mcnlio~icd or used ill
Luke-Acts, the importance of that section of the Old Testament to the Lucan author
cannot be denied. Perhaps it is important to say here that at the temptation of Jesus,
all his replies to the devil are references to the ~osah.21
As a word 'Torah' is elastic in meaning and other words or ideas are used to describe
or explain it. These words we shall now consider.
3.2.2 Commandment - '~vzoLq22
It we take 'Torah' to be that which points the way to the L'aithhrl Israelite within his
convenanhl relationship to God, commandment becomes the concrete principle by
which to walk to fulfill the convenantal obligations.
Commandment appears in a number oC Lucan texts either as part of the Torah (cf.
Luke 23: 56)' or as a mandate of Jesus to his disciples (cE Acts 13: 47) or even as
human instruction (cf. Acts 17: 15). Wilson sees the Lucan use oC the word
'commandment' as not very important in considering 'law' in his accounts.23 We
feel dilferently because references appear strategically in Lucan structuse. It occurs
19cf. E. P. Sanders, lesus, SCM (1985) p. 2761; also see his &h 1.aw from- &Ul,wh SCM (1990) pp. 2,4,90f, 1291'. 20~ans Ucko, Common liools: New Ilorimls. I . e a r n i n g f Chrislian h i l h from 1)ialow wirh w, Risk Book Series, WCC, Geneva (1994) pp. 17-18. %f. Luke 4: 3-4, see Deutronomy 8: 3.
Luke 4: 6-8, see Deutronomy 6: 13. Luke 4: 10-12, see Deutronomy 6: 16.
22cf. W. J. Harrelson, Law in he Old Testament I.D.B. pp. 77f. 23cf. S. G . Wilson, Luke and the 1-aw, (meit, p 1 .
in the prologue (41: 6), then again towards the end of the travel narratives (cf. 18: 20)
and again at the passion (cf. 23: 56). There is an instance in which i t is esed as an
equivalent of Jesus word to his disciples (cf. Acts 13: 47). We shall look again at
these texts shortly.
3.2.3 Law - ~ o ~ o ~ ~ ~
This means an ordered system of rules and regulations by which society is governed.
The ancient world did believe that laws originated with the gods. lsrael as a people
shared with others this common notion about the origin of the law. The meticulous
preservation of the giving of their law to their ancestors and its universal acceptability
collpled with the divine involvement in its stipulations add some uniqueness to the
concept of the law for Israel.
The occwrence of the concept in Luke-Acts varies. Sometimes i t appears alone,
while at other times in phrases containing other notions of the law. In Luke 10: 26 i t
appears as 'the law', whereas in Luke 2: 27 it appears as 'custom of the law'. The
other phrases in which it appears will be considered as we come to look at the texts.
3.2.4 Custom - tOoq
The one word used for law which is unique in [he New 'l'estament is 'custom'. I t is
found in Lucan material. The meaning ranges from habit to cdt ic norm to law. Mark
~ lasswel l ' s25 exegesis of the word observes that there is a I.,ucan tendency to idenliSy
COOS specifically with the Mosaic Law (cf. Acts 6: 14; 15:l). The reason for
GIasswell is that [he author wishes to differentiate Jewish ciisiGm from the Roman
(Gentile), affirming both and modifying the Jewish to accoilin~odate the gzntiles and
their own ethical and jiiristic traditi~n. Wilson agrees that the notion of Jewish law as
custom in Luke does not imply any disrespect for the law but rather an attempt to set
the Jewish custom and law within the broader cultural context of the Roman wor1d.2~
The Lucan association of COOS with vqrog may be strategic especially in the question
relating to the relationship between ihe csvenailt and the ilfitisiis. 'vVs shall take up
this point when, we come to the texts.
3.2.5 Moses - Mououl~
According to Fitzinyer, Moses occtiis eighty times in the New Testament suggesting
that early Christianity viewed Moses as an integral par? of its history.27 The name
stands both for the Torah itself and the law giver. A variety of phrases in Luke-Acts
associate Moses with the law and also with custom (cf. 1,uke 2: 22; Acts 6: 14).
Since there are frequent allusions to Moses in the texts, we will treat them as we come
to the texts.
3.2.6. Covenant - 61*0q~q28
This word is not used often nor has i t always been easily understood. Generally i t
describes a contractual agreement between two partners of equal standing. But in the
Hebrew concept it has always meant a one sided obligation, with a pledge attached,
corresponding to a vassal relationship.
God's relationship with Israel is equated to 6iaOrl~ll and Israel's whole life is seen as
lived under this concept. According lo Lohfink, convenant was alnlosl a slandard
word among the Jews for their ancestral religion. They did not worry so much about
its precise rnenni~lg in words but more on how the history of revelation and salvation
designated by i t has run its course, pnd with which corlcrete groups of 'people' God
has pursued it.29
?-%. G. Wilson, '1-ukc and thc L.aw7, mi., . 1 0 .
3i7c1'. J. A. Fitzer, MwushV io EDNT, Vol. 2, w.,. 450-452.
%f. J . Bchn, ' ~ L c x O I ) K ~ ' in TIINT Vol. 11, p. 134. 29c1'. N. Lmhl'ink, Thc Covcnirn~ N c \ m Rcvokcd: Biblical Rcl'lcc1ions on C l ~ r i s ~ i a ~ ~ - J c \ \ ~ i s l ~ Dinloguc ET J . J . Scullion, Pitulisl Press Ncw York i 1091) 11. 10.
The description of the covenanl as "new' appears in one place in Luke-Acts (cf. Luke
22: 20). It is argued that this is under the inlluence of Jcremiah 31: 31-34. This
Lucan text is riddled with critical problems both historical and literary, an issue wc
shall have cause to return to later. 8taOq1q occurs in three other texts: Luke 1: 72f
Acts 3: 25 and Acts 7: 8, and we shall consider them when we come to these.
Thc relationship bc~wecn 6i(x@q~q and vopos i n Lukc-Acls has bccn said lo bc
unclear.30 Salo has noted for instance that there is no mention of Sinai in Luke-Acts
amidst the references to covenant, Abraham and Moses. This issue is not an easy on
to rcsolve, and may involve the spcciCic Lucan characterization of Moses, which is
probably different from at thew's?' In Matthew Moses is possibly depicted as a law
giver in line with whom Jesus stands whereas in Luke Jesus appears more like a
prophet in line with Moses' prediction of a prophet who will be like himself (cf.
Deutronomy 18: 15).32 Both traditions about Moses as law giver and prophet are
strong in Jewish tradition, and Luke seems to have preferred the prophetic aspect of
Moses. This may account for rel'erences to Moses but not to Sinai except where the
general term 'law' is seen to be testifying to Jesus as Christ.
The words of Stephen which refer to Sinai rather than specifically mentioning 'law 01
Sinai' prefer to refer to 'living oraclcs by the angel ... to Moses', (cf. Acts 7: 30, 38).
It needs to be said that this mention of Sinai in Stephen's speech is to be compared to
Paul's reference to the same event in Gal. 4: 24-25, as the only references of Sinai in
the New rTestament, and yet it will not be wrong to say that the New Testament
assumes the event and ils importance. Moreover, "living oracles" may be the same
thing as 'law' in the speech of Stephen.
But the wider question of the relationship between the 'law' and 'covenant' may not
30cf. Kalervo Salo, m., pp. 30ff. 31cf. D. E. Garland, m., pp. 51f. 32cf. J. A. F i t z m y e r , a . , p. 507.
be easy to discern. The Law includes 'Torah', and can refer to the entire Old
Testament. T o define 'law' as only the Pentateuch is too restricted as also is the
definition of the covenant as the Old Testament. According to some Jewish scholars
the law also i c ~ l u d e s the O r d 'I'orah transmuted from generation to generation,
although the difficulty lies in determining the exact content nntl extent of the Oral
~ o r a h . 3 3 We have already noted that 'Torah7 and 'law' are not identical.34 13111
taking Sanders' discovery about the Jewish religious system in first century Palestine,
'Torah', which bears some laws, is rnore of a "syrnbol"~5 an identity marker for the
covenant people of God.
3.3 Law in Luke
Having considered some of the tern~inologies for 'law' in Luke-Acts, we shall now
consider 1,ucan texts, to investigate how 1,uke's picture of Jesus stands in relation to
the law. In order to enable us eventually to situate l x a n salvation motifs as already
mentioned we will investigate 1,ucan texts36. In that casc, i t may not be possible for
us to consider all the texts involved, but we shall endeavour to pay attention to itie
rnore prominent ones that coiild represeili Liike's general attitude to the law.
3.3.1. The Infancy Narratives, Luke 1-2
R. E. Brown has defended the unity of the Li~carl prologue with the rest of Luke-
~ c t s . ~ 7 This section contains so much about Jewish piciy and obedience to YHWH
through the law that many wander what purpose it serves in Luke's general plan.
Conzelmann has no difficulty in locating the section within Israel's piety through the
3Rc~'. J. Ncusncr, &., pp. ix , 1 17, 147. 3 4 ~ c e rcl'er-ences on nolcs 10-20 abwe. 3 5 ~ . ~ . ~ . Dunn, in The Parling 01' thc Ways, opcil., p. 26.
36~ucan Jesus' uitiiutle lo the law may no1 Si l i n ~ o Conzel~nann's lhree slage salvalion hmy. cl' Consclrnann, Thcoloay, opcii pp 1517. 37c1'. R.E. Brcwn, The Rirlh of the Messiah ~ 1 .
observance of the law which has come to an end with John the ~ a ~ t i s t . 3 8 But can
this be Luke's only motive?
First of all both ~ e c h a r i a h and Elizabeth are described as 6 t ~ a l o l and nopevopevol
lev naoay . r a y kv.roha15 K a t G u ~ a t y l a o t v TOV m p o u 6yePn . ro~ (Luke 1:
6). These are strong words used to describe complete obedience. The yearning of
every faithful Jew was to be found in the sight of YHWH, blameless.
With this introductory vcrsc, a signal is givcn that thc commandment of God is in
place still establishing a lasting relationship between God and the faithful.39 The
author seems to be saying that the righteousness of Zechariah and Elizabeth issues
from both cultic observance of the law and social decorunl as implied in the word
G t ~ a t o p a t .
In 1: 59 we have q f i p p a q byGoy q h 0 o v ~ E ~ L T E ~ E ~ V which Wilson sees as a
passing remark about John's c i r c u m c i ~ i o n . ~ o It ceases, however, to be a passing
remark about circumcision but an important and strategic piece of inrormation when
one rcllccls on the role oL' cil-cu~ncision in the whole conccpt of covenant. This is
Luke's one way of confirming that Zechariah and Elizabeth walked according to the
commandments of God (cf 1: 6). As a Jew John fulCills the convenant responsibility
on which basis God will eventually use him to call back o r turn the hearts of Israel to
their God (1: 13-17).41
Luke 2: 21-39 has s o much of Jewish piety packed into the narrative. Fitzmyer
already doubts the authenticity of the story, especially for the lack of evidence in the
38cf. 11. Conzelmann, a., p. 3221. 3'Jcr. J .A. I;ilmlyar, 'L,u., pp. 2 I -22. 4%. G . Wilson, m., p. 21. 4 1 ~ . ~ . Glasswell's remark about circu~ncision is worlh wfe~ring Lo here: The IWrand in Genesis 17: 1-27 represents the ultimate Old Testament view-poiu~ for which circu~ncisiou is [lie "sign of the covenaar" cf. ME. Glasswell, "New Wine in Old Wine-Skills: V111, Circumcision", in &.fjh Vol. 85, October 1973 - September 1974, pp 328-332, particularly p. 328. - - .-
Torah regarding the references made to it in the passage and the difficulty in tracing
the custom.42 Luke ncverthelcss labours very I~artl to establish thc roots of Jcsus in
the authentic Jewish cultus. The mention that the observation is done according to the < >
law cannot be disregarded. In 2: 21 we have ~ n h q o 0 q o a v q p & p a t OKT? zou
I C E P ~ Z E ~ E L V . The circumcision of Jesus is important for him to fulfill the covenantal
rcquircmcnt, and stand as a true Jcw to ministcr to his own pcoplc. All that is
required is evidence that he fulfilled that, and this is the purpose it serves here.43 It
marks him out as being obedient to the law and also as a true Jew.
In 2: 22 we have zou ~ a e a p t o p o u .... Kaza zov vopov M m o ~ w ~ . The phrase,
'their purification' has been contested as not precise because of no trace of a custom
which stipulated that both parents and child be cleansed, rather than the mother
alone.44
The Law of Moses is characteristic of Luke's reference to the law, but here it serves
the purpose of affirming the law as binding.
In 2: 23 we have t!v vopw m p t o u , which appears again in 2: 24 zw v o p y m p t o u .
The law of the lord is to be taken as another expression for the law of Moses or God's
commandments generally.
In 2: 27 we have e ~ 0 ~ o p e v o v zou vopou. Wilson sees this as only found in Luke-
Acts, with the noun form of &OS used as 'habV.45 Glasswell notes the ease with
which Luke interchanges Wo5 with v o p o ~ as uniquely Lucan and that this assists his
presentation of the gospel for both Jews and gentiles.46 The author having
4 2 ~ . A. Fitzmyer, QL&. pp. 419ff. 43cf. J . Jarvell, The I.Jnhiown Paul. Augsburg Press (1984) pp. 138ff. '%f. R.E. Brown, m., pp. 294ff. 4 5 ~ . ~ , Wilson, a., pp. 4ff. 46cf. M.E. Glasswell, 'eqoV; in EDNT Vol. I, m., pp. 47 1-477.
introduced it here in connection with Jesus he has cleared the way for other
applications of the word in Luke-Acls.
In 2: 39 we have za ~aza zov vopov mplov perhaps suggesting as a concluding
remark that both the law of Moses and the custom of the law belong to the law of the
Lord. In the presentation of Jesus in the Temple, the way has been cleared for
circumcision and observance of the law of [he Lord to be seen as perfect and
necessary for a walk with God for the Jews that is acceptable to Him.
In the same category of the 'righteous' are Simeon and Anna in 2: 21-38. Simeon is
described as G L K ~ L ~ G and ~,haptl~., suggesting pious dedicalion to the ~ a w . 4 7
Anna is'described as dedicating herself to the Temple with prayer and hsting in 2: 36-
38, for eighty-four years. Fasting is a work of the law and is required of faithful Jews
regularly and at least on the day of atonement.48
The infancy narratives introduce the centrality of the law in the way these characters
are presented as obedient to the law. There is another thread running through the
infancy narratives, and that is the way [he aulhor has linkcd thc Spirit and ~ h c law.
Having described Zechariah and Elizabeth as "blameless and righteous", the author
observes thqt Elizabelh is filled with the Spirit in 1: 39, and Zechariah is also filled
with the Spirit and prophcsied in 1: 67. Simon is said to be with the Holy Spirit, and
Anna is already a prophetess (cf. Luke 2: 22-38). All lhis agrees with the fact that
John the Baptist has already been predicted to be a prophet even from his mother's
womb and Jesus himself is described as conceived by the Holy Spirit. All these
characters are presented also as observing the law, suggesting that having the spirit is
47cf. J.A. Fitmyer, a. p. 426. 48cf. K. Saio, m., pp. 76ff.
not incompatible with keeping the law nor does the Jewish religious tradition deny the
role of the Holy Spirit in formulating the Law.
These godly pe'ople, basing their lives on the law and the Spirit, proclaim in songs and
words the wonderful acts of God in salvation (recognizing this very act of God in
their tradition). This is seen in the angel's word to Zechariah about John, '... making
ready a people prepared for the Lord'. 'A people prepared' sounds very much like a
covenantal term, even if it refers to a remnant. (Luke 1: 176). Jesus is foretold by the
angel to be 'on the throne of David ... and to reign over the house of Jacob.' Again
this contains a covenantal nolion of the 'house of Israel' as the Kingdom of David,
YHWH'S very nation (cf. Luke 1; 32-33). Maiy's Song talks about God being a
Saviour, and remembering his promise to Abraham and his seed in Luke 1: 46-55.
The idea contained here is that of covenant obligation, that if Israel keeps the law God
will remember the promise to Abraham in his covenant with him.49 Up to this point
he has been describing people loyal and obedient to the law making it understandable
that God keeps his part of the bargain which includes salvation. This occurs again in
the prophecy of Zechariah in Luke 1: 72 where the covenant with Abraham is
specifically mentioned. It is the same covenant with Abraham which is referred to
and brought forward. Readers of Luke-Acts will understand this to include the
mission of Jesus and the gathering of the gentiles for salvation. Sirneon's prophecy
brings this qut more clearly in 2: 29-32. That Jesus is going to be the agent of this,
and that it demands a serious search of the scriptures to hear what God is saying so
that many more will come to align themselves with the pious Jews already described
as awaiting the salvation of God, is alluded to by the author in his presentation of
Jesus in the Temple sitting among the teachers, listening and asking them questions,
which astonished both his parents and everyone else. (cf. Lake 2: 41-42).
49cf. C. Rowland, Ch~islian Origin$, SPCK (1985) pp. 25ff.
99
In conclusion, with regard to the infancy narratives we agree with ~ i l s o n S O and
~ a l o 5 1 that the overall impression of Luke 1-2 is the presen~ation of a pious and law-
abiding and devoted Jew. The circumcision of John the Baptist and that of Jesus are
not only important but crucial for their mission within the covenant stipulation, a view
contrary to Wilson but in agreement with Jarvell. The covenant of Abraham is the
basis for God's expected action and the agent of that is the circumcised Jesus who
himself becomes part of the plan.
When the role of the law in the infancy narratives is compared to Matthew's certain
facts emerge. The Lucan emphasis of pious people is lacking in Matthew except
perhaps in the case of Joseph and Mary. These pious ones obcy the law but in
Matthew it is more a matter of events fullilling prophecies. The way Luke takes this
into account is with regard to the connection between the Spirit, prophecy and the
law.
So the main character of the prologue in Luke, John and Jesus are presented as
obedient to the law, alive with the Holy Spirit, divinely approved by the covenant
God of Abraham, Jacob and David. Therefore the law is right and good, and the God
of the covenant makes use of it to maintain his guidance of the pious as he had done
in the past in order to save his people. This is contrary to the view of Esler that a
point of the infancy narratives is to present the God-given and worthy law as
incapable of salvation.52 Rather, keeping of the law assures fidelity to the covenant
on the basis of which God on his part acts to savc his peoplc. With this donc, thc
author has rooted the tradition of Jesus in God's Promise to Abraham. For Luke, the
mission of Jesus becomes a significant interpretation of the relevance and inclusion of
this covenant to the Nations.
5 0 ~ . ~ . Wilson, &., p. 23. 5 1 ~ . Salo, u., pp. 56ff. 52cf. P.F. Esler, m., p. 113.
3.3.2. The Temptation of Jesus, Luke 4: 1-13
There are problems about the source and the historicity o l this story.53 That
notwithstanding, we accept Fitzmeyer's verdict that the theological intention of the
author lakes prckcdcncc over lhc allcnlpl lo salvagc ils hisloricily.54 'Tl~cwl'orc, we
see a design to depict Jesus as the 'more powerful one', standing guard over his
Father's plan and obedient to the scripture right at the beginning of his public
ministry. It is important to note that the answers o l Jesus come from the Torah
(Deutronomy 8: 3; 4: 8 (6: 13; 10: 20) and 4: 10-12; while the devil refers to the
book of Psalms (Psalm 9 1 : 1 1 and 9 1 : 12).
The quotations h m the Torah here may imply that it is an important section of the
Hebrew bible; while reference to the Psalms may suggest a popular section most
people would appeal to or use, but an q u a l l y imporbant seclion.55 The devil 1lel-c: is
already projected as one who misuses the Hebrew Bible. This could suggest that the
covenant people of God may have conflicts about the proper interpretation, and the
role of the scripture, which Jesus is about to be involved in. A hint of such a situation
is already made in Luke 2: 46-47. Israel's understanding of the Torah is that it is a
way and a guide to the righteous will of YI-IWH as we noted above. The poi~lt of
temptation on the other hand is a deviation from that way. Reference to the Torah for
three consecutive times here implies that it is a complete guide to the will of God. No
other part o f the Scripture stand against it, not even a misreading of the Psalms. The
covenant people o l God will do well to keep faith with the Torah and avoid the hilure
experienced by their fathers in the deseit.56 Zechariah and Elizabeth were barren and
advanced in years and yet walked in the ordinances of God blameless (Luke 1: 6-7).
Mary, even as a young girl, found favour with God and proved herself obedient to the
5 3 ~ o r the variations between the Matthean and Lucan accounts, and Ule problem about its historicity, see C.F. Evans, Sailll, QU& .. pp. 255-260. 54cf. J . A. Fikmyer, u., p. 510. 55cf. B. W. Anderson, The J.ivinc! World of the Old Te.srament, Longrnans (1967) pp. 461-486. See also J. A. Soggin, Intrcxluction to the Old Testament, SCM (1989) pp. 423-437. 5 6 ~ . Salo, w., pp. 79f. See also J.A.T. Robinson, 'The Temptations' in Theology 50 (1947) pp. 43-48.
law of the Lord by keeping the commandments (Luke 1: 30,22-39). The Holy Spirit
revealed to devout Si~nco~l that he would not die until he had seen Christ (Luke 2: 25-
26). Prophetess Anna devoted herself to players and Pasting in the Temple for cight-
four years (Luke 2: 36-37). A catalogue of devoted people already suggest that
despite the possibility to deviate from the Torah, God is faithful and remembers those
who keep to his law to save them in due time. If there is an etymological connection
between the names Joshuah and ~esus,57 then i t is probable that Luke regard Luke 4:
1-13 as a reminiscence of Joshuah 1: 7-9, to indicate how central and important the
Torah is to the covenant people of God in any mission they are involved in.
Luke seems to be saying this: Jesus has a mission to fulfill. The temptation account
sets the agenda. The discourse is in line with Jewish religious tradition. Jesus is
obedient to the law. Moreover, the Torah retains its strategic place within the mission
of Jesus.
3.3.3. The Public Ministry of Jesus in Sumsry
Luke 4: 14-30
Jesus is seen teaching in the synagogue (4: 15), and it was his custom to go to the
synagogue (4: 16). He read from the prophet Isaiah, from which he also preached (4:
21). S. H. Ringe lias put forward the argument that this passage apart from marking
the beginning of Jesus' ministry is the zeal which consumes him throughout in the
Lucan p~-esentation.58 All we arc concerned about here is the presentation of Jesus as
a pious Jew, learned in the Jewish religious system, who regularly performs his duties
in the synagogue.
57~vans may be righl lo observe U~al Luke does no1 draw oul Ule significance of rimes for his Greek audience, bul here it may not be unconnected with Joshua's cornrnand lo be obedient lo Ihe law cf. C.1:. Evans, Saint Luke, m., p. 161. 5 8 ~ . ~ . Ringe argues Lhat Qe image of Ihe Jubilee defined Jesus public ministry, cf. S.H. Ringe, Liberation and the Biblical Jubilee. m.
3.3.4.. Luke 5: 12-14, healing of a leper
A lcper is seen as an outcast in lhc Old Testament. A background to thc
understanding of this is Leviticus 13-14. Jesus touched the leper and made him clean.
Salo has questioned if Jesus could not have been made unclean by such a touch.59
Evans believes Jesus could not be made unclean, but did not say why except by
nuking rei'crencc to Jcsus' autl~orily.6~ Iiilzmyer argues along the samc lines by
referring to the Lucan acknowledgment of the power of the Spirit in Jesus (cf. Luke 4:
14).61 According to the Levitical legal procedures, only the priests are presumably
immune from such contagion since they are the ones doing the inspection and
declaring people free or sulkring from leprosy. (cf. Leviticus 13: 1-3). Unlcss one
spiritualizes the action of Jesus' touch, then he should be unclean from that very
action, assuming that the disease was leprosy - taking the caution of ~ i tzm~er .62 The
story mentions the joy of the cleansed leper. The author has no further comment
about the onlookers' reaction to the touch.
We think that the Lucan material is presenling Jesus here as going contrary to the
legal stipulation of touching a leper (Numbers 5: 1-4). This may be defended by
saying that Jesus did it on compassionate grounds, a prominent theme of Luke-Acts.
It needs to be noted that it is an infringement of the law. He could be misunderstood
as acting like a priest. Having said this we do recognize Jesus' instruction to the leper
to present himself and his offering to the priest according to the command of Moses
(Luke 5: 14) as evidence of his obedience to the law.
Our conclusion on this passage is that Jesus is obedient to the law. The infringement
in touching the leper is defensible on compassionate grounds. Jesus knows and
5 9 ~ . Salo, m., pp. 80f. %f. C.P. Evans, &.. p. 295. %f. J.A. Fitzmyer, m., p. 572. 62cf. J.A. Fimnyer, M, p. 573.
recogn,izes the place and position of priests within the Law of Moses. This is allowed
to stand, still confirming the recognition accorded to the role of the law by Jesus.
3.3.5. Luke 5! 17-26, forgiving the paralytic
This is a controversy story about Jesus pronouncing the paralytic forgiven. In the Old
Testament this role belongs to God only (cf. Exodus 34: 6-10). As Son of Man, a
heaven-sent agent, able to do what people normally ascribe to God, Jesus claims the
power to forgive sins on earth.63 This attracted a maction from the Scribes and the
Pharisees who accused him of speaking blasphemously. The issue here is not about
the law but the legal prohibition about God's honour. Fitzmyer thinks the charge is
derived from Leviticus 24: 10-23 where the penalty is st0ning.6~ Wilson mentions
other foims blasphemy could take such as attack on God's people, speaking against
Moses and the Tonh, misusing the name of ~ o d . 6 5 Salo suggests that the accusation
of Jesus blaspheming is wrong because Jesus does not on his own pronounce
forgiveness but rather acknowledges that God has granted forgiveness to the
paralytic.66 What do we make of the accusation then? Lucun material is very much
interested in forgiveness of sins (Luke 7: 47; 24: 47; Acts 2: 38; 10: 43). But the
author nowhere makes Jesus the source of forgiveness in any pre-passion accounts
unless a direct association is made between Jesus and the Son of Man. Otherwise
Jesus is never seen pronouncing l'orgiveness, i t is rather on his lips in the passive l b m
of the verb a@rqpr hence, 'you are forgiven' which is only presumed to be by God.
At this stage in the public ministry of Jesus people would have thought o l him as a
prophet at least (cf. Luke 4: 33-37). Therefore, his pronouncing that the paralytic is
forgiven may not be a novelty, for the prophet Nathan said a similar thing to David
about his sin (cf. Samuel 12: 13). Our concision therefore is that Jesus is acting in
accordance with the prescribed law. Within the covenant, provision for forgiveness is
6 3 m p. 580. @lhid, 1). 583. %f. S.G. Wilson, Luke and lhe Law, m., p. 41. 66cf. K. Salo, m., pp. 74f.
made to maintain the equilibrium of the covenant. Jesus is here acting within this
stipulation albeit as a prophet rather than a cultic priest.
3.3.6. Luke Sf 27-32, eating with a sinner
The conversion of Levi caused him to make a great feast for Jesus. This becomes a
controversy because the Pharisees murmured against Jesus's disciples for eating with
tax collectors and sinners.
The issue here may be cultic as well as ritual. Temple stipulation regarding tithing
has to be guaranteed. One obvioi~s way of doing this is to be reasonably aware of
faithful Jews and to associate with them. Tax collectors probably are not trusted in
their tithing since their means of income is also dubious. They art: treated like
outcasts by the Pharisees who are meticulous observers of the law.67 Tax collectors
and sinners have LO be avoided to maintain cultic and ritual purity. Jesus eating with
these people in the eyes of the Pharisees is contrary to the Pharisees intepretation of
the law which may not of course be the correct interpretation of the law (cf. Leviticus
10 : 10). R. Banks thinks the law does not forbid eating with those who do not
themselves adhere to the cultic law of tithing and the ritual law of food and eating.@
Sanders looks at it differently. The poinl of the conflict, according to Sanders, is not
ritual purity for this is a trivial matter, but that Jesus gives hope to the outcast in the
kingdom without insisting on restitution, but rather on I-epentence.69 Jesus'
boundaries are inclusive, whereas the Pharisees' are exclusive. Whereas the Pharisees
want ritual and cultic purity as necessary for ently into the kingdom of God, Jesus
makes accepting himself as the condition. This is implied in his word, 'I have not
come to call the righteous, but sinners to txpentence' (Luke 5: 32). He does the
calling, and so defines the boundaries. Be that as it may, the presentation of Jesus
6 7 ~ o r a detailed discussion about lilhing of food and ritual purity see D.A. Neale, None but Sinrlwi. a,, pp. 46ff. 6811. Banks, J e r u s p t i c Tradition, Carnbridgc, CUP (1975) p. 11 1. 6%f. E.P. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, SCM (1985) pp. 209-210.
according to the story here is that of YHWH calling Israel back. According to Evans,
'call' here may have allusions to all Israel, rather than just the tax collectors. That all
are invited without ado, as much as creating in the minds of the Pharisees a sense of
surprise, also leads to anger at what may seem to them a connivance of the law.70
From the point of view of the covenant, Jesus, in line with the prophets, knows that
the time of God's jubilee has arrived, something the Pharisees did not realize (cf Luke
4: 21).
3.3.7. Luke 5: 33-39, the q~~estion about fasting
This story follows on from the banquet at Levi's house, whereas in the parallels in
Mark 2: 18-21 (Matthew 9: 14-17) there is no particular context. The Lucan
connection of the episode with a banquet may not be unconnected with the saying
about wedding cesemony whelc banquets are also relevant.
The controversy here is about fisting regulations. The Jewish religious system
recommends fasting for expiation of sins (Leviticus 16: 29-31), for penitence (Isaiah
58: 1-9) and for mourning (Esther 4: 3). From the answer of Jesus, it seems that he
agrees with this regulation but likens his presence as the inaugurator of the kingdom
to that of a scene of a wedding ceremony, which does not need Casting. In any case,
fasting will Fome in the future (verse 35). Jesus is therefore not against the rules
about fasting.
The parables or proverbs about a patch of cloth and new wine have attracted
considerable comment. Kee for instance, thinks that Judaism and Christianity are
presupposed here as old and new respectively with no compatibility between them71.
Evans thinks that in the parable here the question of the incompatibility between
7%. C.F. Evans, a., pp. 308-309. 71cf. A. Kee, 'The Old Coat and the New Wine: A parable of repentance', in NovTest 12 (1970) pp. 13-21.
Judaism and Chrislianity is not c ~ c a r . ~ ~ Salo hinks thal the sayings do not ol'l'cr a
choice between Jusaism a ~ l d Chrislianity but assert that the old is preserved in the
new, that is to say Judaism is preserved in christinnity.73
Our impression is that the proverbs or parables are direcled at the immediate question
of fasting rather than the whole Jewish religious system. And so we take it to mean
that the regulation concerning hsting is, at the time of Jesus, passing through a reform
process at the end of which the practice will come into use again (verse 35). Fasting
is good, but using it as an identity marker may be what Jesus is reacting against here
(cf. Luke 5: 33).
3.3.8. Luke 6: 1-11, The Sabbath Controversy
The Sabbath has a strong symbolic function in the Jewish religious sytem making the
controversy a crucial one for the author of Luke-Acts. The Sabbath is established by
God (Genesis 2: 2). It is enshrined in the law lor rest and sanctity (Exodus 20: 8-1 1).
Here the disciples of Jesus are accused by the Pharisees of breaking the Sabbath law,
and Jesus defends [heir action by appealing to what David did in the Old Testament.
Within this context comes the saying [hat the Son of Man is Lord of the Sabbath.
Wilson has noted that the appeal to what David did is not relevant to the point of the
accusation because David ate forbidden food but probably not on a ~ a b b a t h . 7 ~ What
the Pharisees say is that Jesus' disciples, by plucking ears of corn and rubbing them
on their palms, are doing double work on the Sabbath which is not allowed. It is
probable that the Lucan phrase y w ~ o v z q zcxt~ ~ ~ p o t v which is not in Mark may
be highlighting the point of the dispute which centres on what constitutes 'work' on
the Sabbath. Esler thinks that what Jesus is doing here is exercising authority to
define the Sabbath rather than abrogate it.75 But the example of David cited does not
7 2 c ~ C.1:. Evans, a,, p. 312. 73cf. K. Salo. m., pp. 82-85. Y4cf. S.G. Wilson, m., p. 32. 75cf. P.F. Esler, &., p. 116.
say that it was done on a Sabbath, a case Matthew probably spotted, and so added
anothcr example from what priests did on a Sabbath and were guiltless (cl'. Matthew 9
12: 5). If the Markan ro oapbarov &a rov h v ~ ~ o t r o v )e~&vero K a t o u ~ o
&vOponoS 61b r o c r a p p m v had been used in Luke, it would have fitted the
argument from 'hunger' in Luke 6: 3. Rut it is omitted and 'the Son of Man is Lord
01' the Sabbath' is madc thc conclusion. 'l'hc logical scqucncc is that Jcsus has
authority over the Sabbath. The argument that Jesus' disciples did not break the
Sabbath law is difficult to sustain, which in fact may be the point of the controversy.
However, it is not Jesus who is guilty, rather the disciples. The defence ol' Jcsus is
presented in the form of a mediator. Evans has noted the connection between Sabbath
and the advent of the Kingdom of God in Jewish thought.76 He sees the defence of
Jesus only as setting the disciples free because of his mere presence, an anticipation
of what the Kingdom of God will bring. Therefore the Lordship of the Son of Man
over the Sabbath may not have in mind the seventh day but the eschatological
Sabbath (cf. Luke 4: 19); also Leviticus 25: 10). Jesus' defence of the disciples does
not abrogate the Sabbath but, according to Salo, fuliills it.77 We think so too.
Luke 6: 6-1 1, Sabbath healing controversy
This story seems to follow the previous story's concluding statement that Jesus is the
Lord of the Sabbath in giving an instance of how that is the case. Jesus habitually
seemed to perform acts of healing on the Sabbath as suggested in verse seven, and he
knows it, according to verse eight. The dispute over the Sabbath however is brought
out more clearly in the rhetorical questions of verse nine. Wilson notes that the
rabbinic exception to the Sabbath restrictions on accounts of healing may have been
known in the first century, but doubts whether this was in the intention of Luke
here.78 Wilson suggests that the nature of the mission of Jesus and the character of
76cf. C. F. Evans, m., p. 314. 77cf. K. Salo, QQ,&., pp. 82f. 7 8 s . ~ . Wilson, a., p. 36.
his opponents rather than the legal implications of his actions may be the author's
intention. Salo agrees that a point about the story is to expose the Pharisees' and
Scribes' understanding of the law as en-oneous.79
Lucan view of Jesus as obedient to the demands of the law has bee11 consistent. Two
cases so far which appear to be an infringement are clearly presented as dictated by
compassion (cf. Luke 5: 13; 6: 1). Healing on the Sabbath may be symbolic of the
understanding of Jesus as Saviour for the Lucan author (cf. Luke 4: 19).80
3.3.9. Luke 7: 36-50, A sinner's touch controversy
This story is peculiar to Luke. There is a similar story in Mark 14: 3-9 bul it is
uncertain whether the Lucan text is dependent on that. As well as similarities such as
a woman with an alabaster flask, there are dissimilarities such as the fact that in Mark
the story ends with the comment that the woman's action will be told in memory of
her, while this is lacking in Luke. Rather here she is dismissed as having been saved
by her faith. The Markan setting is in Simon the Ixper's house, whereas in Luke it is
in the house of a Pharisee whose name is revealed later in the story as Simon, but the
place, unlike Mark, is not named. The Lucan presentation of Pharisees as friendly to
Jesus in offering him a meal may be a way of showing that the Pharisees can be well
disposed towards him. Wilson thinks the Pharisees presenl an ambivalent attitude
towards Jes\~s, sometimes friendly at other times as enemies.81
Whatever happens, i t is clear from this text that in Luke Pharisees are friendly with
Jesus. The issue here does not directly relate to the law about food and purity,
allhough It touches on it indirectly, but it is doubting the prophetic ability of Jesus.
This is then resolved around forgiveness, taking the form of a conflict about authority
to forgive sins, as we saw in Luke 5: 17-26. Jesus announces that the woman has
79cf. K. Salo, &.. pp. 82-85. 80cf. S.H. Ringe, 'a., pp. 3 K 8 1 ~ . ~ . Wilson, Luke aud the Law. m.. pp. I 1 1-1 12.
been forgiven. Salo takes this to mean that Jesus announces that God has forgiven the
woman her sins, but the Pharisees mderstood Jesus to forgive sins and took offence at
him. I-le maintains that Jesus accepted the woman's touch as a sign of penitence and
assured her of God's forgiveness and peace.82
Derrett's comments on this passage suggest that Jesus did not forgive the woman her
sins but as a prophet knew and recognized when Cod had forgiven the womm and
shares that with both the woman and ~ i n l o n . ~ ~ I-iere again we see that Jeslls did not
claim to forgive sins, but those at table n~isunderstood him. The woman who had
been an outcast is restored into the covenant con~munity and granted salvation in the
words of peace spoken to her by Jesus. I'eace, according lo i>auermann is a covenant
word given to Israel to be used for extending her rnission to those living beyond the
confines of the law in her m i s ~ i o n . ~
3.3.10. Luke 9 28-36, the appearance of Moses and Eliiah
O t ~ i cclncern here is the manifestatiw of Moses and Eli-jah on the n~ountain of
transfiguration and what this could rnean in our current inquiry regarding Lake's
understanding of the law. Fitzmyer has a detailed analysis of the event, which need
not detain us here, but we take his observation that i t is an important event for the
church's claim that the law and prophets testify to ~hr is t .85
We take Conzelmann's point that the purpose of the event is an announcement of the
passion as something decreed by God. He does well to add as a foot-note that the
passion looks forward to the resurrection and ascension which i n fact could be
understood from the use of the words 'ec08nv and 60Eq i n verse thirty-one.g6 That
8 2 ~ 1 ' . K. Sale, QW.. p. 97.
83d. J.M. D c n ~ t t , Ncw Resolutions of' Old C o n \ ~ I w u s : A 1-rcsh Insirlit into Lukc's QospcJ Dvintiwa~cr, Wii~wictishi~.c ( 1936) p. 131. %I.. S . Diwcrmnnn, 'Lct My Pcoplc Go', in Thc Gtxxl Ncws of thc Kin~dorn. (cds) Charlcs V. Engcn, D.S.Gilli1and and P. Picrson, Orbis Btmks, Maryknoll ( 1993) pp. 219-226, here p. 120. *5cl'. J.A. Fikrnycr, Vol. I. , &., pp. 791-804.
s6c1'. ti. Conzclrnunn, ' a., pp. 57-59. See also p. 59 note 2.
the disciples are to be witnesses of the passion - resui-rection event is alluded to in the
second S o t a v in verse thirty-two.87 This section in Luke is lacking in [he Markan
text, but appears in a slightly different form at the end connected wilh the Son Of Man
rising from the dead. The assumption of Moses and Elijah into heaven is found in
Jewish tradition and may bc sccn as Ibcshadowing the way Jcsus will cvcnlually go.
But the bringing together of the tradition of Moses and Elijah may suggest that they
are in agreement with the mission of Jesus. This is imporlant for Luke, and the
synoptics as well, because of the almost synonymous reference to Hebrew religion as
~ o s a i c . 8 8 Evcn though Moses in himself includcd thc role o l a pmpllct, ncvcrthclcss
Elijah came through in tradition to epitomize Hebrew prophecy and was expected in
some Jewish religious traditions to return before the Messiah of God appears. If
Christian tradition interprets the transfiguration episode as the coming of Elijah
fulfilled, making Jesus become the Messiah of God, it would be understandable, L )
considering that a voice declares Jesus, '0 wtoc, p o ~ o E I C ~ ~ ~ I E V O ~ , . as opposed to
Markan &Yaq~oG The transfiguration is important for the idea that unbelief
involves missing out on God's salvation, hence the whole synoptic iradition agrees on d
a&ou aKouew. To hear God is to obey him.89
A similar interest in tradition is seen again in the story of the rich man and Lazarus
(Luke 16: 19-31). Here Abraham, Moses and the prophets are mentioned as agents of
repentance (conversion). The rich man has the law but did not do the law. Moses and
the prophels are compleie in works of salvation. Through [hem people can repent. If
people are not able to repent through them, neither will they be able to do so even if
one rose from the dead (16: 3 1).
87cf. J.A. Fitzrnyer, a., p. 795. 8 8 ~ o s e s occupies a central position in the religious tradition of the Jews, and this is reflected in the Synoptics, the Gospel of John and in Acts. cf. D. Daube, 'A Refom in Acls and its Models', in Jews. Greeks and Christians, by R. Harnerton-Kelly aiid R. Scroggs (eds) Leideo, E.J. Brill (1976) pp. 151ff. 8 9 ~ e e "Faith" in Chapter 4 below.
The sqme notion of hearing Jesus (9: 35) is used with relclencc lo Moscs and t l ~ c
prophets (16: 29,31). The Lucan combination of these Jewish traditions and aligning
them with Jesus' shows that Jesus is deeply rooted in the 'Torah.
But looming large in the background of these traditions is one idea, that of the
covenant. God remembered his covenant with Abraham at the time he called Moses
(cf. Exodus 2: 23-3.10). The zeal of the covenant consumed Elijah at his
confrontation with Ahab and Jezebel (cf. 1 Kings 19: 10). These Old Testament
figures have a strong place in the tradition because of their connection with the
covenant. Luke may be alluding to this uniting Pactor in the religious tradition of
Israel and pointing to the fact that Jesus is at one with Bat tradition.90
3.3.1 1. Luke 10: 25-37, the lawyers question and the parable of the Samaritans
There is a parallel to this in Mark 12: 28-34, but some differences in the texts make
Banks think that the Lucan source agrees more with Matthew than Mark. This may
suggest that they both had access to an alternative source.91 Rather than trying lo
find out which is dependent on the other, it might be better to concentrate on the
emphasis of the episode which is different in Luke. In Mark the question is more that
of discovering what major commandments one s l m ~ l d strive for, whereas in Luke the
question is what one should do to earn eternal life. Therefore the contrast is between
'knowing' qnd 'doing' which Luke brings out more clearly in the parable of the
Samaritan to illustrate his emphasis on doing the law in order to live. Wilson has
noted the frequency of the word ~COLELV in verses 25, 28 and 37, and sees doing the
law as the crucial issue of the story.92
But doing the law is further illustrated in the parable. The Priest and the Levite
replcsent the Jewish religious system and the Samaritan sepresenls thosc outsidc the
gOcf. C. Rowla~d. ChristianOrigins, SPCK (1985) pp. 25fL 91c~. It. Banks, Jesus and Ihe Law in d ~ e Svnootic 'I'radili(m, Cambridge CUP (1975) pp. 165-166. 92cf. S.G. Wilson, Luke and the Law, m., p. 15.
covenant people. The point of the question about who is a neighbour centres around
showing acts of mercy only to fcllow members of the covenant as true representatives
of the neighbour. The answer of Jesus in this parable must have come as a shock to
the lawyer who'sees the covenant boundaries extended.
The point of the story is that the law could be misunderstood and consequently
misused. Jesus sees his actions as being more in line with the covenant people and
commcnds him, wilhoul considcriag his cll~nic I)ackground, nor thinkiag for a
moment that Samaritan as a category even mattered.
Luke wishes to emphasize the importance at the same time as the implications in
social terms of the search for eternal life. Eternal life may be a theological question
and even a religious one, but its answer cannot be divorced from social reflections and
commitments. Boundaries of the covenant are determined not by nationality or
exclusive claim of belonging to YHWH but by deeds which match the will and way
of YEIWH. The law leads to life.
3.3.12. Luke 15: 11-32, the lost Son
This story is set within the context of Jesus' teaching where tax collectors and sinners
were drawing near to hear him, and the Pharisees and the Scribes murmured against
him (Luke 15: 1-2). Jesus in response to their murmuring told the parables of the lost
sheep, the lost coin and this one, the lost son. The identical or common motif in all
three is "seeking the lost" as an illustration of how God seeks his people who are lost.
The parable of the lost son has seemed to some to present a peculiar problem because
of its sheer length, and it has been suggested that two stories may have been merged
together. J.T. sanders93 suggested that it had two parts originally. Making use of
philological arguments and on grounds of grammar and style, Sanders argues that the
93cf. J.T. Sanders, 'Tradition and Redaction' in Luke 15: 11-32 NTS, 15 (1968-1969) pp. 433-438.
original parable would have dealt only with the prodigal son which Luke probably
turned into an attack against the Pharisees and the Scribes in the second part. H~rt
there is a kind of unity within the parable itself. A man and his two sons are
mentioned at the beginning of the story (15: 11). The father also divided the eslale
between the two sons ( 15: 12). The story ends with a discussion between the father
and his eldest son, with the younger son in focus, (15: 32). The unity of'the parable is
defended by Marshall who sees the style as uniform in any case.94
Considering the main teaching of the parable Fitzmyer regards the father symbol of
God as a prominent feature. He is the God who shows unconditional and unstinted
love and mercy towards not only the repentant sinner, the younger son, but thc
uncomprehending critic of a father's compassion, the eldest son.95
Jeremias has argued that the parable is a challenge to the Jewish leaders not to be like
the elder brother96
With regard to the reaction of the eldest son we might see the parable as centring o
the Torah. According to the Torah, parents have the right to put rebellious sons to
death (cf. Deutronomy 2 1 : 18-2 1). 97 The younger son going away to a far country
actually severed the bonds with his father, family and neighbours. The younger son's
actions p~it him in the position of one who was dead - 'I perish' is the word used in
verse 17, and later in verses 24 and 32, 'my son was dead and is alive again', brings
out the force of the state even more. When the younger son came back, the
celebration was not only for the family, but probably friends and neighbours were
also called in, hence the music and dancing. Danahue has commented that by going
off the younger son severs bonds not only with his father, but with God, and so was
C)4c~. I.H. Marshall, Co~nrnenla~v on Lukc Ecrtlinan's (1978) pp. 6E40. C)5c1'. Flmycr, The Gospel Accordinr! lo Lukc, Vol. 11. a., p. 1085. 06.cl J. Jcrcmias, Thc Parables ol' Jcsus, LmdonINcw York ( 1086) p. 13 1 .
L n ~ c e also Proverbs 10: 1 ; 17: 2 1,25; 19: 18.
neither a son to the father nor a son of ~ b r a h a m . 9 8 Taking the story on from here
then i t becomes a dramatized form of the covenant relationship of Cod with Israel.
Cod through Jesus seeks out the lost and outcast and restores them, but the Pharisees
in the image of lhe eldest son, could not understand. The eldest brother may be right
in getting angry and not wanting the younger brother accepted back into the covenant,
but he is ignorant as to the function of the covenant of which he is only a member.
The parable depicts God's call and his regular search for Israel. If the Pharisees and
Scribes had reflected on how God chose them in their fathers, and established this
covenant with them, they would not have criticized Jesus (cS. Deutronomy 7: 7-9; 10:
17-20). Fitzmyer acknowledges that the story exemplifies the proclamation of the
covenantal Jubilee in the Lucan gospel as a whole,99 a point Ilerrett makes by seeing
the concept of covenant as a ring round the story.*^ Salo takes the point further by
suggesting that the story probably served as a lesson for the Jews to accept gentiles in
the fellowship of God's covenant. lo1
3..3. 1.3. I .ukc 10: 1 10, l l ~c slory ol' %accl~;~cu~
This is another story peculiar to Luke, and is placed towards the end of the journey
narratives and before the passion. It may not just be for the sake of literary style that
the author places the repentance of Levi (5: 27-32) almost at the beginning, and
places the conversion of Zacchaeus almost at the end of Jesus ministry, before the
passion. Luke seems to be making the point that Jesus' ministry is to call sinners to
repentance (5: 32) and to seek and save the lost (19: 10) so that this can be developed
in another level of religious consciousness through his death and resurrection.
%4'. J.R. Dunuhue, Thc Goscpcl in Purublc, F ~ I . ~ I C S S ( I98X) 1). 1 S4.
C)C)cl'. Firzmycr, c&., p. 1086.
loOD. Dcrrelt, LAW in thc Ncw Teslament, London, Longmans and T d d ( 1970) pp. 10011'.
101cf. K .Sale, op.cit., pp. 16011'.
This story is important for our consideration because of the words "salvation" and
"Son of Abraham". There is no specific mention of law in the passage, but the
introduction of 'salvation' and 'Abraham' in the sense that Zacchaeus is a son of
Abraham suggests that he probably was not so regarded, this time not by the
Pharisees, bill by lhc: 'crowd', thc pcoplc. But who is lhc Son ol' Abraham? Ellis
comments that natural descent and religious adherence to the law was the
qualification required. Rut Jesus grants him that rightful place of salvation. 102
Fitzmyer observes that salvation is possible to Jew only on the basis of repentance
and i-estitution. This may be implied in the promise to restore fourfold in the case of
Zacchacus. 103
'Salvation has come to this house today' may be an allusion to the house of Israel, in
terms of restoring the covenant. "If I have extorted anything from anybody" becomes
the symbolic geslure of repentance. "I will pay it back four times", becomes the
symbolic gesture of doing the law, a prominent Lucan theme. On this basis Jesus
declares salvation and accords Zacchaeus the recognition of a true son of Abraham,
the father of the covenant. Zacchaeus' profession alienates him from the people of
Israel. His gesture of repentance and restitution is enough for Jesus to declare
salvation to 'this' house.
If Zacchaeus' salvation is because he also is a Son of Abraham, this suggests that
doing the law creates the condition for salvation. The text does not say that Jesus
saves Zacchaeus but rather Jesus announces the advent of salvation to "this house" on
the basis of Zacchaeus owning up to do the law (cf. Exodus 22: 1). Zacchaeus gives
alms (a theme which interests Luke) and has promised to restore four fold what he
defrauded. That restores him into the covenant and guarantees his salvation. A
similar point emerges in the next story, which we shall now consider.
l o 2 E ~ . Ellis, The Gospel of I.uke, Oliphants, Lo~ldon (1977) pp. 220-221. lo3~ilunyer, Op. Cit., Vol. 1, pp. 1221ff.
3.3.14. Luke 18: 18-30, the ruler's quest of eternal life
This story has parallels in Mark and Matthew, with some dilferences, some minor,
others quite sutistantial. In Mark 10: 17-32, the unspecified man becomes a ruler in
Lukc, a tcrm Lukc is fond of, cestigating some of them as cncmics of Jesus (cf. Lukc
14: 1, 23: 13; Acts 3: 17). Luke connects this story with trials on the way of
discipleship (28-29), which is lacking in Mark.
The Lucan story of a lawyer in 10: 25-37 begins with a similar question about eternal
life, but there are dil'l'erences, especially with regard to the attachment ol the parable
of the Samaritan to it, as we saw above.
What we want to consider here is the answer to the question about eternal life. Jesus
having rehearsed the decalogue, the ruler believed himself not to be at fault in any o C
them from his youth. We see here again the Lucan consistent emphasis on doing the
law to earn eternal life. This becomes clearer as Jesus demands from the ruler the sale
of his goods and to distribute them to the poor (giving of alms), and assures him of
treasure in heaven; then Jesus adds, 'Come follow me'. But the text says that the
ruler became sad (for he was very rich) (cf. 18: 23).
Wilson thinks that this story and lhat in 10: 258 are similar in their positive view of
the law but are in tension because the call to follow Jesus is here identified with love
for God, which is lacking in 10: 251f.104 Wilson therefore, sees a possible challenge
to the law here by Jesus. Fitzmyer is a little cautious in interpreting the verse. He
says that the advice to sell his goods and give alms is not a commandment in line of
those of the decalogue, the understanding of this being that mere fidelity to the
commandments is not enough without practical implications. Fiizmyer says that the
'treasure in heaven' cannot be equated with h e eternal life the ruler was asking about,
lo4cf. S.G. Wilson, m., p. 29.
but is a,promise connected with the distribution of wealth and following Jesus. That
i s to say that the ruler's selling of his goods and giving them to the poor, and
following Jesus would earn him treasure in heaven. But was treasure in heaven what
the ruler asked 'for? Fitzmyer actually makes a distinction between the saying of
Jesus in 18: 18-23, and that in 18: 24-30 as being related but different. He believes
that while selling of goods and giving alms and following Jesus may have been
demanded of the ruler as a possible implication of the law, these nevertheless d o not
impose such limitations as the only implication, rather they are to be seen as the
necessary demands made on any would-be disciple of Jesus, but by no means to all.
T h e fact that Jesus goes on to talk of the Kingdom of God clarifies the point, but
heightens the anxiety about who then can be saved. Jesus' answer that this depends
on God, which is to be taken to mean that it is not a matter of selling off onek goods
or giving alms or following Jesus, but of what God can do, settles the question. But
then, says Fitzmyer, Jesus goes on to talk about rewards for following him after
leaving everything. The reward is in this age and in the age to come eternal life. He
concludes that in the first instance, to inherit eternal life, one has to keep the
commandments, but that renouncing possessions for the sake of the kingdom and
following him also has a reward in heaven or eternal life.105
W e see here the consistent presentation of the law in Luke as not posing any tension
at all. Jesus, still recognizes the place of the law in leading to eternal life. But
ultimately salvation is God's responsibility. But since Jesus proclaims the kingdom,
he would make the demands of the kingdom clear to his lollowers.
In Mark 10: 2 2 the man went away sorrowful whereas in Luke he was sorrowful (but
it is not said that he went away ) probably to be comforted by the words, 'what is not
possible with men is possible with God,' (18: 27).
lo5cf. Fitzmyer, m., Vol. 11, pp. 1196-1206.
In the previous story about Zaccheus, he gladly offered to give a l n ~ s and to restore
what he del'sauded, but here the ruler is sad. Zacchaeus by the standards of the
masses and the Pharisees was a sinner, unlikc the ruler. This confirms Luke 7: 34.
The rider by the nature of his question in Luke 18: 18 was a member of the covenant
of Israel, having kept the Torah from his youth. But love of his riches might keep him
outsidc the covcnant community. 'I'hc instruction to scll his goods and give alms to
the poor is characteristic of the theme of covenant. He was sad not because he could
not follow Jesus, but because he had great riches.
We see again in the stoty of the young ruler the way the law functions and how the
covenant motif looms large in the background. I-Iorsley rightly observes that it is
within'the covenant traditions that we should understand the words of Jesus, which
are especially prominent in Luke-Acts, about giving alms and caring for the poor as a
responsibility of the rich.106
3.3.15. The passion and trial of Jesus, Luke 19: 28-23.56
There is a clear absence of Jesus' transgression of the law in this section of Luke.
One prominent theme is the plot of the Temple officials to trap Jesus. Luke presents
their charges as False accusations (Luke 23: 2-5; 13-17). Jesus is innocent in Luke's
view, a point he uses Pilate and I-lierod to establish. J. B. Green has observed that
Luke's characterization of Jews and Romans serves the purpose of establishing the
innocence of Jesus from the accusation of breaking the law.107 Joseph of Arimathea,
a member of the Jewish ruling council, is a proper Jew who accepted Jesus (described
by the characteristic Lucan phrase 01.' 'looking for the Kingdom of God", 23: 51, cf
2: 25) whilst others were against God by opposing Jesus.
lO('kf. R. Horsley, Jesus and the Spir'dl of Violence, 1Foruess (1993) pp. 246ff. lo7cf. J.B. Green, --, . . . . , . WUNT2, Reihe 33, Tubingen (1988) pp. 90H.
Luke 23: 56 specifically states that after the body of Jesus was laid in the tomb, they
rested on the Sabbath according to the commandment. This is a pointer to the fact
that Jesus and his followers were obedient to the commandments, a point the author
has been consistently labouring to present. W. Craig observes that even the women
kept the Sabbath co~urnandments by no1 visiting the ton1b.10~ Jeremias thinks hat
the women would not have broken the Sabbath law if Jesus was buried on the
Sabbath. lo9 We do not see any breach of the law by Jesus or his followers at his trial
or burial.
3.3.16. The Resurrection, Luke 24: 1 - 3
Geoffrey Nuttall has said that the story of the two men going to Emmaus is not really
about the men, but about Jesus.1 l 0 T h e whole of the Old Testament becomes a
testimony to Jesus from the resurrection onward (Luke 24: 27, 44). Acts of the
Aposkles is littered with such texts (Acts 3: 22; 7: 37; 26: 22; 28: 23 cf Luke I : -%fc
4: 21).
Luke narrates the resurrection of Jesus and his appearance to the disciples within the
context of exposition of the scriptures. Marshall makes the point that the whole of the
Old Testament is now fulfilled in Jesus. I I Jervell observes that the prophetic aspect
of both Moses and the psalms becomes sharper in relation to the resurrection-event
(Luke 24: 44-45).112 T h e resurrection event does not drive the disciples out of the
Temple, but i t becomes a place to be continually blessing God ( lake 24: 53).
3.3.17. Concluding our findings on the gospel
10Hcl'. W. C ~ a i g , 'The hisloriciiy of the Empty Tomb ol'Jcsusl 3 1 (1985) pp. 39-67. Jercn~ias, The Eucharistic Words of Jesus, O x l b d , (1955) pp. 74-79.
I I()G.F. Nuttall, The Moment o f Recoanition: Luke a s Slorv-Teller, University ol' London, The Athlone Prcss ( 1978) pp. 4- 13.
~ I . H . Marshull, c,D.cil., p. 904. l121. Jervell, The Unknown Paul, Ausburg (1984) pp. 1001,.
The Lucan Jesus maintains a consistently positive view of the law by suggesting what
its application involves. It is mainly in the application of the law that there appears to
be a clash with the Scribes and Pharisees whose application is presented as often
faulty. We have noticed it in several places in Luke's gospel, for example, the saying
of Jesus, 'leave the dead to bury the dead', in 9: 59-60 with parallel in Matthew 8:
21-22, Luke gives the pericopae a context by placing it before the mission of the
seventy or seventy-two. It is probable that he places it there to give the impression of
how it came about that another seventy were recruited. He seems to be saying that it
was not all who wanted to follow Jesus who were allowed, while some who were
called felt reluctant to go, but in the end of it all, seventy or seventy two were sent on
mission.
Fitzmyer has called attention to various interpretations of this verse, and suggested
that rather than deny that Jesus said it bccause it is contrary to the law of respect of
parents and burying the dead, we should see it as a difficult saying which Jesus
probably said. He then offers the meaning that spiritually dead are to see to the
physically dead.113 This seems like a spiritual explanation. Banks thinks it is a
metaphorical saying that need not be paken literally, 114 but Wilson rejects this
interpretation115 without giving any reasons save to say that it is unlikely.
It seems that,Banks is nearer the truth. The sayii~g is a proverb and as a general rule
proverbs are not taken literally. Taking into account the context of the saying, it
seems that the urgency and seriousness of the call is what is implied rather than any
disrespect for the dead, which contravenes the law. In the Matthew version, it as a
disciple who made the request which can only indicate an admonition by Jesus for
commitment on the part of the disciple, rather than an encouragement to break the law
for burial of parents. It stands in Matthew as an isolated saying without a particular
1 13131z~n~er, I., ap,c;il., pp. 833-837. 1 1 4 ~ . Banks, m., p. 97. 1 % ~ . Wilson, a., p. 40.
context which Luke has probably supplied. At the root of the saying is a proverb 8 .
calling for commiltment.
There is also tlie lawyer's question in 10: 25-39 (with parallel in Mark 2: 28-31), to
which Luke adds the parable of the Samaritan to show how the law should be obeyed.
The Matthean exception for divorce on grounds of unchastity is not in Luke (cf. Luke
16: 18 and Matthew 5: 31-32). Divorce is not allowed in Luke and this is an
intensification of the law.
Thcrcl'orc, the Lucan Jcsus docs not rclax thc law but strengthens it. W l m we conw
to relate the law to salvation, we see two ideas emerging. In the infancy narratives,
people approved by God were obedient to the law, and through them God inaugurated
the mission of Jesus (cf. Luke 1: 6; 2: 25; 2: 36-37; 2: 39-40; 3: 3b).
The advent of Jesus is put in the context of the promise of God to Abraham and the
patriarchs (cf. Luke 1: 17,32-33, 54-55,68-79). Therefore those who are obedient to
the law are sons and daughters of Abraham who is believed to be in God's bosom;
that means that Abraham had reached the state of salvation. We can then conclude
that the infancy narralives suggest strongly that those obedient to the law are saved
because theys are children of Abraham. Simeon prays that he might depart in peace
for his eyes have seen God's salvation (Luke 2: 29-30).
At the same lime the infancy nail-atives look ahead to the redemption and salvation of
Israel and the nations through the mission of Christ.
When we come to the mission of Jesus, depicted in Lucan travel narratives we notice
there are two ideas regarding the role of the law. On the one hand keeping the law
leads to salvation (cE Luke 10: 25-28; 16: 19-31). The story of the Samaritan is the
application of this law which is about eternal life, suggesting that acting like the
Samaritan earns one eternal life. The story of the rich man and Lazarus makcs the
point in even stronger terms. Abraham who is now in "heaven", maintains that those
on earth have Moses and the prophets to lead them to heaven, one rising from the
dead to tell them would make no difference. The saving nature of Moses (the law) and
the prophets could not be any clearer than this.
And yet there is one instance which suggests an additional requirement. In Luke 18:
18-30, doing the law is combined with Sollowiilg Christ to enable one secure eternal
life. In other words, doing the law is supplemented by following Christ. Some have
noticed the same in the story of Zacchaeus but it is not as clear in that story. Jesus
announced that salvation had come to the house, just as he announces that one's sins
arc: forgiven. The announcing of salvation was after Zacchaeus had decided to give
alms and promised to pay back what he defrauded. We see this rather in terms of
doing the law and earning salvation as in Luke 10: 25ff or 16: 19ff. Although there is
no evidence from the text to prove Zacchaues' works at the time Jesus pronounced
salvation to his housc.
Are these ideas contradictory? Can salvation come through either observing the law
or observing the law and following Christ? To investigate this further we shall
consider theLucan understanding of the covenant in the gospel.
Luke 22: 15-20, the passover meal
All the gospel accounts, including the fourth gospel contain the narrative of Jesus' last
passover with his disciples. The central position of this event in the tradition of Jesus
and its sul>scyucnt place in hc: Chrisiian cllurch is no1 in doubt. We iwc: I w c :
concerned with the relationship of the covcnant to the law in Luke. The Lucan
version of the passover seems to have involved a reinterpretation of the last supper,
but this is not going to detain us because of the intricacies of textual and source
problems.
The age of the pericope itself is debated. Jeremias thinks that the version in Mark 14:
22-25 is the oldest.117 V. Taylor disagrees on the basis that probably accounts
existed in various forms in the earliest Christian communities in Jerusalem, Caesarea
and Antioch, and it is difficult to determine which is older, but he settled for the belief
that thc accoulils arc aullicnlic and ancicnl.118
The peculiarity in Luke is the expression 'new covenant'. Taylor has noticed the
influence of Exodus 24: 8, Isaiah 53, and Jeremiah 31: 31-34, with a theological re-
interpretation which sees them fulfilled thlaugh Christ's death and resurrection.ll9
Fitzmyer agrees and suggests that the phrase 'new covenant' probably came from the
Qumran community to describe their community's relationship to God. I-Ie sees the
blood of Jesus in his death and resurrection as the sacrifice of salvation, which is both
theological and cultic.120
C Maron Soards argues for the uniqueness of q Katvq &aeqq in Luke, agreeing
only with the usage in Paul (cf. 1 Corinthians 11: 23-35), but not in Matthew. The
reference in Matthew according to Soards is a rabbinic insertion to harmonize with
Luke.121 Soards then suggests a link between the 'new covenant' and the parable of
new wine in new wineskin in Luke 5: 36-39 where the power of the old wine is still
recognized.122 Soard's concludes h a t in Luke the references to "new covenant" are
imbedded motifs of eschatology, Christianity and ecclesiology - Jesus is God's agent
16c1.. Ci.L3. Cirird, U&r,clol ' . 'I'I'lrc l ' c l i c a r ( . . i o s u c l b . I.oatloa (l903) p. 237. 175. Jeremias, W c W o w . .
3, Third Edition, Idondon, SCM (1966) pp. 173fC. 18v. ?'aylor, The Passion Narative of St. I.ukc, ediled by O.E. Evans, Cambridge (1972), p. 58. 19v. l'aylor, W, pp. 58,133f.
1205. A. Fitzmyer, a., p. 1402. 121cf. M.L. Soatds, 'The Passion According to Luke: The Special Material of Luke 22.' JSNT Sup. 14, Sheffield (1987) p. 34. 122cf. M.L. Soards, M, p. 45.
of salvation.123 What Soards did not say is whether the old covenant is overtaken by
the 'new covenant'. But having said that the power of the 'old wine' is still
recognized, we will assume that the covenant is still in place. Therefore what is 'new'
about it? perhaps we need to go back to the infancy narratives of Zechariah's Song
(prophecy).
Luke 1: 67-79
According to Brown, the song is Mosaic in idea with Inter-testamental phrases. The
song dwells on the theme of salvation in various forms and connotations, not least in
terms of the covenant.124 Brown comments that redemption and salvation are
described in terms of God's faithfulness to his covenant to Abraham, David and the
seed of ~braham.125 Different words are used to call this to mind such as 'salvation
from enemies,' 'mercy', 'holiness', "service (serve)", 'forgiveness of sins', and
'pcacc'. This language of "oath", "covcnant" and "covcnant virtucs" is i~scd to
describe and bring together David, Abraham and his seed. We had already noted the
appearance of Moses and Elijah on the mountain of transfiguration and the possible
meaning of that to be that Jesus is following on the authentic Jewish religious
tradition. We also noted that by his association with the outcasts of the society calling
them to repentance, Jesus had already started re-defining the boundaries of the
covenant, because even a "tax-collector is also a son of Abraham".
In Luke 24: 27,44-48, the whole of the Old Teslament assumes a prophetic position,
pointing to Jesus as the Messiah of God (cf. 24: 46).
Therefore in Luke's image of 'new covenant' we see a redefining of the saving role of
Chiist, rather than the role of a law giver. It is within the covenant with Abraham that
salvation takes effect. There is no abrogation of the law, neither had the law been
123Rid, pp. 124-125. 124cf. R.E. Brown, m., p. 384. 125u, pp. 385-389.
salvilic in itselC, but rather a means to salvation, which God alonc provides within the
covenant.126 Means of entry into the covenant have been redefined through the
pouring out of the blood of Christ (Luke 22: 20b), but the law's status remains.127
The law is given to maintain the equilibrium of the covenant, but the means of entry
to the covenant is Christ. Since belonging to the covenant assures salvation, which is
implicit in the idea of the elect, repentance and forgiveness in the name of Christ
bring one within the range of the covenant for ultimate salvation.
This is where it seems there is a tension between the covenant and the law, and the
two ideas we discovered about keeping the law and gaining salvation, and keeping the
law plus following Christ a s leading to salvation. The emphasis on the law is for
entry into and belonging to the covenant. Whereas the emphasis on Christ is for
salvation. Covenant in the Hebrew thought assumed salvation. Now fdith in Christ
assures both entry into the covenant and salvation.128
W e conclude then by saying that from our study of the gospel, what is 'new' about the
covenant is the entry requirements. Before one could be born into it, but now one has
to bclieve in His name. Essentially, the .covenant remains the same. On the one hand
keeping the law maintains the equilibrium of the covenant. On the other hand,
repentance and forgiveness of sin in the name of Christ, ensures one's place in the
covenant. By introducing 'new' to the covenant Luke has focused on the way the
gentiles are to be brought in. But it is important to see that the author has consistently
given a rightful place to the law. Luke defines salvation in covenantal terms,
126~his is one of tile points about Ihe I x a n prologue which we noled above. 127~or the Rabbinis, admittimce to tile covenant community was assurance of salvnlion. Mems of entry to Ihe COVCIMII~ was Ihrough circumcision, cf. M I . Gl~swcll, (85) 1974-75 p. 328. ' 2 H ~ t M ' l l i I I ~ ) ~ c I . ' s COIIIIIICIII I1Cl.C ~ O I I C ~ C S OII I I l k "1hC COIIlI.iISI 1101 itOOlll I i l ~ 011 Sillili illld I .ilW o(. Jesus but between partial underslandng of the divine will now made fullcr in Jesus' cf. M. Ilooker, . . * . ti . I .
ristianilv ia ' C o n t ~ m v and Dwon nlu v. Larlv Ch 11s Jew~sh Setting Epworth Londou (1986) p. 31. Although Luke does not refer to the law as partid before the coming of Christ, rather he presents it as complete as a preparation for salvation. The author labours to make the point that the saints before the time of Christ were accepted by God in relation lo heir sm~ding with h e law.
therefore the law is not abrogated. As a pastor Luke brings new vision to a familiar
concept which is more evident in Acts.
We shall now consider Luke's presentation of the law i n the Acts of the Apostles.
We shall also see what role the covenant played and how both the law and the
covcnant are seen to I'unction.
3.4 The Law in Acts of the Apostles
Through our investigation in the gospel, we discovered that Luke's Jesus is presented
as consistently obedient lo the law. We will investigate the attitude of his disciples to
the law in Acts, from where we will discover the author's understanding of the place
of the law and its relationship to the covenant.
We agree with Rosner's comment that Acts is constructed with full dependence upon
and in the model of Hebrew s ~ r i ~ t u r e s . ! 2 ~ Hebrew scripture is a deposit of Cod's
wisdom and will. This close relationship of Acts to Scripture will reveal how the
author understands the "law".
3.4.1. The Pentecost
The first two chapters of Acts are dominated by words proclaiming that Jesus is
Christ, a consequence of his resurrection and ascension and the gift of the Holy Spirit.
This is done with references to David, a motif traceable from the infancy narratives
and all through the gospel, establishing Jesus in line with the Davidic Messiah (cf. I:
32; 69; 18: 38; 20: 24 Acts 1: 16; 2: 25; 29'34; 15: 16).
Then the prophecy of Moses to raise up a prophet like himself (cf. Deuteronomy 18:
15) is referred to in Acts 3: 22 and 7: 37. Then the text goes on to make a connection
129cf. B.S. Rosner, 'Acts ant1 Biblical H~story' 111 The Book of Acts in its F~rsl Century Scttin~, Vol. 1, (ecls) B.W. Wintcr and A.D. Clerkc, Eerdmans (1993) pp. 651; See also 1.H. Marshall, 'Acts' Tyndale New Testament Commentaries: Inter-varsity Press ( 1980) p. 23.
with the covenant with Abraham in Acts 3: 13,25 and 7: 2,8. See also 7: 16- l7,32;
13: 26). These references appear in speeches which may be Lucan construction, and
therefore a kernel of his theology. 130 No other New Testament author likens Jesus to
Moses, except Luke. "Propllet like Moses" is characterisiic of Luke-Acts, even if
found on the lips of Peier or Stephen or any oiher person. This may be a prophetic
fulfillment of Deuteronomy 18: 15f (cf. Luke 24: 27, 44). As we observed in the
gospel, the law prophesied about Jesus. Jesus is here presented as Moses (cf Luke 16:
29). But Luke does not use the word "new law giver" for Jesus. The Lucan Pentecost
has been argued to be a reminiscence of the giving of the law at ~inai.131 O'Reilly
argues for ii.132 Menzies disagrees1 33 The issue is difficuli to settle.
3.4.2. Acts 6-7 The storv of Stephen
The sources of this material may be Antioch (cf. Acts I I : 19,22,27,29f). 1-Iellenistic
knowledge may have come from the church in Antioch, regarding the Christ-event.
The accusations against Stephen are similar to those against Jesus in Mark 14: -54-61
(cf. Acts 6: 11-14), but this particular episode is not in Luke. 134 There is no mention
of [he destruction of the temple as an accusation against Jesus in Luke's passion
narraiive. Could this be why i t is transferred to Stephen? In any case, i t is still
presented as a false accusation, thercfore Stephen is not against the Temple nor the
law.
131"0nc ol' (he mosl commonly cited intcrprctiltivc keys ['or undcl-stantling Acls 2: 1-13 has been to coelparc i l wilh lhc giving ol'lllc law ut Sinai. J.B. Polhill, m: Ncw Anlcrican Commentary, Volunw 36, Bnmdman Press. Nashville ( lW3) p. 105. 133cl'. L. ORcilly, 'Wold and Sign in the Acls ol. thc Aposlles', or>.cil.,pp. 18-19,521: 133.cf. R.P. Mcnzics, 'Thc Dcvclopmcnl of Early Christians Pncumakhgy' op.cil., pp. 91,235, also cl'. R. Slranslad, The Charismatic 'Thcolonv of St. Luke. Hendrickson (1984) p. 58. Scc also T.1-I. Gastcr, Fcslivals o f The Jewish Ycar, New York: Sloan Associates Publicolion (1952) pp. 59. 71. cl: 1.1-1. Mi~rshall, 'The Signilicuncc 01' Pcnlccost', S..I.'I'. 30 ( 1077) pp. 347-300. cl'. N.H. S~initli, 'Pcnlccost, the Day o f Powers', Exp'l'm. 43 ( I93 I - 1932) pp. 378-379. Rev. Dr. S. 1?1rr. a Iccturcr in thc New 'I'csli~~~lc~lt it1 IZitllcy I l i ~ l l , ;lrgllcs II1iIt tl~c Iri~tl~lio~l ol' ;~ssocii~lirlg I'c~~lcc:c~l \\1111 Illc Sinill ~ \~c r l l is pnhahly older, bel'orc the Rabbis documenlcd i l , end should be acceplcd.
134d. F. F. Bruce, The Acts of the Aposdcs Circck Tcxl Eerdn~ans (1990) p. 189.
Both ~ e n g e 1 1 3 5 and o '~e i11136 argue for Hellenistic influence on Luke. The case
that the disciples were persecuted and scattered, but only the apostles were able to
remain in Jerusalem is believed to be because of the presence and influence of the
Hellenists, who& attitude to the law were not satisfying enough for the orthodox
Jews. However, the author of Acts did not say this. But why did the author elaborate
on the accusation about Stephen's attitude to the law and eventually his martyrdom?
Dibelius thinks that a Hellenistic attitude to the law is referred to in Stephen
episode.137 Haenchen virtually agrees13* O'Neill believes that the charges against
Stephen may be Jewish polemic against Christians, which probably was the reason for
the details.l39 Wilson agrees, and adds that Stephen represents the whole church or
part of it. 140
b 1 C The words at a hha{&~ za E&I h n a p ~ 6 o ~ ~ v qpw Mwuoq~ (6: 14) here refer
to custom.141 Bruce remarks that the transitory nature of the Mosaic order may be
what is in mind here.142 Blomberg thinks lhat za is synonymous with the
law. 143
Lucan texts do not bear out any clear distinction between 'custom' and 'law'. But in
this particular text, 'customs which Moses delivered to us' may intensify the point
that law is now seen as the custom of Moses, thereby introducing a new element, not
that it is not ralid, but that areas of the law's validily is being confined.
L Earlier in this same verse Stephen's accusation is put in present tense - ... 0 '1qoou~
13%f. Hengel, Acts and Lhe History of Early Christianity, a. l360'Neill, !~JJ& l 3 7 ~ . Dibelius, Studies in Acb London (1951) p. 145. 138~aenchen, Acts of Oxford (1971) pp. 286ff. 390 '~e i l l , m., p. 74.
~ ~ O S . G . Wilson,~p&..p.62. 1411.~1. Marshall, npLc;il., p. 130. l 4 2 ~ . ~ . I3ruce, The Acls (Greek1 op.ci(., p. 189. 14%:. Blomborg, ' l ' l~! I .;iw in I,ukc-Acly, JSN'I' 22 (1984) p. 63.
? t
... ~azahuo&l zov Z O ~ O V ... Kat, ahha@ za ~ 0 q ... is it because what Stephen
said is being reported, and so reproduced in the present tense or was it an unfulfilled
prophecy still awaiting its fulfillment in the future? Bruce says [hat "Temple not
made with hands" is ail1 expected here and can be read between the 1 i n e s . 1 ~ ~ But
why does the author not say that the Temple of Jerusalem had been destroyed
assuming that the author had this in mind and wrote after AD 70?
For Luke the accusations against Stephen are false. Stephen is pious (cf. 6: 8). Those
who accuse him are false witnesses (cf. 6: 13). Therefore, they are transgressors of
the law (cf. Exodus 20: 16; Deulronomy 5: 20). Stephen is a true witness of God.
Just like Moses, his face shone (cf. Acts 22: 20; 6: 15).
Stephen is a typical law-abiding Jew, who nevertheless saw in Jesus, the fulfillment of
the covenant with Abraham (Acts 7: I), with Moses (Acts 7: 20) with David (Acts 7:
45), and with the prophets (Acts 7: 48-49), even the Spirit bore witness to Jesus whom
they now resist as they had in the past resisted prophecy (cf. Acts 7: 51).
Stcphcn's spccch is part or Luke's attcmpL Lo legitimize the I'ollowcrs oI' JCSLIS as t r i ~ l y
following along the Covenant of God with the patriarchs of Israel. Taking [his speech
as containing Lucan author's theology, it follows that the same law that had been
normative for the Jews is the same for Jesus and his followers. The surprising thing is
~hal they threw Stephen out. This incidenl calls Lo mind the reaclion of people in the
synagogue in Nazarelh when Jesus, according Lo Luke inaugurated his mission (cf.
Luke 4: 17-30).
The mention of the law in 7: 51-53 demonstrates Lhat the issue is not abrogation of the
law but olwyi~lg the law, which Ilas hccrl tllc Lucan c~npllasis in Lllc gospcl. I'a1.1 ol'
the evidence of "not doing the law" resulted in the Pharisees' endless argument with
144F.F. Bruce, a., p. 189.
Jesus in the gospel account which eventually led to Jesus death. Here Stephen's
speech refers to the event a s "betrayed and murdered .. the righteous one" (7: 52).
They wese resistant to the Holy Spirit. Their forefathers did the same thing by
opposing the prophets. By murdering the righteous one they disobeyed the law,
because the law testified to him (Jesus). Jervell's point is that because their hearts
were "uncircumcised" they failed to understand the true essence of the law bearing
testimony to Jesus (4 Acts 7: 51, 53).145 W e have to note that circumcision can
summarisc thc wholc law.
3.4.3. The Temple in Stephen's Speech
Esler's approach to the Temple reference in this speech is to begin with the conflict
between Jesus and Hellenists in Acts 6.146 Although Esler sees Luke's treatment of
the Temple in Luke-Acts a s ambivalent, he nevertheless leans towards making the
author favour non -Temple allegiance for the sake of the mixed nature of his
community. Although Luke may favour gentile converts' who remained outside the
Temple as valid, was h e in fact using the attack on the Temple to establish this. L.et
us look a i the hcts from the text itself.
Acts 6: 13-14 says i t clearly that false witnesses stood up to accuse Stephen, saying
that Jesus will destroy the Temple, and change customs which Moses gave. It is clear
from this that Luke is saying that Stephen did not say such a thing. It could be that at
his time the Temple was in ruins and s o Stephen (or Christians) became the scape
goat for such prophecy which had by then been fuliilled. W e are not specifically told
this of course.
Torah and Temple are disiinct things. While 'Torah came I'irst, the Temple was a later
development. Looking at the text , both ihe Torah and Temple seem to be criticized.
1 4 5 ~ . Jervell, m., pp. 72-76. 146p. Esler, a., pp. 133-136.
Moses is said to be rejected (cf. Acb 7: 23,29, 35). The people practised idolat~y (cf.
Acts 7: 39-43). Notice that this was after the Torah had been received. The people of
Israel left thc tent of meeting to build the Temple (cC Acts 7: 44-50). Evcntually thcy
persecuted and murdered prophets who based their mission on the law (47: 52). The
criticism of the Torah is the failure of the people of Israel to adhere to it, rather than
the Torah itself.147 Even the transition from tent to Temple did not help much and
yet, the problem was with the people, not with the tent or the Temple.
The Temple is positively projected in Luke-Acts and a few instances of the evidence
will suffice. Jesus taught cvcryday in the Temple (cf. Luke 19: 45-21: 38). The
Apostles used it for prayer and preaching very regularly (cE Acts 2: 46; 3: 1 see also
Luke 24: 53). The Temple in Luke-Acts is a venue for teaching, prayer, offering and
worship and so for cultic rites (cf. Luke 1: 8-10; 2: 24; ACLS 21: 26).
Esler thinks that Acts 7: 48 is such a force that the Temple is comparable to pagan
idols.148 But is this a criticism of the Temple or of the theology of the Temple which
goes contrary to Isaiah 66: 1-2? Did building a Temple go contrary to the law or
words of the prophets during the Davidic dynasty? (cf. Acts 7: 45b-47). In any case,
both the tent and the Temple came to be built through the inspiration and guidance of
YHWH. Sylva makes the same point as well as observing that both too wcre made of
human This criticism is along the prophetic denunciation of not adhering
to the law when people trust in a building which cannot contain YI-IWH any way (cf.
Jeremiah 7: 1-4). Therefore it is not a case of rejection of the Temple, but people's
faulty concept and notion of both God and his Temple.
1 4 7 ~ . Franklin, &.,pp. 104-108. 1 4 8 ~ . Esler, w., p. 134. 1491 1.1). Sylvu, " 1 1 1 ~ I ~ I C ~ U I ~ I I ~ ~ual Cuactiolr ol. Acts 7: 46-50', ill JI\I. 106 (1987) pp. 261-275.
The argument of AcLs 7: 6 - 5 0 is an affirmation of God's transcendence over the
Temple rather than n replacement or condemnation. 150 The Temple is always useful
as long as its system keeps the perspective of God's purposes and will (cf. Luke 19:
45-48).
3.4.4. Luke's Silence about the destrvction of the Temple
This point naturally raises the issue as to why the author did not mention the
destruction of the Temple. Why not? This poses more of a dilemma to those who
notice in I n kc-Acts an ;~nti-.lewish/l'emple polcmic. IC I .die-Acts was clci~rly anti -
Temple, one wonders why the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the 'Temple is
not mentioned. Although this problem is 1101 as simple as i t sounds because i t is
almost a mystery that no new Testament document rnentions it. 151 This is outside
the discussion of this paper but we shall briefly commeat on a few things.
The Lucan Jesus seems to avoid a ministry that involves violence. This also agrees
with Jesus love and care for the marginalized of the society, and his general
compassion for people.
( i ) The Markan fig-tree story is lacking in Luke (cf. Mark 11: 12-26). But
interestingly enough, there is another story of a fig tree which could not bear fruit for
three consecutive years and the owner was tempted to cut i t down. Rut the vinedresser
asked for permission to care for it for another year. This parablc cornes as an answer
to the question about those whom Pilate killed whilc performing sacrifice. This story
and the parable are from the special Lucan source, as i t is not found i n the other
synoptic accounts. Whether this parable might be a Lucan redaction of Markan
cursing of the fig tree is doubled by Fitzmyer, but he sees the parable as in line will1
[he spirit of the Li~can Jesus (cf. Luke 13: 6-9). 152
(ii) The Markan version of the cleansing of the Temple presents a more violent
Jesus ~han Luke. In Mark Jesus withdraws to Galilee aCter the event. In Luke, Jesus
conlinucs lo teach in lhc Templc daily. I1 secnls kom this that Lukc probably (lid not
want to associate the destruction of the Temple with [he prophecy of Jesus or present
his words as destructive or woeful. (cf. Mark 1 I : 15-191Luke 19: 45-48).
(iii) Lukc 22: 49-50 rccords [he culling ol'l' of h e rig111 ear of a slave of the high
priest. This is the only record of this event. The reaction of Jesus is typical; the ear is
healed. An instruction of 'no more oC ~llat' setlles the matter. And then Jesus
continues his dialogue wilh the chief priests. Jesus maintains a consistently non-
violent altitude towards the Temple and the law.
Lucan Jesus did not die because he opposed the law or the Temple, but because he is
Christ. Luke does not want to present Jesus as the Christ who prophecised against the
destruction of the Temple that was fulfilled. Ralher, his role as the "Christ", brought
him into conflict with those who rejected him, who happened to be in aulhority, and
[hey crucified him. God will use this event to achieve his purpose. It was necessary
for Christ to be rejected and killed as the law, the psalms and prophets predict. (cf.
Luke 24: 27, 44-45). That he is Christ will be further revealed to them after the
resurreclion. Therefore, instead of admitting the false accusation that Jesus said the
Temple would be destroyed, Luke says in the gospel and in Acts 7, that they set up
false witnesses. The author concludes by describing Stephen as seeing the Son of
152~. Fitmyer. Luke. Vol II., m., p. 1004.
134
Man already on God's right hand in heaven, which is a testimony to the Messiahship
of Jesus. (d. Acts 7: 56). I53
For Luke, this is the main point of the whole story of the conflict wilh Stephen. Jesus
is the Christ. The characterization of Abraham through to the prophets, including the
Holy Spirit (Pentecost) all make for this testimony and revelation.
Summarizing the conflict story of Stephen then we notice that he did not prophecy
against the Tcmplc, nor lhc custom ol' Moses, but hc bclicvcd Jesus is tllc Christ. The
disciples of Jesus obeyed the law, Stephen obeyed the law, Jesus obeyed the law. By
casting out Stephen and stoning him, they acknowledged their denial of Jesus as
Christ, and became law-breakers. The issue was not the Temple, nor Moses and the
law, but Christ and salvation open to all. Stephen's episode make this one point.
Jesus and his mission is properly rooted in God's covenant with Israel.
3.4.5. Cornelius and Peter in Acts 10-11
The question about how gentile converts to Christianity stand with the law is the main
topic of thc conversion of Cornelius and the apostolic council. Dil'lkrcn~ views arc
expressed by scholars about he story. Dibelius suggests that there are two different
traditions, some contain legendary elements, which Luke has broughl together to
legitimize the aposlle Peter as aposlle to the gentiles; with reference to a conflict with
those who saw Paul as more prominent in the gentiles mission.154 Haenchen does
not agree with Dibelius on the queslion of sources but argues thal all questions about
historical authenticity must be set aside and attempts made to understand Luke's
theological aim in shaping this story.155 Bovon on the other hand observes three
different units in he whole story. The conversion of Cornelius, which was originally
l53~o1ice that a1 the baptism of Jesus lhe heaven was opened (Luke 3: 22) and a1 Slephen's dealh, he saw Lhe heaven open (Acts 7: 56). Slephen's teslhnony legilimaks in a way the mission of Ihe apostles as approved by Jesus. the Son of Man. cf. 1.11. Marshall, m, m., pp. 148-149. 154~ibelius, w., pp. 96-107. 155~aenchen, 'Acts', m,, pp. 357ff.
an independent story; then the aetiological legend which tries to give a reason for the
meeting of the two men (cf. 10: 34-43). Luke arranged them as a whole to illustrate
the acceptance of gentile converts into ~ h r i s t i a n i t ~ . l 5 6 Marshall argues against
taking this view, but acknowledges that the story is not invented by Luke but that it is
a historical event. For Marshall, Luke used the story to focus on the key issues
involved in the gentile mission, such as circumcision and gentile-fellowship. 157
We are concerned here with the issue of the law in this text, and this is closely tied up
with the issue of eating with the uncircumcised. We shall make an attempt to
understand the general view of the law here.
In Luke 2: 32 a hint is given to the fact that salvation includes the gentiles. In Luke 7:
1-10 Jesus draws near a gentile centurion, but they did not actually mcet because the
centurion either by the order of the day or by inspiration, did not want Jesus to enter
his house with the reason that he was not worthy for Jesus t o come into his house.
This gesture and statement made Jesus to pronounce t l ~ t such il faith had not hecn
seen even in Israel. The centurion's slave was healed, one of the few cases where
Jesus healed from a distance. 158
In Acts 10-1 1, the disciples see themselves as one with the gentiles. 'The other
conversion narratives take this pattern demonstrating that Jews and gentiles are one.
The Lucan emphasis behind such an event is best seen as God's will.
The piety of both Peter and Cornelius is stressed. Cornelius is devout, a God-fearer
ilnd gcncl.ous (10: 2-3, 35). IIc uscs his wealth to scrvc the poor (cC 9: 36, I,i~kc 3: 10-
14; 10: 35f; 18: 22; 19: 1-10; Acts 5: 1-1 1). Cornelius is righteous (cf. 10: 22). IF
15%. Bovon, 'Tradition and Redaction in Acts 10-11', TZ 26, (1970) pp. 22-45. 1 5 7 1 . ~ . Marshall, &., pp. l82f. 158cf. Mark 7: 30 omilted by Luke: the healing of the ten lepers is also from a distance of Luke 17: 11 -19.
Jewish nation speak well of Cornelius, it would imply his abiding by the law and
probably keeping it .(cf. Luke 1: 6; 2: 25; 23: 50; 23: 47; Acts 3: 14; 7: 52; 22: 14).
The implication of this is that even without circumcision Cornelius was already
measuring up to the standard of the law comparable, one might say to Joseph of
Arimathea (cf. Luke 23: 50).
On the question of the vision, if Cornelius could have a vision of an angel that for any
Jew would pass for a sign of approval by God (cf. Acts 23: 9). So why is Cornelius'
worship not acceptable to God? The vision of Peter implies that the gentiles are pure
and so Jews and gentiles can associate together. Haenchen sees this as abroga~ion of
the Levitical food laws albeit in "parables" to support association with gentiles, and
this is partly why Luke tries to remove the decision as far as possible from the hands
of human beings.159
But there is nothing in the law prohibiting associating with gentiles, except that this
particular law was halakah which Peter and others practised. Sanders holds the view
that purity laws are not prescriptions of the Mosaic law, neither should they affect
table-fellowship except in terms of access to the Temple, because incurring impurity
by the biblical code usually did not make a person a "sinnern.160 The voice declared
the food clean and charged Peter not to declare unclean what God has cleansed (cE
Mark 7: 8). ,
The implication seems to be that the problem of table-fellowship has been taken care
of by God through the Holy Spirit and the cleansing of the hearts of gentile believers
(Acts 11: 2-3, cf. 15: 9-1 1). Cornelius and his household were not circumcised, and
throughout Peter's stay with him, apart from the general statement about not
associating with other nations (10: 28), the issue was not raised. It did not even occur
59~aenchen. Acts. u.. pp. 361 -363. 160sanders, Jesus m d Judaism, w., pp. 185-186.
to Peter to pose the question before administering baptism (cf. 10: 45-48). The
significance of this baptism is to legitimatize Cornelius and his hmily conversion.
Why is the issue of circumcision conspicuously absent? Probably it is at the root of
the mention of the circumcision party in 10: 45; 11: 2-3. One common hctor in their
mention is that all joined to praise God (cf. 1 1: 18). The authenticity of the inclusion
of Cornelius (hence the gentiles) is seen through Peter's involvement, the vision (both
Peter's and Cornelius'), the voice, an angel, the Holy Spirit, and the Word of Jesus
(11: 16).
Haenchen says that with this the food laws are abrogaledl61 But does his really
follow? Does it mean that the section of the Torah containing the hod laws is no
longer functional (cf. Leviticus 1 I)?
Wilson discusses in full the omission of Mark 6: 45-8.27 in Luke. He rejects the
suggestions that either the section was not in Luke's version of Mark or that the
author deliberately omitted it because he did not approve of it. Instead Wilson argues
that Lucan non-interest in the discussion concerned with theoretical issues of the law
was the reason for the omission.162
Esler argues ,that the main point ol' the Correlius episode was to legitimate Jewish-
Gentile table fellowship and not just the admission of gentile converts or whether they
should be admitted or not, and hence the abolition of the food laws.163
But Luke's presentation of Jesus as eating with outcasts and sinners was probably a
preparation for the way the issue is handled in Acts. In the gospel it is clear that Luke
presents the conflict about Jesus eating with the outcasts but does not get involved as
1611-Iaenchen, Acts, Ye,c;il., pp. 361-363. 1 6 2 ~ . ~ . Wilson, &., pp. 52-54. 1631 is~cr. u., pp. 94-97.
to the legal technicalities of its rightness or wrongness. Instead Luke uses the
occasion to draw attention to the saving effect of the presence of Jesus in such
situations (cf. Luke 5: 27-32; 19: 1-10). Might Luke's omission of the Markan
section contilining 6: 45-8.27, not be because he makes a similar point by
demonstrating that Jesus did associate with outcasts? Even at that, Luke contains so
much about Jesus' meals with people (cf. Luke 7: 36; 9:13f; 19: If; 22: 8f; 24: 43f)
and in each case it is an occasion or either salvation or more self-disclosure of Jesus
or rcvclation ol' his person. Wc ciin conclude, Lhcn, with Wilson, chiit 1,ilkc prohnhly
avoided issues involving food laws, but clearly showed Jesus ate with outcasts.
In the story of Cornelius rather than the argument centering on food laws, we hear
more about 'repentance', "salvation", and "holy spirit to the gentiles as to us" (cf.
Acts 11: 18). Contrary to Esler, i t seems that Luke wants to emphasize salvation
rather than legitimatizing table-fellowship.
Peter is not presented in Acts as making demands allout food laws or circun~cision.
I lis vision and cncountcr with Co~wlius ii~'~llctl hinl will) cviilcncc of wllii~ God c i i ~
do. His meeting with the twelve and the brethren in Jerusalem only served as a forum
to brief them further about God's will regarding the gentiles. In this case he would
serve as a witness and as a bridge between Jesus and gentile converts.
Beforc this time, righteousness according to the Jewish law was recognized. But now
only faith in Christ is required. The basis of this is the covenant with Abraham which
in God's mind covered Jews and Gentiles 'in you shall all the nations oT the earth be
blessed'.
Jews aTe circumcised on the flesh. But God gives the Holy Spirit to the gentiles as he
gives to the Jews for believing in Christ, and brings to an end anything that kept the
two apart (cf. Acts 11: 17; 15: 9). 164
The giving of the Spirit to the Gentiles becomes "circumcisio~~" not of the flesh but of
the "heart" (Acts 15: 9). This might be a possible allusion to Jeremiah 3 1: 31 (cf.
Lukc 22: 20). Theselbre, now, both Jews and Gentilcs belong to thc same covenant oC
God (cf. Jeremiah 31: 31-43; Ezekiel 11: 19-20; Hosea 2: 20-23).
Thci-efose tlaenchen is right to claim that Luke removed human decision from this
story to place everything in the hands of God. The vision and its application is given
by ~ o d . 1 6 5 The time to realize that the gentiles belong to the covenant has come.
Jews themselves already recognized that gentiles can be righteous (cf. Luke 7: 1-10;
Acts 10: 1-2,22; 11: 13). They now all belong to God as children of the covenant in
line with Abraham and the patriarchs.
3.4.6. Acts 11: 19-14.28, More Gentile response demands explanatiou
With the issue of Cornelius serving as evidence of what God is doing, the apostles
embark on further missions outside Jewish territories with many Greeks responding to
their preaching (cf. 11: 20-21). The turning point comes in Paul's encounter with the
resistance of his fellow Jews and his threat to abandon them and to go to ihe gentiles
(cf. Acts 13: 44-46).
The response and reaction of the geniiles is enthusiastic as contained in 13: 48a. This
response is comparable to that of outcasts and sinners in Luke 7: 29. One mission
brought with it a characteristic change of presentation of the message. This is clear in
16'kf. M.E. Glasswell, 'New Wine in Old Wine-Skins: VIII Circumcision',Ex~.T~n 85 (Oct. 1973 - Sepr 1974) Pp 329. 1 6 5 ~ . Haenchen, Acts . op.cit., p. 362.
14: 1728. The text we need to consider is part o l Paul's speech in Antioch which
touches on the law.
Acts 13: 26-39
Haenchen sees it as forgiveness in Christ almost equivalent to justification which the
law of Moses did not offer.166 Conzelmann thinks Luke sees the law of Moses as an
intolerable burden.167 Bruce offers two possible interpretations: (i) the law of
Moses provided justification lrom some things, but belief in Chiist justifies from all
things; (ii) the law of Moses could never justify from anything but complete
justification is provided through Christ to all who believe. However, Bruce thinks the
latter interpretation may be nearer the author's intentioa.l6* Wilson sees the
lbrgivcncss ol' Christ in the sins thc law of Moscs does not tirkc care 01'. 169 But thc
Torah makes provision for repentance for sin and forgiveness from God. Wilson
seems to forget that (cf. Deutronomy 4: 30-3 1).
Salo on the other hand considers the words kv vopw Mwuoew5 to mean 'in Moses' I
there is no salvation as it is seen in Christ through forgiveness.17() Salo seems to
agree with Haenchen who equates forgiveness in Christ in this text with justification.
Salo disagrees with Wilson lhat there is no forgiveness in the law, but says that the
forgiveness, in the law is not as deep as is found in Christ. And therelore the
forgiveness in Christ is the same for Salo as salvation.171
One very relevant point to our inquiry which Salo makes is in introducing Covenant
as the basis for forgiveness and justification. Salo sees the evidence of covenant with
1 6 G ~ , pp. 412,416. 16711. Conzelmam, Acts of Ihe apostle^, <,D.ci1.,(1982) p. 160. 1 6 8 ~ . ~ . Bruce, Acts (Greekl m., p. 31 1. 1 6 9 ~ . ~ . Wilson, r,ukP, the I.w, a., p. 59. 1 7 0 ~ . Salo, &., pp. 218K 171c~ . Iakc 24: 47.
Abraham in 13: 26, and with Moses in 13: 39 but sin which stands in the way is
removed in Jesus (cf. 13: 38-39), and therefore belief in him assures one of
forgiveness and justification within the same covenant.l72 T o believe in Jesus
becomes the condition to gain ently into the covenant and earn justification.
Luke here gives a hint that the role of the Mosaic law is changing. Just as in the
gospel, we noticed some people counted as righteous and blameless on account of
their observance of the law of Moses, so now one is justified on accepting forgiveness
of Christ. All this can be interpreted in terms of covenantal nomism from the fact that
the sermon traces the history of the Jews in a particular way that makes it clear that
salvation is now guaranteed through Christ, to whom the law testified. By
introducing 'salvation' at this stage, the author is ready to assure believing Jews and
gentiles that their common quest for salvation brings them into the covenant through
Christ. How this is to he understood by both Jews and Gentiles is the issue treated in
the meeting held in Jerusalem where the main focus becomes salvation through Christ
and not through observing the law.
3.4.7. Acts 15, The Apostolic Council
From the previous chiipter we would imagine that Luke envisages a situation in which
gentiles become Christians without being circumcised, and a corresponding rejection
of such by some Jewish Christians. The solution to this problem is recorded in Acts
15, where a meeting between Christians from Antioch and the apostles in Jerusalem
takes place. The main issues in this meeting are:
(i) circi~mcision as necessaly for salvation is a view held by some.
(ii) the fact of many gentiles responding positively through conversion makes the
case urgent.
(iii) Peter's position is that God saves Jew and Gentiles by faith in Christ and not
as Jews.
1 7 2 ~ . SaloW, pp, 215ff.
(iv) James position is that God is taking a people for his name (covenant) among
the gentiles and so they are not to be troubled about the full Jewish law.
(v) 'The Gentiles are nevertheless required to avoid idolatry, fornication, and
strangled meat, This was circulated lo them in the apostolic decree. Probably no
section of Acts has aroused such controversy as this Chapter with such divergent
views.
The traditional position is that Acts 15 agrees with Paul's account in Galatians 2: 1-10
with regard to the essential point of not imposing circumcision on gentile converts as
agreed upon and accepted. But Marshall argues againsl this position on a number of
points.173 For instance, he mentions historical improbabilities, citing the
"Septuagintally seasoned" speech of James as against a speech based on the Hebrew
Bible. Marshall also notes that Galatians 2 does not mention the letter to the gcntiles
but assumes freedom from any Jewish imposition at all. Dibelius makes the same
point by saying that the Lucan account is not as historically reliable as Galatians 2.
Dibelius goes further by suggesting that the teller was not originally part or the
meeting in ~er11salem.174 Dibclias's argument actually uses Galatians 2 lo judge
Acts 15. Haenchen agrees that Paul's word "the men of position imposed nothing on
me (Galatians 2: 6)" rules out the origin of the decree from the Jerusalem Council.175
Salo accepts this position and suggests that the decree probably arose later in the
history of the church. 1% Wilson accepts the decree as co~nposed by the council and
as part of the meeting which is reported in Acts 15. 177 Marshall takes the view that
the visit of Galatias 2: 1- 10 is that in Acts 1 1: 30. Then in Acts 15 we have the story
of a further visit to Jerusalem at which the queslion of the gentiles was the main
focus. Marshall suggests that the accomt in Acts 15 differs from that in Galatians I
173cf. 1.1-1. Malshall, Acts or>.cil., p. 344. Sce also M.E. Glasswell, 'Circumcision EspTm, w., pp. 32911: 1741)ibc~ius, or>.cil., pp. 931'1:
17s~aenct~en, op.cit., pp. 4681'.
1 7 6 ~ . Salo, or>.cit., p. 234.
177s .~ . Wilson, w., p. 77.
only in detail, but that they refer to the same incident. He brings common experience
from committee meetings to bear upon his argument insisting that since the gentile
question was such a crucial issue, it is only understandable that a number of
consullations and meelings were held before a final decision was made, and if Paul
was not involved in all hut was out preaching, then il is probable that he wrote
Galatians based on an earlier decision before the decree.178 This view is attractive.
nu t wc are more concerned about how the council's tlccision i s 1c1;irctl to the quesrion
about the Lucan understanding of the law rather than historicity. Luke is concerned
about accepting the gentile converts. For Luke, the decree is apostolic, not Jewish,
even though the apostles were Jews but their council met not as Jews but as
Christians. But what about the content of the decree?
The common interpretation of the decree is to see a connection between it and
Leviticus 17-18, with emphasis on the section pertaining to "strangers in the land".
Bruce connects the prohibition of fornication and eating flesh with blood in it with
Leviticus. I lc rlotcs also Lllu( lhc: Wcslum text has an addilioo lo tl~c prol~il>itioos in
the decree which is similar to the golden rule; and this is inserted immediately after,
'and from blood' in 15: 20. The D text reads:
Kat 6aa pq 8&hovatv tawoy yv&oOa~~ pq mmv
According to Bruce, the addition of this "and not to do to others what they would not
like done to themselves" makes the decree an ethical one. 179
Barrett says that in traditional Jewish eyes, idolatry, fornication and murder are so
heinous that any Jew was willing to die rather than be found guilty of any of these
charges. I-lc argues that this might be the motive behind it.180
1 7 % ~ . Marshall, Ac& d, pp. 204,245. 17'3cf. F.F. Bruce, Acts (Greek) op.cit., p. 342. lgOc.£C. Barrett said this to me during a session 011 Luke-Acts in his house in Durham, September 1993. cf. F.F. Bruce, m., p. 342.
While Wilson accepts the decree as apostolic, he finds it difficult to locate the source.
He argues against Leviticus 17-18 as [he source because the prohibitions are
appropriate to Sews arid proselytes but not to Gentiles. In lhe same vcin, the inclusion
of m t ~ ~ o ~ is not found in the Noachic rules, and even at that, Gentiles who keep the
Noachic rules but not a proselyte is free to eat meat cultically unclean. Wilson's
conclusion is that whatever the source of the decree, in Luke's view it is not Mosaic
but apostolic. Luke simply uses it to substantiate the point that living according to the
law has no bearing at all on salvation but only as a sign of piety. Neither is [here any
conflict for Jews who wished to keep the law, provided they did not impose this as a
sign or means of salvation.181 Rut according to Wilson, Luke does not say after all
this, where this leaves the gentiles in respect of the Mosaic law, if they are not to keep
all of it.
We agree with Haenchen that the L i m n view of the whole question is more
understandable if taken as Lucan theology legi~imating the salvation of the gentile
converts. Haenchen's argument to this effect is cogent (i) God wills it, and the
evidence is from the number of Gentile converts already made (ii) the law is even
difficult if not impossible for the Jews to keep (iii) The testimony of Paul and
Barnabas is additional proof (iv) Scriptural evidence from Amos 9: 1 If validates it
(v) Even the law of Moses makes exceptions for non-Jews. Therefore it is still in
order to make exceptions for the gentile converts. With this, Lucan theology
establishes Christianity as the authentic vehicle of salvation.182 Haenchen's line oS
argument appeals to us more and although he did not mention it, it Sills within the
idea of covenantal nomism advocated by Sanders, as a way of understanding the
function of Jewish religion at the time of ~ h r i s t l 8 3
181cf. S. G. Wilson, I&?.&., pp 87,101-102. E. Haenchen, oD.cit., pp. 446-470; see also p. 446 note 3.
cf. Toney Selud, Jewish Vinilmisrn in the first centon CE: A Stud" of Selected ?'exts in Philo grid 1.uke on Jewish Vigilante Reactior~s against Non-Conformers to the Tor;&, University of
The main point of Acls 15 - Circumcision
The force of the debate in Acts 15 is the necessity of circumcision for salvation. By
Luke's time circumcision could also stand for Torah. That is to say, circumcision was
not just a matter of cutting off the flesh, it symbolized the Mosaic law as we11.184 So
the issue discussed at the council was on what condition the gentiles should be
accepted in to the church. This position presupposes already that the church now
stands within the "Covenant of Israel". This is how the change in 15: 5 is to be
understood. "To circumcise" and "to keep the law of Moses" was the condition for
covenant membership under which ones salvation was guaranteed right from the lime
of Abraham. This is now lransfcrred to the church. I t follows Lhat thc main issue ol
the chapter is neither that of the unity between Gentile converts and Jewish
Christians, although this is not totally absent, nor about table-fellowship between
Jews and Gentiles as Esler argues as pre-eminent in considering the foilr gentile
prohibitions.185 Although we can see Esler's point, table-fellowship is almost
lacking in that discussion, but the consequences of table fellowship without doubt can
be gleaned out of the account of the council. The main issue is about salvation (cf.
15: ]).I86 The make-up of the council is diflicult to delemine, but i t does no1 seen
that any Gentile was at that council, in which case, the decision was taken on their
behalf. It is difficult to say whether the presence of a Gentile-convert at the council
would have,presented a positive influence.
But the most radical criticism of the law which one would have supposed to have
come from a gentile convert, comes from the words of Peter:
l'rondheim (1990) pp. 296ff, 310ff. See also C. Rowland, Clhri-, SPCK (1985) pp. 65-87; See also E.P. Sanders, lesus SndM (1985). 1g4cf. Glasswell, u.. pp. 328f. 185cf. PEsler, Community and Gospel, a., pp. 97-99. 18%he statement, 'Unless you ace circumcised according to the custom of Moses, yo11 c;uinot he silvctl', is lllc S l ~ l l l 101i11 01' I ~ I C ill'&I1IIICIIl ilgili~lsl 1 1 1 ~ ( ;clllik (111c~lioll. cI', t:.l<. l h 1 ~ 1 ~ 1 1 , ' l ; i ~ i l l ~ i111d
Eschatology in Acts 3' in Glaube urid Eschalolo~i', (edtls) E. Graber and 0. Merk,. J.C.B. Mohr, Tiibingen (1985) pp. 1,7-8; See also M.E. Glasswell, Circumcision, Op. C l i ~
A similar view is heard from the lips of Stephen (cf. 7: 53). If circumcision is a
symbol of the whole law, how does this relate to the gentiles, and to the queslion of
salvation?
Luke's argument and solution probably runs like this: circumcision is a symbol of the
covenant, therefore uncircumcision means shying outside the covenant. God calls thc
gentiles into the covenant. The evidence of this is the mark of circumcision. The
author re-defines this for the gentiles by saying that "God cleansed their heart" by his
spirit (cf. Acts 15: 8-9). Therefore the gentile converts have been circumcised, and
because of this any further demands for circumcision on the flesh amounts to an
obstacle (cf. Acts 15: 10).
More relevant is the point that the Spirit given to the circumcised Jews is also given to
the gentiles (cf. Acts 15: 8-9, 11). The prophets had foretold that gentiles will come
in (Acts 15: 16-17), and this was proclaimed within the context of redemption and
salvation.l87 The end of the mutter becomes 'ESOSEV yap TO nvcupan TO
C K a L G ~ I V ,p'Tl6&V X ~ E O V E X I T ~ ~ E O ~ C ~ L '&LV PCXPO~ 7ChqV TOVTOV T O V
9 enavaycq (15:28).
The issue having been resolved thus, Luke is satisfied ihat the universal mission
mandated by Jesus is now firmly rooted in the law of Moses, the Psalms and the
1 8 7 ~ o l l m d thinks that behind the text of Acts 15 is Luke's attitude lo the law so carefullly kept out of sight. Lucan attitude being that the law was a Jewish way of relating to God and expressing piety, but without a salvific effect. cf. J. Nolland, 'A Fresh Look at Acts 15: 10' in 27 (1980-1981) pp. 105- 115.
Prophets, directed by the Holy Spirit in accordance with the L,ord's command (cf.
Acts 1: 8).
It is not surprising that the author does not give any more hints about how this was
worked out in detail. I8g
'I'hc c l ~ ~ c s t i o n of the I ~ I W wirs ~ ~ ~ i r i i l l y i ~ l ) O ~ t I cg i l i n~ i r l i z i~~g the i rul l lc~~tici ly ol' tllc
salvation of the gentiles. Th i s done, Luke con t inms his narrative about the whole
issue of salvation through Christ a s it affects the Jews.
Acts 16: 1-5, the Circr~n~cision of Tinlothy
T h e circt ln~cision of Timothy after the co~ lnc i l had taken a decision regarding the
gentile converts has been variously interpreted. 'Timothy's mother was a Jewess, but
llle father was a Greek. Conzelmann says that by Jewish law, 'l'imotl~y was supposed
to be a Jew. 189 But Conzelmann does not say why Timothy remained uncircumcised
it ' 1 1 ~ WiIS rcgitrdctl as ;I JCW. (.'Ollc~l, 0 1 1 lllC 0 l l 1 ~ 1 ' llalltl, I l i r ~ i l l 'gll~d irgaillsl this,
say ing that T imothy w a s a n apos ta te J e w , ev ident by tile I'act that h c w a s
uncircumcised. I9O In any case why did P a d need lo circwncise him? Hengel argues
that it was not for salvation but to prevent any difficulties that might arise because of
Timothy's uncircumcised state.191 Haenchen argues against this view saying that
I'aul would not agree that there was no religious meaning and content in the rite. I'aril
would probably agree that it w a s not fo r salvation but would also deny that it was
devoid of divine content. According to I-iaenchen, it would be blasphemous for Paul
IK8wc d o not nprce, ho\\wcr, w i t h Jcrvcll's point l l i i~ t in Acis coovclulons wcrc nlirclc I'nw God- Iixrcr-s o n l y , and i f p~caching wc~u ilonc among tlic pilgalls 110 C O I I \ ~ ~ I ~ S I O I I S W C I C I I I ~ ~ C . li\,c11 111s clilin~
I h I iit 1,ysIra no converts \\UC madc docs not scc~li to iigrcc wilh thc tcsls. First ol' all Luke docs not say that no convert was made. Secondly 14: 21 SiIys lhnt when Paul i~lld Harnabas Icft Dcrbc, thcy rcturncd l o I,y~triI, Iconiun~ and An~ioch sh-cngthcning thc souls of thc disciples. Thwc tlisciplcs mosl probably inclurlcd convcrls sincc 1 . d ~ can usc discrplc lo clcscribc converts. el'. Acls 6: 7; 14: 22; I & 27; cl: J. Jcrvcll. 'The Church ol' the Jews and God Fcarcrs', i r r Luke-Ack and Ihc Jcwish PcopIc, (cd) J.B. Tyson, Augsburg (19%) pp. 17-18. IH9c1-. H. Conzclmann, op.cll.,p. 13-5. lC)Ocl'. S.J.D. Cohen, 'Was l'irno~hy Jewish (Ac~s 16: 1-3) JBL 105 ( 1986) pp. 251 -268. Ic)lh/l. Hcngel. Acts and the Hislory ol' Errrliest Chrisliani~y, m., p. 64.
to lhipk that. For Paul it fulfilled a fundamental commandment of obedience required
by God. But lhe dilemma or this, says Naenchcn, is lhat it would appcar that true
Christians need to be circumcised, which again Paul would argue against. Ehenchen
takes up another point that one could argue that Paul wanled a law-abiding Jew as a
companion and not an emancipated Jew, which Timothy appears to have been. He
argues against this however, saying that the argument cannot hold because Timothy
had already become a Christian although uncircumcised, and so would not have been
bothered about the Jewish rite, taking into account apostolic decision and decree.
Haenchen concludes that Luke was presenting Paul as a Pharisee converted into
Christianity but who still valued his being a Pharisee and advanced the Jewish way of
lice for the Jews, not as a way of salvation but a commandment of God which is not in
any way at variance with salvation. And yet, the Lucan Paul would be the first to say
that the gentile converts need not become Jews in order to be saved.192
We conclude from all this that for Luke, to become a converted Jew does not mean
necessarily throwing away Jewish symbols be it religious or cultural. This point is
further confirnled by Paul's Nazarile vows in 18: 18, and another vow and
purification with four men in 21: 17-26. Paul had to submit to these customs not out
of fear or for salvation but because the rites are not necessarily contrary to God's
command. Luke is careful to present the rumours about Paul as false, just as in the
case of Stephen. The one way to prove that Paul is a law-abiding Jew is to present
him taking these vows and attending the Temple. (cf. 21: 17-36).
3,s. Oncludinp Points
Luke's use of the Jesus tradition reveals that Jesus' time was characterized by
controversy over [he correct understanding of the law and how to apply it to life
situations.lg3 In the gospel account two main views regarding the role of the law
192Hacnche~~, w., pp. 480-482. l93cf. 1). A. Neal, 'None but Lhe Sinners', JSN'I'S, 58, Sheffield (1991) pp. 24f.
stand out clearly: (i) some texts bear the notion that righteousness according to the
law earns salvation (cf. Luke 10: 25-37; 18: 18-30). (ii) other texts suggest keeping
the law and rollowing Jesus (which also includes having faith in Jesus) (cf. Luke 16:
19-31; 19: Iff; 7: 1-10). Luke presents Jesus as a law abiding Jew. But the author
hints ht the changing role of the law at the passion when Jesus described his death as
signifying an institution of 'a new covenant' (cf. Luke 22: 19-20), a point that
ultimately ended up in the whole law, prophecy and psalms testifying to Jesus as the
Saviour (Messiah) (cf. Luke 24: 27,44-48).
Before this, the conflict was based on the correct understanding and interpretation of
the law. This is at the root of the conflicts between (a) Jesus and Jewish religious
leaders. (b) Jewish Christians and Jewish religious leaders and (c) Jewish Christians
and Gentile Christians. The last point made the apostle's coming together to consider
the case necessary. Whereas the conflict of Jesus with the Jewish religious leaders
was based on appeal directly to the scriptures or law, the other two conflicts appeal
both to the law and to Jesus as the law fulfilled.
Direct transitional slatemeills which probably suggcst a diCSelcnt critique oC the law
are found in Acts 7: 52; 13: 39; 15: 10; and to these could be added the Son of Man
sayings in the gospel about lordship over the Sabbath, which are more concerned with
restoring what the true observance of the Sabbath involved rather than being a
critique.
Otherwise, Luke's presentation of the law is that it is still valid Ibr the Jews even as a
religious or cultural custom, and the Gentiles are required to keep minimum
requirements, as contained in the apostolic decree. But to both conveizs, either Jew or
Gentile, salvation is through lait11 in Christ. Supporting Sanders' terminology,
therefore, we are inclined to his view that Jesus' mission with his followers probably
fits inio 'covenantal nomism'.lg4 It is within this framework that both Jews and
Gentiles converted to Jesus came to bc defined as the people of God under the one
covenant. Luke made use of covenantal theology to define Christianity and legitimate
it as the true inheritor of salvation. All are now saved through forgiveness in I-lis
name. The author presents such belief as a continuation of the Jewish religion based
on the covenant with ~b raham.195 This position suggests that those outside this
belief are crooked and destined for destruction (cf. Acts 3: 23; see 2: 40).l96
Therefore, Luke's community now assumes the nature of the covenant community of
the people of God.
Having looked at the I m x n understanding of the covenant and how the law
functioned within it and how this formed the basis of his conversion motif' we have
rcachcd the stage in which we can then proceed to look at salvation motifs in gcncral
to discover how this served the Lucan theology of inclusion of converts from other
nations as the one people of God under the same covenant. The premiss so far then is
that God has restored the covenant to include all those who will come to put their
faith in Jesus. We agree with Quell's conclusion that there is one constant message
in the covenant and this is salvation.lg7 Since Luke has defined the covenant in
terms of response to Jesus, it follows that salvation is defined in the same terms. A e
consideration of some motifs will clarify this further.
lg4cf. E. P. Sanders, lemdJudaism. SCM (1985) pp. 336f. l g 5 ~ . O'Toole, Ttv,S&y of I.ukePs Th&gy, a . , M i c h e e l Glazier iac. Wihnington, Delaware (1984) p. 105. lg6cf. Haenchen, Ac(s, w., p- 469-470. 197cf. C;. QueI1, 'diaqhkh' TDNT, Vol. 11, p. 122.
Chapter 4
Salvation Motifs in Luke-Acts
For Luke, events in the world, whether understood by human beings or not, are made
to bring about God's salvation. Whereas Paul sees historical events apocalyptically
(cf. Rornans 15: 19-23), for Luke an historical event is an apocalypse, unfolding in a
divinely designed order.
When we consider the historical framework of the birth of Jesus in Luke and in
Matthew we notice some differences. Luke places the birth of Jesus and the call of
John the baptist within the context of world history (Luke 2: 1 - 1 1, 3: 1-2). The
proclamation of the angel about the birth of Jesus is couched in a language of 'good
news' (Luke 2: 10). This good news is for Israel and the world. Caesar Augustus
may have founded the Roman peace, but he who is to be born is a Saviour and will
bring peace to the nations. Peace as a commodity led nations into war (Luke 2: 11-
14). Therefore for Luke, historical events present the divi~le agenda for salvation.
Matthew's birth narrative on the other hand talks about the visit of three men from the
East, in search of a born King of the Jews. This emphasizes the Jewish center, Lucan
presentation, emphasizes the universe (world events) (cC Matthew 2: 1-15). For Luke,
God uses events in and around the world for his purposes. It is very much like using
the Old Testament concept of salvation to situate the ently of the Saviour, Jesus, into
the world. The Old Testament understanding of salvation is that God orders the affairs
of human beings whom he uses as agents. Therefore right from the start, whether the
rulers of the nations (Augustus) know it or not, their actions are being guided by God
to work out the salvation of the world, to which the Jews are a part.
The book of Acts therefore is not used by Luke to trace the course of all Chrislian
mission. Rather, it is used to situatc the birth of the Christian Community within this
great plan o r salvation. Christian mission is seen in its right perspective when
considered w i t h the context of all activities and events of the world as working
towards God's desired plan. The coming of Jesus summarizes for Luke, this salvation
of God. Luke makes Jesus ascend in order that the Holy Spirit could be poured out to
guide the disciples who now meet in his name. Here Luke brings in lhe role of the
community and h c suggeslion that belonging to il could guaranlcc salvation. 111 other
words, conversion Lo Jesus becomes synonymous with belonging to the community
where the Spirit of Jesus dwells.
We have already established llial Lucan Jesus being the Saviour determines the
function of the covenant. Responding positively to him amounts to inclusion into the
covenant and rejecting Jesus is exclusion. Lucan Jesus now governs both the
covenant and salvation. What Jesus is to the Jews in terms of [he covenant he is to the
gentiles in terms of salvation. Bul because h e covenanl for the Jews aims at
salvation, Luke is able to make boll1 depend on Jesus. In this way lie relales well to
both Jews and genliles about this salvation of Christ. To clarify [he issue further,
Luke weaves salvation motifs into olher major themes about God's relationship with
his people. Therefore all converts now belong to the covenant and are also marked
for salva~ion, Let us consider some of these motifs.
4.1.1 The Community 1
0 oxAo5 and 6 la05 are presented in Luke to be on the side of Jesus. At Pentecost,
Lukc gathers Lhcm lo form lhc pcoplc of God, [he Church, it) conlinuily wilh ~ h c Old
Testament Israel of God. "Israel" and other related themes have an important place in
Luke. John the baptist will turn many of the sons of Israel to the Lord their God, and
make ready for the Lord a people prepared (cf. Luke 1: 16-17). Blessed be the Lord
God of Israel, for he has visited and redeemed his people (Luke 1: 68). For he will
reign qver the house of Jacob forever (cf. Luke 1: 33). Luke must mean here the
etesnal seign of Christ over 'the house of Jacob', the community under Christ's namc.
But not all Isradl belongs to this house, for Jesus is set for the Call and rise of many in
Israel (cf. Luke 2: 34; see also Acts 3: 22-23). Those who reject Jesus fall away from
thc commmity that will hc savctl. 1,ukc put, in Ihc mowh of Pi1111 tllc words, 'Of this
man's (David's) posterity, God has brought to Israel a Saviour, Jesus as he promised
(cf. Acts 13: 22). Those who believe in Jesus now constitute the Community of Israel.
His use of 'people' may have been influenced by the Septuagint where 'people'
appcars mostly in the context of thc communily which God calls and lcads to
salvation.' The Lucan insistence that the number of the apostles be retained as twelve
with the place of Judas Iscariot taken over by Mattias, through Israel's custom of
casting lots with prayer, is a strong identification of Chiistianity with the Community
of Israel (cf. Acts 1 : 15-26).
This tendency to fosm a community of those to be saved, or the elect or the true Israel,
was common in Palesline at the time of Jesus. Sanders talks about the Essenes who
formed separate community and believed themselves to be the true Israel dedicated to
keep the covenant of Moses2 Horsley is not surprised to see followers of Jesus form
a community because according to him, if the restoration of Israel was integral to the
coming of the Kingdom of God, then they were guided by Jesus to anticipate, and
indeed form a covenant comnlunity conceived of in impatriarchal familial terms.3
This idea of community may have affected their relationship or view of the Temple
which was more of a rejection of il.
k f . 1.1. Flender, I,uke The&&w of Re -myarp, ypJ;ir, p. 119. 2cf. E. 1'. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, SCM, OD. cil. pp. 20f. 3 ~ . Ilorsely, Jesus and the Spid of Violence on cita pp. 231,239ff.
The Qumran community, according to Giirter, thought of their community as a
replacement for the Jerusalem Temple, which they rejected as defiled and unworthy.-1
'The L,ucan presentation of' Jesus' attitude to the Temple and that of his followers, we
have argued above, are positive, as against Esler who sees i t either as negative or
ambivalent.5 But the Lucan presentation of the followers of Jesus as a community
may give a clue to their apparent conflict with the Temple.
The critique of temples 'made with human hands' ~ ~ i p o n o q c o y K-axouceL in Acts
7: 4 3 has been taken by some scholars, to be an attack on and a rejection of' the
'Temple at Jerusdem. But i t has been noted by I-laenchen that such a criticism of'
images and temples as loci of the presence of' a deity was drawn from a much older
Crcck tradition, which was parlic~~larly against lcmplcs in gcncral ant1 images,
anything made with hands, contrasting them negatively with the natural beauty of'the
world.6 Attridge talks about some pllilosopheis of the first century AD who found
places of worship which are not made with hands more i~lspiring than temples. Some
of them according to Attridge go as far as acknowledging that the whole world is the
temple of deity.7 This philosophical critique of temples was reinforced by some
sociological factors such as increased mobility as Roman Palestine became
cosmopolitan. Alternative places or modes of worship had to be devised to keep up
with one's religion, resulting in sacred places becoming less important and religiot~s
association becoming more oS a protective device against external powers or I'orces
that were hostile. It seemed that as less and less emphasis was placed on the Temple,
more and more emphasis was redirected to religious comniunities. This probably was
the case with early Judaism, Hellenistic religions and philosophies and the Qumran
community. The Christian community may have been influenced in a similar way.
4 ~ . Giirlncr, Thc Temple and llic Communi~y in Qunimn and llie Ncw Teslanicnt, Cumbridge. CUP (1965) p. 104. 1211. 5p. Eslel, OD. cit. pp. 139- 140. %t'. Haenchen, op. cil, pp. 285, 57-2.
7c1'. H.W. Altritlgc. First Ccnlurv Cynicism in Ihc Epistles of Hcracli~us (I I.T.S. 29) Missoula: Schola~s ( lO76) pp. 13-23.
Although it is very likely that in the case of Christianity other factors may have been
at play which brought believers closer together.
Jesus drove out people in the 'Temple (Luke 19: 46). The point may have been the
c o ~ ~ e c t use of the Temple. We have argued above that Lucarl Jesus did not attack the
Temple as such, but its wrong use (cf. Luke 21: 5-6; see also 19: 47).8
A different picture emerges in Acts where homes become increasingly used for
fellowship and prayers. Almost immediately after the ascension, the apostles with
some women disciples went into the "upper room where they were slaying (cC Acts 1:
13). There they devoted themselves to prayer. At the same lime they formed a
fellowship that could have things in common, attended the Temple daily and also
participated in breaking of bread in their homes (cf. Acts 2: 43-47).' It seems that the
harassment of the chief priests and Temple officials and the disciples' imprisonment
gradually caused disenchantment with the Temple among the disciples who had
increasingly used homes for their religious pr;rcticcs (cf. Acis 4: 1-4; 5: 271'1'; 2 1 :
27ff; 4: 23; 12: 12). Therefore, Stephen's word that the Most High does not live or
dwell in houses made with hands is best understood in such a context. The disciples
prayed in a house and they had another Pentecost (cf. Acts 4: 23-31). Cornelius was
in his house, observing the hour of sacrifice when he had a vision and was told that
God had heard his prayer and alms (cf. Acts 10: 1-8). Peter was on a house top at
noon praying and had a vision and message from God (cf. Acts 10: 9-16). It may
seem then that Luke presents the disciples as organizing their community along the
lines that would make the words of Jesus come true, 'my house shall be a house of
prayer'. They become a community of praycr (Acts 1: 14; 2: 1, 42, 46-47; 4: 23-31,
12: 12-13). A community of the covenant of Israel was where the basic covenantal
law of care and love for the brotherhood was very strong (cf. Acts 2: 42, 44-45, 4:
%f. I-Ians Ucko, Common Roots: New Horizons, gp. cit., pp. 69f. 9cf. R. O'Toole, 'lhe IJnity of 1.uke's Theology, op. cii., pp. 132f.
32). To become a member of this covenant community was through repentance and
forgiveness, baptism in the name of Jesus Christ, and the gift of the Holy Spirit (cf.
Acts 2: 38). Such people who accepted to belong to the community are described as
'all to whom the Lord our God culls to himsclr' (Acts 2: 39b), or "those whom God
has taken out for his name" (Acts 15: 14b). Such a notion necessarily takes the view
that it is God who calls them to belong to this community. This is in line with the Old
Testament idea of God calling Israel to be a covenant people (cf. Deutronomy 7: 6-8,
9: 4). Jesus may have predicted the fall of the 'Temple (cf. Luke 21: 5-6) but he did
not think in terms of the disappearance of the community of Israel albeit organized in
his name (cf. Luke 22: 28-30). I-le knew that there would be a restoration of the
people of God which would include the gentiles.10 This is within the covenant
promise to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Moses and David. So long as one remains
outside this community, then one belongs to the "crooked generation" (Acts 2: 40).
Those who remain in the community are described as those who are being saved (cf.
Acts 2: 47b), while those who do not listen to the preaching of the apostles and
remain outside the community are described as, 'those to be destroyed l'rom the
people' (cf. Acts 3: 23).
Following the preaching of the apostles there is expected a response to Jesus which
brings one into the community. The message is for the Jews and for the gentiles. To
accept the message and belong to the community is counted as "being worthy of
eternal life" whereas thrusting the message out is "to judge oneself unworthy of
eternal life" (cf. Acts 13: 46).
In conclusion, the community in Luke-Acts accords with God's saving will and action
which follows from that of the Old Testament Covenant People of God. Any one
(Jews or Gentiles) who responds positively to Jesus is converted into this community
and counted worthy of salvation.
1°cf. R. Horsely, Jesus and the S_niral of Violence, on.. pp. 193-194.
4.1.2 Salvation
Schweizer comments that Luke's presentation of the manner in which Jesus conveys
salvation is uhclear. Arguing that the author is not especially interested in a correct
title for Jesus or in precise formulations of his salvific action. But Schweizer
acknowledges that there are more references to the Passion of Jesus in his work."
Marshall on the other hand sees how great importance is attached to the preaching of
Jesus in Luke-Acts and how it is taken up by the message of the Kingdom. He admits
that through the preaching and mighty works, men and women are set free from the
power of Satan. Even if salvation is the gift of God the Father, it is clearly linked
with Jesus, the only Saviour (cf. 2: 39; 4: 12). Marshall claims that Jesus saves by
virtue of his exaltation as Lord.12
Luke may not have a theoretical discussion on the nature of salvation, just as we have
seen above that he does not dwell on a theoretical discussion of the nature of law, bui
on the actual doing of it. It is the same with his presentation of salvation. He
demonstrates how salvation happens. In the presenl, physical salvation can symbolize
eternal salvation. Peter, on healing the cripple in the name of Jesus makes this clear -
salvation is in no one else except Jesus (cf. Acts 4: 7-12). Jesus is referred to as
Saviour in the infancy narratives, in his ministry and after his ascension. God is
Saviour (Luke 1: 47). Jesus is conceived by the Holy Spirit, and thus is Son of God.
In the Benedictus he is ieferred to as 'a horn of Salvation' (cf. Luke 1: 69). Through
Jesus Israel shall be saved (cf. Luke 1: 71, 77) and not only Israel, but the Gentiles
also (cf. Luke 2: 27-32). Luke presents the beginning of Jesus' public ministry within
the context of the idea of him as a Saviour (cf. Luke 4: 18-19). I-Ie is clearly
presented as Saviour in the story of Zacchaeus (Luke 9: 1-10). While preaching in
Antioch in Pisidia, it is put on the lips of Paul that Jesus is Saviour, the promised one
I lcf. E. Schweizer, A lheoloaical Inlroduclion 10 Ulc New '17est;\rnent Lranslated by 0.R. Dean Jnr, SPCK London (1992) pp. 139-140. 121.11. Marslxill, tukc: I Iislorho alrtl ' l l w h a i i r ~ , a cil,.)p. 15711; 169lT.
(cf. Acts 13: 23). It seems even that by virtue of the exaltation of Jesus to God's right
Iiand, he is established as leader and Saviour, to grant repentance and forgiveness to
anyone (cf. Acts 5: 31).1t is the same thing as saying that the grace of Jesus saves (cf.
Acts 4: 12; 15: 1 I). The word "mercy" in the Old Testament was a property-of God.
I t is now transferred to Jesus a s "grace". Therefore to call on the name of the Lord is
to ask for mercy o r to ask for grace. Whoever calls on the Lord, now Jesus, shall be
saved (cf. Acts 2: 2l).l3 The risen Lord's mandate to Paul is "to open their eyes",
"that they may turn from darkness to light", 'from Satan to God', 'they may receive
forgiveness of sins', 'have a place among the sawtilied by Ihith in ~rie' , (cf. Acts 26:
17-18). This appears within the context of Paul's vision of the risen Christ. In the
text, 'by faith in me' goes with either the "sanctified" o r with the whole text. Bnrce
sees the whole description of Paul's mission connected with faith.14 Therefore, Fiith
in Christ brings light, turning to God, forgiveness o l sins and a place among those
who are sanctified - d l this is contained in the Salvation of Christ.
Luke also views the resurrection as part of salvation with a connection between Jesus'
resurrection and the believer's resurrection. (cf. Acts 13: 28-39, 48). It is likely that
in this text Luke views the resurrection from the dead as the promise made by God to
Abraham's seed fulfilled in Jesus and his followers and which h e also describes as
eternal life. This is made clearer again as it is connected with the hope of Israel and
God's promise (cf. Acts 26: 6-8). Christ is described as "the first to rise from the
dead" and then goes on to talk about "proclaiming light to all peoples" (cf. Acts 26:
12-24). Even the clash with the Sadduces is presented within the context o f
proclaiming "resu~~ect ion in Christ" (cf. Acts 4: 2).15 Here i t must mean that Christ
having been raised from the dead becomes the hope thai all who believe in him will
also be raised from the dead, a doctrine the Sadducees did not believe in (cf. Luke 2:
13Flender, Luke: Theo1ngi;ln of Re-H-, oo. cit,. 134. 14F. F. Bruce, && (Greek), QD. cil- p. 205.
p. 148.
27). The fact of the resurrection of Christ and its effect on believers is a major aspect
of the salvation found in Christ.
This salvation' is universal. The "Magnificat" has "all generations shall call me
blessed (Luke 1: 56)". 'Benedictus' contains, 'to give light to those who sit in
darkness and shadow of death, to guide our feet in the way of peace' (cf. Luke 1: 79).
The 'Nunc Dimittis' contains, 'a light for revelation to the Gentiles' (cf. Luke 2: 32).
Peter's speech calls Jesus 'the author of life' (cf. Acts 3: 15; cf 5: 20). Peter's speech
redefines Israel, 'and it shall be that every soul that does not listen to that prophet
shall be dcstroyed from the people' (cf. Acts 3: 22-23). Later on Peter said, 'You are
the sons of the prophets and o f the covenant which God gave to your fithers, saying
to Abraham, and in your posterity shall all the timilies of the earth be blessed' (cf.
Acts 3: 25). Therelore membership of this "Israel" is open to all who listen, believe
in and obey Jesus. They are the ones who belong to this covenant, and they are the
ones to be saved. This saving category of the covenant agrees with Sanders' findings
that in thc Jewish religious system at the time of Jcsus, covenant was thc principal
means of salvation. Members of the covenant were saved, following from the salvific
effect of membership of Israel which is now reinterpreted in Christ.16 Because of this
re-interpretation in Christ, Luke can include the gentiles in the way he nassates their
conversion and the restructuring of the role of the law. The legal institution for the
equilibrium,of the covenant also had to be extended to the gentiles, but not so as to
make their salvation dependent upon it. Rather their salvation issues from the fact
that they belong to the covenant oC Abraham through thc sacrificial death of Jesus,
and his resurrection. Therefore if the law had served that purpose for the Jews, it
ceases to function that way in relation to the rest of the world, for as far as belonging
to the covenant is concerned, it is God who calls people into i t . Now i t pleased him to
call people through Christ (cf. Acts 2: 39; 10: 35; 13: 48). Therefore the Samaritans
16~.p. Sanders. The Covenant as a Soleriological Category and lhe nature of salvation,oD. ppp. 39ff.
can come in (Acts 8: 14-24), the Ethiopian Eunuch can come in (Acts 8: 25-40);
Cornelius can come in (cf. Acts 10-1 1). Luke describes these to make the point that
God's will is that the salvation in Christ is universal by means of the covenant. Jesus
is designated the author of life (Acts 3: 15)' and through the preaching of the disciples
and the church he has set the process in nlotion through this covenant in which all
who come to believe in him shall attain salvation.
Salvation has a very wide meaning and can sum up God's dealings with human
beings and the world, and thus sums up the Christian proclamation. The way Luke
presents his understanding of salvation is uniquc in the New 'Tmtament. It is probably
the h r c e of the Lucan concept of salvation which inspired Conzel~nann to interpret
Luke-Acts as a history of a theology of salvation.17 But suffice it to say that Luke
understands salvation in terms of the covenant. This might be the reason why hi
salvation is couched in Jubilee motif a s we have been able to demonstrate.18
4.1.3 Repentance
The words which bring out the sense of repentence are y&zavo&w and &mozp&@o and
will be considered more in chapter six below. For Luke the response to God's saving
action is described in many ways. Whether this was deliberate on the part of the
author is not clear, but it is probably a more accurate presen~ation of the varieties of
responses in the early church. Despite the vasiety, we can still recognize some words
that occur often and they include: 'to receive', 'to see', 'to follow', 'to turn', 'to
repent', 'to believe', 'to hear', 'to be baptized', and 'conversion'. It may not be
helpful to attempt to make a distinction between these words, for it does not appear
that Luke intended any distinction to be made. The author, w e have noted earlier,
made use of Old Teslament ideas in his work. This also touches on people's response
to God. The story of Jonah in the Old 'I'esVdment is a type of conversion story which
17cf. H. Conzelmann, The_Theologv of St. I.oke on. cit.. p. 16. 18d. Foerster, 'aoro' TDNT, Vol. VII, p. 965.
could.bc likened t o the events in Lycaonia in Acts 14: 7-18, o r the response to Peter
by the crowd o n the Pentecost day. In Acts, the words used is 'to turn', which is
likely to include repentence.
John's preaching is described as "a baptism of repentance", and he challenged those
responding to his baptism to bear fruit worthy of their repentance (cf. Luke 3: 3, 8).
A little further, Jesus in reply to the murmuring of the Pharisees says, 'I have not
come to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance' (Luke 5: 32). Fitzmyer has noted
that repentance means a change of mind which in a religious sense connotes
conversion.19 Repentance and forgiveness of sin are used by Luke to describe the
effects of salvation in Christ. Scholars argue whether the Lucan usage of repentance
is religious as well a s moral, and if it differs from the Marcan use. Conzelmann has
called attention to the view that repentance in Mark is the whole act of conversion
whereas in Luke it is a precondition for con~ers ion.2~) Fitzmyer sees repentance in
Luke a s a new beginning towards salvation rather than a pre-condition for conversion.
Instead, the Lucan approach is to talk about repentance and forgiveness of sins a s
closely linked21 . Marshall on the other hand does not see how repentance could not
have touched on morality. I-le cites the example from the preaching oC John the
baptist, who dcmandctl a imril rcsponsc, albcil in social tcrms, horn his hcarcrs.22
Evans think$ that repentance is a characteristically Old Testament concept and had no
Gentile equivalent, since God in the Old Testament used the prophets to call Israel
back from sin and idols. He traced how this developed further in the inter-testamental
period into the eschatological hope of a time when a prophet will come to prepare the
hearts of Israel as a nation for a once and for all repentance after which the Kingdom
will come. H e then suggests that this idea might probably lie behind John the
~ ' )J .A. I:itnnycr, 'l'hc (ipscpl Accordigg t i ) I.uh, Vol. 1. ~ p , cil..pp. 237-239. 2 0 ~ . C o n z e l m a ~ , lChe T h w of Iake, pp. tit- pp. 227f. 21~itunyer, Luke on. cit.. pp. 2378. 22~arshall . Luke: Historian and Theologian, or>. cit..p. 194.
baptist's call lor repentance i l l readiness for the kingdom and inminent judg1nent.2:~
'1'0 say that repentance is ch:rracteristicirlly Oltl Testament and not gentilc is tloul)tfr~l.
Michel has shown that i n Greek, repentance may mean remorse and that the
Septuagint used i t sometimes to translate repentance. It is probable then that the Jews
gave the word a religious force and probably the moral concept as well, but i t was
certainly not a notion absent in the gentile I~l~rilosol)lly.~l
O'Neill has sought for origin of the Lucan concept of repentance in the Hellenistic
Judaism with regard to proselytism.2"Me states that 'repentance' and 'proselyte' are
<Iiffererlt things. Repentarice is reservcd for Israel only, to change its attitude towards
God. This call God makes on her before Ihe Messiah comes. O'Neill says that it was
never a step to be taken by Gentile pr0selytes.2~) He then traced how the word
'repentance' came to be used by the Hellenistic Judaism to serve the Gentile mission
within the period of the Septuagint, anti cites instances from the wisdom literature
where God offers repentance to Gentiles as well as to Jews. According to O'Neill,
'repc~ltirncc' irs a corlccpt was praisctl i n I lellerlist rllissioniiry literature, and described
as 'city of refuge', 'daughter of the Most High God who is the Father of
repentance'.n Perhaps this is one of the areas in which we need to recover the
Hellenistic method of mission. 07Neill's work is fu l l of insights and i t would be
foolhardy to argue against the discovery of Hellenisit proselytism as influencing the
Lucan conversion stories and his use of repentance. O'Neill himself admits that i t is
only in certain cases i n Luke-Acts that a parallel can be dra~n.~"t could even be
argued that i t was probably an attempt to usc the Hellenistic method of proselytism
for conversion which constituted the problem of the Jew-Gentile Christians. For
example, O'Neill uses the story of Lazarus and the rich man to illustrate the point
3 3 ~ . F. Evans, Saint Lukc, op. cil, p. 236. 240. Mlchcl, ' p~-cuvow' In TDNT Vol. I V, p. 6%.
2 5 ~ . O'Ncill, Thcolonv ol' AcLs, op. cil., p. 160. 261bid. pp. 160-161.
271bid, pp. 161-163. 2 8 ~ p. 160. See also Chapter 5 below.
about repentance. Abraham said to the rich man that Moses and the Prophets are
there to make people repent, and it is a q c n t a n c e acceptable to God. In other words
the converts taking upon themselves the will to circumcision since this symbolized
adherence to the law.29 The point of the story of Lazarus and the rich man was that
the law was read improperly and misapplied, a situation only the grace of God can put
right.30 This is why in Luke-Acts, repentance has to do with acceptance or rejection
of Jesus first and foremost. Again we do not subscribe to O'Neill's argument that
Paul's word at Athens, 'God was now calling all men everywhere to repent', is not
Christian but from the Jewish vocabulary of proselytism. O'Neill's point is that there
was nothing to overlook because Jesus had not yct comc, but only the ignorance of
the gentiles in not knowing whom it was possible for them to know31. First of all, the
message is universal, it says 'all men eve~ywhere' (17) and this should include both
Jews and Gentiles, it is assumed. And secondly repentance now for Luke has become
a positive attitude towards Jesus (cf. Acts 17: 18). Notice again in the speech that
what made some to mock was when they heard about the resurrection, most probably
that of Jesus (cf. 17: 32). We could not understand therefore O'Neill's point that
Christ coming as judge merely adds urgency, but nothing new. Accepting Jesus
brings one into the covenant, and those inside the covenant will be saved at the day of
judgment (cf. 17: 31; 10: 42; 3: 23). O'Neill may be right in saying that repentance in
Luke is only the first step on the way from unbelief to belief, but that is only a park of
Lucan understanding of repentance. There is he eschatological aspect of repentance
which the author hints at. For example, the story of Ananias and Sapphira to illustrate
among other things the need to keep the covenantal norms of repentance in order to
escape eschatological consequences (cf. Acts 5: 1-1 1). The conversion of Simon the
Sorcerer illustrates the same point. Simon believed and was baptized, and therefore
was accepted within the covenant. And yet, Simon needed to repent from a particular
wickedness, in this case it seemed to be described as being jealous of the apostles'
29bd, p. 160. 30-11. Moxnes, The emwrnv of the Kingdom 0". tit*. pp. 160f. 310 '~e i l~ , Theologv of Acts, Q!, citL. p. 159.
ability to pray for the Holy Spirit. Simon seemed to be aware of the eschatological
consequence of not maintaining the repentant norm of the covenant which may have
moved him to ask to be delivered from the evil consequences (Acts 8: 24).
Repentance in Luke-Acts then is primarily accepting Jesus as the Christ and being
accepted into the eschatological community. For Luke this is important. As as
0' Neil1 right1 y says, Luke- Ac ts acknowledges that repentance and forgiveness are
gifts from God and not the achievement of Man.32 This knowledge should lead to a
greater appreciation of what Jesus did for both Jews and the Gentiles in his death and
resurrection. This might be the reason why Luke sometimes talks of 'repentance and
forgiveness' taken together as given to all nations. Conzelmann notes that the two are
inseparably linked (cf. Luke 24: 47; Acts 5: 31). This probably ensures that the
gentiles also are incorporated into the covenant people of God.33 But for Jews and
gentiles salvation has to be through repentance and forgiveness of sins in his name.
This is why repentance and forgiveness of sins should be the message of salvation
beginning from Jerusalem (cf. Luke 24: 47).
So we can conclude by saying that since I ~ k c ncccpls hclievcrs as bclonging lo the
covenant with Abraham, his description of repentance may have followed Old
Testament and Hellenistic patterns. Yet Luke's repentance is on a different plane
because it is ultimately a repentance and forgiveness of sins in the name of Christ.
Luke does not draw fine distinctions between terms used to designate repentance. He
uses, 'turn the heart', (Luke 1: 16- 17)' 'to follow' (Luke 5: 1 I), 'to repent' (Acts 9:
32)' 'received the word' (Acts 2: 41)' 'turn to the Lord' (Acts 9: 35)' 'believed' (Acts
9: 42)' 'repentance unto life' (Acts 1 1 : 18)' 'the word spread' (Acts 13: 49)' 'open the
door of faith' (Acts 14: 27) and 'proclaim light' (Acts 26: 23). Given their respective
conlcxls, they ir~clivicluitlly conlc to ~ l ~ c i t n positive wsponsc to 1111: Christ cvcnt. 'l'his is
32&U pp. 161f. 164; for the view b a t Jesus did not issue a caIl for repentance, but a Lucan emphasis for reform cf. E.P. Sanders. Jesus and Ju-, on city p. 206. 33 Conzelrnann, The Theology of Saint I.uke, on. cit,. p. 228.
repent.ance. If the Pharisees understood repentance as going with restitution (cf. Luke
19: 1-10) and probably also with circumcision (cf. Acts 11: 2; 15: l), this may g o to
confirm Sanders point that the Pharisees and religious leaders of the Jews hated and
killed Jesus because he ofl'ered and accepted repentance from sinners, not because
they were sinners but because he did not demand restitution, but only on the condition
of accepting his message of the Kingdom of God." 111 other words, they saw
trivialities in Jesus' mere call of sinners to repentance. (cf. Luke 22: 20; 19: 10; 7:
34-35). A consideration of who the sinner is will clarify the position of Jesus more.
4.1.4 The Sinners
The Lucan travel narrative seems to contain mainly conflicts of Jesus with the
religious rulers (Luke 5-19), arising from the latter's attitude to sinners. It may also
be true to say that Luke-Acts can be seen as the kerygma of calling sinners to
repentance. Since Jesus came to call sinners to repentance it i s appropriate that the
question be asked who is the sinner and what is sin? Why d o the Lucan Jesus and the
Pharisee have to fight their battle over whose attitude over or towards the "sinner" is
more correct and right and just? And how does the Lucan understanding of sinner
square with his general presentidtion of the covenant?
One of the problems of the identity of the synoptic sinners is to equate them with the
people of the land. Montefiore expressed the view that the sinners of the gospels
were similar to and identical with rabbinic class of 'am ha-aretz', the people of the
land.35 In his quest for the sinners, Kaney arrived a1 a similar conclusion.36 Jeremias
saw the masses in the time of Jesus as sinners, according to the understanding of the
Pharisees who thought that these 'people' did not observe the religious laws. The
mission of Jesus is to bc secn in terms of a liberation of such pcople who fell under
34cf. E. P Sanders, J-, o ~ . p. 210. 35cf. C.J. Montefiore. The Synoptic Gostwls, Vol. I1 Mamillan I ~ n d o n (1927) p. 668. 36cf. R.H. Raney, 'Who were the 'sinners"'? E l 0 (1930) pp. 578-591.
the y ~ k e of the legal piety of the Pharisees.37 I-hltgren accounts for the early converts
as having come from 'the people of the land' who were the 'sinners' in thc eyes of the
Jewish leaders.38 A similar view to that is expressed by G.B. Caird, in his
commentary bn Luke with regard to the call of Levi. The Pharisees despised all
others as sinners living only according to their laws of Sanders on the other
hand has rejected such views about the Pharisees and their regarding 'the people of
the land' as 'sinners'. He does not believe that the Pharisees controlled the religious
will of the people at the time of Jesus as often thought from reading the Gospels. He
does not think that there was a particular group known as the 'sinners' and in any case
the Pharisees did not hold thc view that all others wcrc lost from salvation except thcy
~hemselves.4~ Allhough Sander's works have been criticized in certain respecls, it has
won recognition and probably altered the course of scholarship on Judaism generally
at the time of Jesus and the understanding of 'sinners' in particular. Cl~ilton describes
Sanders work as a landmark, but disagrees on his definition of 'sinners' as 'wicked'
for substantial lack of Ncw Testarncnt linguistic evidcnce, neither arc thcre signs o f
degrees of sinners in the accounts.41
Rengstorf defines ' apapzoho t as partly those who live a flagrantly immoral life such
as murderers, robbers, and deceivers, and partly those who follow a dishonourable
vocation.42 Jeremias thinks along the same lines by saying that sinner connotes an
immoral mode of life, a practitioner of one of the dishonourable vocations, a despised
~ rade .4~ Borg thinks sinners included notoriously 'wicked' and certain occupational
groups, and any non-Jew group or society. He compares sinners with outcasts of the
3 7 ~ . Jeremias, ,linmkma the T i m e n f u pp. 259-267. 38cf. A.J. Hultgren, Adversaries, Augsburg (1079) pp. 86-87. 3 9 ~ . ~ . Caird, The Gospel of L,uke, London A&C Black (1968) pp. 95-96. 4 0 ~ . P Sanders, Jesus, Judaism, pp. 174-21 1. 41cf. B . D. Chilton, 'Jesus and the repelitance of E. P. Sanders' in Bull@ Vol. 39 (1988) pp. 7-18. 4 2 ~ . ~ . ~en~storf , ' 'a~apzwho~' in 'I'DNT Vol. 1, p. 327. 43cf. J. Jeremias, New Testament Theology, SCM (1971) p. 109.
very lowest caste of the Hindu ~ y s t e m . 4 ~ Norman Perrin suggests that we should . .
think in terms of three different kinds of 'sinners': (i) Gentiles who have no hope of
salvation. (ii) Jews who could repent without much difficulty. (iii) Jews who behave
like Gentiles but who can still repent.45 Horsley suggests three meanings of the term
'sinner': (i) those who betrayed and crucified Jesus in the Gospel story, i.e the
priestly aristocracy who ruled Palestine for the Romans. (ii) the average Jew who
stands in need of repentance. (iii) the despised t r a d e s m e i ~ . ~ ~ Sanders on the other
hand, while accepting the definition of 'sinner' as given by Jeremias, suggests that
'sinners' are really those who sinned wilfully and heinously and did not repent.47 As
it stands, it seems that sinners are gcnerally understood as the immoral or the despised
tradesmen. If this is the case, is this general understanding of the 'sinner' applicable
to the use of the term in Luke-Acts?
David Neale4"as undertaken an investigation into the Lucan term 'sinner' and we
will summarize his findings:
(i) He rejects using rabbinic evidence to suggest that the identity of a 'sinner' can be
read back into the gospel's use of the tern because the rabbinic evidence is later than
the gospel accounts, and so is an un.justifiable category which probably did not exist
at the time of Jesus.
(ii) Linguistic evidence h m Greek Scripture, especially the Psalms and Deutro-
canonical bo,oks reveals 'sinners' as a general term for the enemies of Israel, where
Israel is the righteous and the oppressors [he sinners.49
(iii) There is no contemplation in most of the documents for restitution for the sinner,
but utter condemnation to the wrath of God in judgment.
'%f. M.J. Borg, W: A New V . . San 1;'rancisco; llarpr and Row (1987) pp. 91-92. 45cf, N. Perrin, Rediscoveringthe teaching o f J m , SCM (1967) pp. 93-94. 46cf. R. Horsley, h-and of Violwe, Fortress (1993) pp. 218-220. 47cf. E. P. Sanders, Iesus U p p . 174-211. 48cf. David A. Neale, 'None But the Sinners: Religiolls Categories ill the Gospel of Luke', W S 58 (1991) p. 190. 4 9 ~ pp. 75ff.
(iv) When these documents talk about forgiveness, it i s of transgression not of
wickedness. Even in Ezekiel where God is not pleased with the death of a sinner, that
is the wicked, it does not show that the wicked are then forgiven, but they are
condemned. Even the transgrcssion and wrongdoing that are forgiven arc depicted to
project the righteous more and put the wrongdoer in a negative light.50
(v) The pseudepigrapha, particularly of the posl destruction period contain rich
evidence of leniency to 'Sinners' and the wicked, the prayer of Manassah being found
by some to have influenced the New Testament.sl The call to repentance may not be
new but the call to repentance of the 'sinner' was new.
In concluding his inquiry Neal contends that thc 'sinner' or the 'wicked' is definitely
seen as a transgressor of the 'provisions of the Torah' but did not find enough
evidence as to what provisions of the Torah and according to whose conception of it.
And so he concludes that the wortls 'righteous' and 'sinner' art: clel'ined primarily in
ideological terms. Therefore the condemnation of the 'sinner' represents an
ideological point of view based on the conception of right and wrong.52 Neale
believes that the Gospel employs these categories leaving the reader to understand
them appropriately as the righteous, the Pharisees representing the official religious
system, Herod the official civil authority who "opposed" the minist~y of Jesus, while
'sinners' are evil doers who become beneficiaries of his good news of repentance and
forgiveness.53 Because Jesus granted repentance to those the religious leaders would
not normally have granted forgiveness, this constituted Jesus' conflict with the
authorities.54
On the whole we agree with Neale's findings and will base our search for Luke's
understanding of 'sinners' on Neale's conclusion. Neale's limitation however is that
he looked only into the Gospel, presumably because the word 'sinner' is not found in
5 O w pp. 82ff. 5 1 ~ pp. 86ff. 5 2 ~ pp. 95ff. 5 3 ~ pp. 97ff. 54m 193ff.
the Acts of the Apostles. Our invesligation, however, centres on Luke-Acts as a
whole.
Luke 5: 1- 11, t,he cull of 9' , 11no11
The call of Peter is found in the other synoptics but Luke seems to have fitted illto his
version a theological structure as well(cf. Mark 1: 16-20 and Matthew 4: 18-22).
Peter's acknowledging himself as a sinner does not appear in the others. This
reaction of Peter after a miraculo~~s catch of fish is a puzzle to scholars, and so
various attempts have been made to explain il. Was fishing one of the disreputable
trades and so classified for the 'sinners'? Elizabelh Fiosenza lists fishing as a lrade
which made one disloyal to the Sabbath laws.55 Therefore, was Peter here
recognizing and acknowledging that? Evans does not include fishing as carrying any
s l i g n ~ a . ~ ~ Ellis looks a1 the story as a kind of acted parable in which the spiritual
immaturity of Peter is revealed together with the re-assurance of the Lord to remedy
it.S7 Fitzmyer is cautious aboul reading into the story an aoticipation of the apostle's
failure at the passion or their apparent weakness generally. Inslead i t is better
explained as Peter's recognition of his being a mere creature, finite as opposed to the
revelation of the divine natilre of Christ shown in the astonishing miracle.S8
Marshall agrees that the miracle revealed to Peter his own inadequacy.59 We agree
with Evans that i t was probably more appropriate for Luke to begin the account of
calling sinners to repc~llance with the depiction of the chief of the apostles as a sirl~~er
called to repentance before being given the task of calling others.()() Ail the arguments
are tenable. But the tcxt does not say what Peter's sin is. What we do see is that Peter
55~l izabch Fiorenza, LMernory 01' I-h, SCM ( 1983) pp. 12611'.
%.F. Evans, Sainl Lukc, op. cil.. p. 29 1.
5 7 ~ . ~ . Ellis, Thc Gospcl ol'l-"kc, op. cil.. p. 1013.
5 8 ~ . ~ . Fitzmyer, The Gospcl According lo Lukc, Vol. I . , op. cil., pp. 567f.
s o l . ~ . Mar-shall, Commenlarv on Luke, op. c i~ . , p. 205.
6 0 ~ . ~ . Evans, SainL Lukc, OD. cil., p. 2Y 1.
understands himself as a sinful man, a view that Jesus neither accepted nor denied
when he said to Peter, 'CLT\ +oPoz)' (Luke 5: 10).
Luke 5: 17-26; the forgiving of the paralytic announced
Thc point which we considcr in lhis story is thc: words ol'losus to the paralytic, 'your
sins are forgiven you' (5: 20). We just want to draw the lesson that in the case of
Peter, he acknowledged that he was a sinful man, and Jesus did not say anything
about rorgiveness (although it might be implied in 'fear not'). In the case of the
paralytic he did not say a word about anything (although Jesus might have noticed his
statc) but Jesus acknowlcdged that God had forgiven him and announced it. As in thc
case of Peter, the sin of the paralytic from which he is being forgiven is not mentioned
and so it has left commentators guessing. The most that can be said is probably the
connection between sickness and sin. But Luke does not describe him as a sinner but
a paralytic.
Luke 5: 27-32, the call of the tax collector
We are concerned with the question of the Pharisees in this text but we shall treat the
story in detail when we consider conversion narratives later. The Pharisees murmured
against Jesus and asked his disciples, 'Why do you eat and drink with tax collectors
and sinners?' Something must have been wrong about sitting at table with tax
collectors a d sinners. Sanders thinks that tax collectors were quislings, collaborating
with Rome. The "sinners" (the wicked) betrayed the God of the covenant who
redeemed Israel and gave them his law.61 They are all traitors and wicked and are
thrust out of the covenant with the conviction that they would be damned. Jesus'
eating with them does not break any purity laws, for two reason. Firstly, purity laws
were trivial matters in the Jewish religion at this time because of the problem of
keeping and maintaining them and knowing who did not.62 Then secondly, because
%f. E.P. Sanders, J w and Judaism, on, cit.. pp. 173-211. 6 2 ~ .
of thedifficulties involved in observing it, everyone in the Temple area was declared
ritually clean as a check against entering the Temple defiled and putting the Temple at
the risk of being defiled.63 But Jesus accepted them into the covenant by asking them
to believe in him and promising them his kir1gdom.~4 Sanders believes that this was
what annoyed the Pharisees and what was the point of the question. But what was i t
that made them wicked and sinful? If tax collectors collaborated with the Roman
government in tax inflation it was understandable. What about 'sinners'? Nothing is
said about who they were. Sanders thinks that because they are here grouped with tax
collectors that they were really wicked. But this does not identify their sins or how
they come to be addressed as sinners.
Evans suggests that the better construction could be 'tax collectors who by definition
are sinners in a technical sense.'65 This suggestion is attractive as it then suggests that
a profession such as collecting of toll could lead to sinful acts. This probably agrees
with John the Baptist's understanding that the profession was good provided they kept
to the stipulated amount (cf. Luke 3: 12-13).
But 'sinners' are juxtaposed with other categories as well, suggesting that it probably
meant more. W e shall go on to consider other cases for more clues.
Luke 7: 28-30, all the people and tax collectors
W e have tried above to identify the tax collectors. The identify of the 'People' here is
not clear.
6 3 ~ . 6 4 ~ e have to note tllal Jesus himself never spoke of "My Kingdom" in the Synoplics, generally although others aluibule !he Kingdome to him. Bul in Luke 22: 30 it is found on his lips. While some accept il as aulhenlic, others think it is alwibuted to him here by the church. For example, Evans says, '... my Kingdom' ... is a conception which elsewhere in the New Testament is either found on h e lips of others O.ukc 23: 42) or it is a Christiological creation of the clwrch'. cf. C.F. Evans, SCM (1990) p. 800. 6 5 ~ p. 305.
7: 34-35, the Son of Man as Friend of Sinners
In the text, eating and drinking probably is a hyperbole depicting the association of
Jesus with tax collectors and sinners. It goes to confirm Jesus' good work among
such people. But still the text does not tell us anything about their sins.
Luke 7: 36-50, Jesus' forgiveness of a sinful woman
This story is placed within thc contcxt of a mcal in a Plia~~isce's house. Our concorn
here for the moment is the description of the woman as a 'sinner' in verse 39.
Derrett thinks that the woman is a prostitute66. K. Corley argues that because the
woman was probably a questionable character people thought of her as a prostitute
but doubts whether this was true considering the other women ministering to Jesus.67
Luke 13: 1-5, the Galileans killed by Pilate
This passage is unique to Luke and some details that would interest a historian are
lacking, but the force of the message is clear. Several hypohetical answers have been
given to provide the historical setting but they remain on the level of reconstruction.68
The answer of Jesus to the question gives the impression that those who perished
were thought by the people to have died because of their sin. The challenge of Jesus
that 'unless you repent', makes it personal and more inclusive generally. Luke has in
this passage presented the 'sinner' not only to be the toll collectors, the people and an
unknown woman, but everyone, presumably the disciples as well!
The implication of the passage, according to Franklin Young is great, but suffice it to
be said that here everyone is presented as in need of repentance. Tf it were that sins
6 6 ~ . ~ . ~ . Derrelt, New Resolutions of Old Conundrums: A fresh insight into 1.uke's Gos~el, Drinkwater Warwickshire (1986) pp. 124-144. 6 7 ~ . Corley. Women in the Context of Graeco-Roman Meals, in SBL Atlanta: Scholars Press (1989) pp. 487-521. 68cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel Accordine to Luke. Vol. 11 ,QD. cit.,pp. 1004-1006.
were graded, then the Galileans and those at Siloam were no worse than those who
survived. Therefore, it is not a question of being alive or dead, but whether one's
attitude to God is one of repentance.@ This Lucan characterization of everyone as a
sinner opens up again the question of re-defining the covenant people of God. It
seems to be suggested by the passage that only those who listen to the words of Jesus
(cf. Luke 9: 35), and repent will be saved.
Luke 15, the lost sheep, the lost coin, the lost Son
This text will receive fuller treatment later on but for now we shall consider a few
points related to the 'sinner'.
Again Luke says that the Pharisees murmured at Jesus for receiving 'sinners' and
eating with them. In reply to the criticism, Jesus tells three parables. We are not
given any identity of the 'sinners' as in the cases we have looked at. But the parable
may be likening them to the 'lost' and contain a picture of someone who has lost his
way on a journey. If the parables allow for some moral speculation regarding the
'lost' in those pictures then we notice that their situation necessitates action, in this
case to search for them and find them and bring them back, rather than a
preoccupation with their state of being lost, that may have been the attitude of the
Pharisees.
Luke 18: 9-14, the parable of the Pharisee and the toll collector
Sanders,70 and Horsley71 think this story to be a Lucan construction but we shall not
go into that now since it is a parable rather than an actual event. Here, it is no longer
a case 01 the Pharisee accusing the disciples of Jesus or Jesus himself of eating with
toll collectors, but they are presented to be in the presence of God on account of
whom people strive to be righteous.
6 9 ~ , ~ . Young, 'Nore on Luke 13: 1-9' i n'- Vol. 31' (1) (1977) pp. 59-63. 70~.1'. Sanders, Jesus and Jurlaism. pp. city p. 175. 711t. Horseley, Jesus and the Sdral of Violence, 9-1). 218.
The Pharisees' prayer about "thanking God that he is not like other men" gives the
impression of considering others to be outside the covenant.72 Those they thought
were outside the covenant of God are here presented as justified for the only reason
that they arrogate not to themselves what they are not, but depend on God's mercy.
In not many words, neither the righteous (Pharisee) nor the 'sinner' (the toll collector)
is condemned. The listener to the parable can begin now to think about how it is that
one can be justified before God.
Luke 19: 1-10, the story of Zacchaeus
This story will be considered in detail later, but here we need to make a few
observations about the theme of a 'sinner'.
In the previous stories the Pharisees brought up a complaint about toll collectors. Here
in the Zacchaeus story, Luke is careful to put the complaint in the mouth of the un-
named people!
l ~ k c scclns to makc the poinl hcrc thu l thc murmur against Jcsus cirting with 'sinners'
was not made by the Pharisees alone, but by 'all'. The Pharisees do not even come
into the story; they are not mentioned and probably were not there. Was the crowd's
murmuring instrumental to the introduction of Abraham in Jesus reply? If the crowd
thought that toll collectors were excluded from the covenant community, then Jesus
reminds them that Zacchaeus was also a member and should not be despised as the
murmuring of the crowd suggests.
There are new elements in this Zacchaeus s t o ~ y which we have not met so far in the
study of the Lucan sinner motil'. ?'he inlroduction ol' Abraham, a central I'igure in the
7%. F. Evans, Saint Luke, on. cit.,p. 643.
Jewish belief system - denoting among other things election covenant, blessing, may
be strategic. There is also the statement that 'salvation' has come to this house'. The
previous text talks about 'sinners' being justified more but here now the totality of
the Hebrew religious quest, salvation, has been pronounced on a 'sinner'. The Son of
Man came to seek and to save the lost summarizes Jesus' whole ministry.
Luke 22: 37, Jesus being reckoned among transgressors
The passion narrative is regarded as one of the most authentic sections or the Gospel
accounts and yet scholars disagree on a number of issues pertaining to the literary
structure. But what we are looking for here is a reference to Jesus being reckoned
with the transgressors as forming part of the Lucan 'sinner' motif. Jesus the one who
claims to seek and to save the lost is actually reckoned with transgressors, albeit in
fulfillment of the Scriptures.
Who are these transgressors? The author seems to give a clue to that in Luke 24: 7,
where after the resurrection the disciples of Jesus were reminded that Jesus spoke
about his being handed over to "sinful men" to be crucified. We have noticed above
that the Jewish doctrine of forgiveness is more about transgressions rather than
wickedness which is more serious and probably beyond pardon. It was from that that
the idea arose that the category of 'sinners' are beyond the pale of redemption. but in
the passion,, the ones who eventually turned out to be 'sinners' were those who
handed him over to be killed. Luke seems to have reversed the 'sinner' role here,
now played not by toll collectors but by the religious leaders. The sinner on the cross
makes the point clear that the people condemned him to death justly, but condemned
Jesus unjustly. He was promised paradise, where Abraham the father of the Jews, is
believed to be (cf. Luke 24: 7; 16: 23). We are not told anything about the fate of
those who condemned him.
W e discover then that "sinners" may or may not be a social category as some
scholars argue, and they may range from the morally bad to the ordinary wrongdoer.
From the Lucan texts, the author seems to go beyond these categories. H e starts off
by making Peter, the chief of the apostles acknowledge himself a s sinful (Luke 5: 8).
Thcn a profession ol' toll collectors arc castigated 'sinners' (Lukc 5: 27-3). We also
noticed an unnamed woman described as a 'sinner' (cf. Luke 7: 36-50). 'Then finally
the author labels everybody a 'sinner' (Luke 13: 1-5). T h e parable of the two men
praying gives a verdict on the quest for righteousness - the attitude of a 'sinner' is
justified more than that of the Pharisee (Luke 18: 9-14). At the end, Jesus, whom
Luke prescnts as saviour of thc lost, is seen to be a transgressor and numbcred with
them. Our conclusion is that Luke probably made use of the term 'sinners' because
such a term existed, which may be why it is assumed wherever it is used in the texts
that it was understood. Rut whatever the category, the author carefully impressed into
its meaning the Pact that all are. 'sinners' who need repentance. With this Luke renders
unworkable the attempt at categorizing "sinners" since all are sinners. He then places
emphasis on human responsibility by the way he presents Jesus as the saviour oS the
lost in conflict with the religous rulers. Having blurred the line of distinction between
"righteous" and "sinner" the author now suggests strongly that all need repentance on
the basis of which God can restore the lost. From this a new community can be built
up which will then live in mutual trust and love in accordance with the one covenant
of God's people.
Our conclusion does not agree entirely with Neale's which sees Luke making use of
an ideological castigation of 'sinners' to frame his story. Perhaps there was such an
ideology, but in the end one must observe that the author makes the 'sinner' motif in
an unmistakable way to include everyone. H e does not leave it at that, but actually
shows that the door to repentance is also available to all for forgiveness and salvation.
At this point the covenant motif becomes a corollary to salvation.
W e shall g o on to consider the motif of 'sinner' in Acts, but w e need to consider
certain texts which suggest that the disciples probably fell into the temptation of
looking at others outside the group as "sinners".
Luke 6: 32-36, Sermon on the plane
Similarities exist in this section of the Lucan material and that of the Matthean
sermon on the mount (Matthew 5: 1-7 : 27). It seems that in Matthew, the text
address was intended for the crowd, in Luke it is specifically addressed to the
disciples (CI'. 6: 20). Fitzmyer sees this section as probably addressed to Christians
themselves, who want to lead but without fully grasping the full implication of Jesus'
mission (cf. 6: 40).73 The injunction to love one's enemies however must make sense
in a situation where some people are regarded as enemies, presumably those outside
the group. Horseley may be correct in his judgment that the disciples regarded others
as 'sinners' and they themselves as the righteous and that this prompted this teaching
from Jesus.74 Notice also the request made by James and John to cast fire on the
Samaritan village which did not receive Jesus. The Elijah motif in the Lucan
material may be evident here hut sectarian motives may also he at play (cf. Luke 9:
5 1-56). This attitude of the disciples to look on others outside their group as 'sinners'
will be at the back of our minds as w e go on to consider some texts in Acts. How is
this sinner motif taken up in the Acts of the Apostles? T h e word 'sinner' does not
occur in Acts. There are two reasons that could be given as to why it is absent. One
might be because the category "sinner" was mainly Jewish, but in Acts the disciples
are involved with a wider audience beyond the confines of early forms oI' Judaism.
The other reason could be that already Luke sees all sinners in need of repentance.
After the resurection of Jesus preaching of the Kingdom of God becomes the mission
for ihc world imtl wiihin this, rorgivcncss o f sins i~ntl rcpc11t;incc i n ''his" IliIlllc
became part of the message for all peoples. W e see in the early chapters of Acts the
7 3 ~ . ~ . Fimeyer, The Gospel According to Iake I, ~ k p . 630. 7 4 ~ . I-Iorsely, op. cit.. p. 222. Cf. Mark 9: 38-39.
targeting of Jews as those responsible for the death of Jesus and therefore the "law
breakers". But the main issue is that "accepting" or "rejecting" Jesus as the Christ,
makes one either "righteous" or a "sinner". T o believe in Jesus is whal makes one an
inheritor of the p,romise and that is to be law abiding (cf. Acts 2: 37-39). A number of
times in Acts, Jesus is referred to as 'Ihe righteous one1, implying that his followers
are the righteous ones. (cf. Acts 3: 14; 7: 52). Any one opposing the work of the
disciples would seem to be opposing Christ (cf. Acts C): 4). In Acts 2: 23 the Jews itre
accused of crucifying Jesus by the hands of 'lawless men' (81a XFQOS &vol"wv),
Haenchen describes this reference as being designed for the Gentiles who were
believed not to know thc will of God and even cannot do i t because they are anything
but lilwless.75 But here the Jcws are associiiled with thc lawless anti so they become
inclusive. The text can then be interpreled as "Jews and the Gentiles" collaborated to
crucify Jesus. If this interpretation is accepted, then the Lucan motif of sinners being
all incll~sive agrees with the way in which i t is used in the Gospel. This also makes
sense within the answer Peter gives to their question, 'What shall we do?' (cf. 2: 37 -
39; see also 4: 27). The view of the Jews as perpetrators of the death of Jesus is in
response to Peter's healing of the lame man at the Temple. The Jews delivered Jesus
up and denied him, but Pilate wanted to release him (cf. 3: 13, 17).
The sense of the Jews being "law-less" comes up in a different form in Stephen's
speech. They are referred to as stiff-necked ... although they received the law ... they
did not keep it (cf. Acts 7: 51-53). Those who did not keep the law as prescribed by
Jewish religious rulers are described as 'sinners'. Now the Jews, by cnlcifying Jesus
have been put into that categosy. Rut the d i f f e r e ~ ~ c e is that they are offered
forgiveness in the name of he whom they crucified. Those who believed are forgiven
and accepted into the community (cf. Acts 4: 4).
75~aenchcn. Acts, op. ci t., p. 180 note 1 1 .
The 'sinner' motif developed to include all in the Gospel, is taken to embrace the
human race in Acts. The Cornelius story touches on this. The Gentiles were regarded
as 'sinners'. But from the ministry of Jesus the disciples learned that he did not so
apply the category. Therefore when Peter admits that God gave the Holy Spirit to the
Gentiles as he gave to them (believing Jews), this touches on the breakdown of the
'righteous-sinner', categories according to Jewish understanding (cf. Acts 11: 17; 15:
8-1 1, 16-19), and focuses on repentance and forgiveness in the name of Christ (cf.
Acts 15: 11). A consideration of the motif outside Jewish territory is equally
revealing.
Acts 14: 8-18 recounts Barnabas and Paul at Lystra, presumably an idol-worshipping
community (cf. 13: 14). Paul proclaimed the good news (14: 15); that the people
should turn from vain things (idols) (cf. 14: 15) and that they should turn to a living
God, the maker of heaven and earth (14: 15), and that in times past God allowed
nations to walk in their own ways (14: 16). We know that they made some converts
in 14: 21-22, but the content of their message is assumed by Luke since he does not
record it.
To bring good news would necessarily involve a call to repentance which may be
implied in the call to turn from vain things to a living God. The 'sinner' motif
implicd is that all nations who walkcd in their own ways wcrc losi. Thc vcry
presence of Barnabas and Paul with good news to this non-Jewish area would bring
back to the reader the mission of Jesus, 'seeking and saving the lost' now applicable
to all. A similar situation is seen in Athens, another Gentile territory (Acts 17: 16-
31). The message here is a direct call to repentance. The interesting thing about the
text is that it first of all acknowledges that every human being is created by God, and
yet the text calls for repentance. This idea of "time of ignorance" probably suggests a
'sinful state or time'. The call to repent is made explicit by adding a reference to a
day of judgment by "a man God has appointed." (17: 31).
Luke has made everyone aware of their sinfulness and also the possibility of
repentance. That is a theme that is known and familiar in the Jewish covenant system.
It is now extended to include all nations.76 In the name of Jesus repentance and
forgiveness is to be preached, thus fulfilling the prophecy of Zechariah (cf. Luke 1:
76-79). In Christ, all are made one people therefore there is only one name in which
we shall be saved (cf. Acts 4: 12).
4.1.5 The Will of God
As one reads through thc Lucan accounts in his two volumes, a consistent impression
emerges that the story of Jesus has the express stamp of the Will of God on it.77 From
beginning to the end everything that happened, happened because it was so willed by
God. The birth of John the Baptist bears this mark, so also that of Jesus with
prominent role assigned to angels. In all these, God takes the initiative with the aid of
his angels. At the age of twelve, Jesus is heard to have answered his worrying parents,
'Did you not know that I must (6~1) be in my father's house?' (Luke 2: 49). Here, the
idea of necessity is implied, a divine necessity which the parents understandably did
not know (cf. Luke 2: 50). The baptism of John was designed (pouhq) by God for
salvation (Luke 7: 30). At Ephesus Paul refers to the entire good news of Jesus as
'the whole plan of God' ( n a o a v q v povhqv zou OEO'U) (ACLS 20: 27). The
passion of Jesus is described as "divine necessity" (cf. Luke 24: 7, 26; Acts 4: 28).
W e want now to investigate the particular Lucan usage of the will of God as a
salvation motif and how this relates to the covenant. Conzelmann has noted that in
the Lucan material the idea of the plan of God covers both divine necessity, the will
of God, and prede~tination.7~ Although lie notes that it could also be used for human
counsel, it appears as the summary of the plan of salvation, both before and after
76cf. N.T. Wright, m ~ r i n i n s a-ion of (Inrl, 1,ondon SPCK (1992) pp. 272-273. 77cf. F~rl Richard (ed), The divine plan arid Jesus role therein', in New Views in 1.uke-Acts, by E, Richards, Michael Glazier 13ook: Minnesota (1990) pp. 29-32. 781 1. Conzelm;tna, of St m, pp. 15 1-156.
Christ, particularly to refer to him (Jesus) as judge (cf. Acts 10: 42). For
Conzelmann, the idea of the plan of God had been in use before Luke, but he gave it a
distinctive Christian meaning based on the salvific event of the cross, and saw the
prophecies as part of this plan. Me admits that there is a parallel use of "God
ordaining" things in the Septuagint but that the Will of God for Luke is also revealed
in the law (cf. Luke 11: 42; Acts 15: 5). Conzelmann's approach is important
bccausc hc centlcs the plan ol' God in salvalion ~hrough Christ, but docs 1101 lose s i g h
of the capability of the law in also revealing the Will of God. He firmly agrees that
the importance of this revelation for Luke is the way God's salvation works out in the
world through events. This view about the Lucan usage necessarily makes
Conzelmann defend the Lucan author against any accusation about speculations
concerning the Will of God.
Milton on the other hand considers the Will of God in the synoptic tradition
general ly .7We comments on the rarity of the expression 'Will of God' in the Old
Testament but observes that it has a direct link to the law and precept ol' God. From
this he makes a connection between the Will of God for all peoples at all times, and a
particular will of God for a particular person at a particular time. This is where
Mitton sees the person and mission of Jesus fitting into God's wi11.80 Because Jesus
was controlled by the Will of God, says Mitton, tie was able to become God's
instrument of salvation predicted by Moses. He inherited the Jewish written tradition,
the law, which he interpreted more than the rabbis.
Mitton's overall treatment of the Will of God is as it is presented as "a guide" to
God's will. Fitzmyer considers the Lucan use of the plan of God as emphatic of what
God aims to achieve in his work of salvation.81 He lists examples as Christ; the pre-
determined events or the actions recorded by Luke; the words and deeds of Jesus; the
7 9 ~ . ~ . Minon. 'The Will of God', ExD. Volume 72 (1960-1961) pp. 68-71, 8 0 ~ . ~IJ .A. Fimyer, The G o s ~ l According to I.uke, Vol I, on. cit.. pp. 179-185.
fulfilment of God's promise and the salvation depicted in human history through the
lifc, death and resu~l-eclion of Jesus.82 Fitzmyer then considers the plan of God along
the lines of salvation-history, presumably to highlight the dilferent view of
Conzelmann, especially with regard to his "three epoch" salvation history. Fitzmyer
criticizes the omission of the prologue in Conzelmann's treatment of salvation, and
gocs on to suggest a sub-division of thc period oT J c s ~ ~ s into Tour. nu t this necd not
detain us here, since we are concerned with the treatment of the plan of God in
general. Fitzmyer's discovery of different uses or strands of the Will of God in the
Lucan material is helpful, even though he only looks at it in connection with
salvation. His suggesled strands will eventually help our investigation.
Squires produced a monograph on the plan of God in Luke-Acts, a comparative study
of the'use of the word and Hellenist h i s t ~ g r a p h y . ~ ~ This is a very important work
because of its emphasis on the influence of the Hellenistic concept of the 'plan of
God' on Lukc-Acts. Squi~us looks at the ccnlral i~srrgc of t11c plan oC God in illc dcath
of Jesus as a polemic against a probable rejection of Jesus as the Messiah by both
Jews and Gentiles. Squires claims that even the rejection of Jesus by the Jews was
predicted by the prophets and only fulfilled the Scriptures as a plan of God to reach
out to the Gentiles. He discovered that the 'plan of God' concept has many strands to
i t such as predestination,84 divine necessity,85 Will of God,86 and salvation;87and
that Luke weaved all this into his work to demonstrate that Christianity is ordained by
God as a substitute for both Judaism and idolat~y.
Although Squires agrccs that tllc Old Tcstarncnt has i~lllucnccd tllc Lucan rnatcrial, Ilc
nevertheless lays emphasis more on the Septuagint with regular reference to
8 2 ~ . 8 3 ~ . ~ . Squires, The Plan of God in Luke-Acts, Cambridge University Press. 1993. 84U&.. pp. 1 16f. 85hi.& pp. 146f. 8 6 ~ pp. 1 f. 8 7 ~ bid.
Hellenistic culture, which by his estimation influenced the use of the word. He never
emphasized the centrality of the Law in the Lucan material apart from occasional
references to it, and usually in the foot notes. This is a major flaw in the work.
Squires treats the plan of God in the death of Jesus as well, but makes only sparing
reference to the place of the law in that.88 This is understandable because of his
interest in Hellenistic histographies and Josephus. Prophetic, Epiphanic and
providential strand receive good treatment, but not the law and the covenant.gg Some
of Squires' assumptions are debatable. For instance, he assumes that Luke's audience
were Helleni~ts.9~ He makes use of the fall of the Temple to argue that God used it to
punish the Jews for rejecting Jesus." But the fill of the Tcmple is assumed in Luke-
Acts, not mentioned. The question why Luke does not refer to it has as much a
historical as a theological problem, as noted above. Esler has argued that the Lucan
audience was both Hellenistic (Jewish) and Gentile.92 Squires takes the view that
Stephen's speech was an atlack on and rejection of the Temple." Salo sees the speech
more as reformative rather than a destructive attack on the Temple." Squires takes
this view because he sees in Christianity a replacement for Judaism,95 a view many
modern scholars disagree with, and deny as not representing Luke's position.96
While Squires made some discoveries about Luke's probable influence by Hellenistic
liislography I'or his usc ol' 1 1 ~ "plan ol' God", it is not clcar whci lw it was a tloclrinc
for him, as Squires tends to suggest. But it would seem that he was drawing on an
already known idea of the people of God (Israel) that God is in control of destinies
(Isaiah 66: 19). They are also aware of the struggle it has been for human beings to
88u pp. 112-1 14,144f and noles 121-124. 8 9 ~ pp. 37f, 78ff, 103ff. 121ff. gobid, pp. 67f. 9 l ~ pp. 5Of and note 72. 92~sler, Community and Gosen1 iu 1,uke-Acts, on. cit.. pp. 30ff. 93~quires, The Plan af God in, oD. pp. 37f. 94~alo, Take's treatment of the lay, on. cit.. pp. 1791: %pires, op. ciL pp. 19lC. g6~orrey Seland insists Illat there is no anti-Jewish polernic in Luke-Acts but inlra-Jewish pohnic, rather Matthew is anli-Jewish. cf. Torrey Seland, Iewlsh- 1st c-, & pp. 310-311.
articulate this will or plan of God (cf. Acts 7: 5 1,28: 26-27). Neither does the author
pretend that knowing God's will or plan has always been easy (cf. Acts 15: 39; see
also Luke 22: 42-44). In fact, it could be argued that while Luke discusses God's will
in history it does not necessarily suggest that all h i t happens in history is according
to God's will. Instead, it may be true to see him as suggesting that God can use
whatever happens to bring out what he wills. And then human-beings on reflection
come to attribute their observation as the plan of God.97 It is within this general view
that Luke fits. I11 applying this to the texts, we shall concentrate on four areas: (i) his
use of the heavenly beings - angels. (ii) his use of a heavenly voice. (iii) Mighty
works (miracles) and (iv) the Scriptures.
Heavenly beings (Angels)
The existence of angels is assumed in the New Testament. And they appear at
strategic points in the Lucan material and are given considerable space and
importance. They can appear in dreams or visions. In a way they are "historical"
with a specific location because they have names. Zechariah is informed about the
birth of John the Baptist and his mission through an angel. The angel has a name and
location. He is Gabriel. He stands in the presence of the Lord. He is God's
messenger (cf. Luke 1: 11- 19). Brown has traced the appearance of the angel Gabriel
in Daniel 8 and 9 and suggests that this probably inlluenced Luke here. The
characteristic reference to God as the 'Most High' is Semitic generally but also found
in Daniel. When the angel Gabriel appears, he usually announces God's intentions
and plans (cf. Luke 1: 13-20).98
Furthermore, this experience of Zechariah and Elizabeth has an analogy in the states
of the birth and dedication of Samson (Judges 13: 1-25) and of the prophet Samuel (1
9 7 ~ . Schweizer, Luke: A Challenge to Present Theology, on. cit.,p. 39. 9%f. R.E. Brown, The Birth of the Messiah, op. citU pp. 270-273.
Samuel 1: 1-27). In both cases, angels explain what is going to occur and what is
important in the divine agenda.
Similarly in tlie birth of Jesus, the angel Gabriel makes a prophetic announcement
about what the child's role is going to be (Luke 1: 26-38). Angels advise h e shepherd
about the event, with a ful l description about where and how to find the baby,
including his role as Saviour (Luke 2: 8-20). The transfiguration account appears in
all the Synoptics. But only in Luke do we hear about the content of the conversation
between Moses and Elijah, who now appear like heavenly beings. That conversation
was prophetic, since i t refers to the Christ's 'exodus', whether at the passion or the
ascension. We had looked at this earlier, but here now we are considering the
foretelling of the event to happen as revealing God's purpose (cf. Luke 9: 28-36). The
exodus of Christ here is an event, and an important one in the plan of salvation.
Angels in Luke have important roles to play in the work of salvation. They are aware
of people's response or attitude to God based on people's attitude to Jesus (Luke 12:
8-9).99 They rejoice when a soul repents and turns to God (cf. Luke 15: 10). They
carry the soul of the righteous at death to Abraham's bosom (Luke 16: 22). They are a
source of comfort and help for the suffering righteous (cf. Luke 22: 43). In all these
cases, the appearance of angels indicates on which side God's will is operating. Luke
does not introduce them for mere interest in angels as such, but as an indication of
where God's will lies. A sinner is informed that God desires his repentance, and this
is done through the joy of angels.
Series of angelic visions appear in the passion as in the infmcy narratives of Luke.
First there are two men who inform the women at the tomb that it was necessary for
Christ to suffer crucifixion and be raised (Luke 24: 1-9). It was only after the angel
had announced that it was part of the Will of God for Christ to suffer and rise again
that the women remembered the words of Jesus (cf. Luke 24: 7-8).
S ) 9 ~ h i s text has no parallel in Matthew 10: 32-33.
Angels also function in Acts of ~ h e Apostles. They announce that Jesus will come
back again. This is a prophecy from Lhe ascension narrative not put in the mouth of
Jesus, but of ~ngels.100 As angels announced his birth, so now they announce his
parousia. On that note, the disciples return Lo adhere to the original instruction of
Jesus in Acts 1: 4. Because the apostles were doing the Will of God prison cells could
not keep them from fulfilling that task. An angel delivers them from prison (Acts 5:
19). It was not just that the angel released them from the prison, but actually renews
the mandate to preach, for he says, 'Go and stand in the temple and speak to the
pcople all the words of this life' (Acts 5: 20). It was an angel who directed Philip to
take a path which led him to meet the Ethiopian eunuch before the Spirit made use of
Philip to guide the eunuch through the Scriptures leading to his conversion to
Christianity (cf Acts 8: 26-40). An angel announced to Cornelius that God had heard
his prayers, and directed him to send for the apostle Peter (cf. Acts 10: 3, 30). This
version initiated the all important Gentile mission. Paul's presence in Rome, albeit in
chains but for the sake of the Gospel was first predicted by a prophet (cf. Acts 21: 10-
12) and then an angel confirms it in the midst of a tempest and the loss of hope of
survival at sea (cf. Acts 27: 21-25). W e notice in the Lucan material a purposeful
introduction of angels in the work of salvation as a normal inkluence from the Old
Testament. Fitzmyer thinks that Jewish angelology became highly developed among
Jcws of thc Jispcrsion, and may h a w also an inllucncc on Lukc.lO1 But thcrc is still a
specific Lucan usage of angels, which is that they are mainly agents announcing or
revealing the intention of God in salvation.
It is not just that Luke makes angels play specific roles, but the roles they play agree
with or are derived from the law and the prophets. In a way, their role confirms what
has already been declared by God in times past, but had been forgotten by people or
loOcf. Acts 1: 10-11. 1 0 1 ~ , ~ , Fiumyer, The G- to I,& ((vol. I ) p. 324.
inisundesstood. The author was careful not to depict angels as introducing anything
new that could nut bc ai~tlicnticatcd I'som the Torah. In this way, their assistance in
making the plan 01'GoiI known or comc tsuc bcco~ncs psomincnt. The angcl Gabriel
visiting Zechariah is connected by Luke with Zecliariali's being "blamclcss bcl'orc the
Law" (Luke 1: 6). The author docs h e same thing again with Cornelius. An angel
visiting Cornelius is connccted with 'an upright and God-l'earing and devout man,
well spoken of by the Jews' (Acts 10: 2, 22). Even in the c ; w of the ascension of
Jcsi~s, an angcl announcing that Jcsi~s will comc again1 actually connotes his coming
os his designation as the Judge (cf. Deutronomy 18: 15- 19; cf. Acts 3: 22-23; 10:
42).102 The Lucan angels then help to make known to men the Will ol' God either
universally as Salvation or in the particular 1.o11tcs this salvil'ic act takes to bring
about. It can be said that i t docs sccrrl as il' they bridge the gap betwccn human
limitation and ignorance and God's desired will for man's salvation.
L' L ' C ) Voice from heaven ( \ b a b c- All the synpotics have the account of the baptism of Jcsus and the voice from heaven.
They ;dso contikin the ;~ccount 01' tlic ~ ~ . ; r ~ i s I ' i g ~ ~ ~ . i l l i o ~ ~ , i ~ n t l the voicc I'som Iicb;~vc~i
although the Lucan material in this case contain the convcrsation between Moses,
Elijah and Jesus. Luke has onc os possibly two other instances of a voice in Acts.
Because oS thc rarity of 'voicc' and also because ol' synoptic agreement in the two
instance; this sccms an important event through which God communicates his Will,
cspccially as they appear at crucial points.
Scholars themselves have different views about the actual role of a 'voice' in Hebrew
Scripture. Barrett sees i t as a daughter of a voice uttered in heaven, and therefore
COIIICS to Inan ;IS an echo 01' the Word 01' God, which was rcgardcd as an inferior way
God communicated to his pcople.I03 Ol'course, Barrctt makes the point that probably
Io2cf. E Franklin, Christ (hc Imd, yn. ppp. 28, 96, 162. Io3cf. C.K. Bamelt, 'l'he I lolv Spiri~ and the Gospel 'I'radilion, S ITK (196 1) pp. 3%.
during the post-exilic period when the Jews thought that God's word was rare, he
chose to communicate to his people in a 'daughter of a voice', as a probable sign of
his displeasure with his people. Marsllall considers this rabbinic understaading 01'
bath-qol as probably true but would not distinguish this voice which came to Jesus as
different from bath-qol. He argues that bath-qol (daughter of a voice) was not an
inferior voice from God as was generally held by some rabbis. The New Testament
evidence does not support such a distinction. Making reference to the event on Sinai,
than New Testament.")-j Fitzmyer makes a direct connection between the 1,ucan
'voice' and the idea of God speaking to his people in the Old Testament (cf.
Deuteronomy 4: 10-12). The way Fitzmyer argues his point suggcsts that he agrccs
with Marshall that the idea or bath-qol only came with rabbinic Judais~n."~) 'l'lle idea
that false gods or spirits speak indistinctly is not foreign to the Old Testamenl, and we
would argue that this probably influenced the rabbinic suspicion of voices and led to
its classification as inferior to the Spirit. So we see even in the Old Teslament that
there was a problem about determining God's will and this sometimes led to the idea
ol' l'irlsc yropllcts who "chirp and I I I I I ~ ~ C I . " (cI'. Is;ri;rl~ 8: 19. Sec idso I SNIIIICI 28: 8-
19). But Luke is careful to place references to the voice a d what i t says at crucial
points in the mission of Jesus, as a pointer to God's intention and will, only to be
mistaken at man's peril. Therefore, the voice in Luke 3: 22 at the baptism of Jesus
was not just a voice but had a content. And the content is the announcement ol'
heaven that Jesus is the Saviour, the Messiah who ought to be heard, listened to and
obeyed. The Epistle to the Hebrews makes use of this argument about the content of
this voice to argue for the unique position and nlission of Jesus (cf. Hebrews 1: 5).
The voice has come significantly to announce that God has appointed Jesus as servant
and Messiah. Similarly at the transfiguration, the voice again announces Jesus as the
chosen son, a similar identification to the baptism. Fitzmyer has given attention to
'~%&J.
lo5[.~. h/larshaII, Coqmenlary on Luke, op. cil.. p. 154.
I o 6 ~ . ~ . Fitzmycr, The Gc~pcl According to Luke, op. tit.. pp. 484485.
various interpretations of the meaning of 'chosen', which we shall not go into here,
except to emphasize the mission aspect oC the content oC the voice.107 Just as the law
was given to be heard and adhered to, and the prophets announce God's will
regarding pariicular stages oC Israel's history, so here Jesus is to be heard as the
Messiah. This was important especially as his 'exodus' in Je~usalem may become too
much to bear. The path of the familiar exodus tradition is still hllowed, but with
another level introduced into it, the portent of the transfiguration coupled with the
voice adds to both the seriousness and the authenticity of the mission of Salvation
brought by Jesus. If Israel had had the idea of herself as God's chosen, the elect,
when the voice announces that familiar concept it givcs a hint that upon this onc Man
it pleased God to lay the sum total of the mission of Israel to the world. This could
also be a possible interpretation oC the significance of the transfiguration itself.108 We
see here again that what the voice has announced is made true first of all by the
presence of Moses and Elijah, and by the theophany itself. No novelty is introduced
in the tradition, but only the activity of God in line with the people's tradition,
represented by Moses and Elijah, familiar figures in the history of the people of God.
The voice at Peter's vision in Acts 10: 13-16 is only clear when Peter replied, 'No
Lord', making it clear that the voice was God's. But Haenchen thinks that the voice
is mysterioi~s and it is uncerkiin whether it was God's.109 Marshall agrees that the use
of the word p p t e by Peter could simply mean 'Sir' not Lord. But then he goes on to
discuss the dream in terms of a God-given instruction to associate with Gentiles.110 In
any case, Luke places this voice at a crucial moment in the lifc of thc early Church's
dilemma about association with Gentile converts. Bruce sees a possible connection
here between the declaring of all food clean in Mark 7: 19 which Luke omits in his
l o 7 m (Vol. 11) pp. 802-803. Io81.~. Marshall, pp. 380-389. See also D.B. Garlhgton, l l ~
ce of Faith, Mohr, Tiibingen (1991) p. 12. lo9cf. Haenchen, A@, OD. tit-p. 348. 110cf. 1.13. Marshall, &, 1.V.p. (1980) pp. 185ff.
Gospel, but may see i t at the background to this Cornelius episode.lll One prominent
thing in this Cornelius story is that i t is used in Ac~s to demonstrate God's plan Ibr the
Gentiles. Peter's protest that he had never eaten any unclean thing, no matter how
that is intcrpr6tcd is uscd to intcnsify adhcrcncc to thc law and how God cffccls a
change of heart. There is a probable reference to the voice when the story is
recounted in Acts (cf. Acts 10: 2-18; 15: 6-1 1) and the whole event used to legitimize
the inclusion of Gentile converts as members of the covenant people of God. The
content of the voice and the gift of the Holy Spirit all combine to produce the desired
Will of God, in an otherwise strange situation in which would have been almost
impossible to convince the apostles (cC Acts 10: 10-15; 1 1 : 2; 15: 1). The bath-qol h r
from being an inferior word is presented here as absolutely authentic for it was that
that actually moved Peter to take the journey because he makes reference to the
encounter in the vision (Acts 10: 34). Having talccn the journey and dixovcring what
God can do (Acts 10: 44f). Peter helped to make Luke 7: 35 come true once more.
In the account of the conversion of Saul, the remembrance of the voice calling Saul is
among the features recounted in the whole story or presented three times in Acts
(Acts 9: 1-9; cf. Acts 22: 7; 26: 4). This voice is explained to be the risen Lord Jesus,
and may therefore be somewhat different from the others. But the fact that Paul
probably did not meet Jesus while on earth, intensifies the seriousness of the
encounter with Jesus. The voice of Jesus becomes important as well as what the
voice says to Saul. If this was Jesus' encounter with Peter or any of the other apostles
who knew him, perhaps the story would be treated on another level. But for Saul, it is
probably strategic for Luke, therefore, the voice of Jesus here is unique. And yet, the
content of the voice makes reference to the apostles and the community which Saul
sought to destroy. This community is directly associated with Christ. (cf. Luke 10:
16). Here again as in the cases we have looked at, the voice does not introduce any
I1lcf. F.F. Bruce, The Acts of the A p s i l e ~ (Greek) op. cil, p. 256.
new thing, but alters the course which Saul was taking and redirects it to enhance the
work of salvation. Any attack on the community is attack on Christ.
We conclude then that Luke allows the voice to function at strategic points in his
work in such a way that it points to what God is revealing or what shall happen (cf.
Luke 3: 22; 9: 35; Acts 10: 13). It comes in a way that builds on what is already
existing in the law or prophets or both. Therefore, the voice helps to reveal and make
clear to man, the will of God at the point in time at which the voice operates. It can be
referred to within the context of a dream or vision (Cf. Acts 22: 7; 26: 4) or it may
even be referred to as a direct communication from God (cf. Acts 23: 9). In all these
ways, it is seen to enable a clearer understanding of the Will of God, in throwing
more light on what has been revealed already about God and his plans in the law and
the prophets. One reason for the Lucan omission of Mark's 'A New Teaching?' (cf.
Mark 1: 27) we suggest is to avoid the impression that Jesus has introduced a new
teaching beside what God has already made known through the healing abilities of
Moses and other prophets in that tradition. Therefore both voice and content has to
agree with the revealed will of God in the law. This is still in line with Lucan
presentation of Jesus who is not destroying Ihe law bnt fulfilling it. Voice, whether of
God or angels or the Lord Jesus himself, makes known the redemptive plan of God to
his people.
Mighty Works (Miracles)
There is a way in which angels, voices and miracles are connected, and that is in
terms of an inbreaking of God's activity without necessarily endangering his revealed
law. Therefore having considered the former two in relation to revealing God's will to
man, we shall look at the J ~ c a n use of Miracles briefly for the same purpose. There
is agrccmcnt itmong lhc Synoptics ithout Jcst~s mils~clcs, but iis would hc cxpcclctl.
there are peculiarities in each author's presentation depending on theological interests.
For Luke, mighty works are used to determine God's purpose and will for a particular
moment and in the wider context of the work of Salvation.l12
Luke's presentation of the sayings of Jesus' first public ministry is unique to him
alone. It is seen as the fulfillment of prophecy. The good news to the poor, and
liberation of captives was not primarily meant to be spiritualized or psychologized,
not least politicized. Rather these actions of the Lucan Jesus are pointers to what was
known about the God of Mercy, and so serve as a sign, an indication of his will of
well being as being a matter of right for all. Scholars have seen in Luke 4: 16-30 a
CulfiIlment of some words echoed in Isaiah, depicting cosmic conflict in need of being
brought under the control of God (cf. Isaiah 35: 5-7; 61: 1).113 Jesus appeals to this
passage in answer to the inquiry from the disciples of John the Baptist (cf. Luke 7: 18-
23). John's question among other things suggests that even some well meaning
believers in Jesus would find Jesus' fulfilment of the promises of God a bit too much
for their limited understanding, because God has a larger purpose to achieve through
him. A major l'ilctor in this hcwilclcrnwn~ would bc I'ountl in urcas 01' Iuding untl
forgiveness even on a Sabbath to make come true the Will of God with regard to the
Jubilee and Sabbaths (cf. Luke 5: 12-16; 17-26; 27-32; 6: 6-1 1; Acts 3: 1-10; 14: 8-
10). The healing activity of Jesus is sometimes used by Luke LO point the reader to the
universal implications of his mission. Elijah and Elisha arc traditionat in Israel as
mighty meq of wonderful deeds and Luke reports into the Jesus tradition some
parallels. Both Elijah and Elisha were used by God to bless the needs of those outside
Palestine (cf. Luke 4: 25-28; see also Luke 11: 29-32). This is a pointer to what has
been the Will of God for all nations, and now is to be realized in and through the
works of Jesus.
1 12cf. M E . Glasswell, '?he Use of Mircales in Markan Gospel', in Miracles by C.F.D. Moule (ed) (1965) pp. 151-162. 113 cf. Dennis M. Sweetland. 'Luke the Christianu, in New V- by E. Richard (ed); A Michael Glazier Book: Minesota (1990) pp. 60f.
The miraculous catch of fish in the Lucan version of the call of the first disciples (cf.
Luke 5: 1-1 l), may be symbolic in Luke. In Mark 1: 16-20 cf. Matthew 4: 18-22), the
call of the disciples was direct, and they left their nets to follow him. In the Lucan
version, they toilcd all night without any catch and at their frustration Jcsus gives the
order for them to let down their nets, which results in a big haul. This could be seen
as a kind of parable which could be charting the path of the Gospel as tedious and
demanding, leading up to the crucifixion, and after the resurrection and Pentecost,
then the world wide mission. In this case, the Lucan version could serve as a pointer
to some of he events described in the Acts of the Apostles.
In the Lucan version of the Beelzebub controversy, the story is presented as a
revelation of both who Jesus is and the Will of God for his world. In Mark's version
and in Q, the question mised is a doubt as to the source of Jesus' healing power. He is
accused of using the power of Beelzebub, the prince of demons (cf. Mark 3: 20-27).
In the Q version Jesus replies with a question as to the source of the power of Jewish
exorcists (cf. Luke 11: 19-20; Matthew 12: 27-28). Jesus then claims that "by the
finger of God'' he establishes both healing and the Kingdom of God. Therefore for
Luke the satanic control of the world is already seen as a sign of destruction. The
Beelzebub controversy which is a miracle registers the plan God has for demonic
forces.
After the crucifixion, Luke presents a picture of disappointed disciples who having
recognized Jesus as a man mighty in word and deed and thought, he was the one to
deliver Israel, but then he was killed like the other prophets of Israel (cf. Luke 24: 13-
35). This stoiy is peculiar to Luke. In this Jesus reveals himself through the breaking
of the bread, after he had made use of the Scriptures to enlighten then1 about the
necessity of the suffering of the Christ. For the Christian tradition ever since, the
celebration of the Eucharist is seen as a mystery in which the risen Christ is disclosed
anew to Christians when they gather. Therefore the Emmaus episode has the
potential of making Christ present to his people all through the ages, reminding them
of all that his life and death and resurrection have come to mean in God's plan of
salvation. This motif of a miracle as revealing God's will is taken up again in Acts.
The ~entecost'account is a sign of fulfiHment of what God had promised since the
time of the Old Testament prophets (cf. Acts 2: 16ff). Although there is no connection
between the event and the Torah's account of Babel (Genesis 11: 1-9) it seems that by
placing the account here, Luke gave it a form probably intended at restoring the
universal language, accessible to all nations.114 Later on in Peter's speech, the centre
of the event focuses on Jesus as the Messiah for the world. Therefore for Luke the
whole Pentecost event becomes a revelation of God's plan not just for the Jews, but
for the Gentiles and the world. The healing of the lame man at the beautiful gate
becomes on occasion to declare God's eternal plan for both the Jews and the world
(Acts 3: 1-26). The Patriarchal tradition has to be called into service to establish this
truth (3: 13), and eventually all the families of the earth are brought in (13: 25). As
the plan is revealed in Jesus, so appeal upon appeal to Scripture is used to point to its
authenticity.
The Scriptures
G. B. Caird argues that Luke presents his two volume work on the basis that the
divine plane was both foretold and prefigured in the Old Testament about the salvific
nature of J e ~ u s m i s s i ~ n . ~ l ~ Franklin says that the Old Testament influence on the
Lucan material is immense, in that he gained a theology of universal history from it
and shaped his work along those 1ines.ll"luke is not alone in the use of the Scripture
to establish God's plan. It may be true to say that it is the tradition of Christianity as a
whole, and hence the Old Testament is part of the Christian Scriptures. Rut Luke
makes a distinctive use of the Scripture.
l14cf. R.P. Menzies, -I)euelonment of E i . . 1 , a p p . 91ff. 235ff.
1 1 5 ~ , ~ . Caird, p. 34. 1 1-:ranklin, (lhrisl Lhe I.ord, 90, dl., pp. 70f.
195
The placi-ng of Luke 4: 21 on the lips of Jesus is unique to Luke and suggests the
relationship between Jesus and Scripturc which the rcadcr should ponder. The exodus
story and the covenant oath at Sinai form the core of the Hebrew belief system. That
God who saved them from slavery in Egypt, makes them a people special to himself
and will preserve them in all other conditions they meet in life, seems to be the
summary of the Scripture. The exodus theology is cultically celebrated in the
I'assover l'cstivals and occupies a central place in 111c Jcwish rcligioi~s sys~c111. Luke
makes reference to the "exodus" of Jesus in his account of the transfiguration, the
only account of this event to carry the content of the conversation between Jesus and
Moses and Elijah (cl'. Luke 9: 31). Again in his passion account, the Passover is
connected with the death of Jesus and the Kingdom of God (cf. Luke 22: 16). This
suggests a transfornlation of the Old Testament salvation story into a universal
salvation with eternal consequence (Luke 24: 44-48; Acts 2: 21).
The Lucan inhncy nai~atives play the same role, linking the story of Jesus with that
ol' Israel. We have argued above that the idancy narratives arc: purposefully
described in Old Testament religious phraseology because Luke believes that the
story of the salvation brought through Jesus is in the line of God's dealing with his
people Israel. The climax is the resurrection of Jesus and the gathering of the people
into the covenant people after the new covenant of his blood (cf. Luke 22: 20. See
also Acts 2: 42, 46). In Acts, Jesus becomes Lord, Christ, and judge of all (Acts 2:
36; 17: 31).
It is in this vein that O'Neill argues that the Septuagint influence on Luke is more
pronounced in the narratives with Christian missions in view."7 To appeal to the
Jews that Jesus is the fulfillment of the hope of Israel, the author had to make use of
the Septuagint used by the diaspora Jews. For example, the account of the ascension
at the end of the Gospel is characterized by the terminology of the Septuagint (Luke
Il7cf. O'Neill, The Theolorrv of Ach, op. cit.,ppp. 139-149.
196
24: 50-52). John Drury notices that the Lucan infancy narrative shows similar
characteristics, with a very strong sense of a new beginning, a young plant growing
out of the rich and ancient soil of Hebrew religion.~~8 He also points out the use of
1 I~povoahqp from the'Greek bible for Jerusalem which is common to Luke instead
of $pooohvpa preferred by the other synoptics. The use of Laos for God's people
found in Luke probably has its origin from the Greek bible as we11."9
Luke refers to the Scripture in three ways: the law, prophets and Psalms (Luke 24:
44). Several other texts refer either to Moses or the law and the prophets (cf. Luke
16: 16,29,31; 24: 27; Acts 13; 15; 24: 14; 26: 22; 28: 23). At other times it is simply
the prophets (Acts 26: 27). The author of Luke-Acts views Moses as a prophet and
Jesus as a type of Moses but does not describe him specifically as that (cf. Luke 16:
29, 31; 24: 27; Acts 3: 22-23; 7: 37; 26: 22), although both David and Abraham and
other patriarchs receive some atkntion. The author's prima~y citations of these either
directly or through speeches, is to establish the general principle that all the hopes,
promises and salvation of the Old Testament have been realized in Jesus, and this is in
accordance with the will of God. Therefore, faith in scripture and in God, becomes
the same as faith in Jesus (cf. Acts 17: 2-3, 11; 18: 24,28; see also 9: 22 and 26: 27).
The view that the law contained the Will of God before the advent of Christ is
evident.120
Luke also refers to Psalms to establish the Will of God in Jesus and his Salvation. cf.
Luke 20: 41-44; Acts 1: 16, 20; 13: 33, 35). The devil's references to Scriptures
during the account of the temptation of Jesus come from the book of Psalms (cf. Luke
4: 10-1 1). The cry of the crowd at the triumphant entry into Jerusalem come from the
book of Psalms (cf. 19: 38). At the trial of Jesus, a reply to the council may havc a
118~. Drury, Design in J,uk, 13. L.. T. (1976) pp. 48-49. 3 1 9 ~ . 120cf. J.A. Fitmyer, The Gospel According to Luke, ~ p , cit., p. 11 16.
reference to Psalms (cf. Luke 22: 69). At the crucifixion, Jesus' last word before
breathing his last comes from Psalm 3 1: 5 (cf. Luke 23: 46).
We summarize by saying that Luke makes use of angel visitations, voice of God,
miracles and mighty deeds and the Scriptures to demonstrate to the reader that the
plan of God is now made known in Jesus, for the salvation of all. Not that God has
not always made himself known, for he has (cf. Acts 17: 24-28). But the fullness is
now in Jesus (cf. Acts 17: 29-31). The writer to the Hebrews also has this same idea
(cf. Hebrews 1: 1-2). And moreover, i t is God's plan that in his name shall all be
saved (Article 4: 12).
But if some Jews object to the inclusion of all who call on the name of Jesus, that
would be because they had not so understood the covenant provisions to include all.
This is the point Paul stresses at Perga i n Pamphylia. That this word should be
preached to the Jews is a matter of course, but they should not stop the word from
reaching out to the Gentiles because all along even in Old Testament times, they had
been called by God to proclain~ him to the Gentiles (cf. Acts 13: 41-47; see Isaiah 49:
6). The God who called Israel to be his people now calls everyone to become his
people through Jesus. 121 Even the Gentiles who come into the covenant, are called by
God himself, those ordained for eternal life (cf. Acts 13: 48).
4.1.6 ~ ingdom of God
Before commencing a discussion of the Kingdom of God we need to look briefly at
the background in which Jesus' ministry, and therefore his proclamation of the
Kingdom was set. While the ministry of John the baptist looked forward to Jesus, that
of the Acts of the Apostles (church) looked back to him. And yet, there seems to be
121c1'. Mas Turncr, 'The Sabbath, Sunday, and the Law i n Luke-Acts', in Rom Sabbiith lo the Lord's I&, by J.A. Carson (ed) 'Londenm: Gland Rapids ( 1 982) pp. 99- 157.
differences in approach to the Kingdom when looked at from these three (John, Jesus
and the C h ~ ~ r c h ) perspectives.
John the baptist was a precursor of Jesus (Luke 1: 15- 17). Jesus recognized John's
greatness (Luke 7: 28). The ministry of John seems to be presented as a call of Israel
to repentance and the evidence from the Q source confirms it.122 The Lucan vision of
the preaching of John refers to those who responded as the crowd (3: 7) while
Matthew's account refers to them as the Pharisees and the Sadwces (Matthew 3: 7),
when taken together with the angelic prediction of John's mission, we have the
children of Israel (cf. Luke 1 : 16).
In the Lucan prologue, the characterization of a number of righteous rnen and women
who were obedient to the law in humble subn~ission to the Temple rites, through
whom both John the baptist and Jesus came to inaugurate their niissions, we begin to
have the idea of the theme of the remnant A r ~ a w i I ~ ~ The ones to be saved are described
in such terms as 'hun~ble and lowly', while those to be destroyed are referred to as
'proud and mighty' (cf.The Magnificant, Luke 1:53 cf.Zephaniah 3:1 1-13).This
remnant will constitute Israel because of God's covenant oath to Abraham. God will
assemble them to save and deliver and establish them again (cf.Luke 1:72-73).
'T'his concept of the restoration of Israel, even if a remnant, goes back to the time of
Moses and the twelve tribes of Israel. Btrt Jesus' way of organizing his mission
was probably along the lines of this tradition. 125 Jest~s had twelve disciples who he
called apostles (cf. Luke 6: 12-16). The number was probably symbolic of the twelve
tribes of Israel. At the Passover meal, they were actually referred to as the ones to sit
on thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel (cf. Luke 22: 28-30).
177 . --el. J.A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel Acco~dina to Luke, Itx. cit. Vol. I, pp. 7511'. RE. Brown, "Anawi' The Birth of the Messiah, ou. c i t , pp. 35011'.
124c1.. G.W. Buchanun, The Conseyucnces ol'thc Covenant, Lcitlcn Brill, (1970) p. 63. 25cf. C. Rowland, Christian Origins, op. cit.. pp. Ull'.
These points need to be mentioned in order to appreciate the religious atmosphere in
which Jesus proclaimed the kingdom and the probable signs as to how the hearers
would have tricd to makc scnse o C what he was preaching.
Luke does not in fact present John the baptist as proclaiming "the Kingdom of God".
This is found only on the lips of Jesus in the Gospel. John the baptist announces the
good news only. This may be Luke's way of assigning the kingdom to Jesus (cf.
Luke 3: 18; but see 4: 43). But John and Jesus come to be associated with a call to
repentance (cf. Luke 3: 3, 8; Acts 13: 24; 19: 4; 5: 17-26, 27-32; 7: 36-50). Even
here, John is known as a preacher of the baptism of repentance whereas Jesus
announces that sins are forgiven (by God).l26 It was only after the resurrection that
repentance and forgiveness were LO bc published to all the nations in his name (cl.
Luke 24: 44-48). What John the baptist did according to Luke 3: 1-20 is comparable
to what Peter and the disciples do in Acts 2: 1-42. While one is repentance within the
Jewish system, the other is repentance for salvation in the name of Christ. But there
is no record of Jesus during his earthly ministry proclaiming as John did or as Peter
did, with emphasis on repentance.
The point we seek to establish is that within the Jewish eschatological concept, there
was a strong provision for "mass repentance" of the type John proclaimed which was
for the Jews as a nation in readiness for the Messiah of God.127 Jesus in his earthly
ministry talked about repentance and announced that people were forgiven, but Luke
does not present him as a "mass preacher". Most of the time he was in conflict with
the Pharisees (cf. Luke 6: If; 7: If; 10: 25Q It seems that from the way he was
presented in Luke that Jesus is more of a teacher and healer, than a "mass preacher".
lZ6cf. E.P. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, on. cit., p. 164. 127cf. O'Neill, Theolop of Acts, on. cit.. p. 160ff.
Judgement on the lips of Jesus is not directed only to the Jews as the exclusive people
of God but to all. Luke may have toned down the Elijah motif by ornilling the post-
trmsfiguration conversation of Jesus and his disciples about Eli.jah's advent (see Mark
9: 1 If). He also omits Matthew's identification of John as Elijah (cf. Matthew 17: 13).
But he retains the message of John the baptist depicting a Messiah that comes not
only with a fire of judgment, but also a fire of love and compassion (cf. Luke 7 18-
23).
In the sending of the twelve Sor mission, Matthew's account specifically states that
they should not enter the Samasitan territory, presumably so that they will not come to
repent and be saved. In Luke, this is omitted (cf. Matthew 10: 5; see Luke 9: 1-6).
The account of the Samaritan village which rejected Jesus is only in Luke, but the
request of the disciples to call fire to destroy them as Elijah did was rejected with a
rebuke from Jesus (cf. Luke 9: 5 1-56).
The story of the cursing of the fig tree in Matthew and Mark is not in Luke - but there
is another parable of a fig tree that is tended and cared for and given a chance to bear
fruit (Luke 13: 6-9). Such a plea for grace for a tree which had been unfruitful for
about three years may have an undertone of mercy for the Gentiles and the nations in
general. We have argued above that according to 07Neill repentance was reserved for
the Jews only.128 And so for Jesus to give the impression that others outside the
known Jewish Covenant would have the opportunity for repentance would probably
not be happily accepted by the religious leaders. But for Jesus, 'children of Abraham'
includes more than Jewish people.
We havc argued that Luke's Jesus s h a m thc rcsioration Ilopes of his pcoplc. I-1c wils
baptized by John, he had respect and regard for the Temple and the law, chose twelve
apostles as symbolic of the twelve tribes of Israel, preached repentance, judgment and
compassion, perhaps mdre than John the baptist. (cf. Luke 19: 1-10). Therefore, like
John the baptist, Jesus shares the eschatological hopes of his people, but early enough
in his minist~y some hints are given by Luke that within this eschatological hope, his
approach diffek from John's (cf. Luke 16: 16: 19: lO).l29 Luke makes John preach
the Good News and Jesus the Good News of the Kingdom (cf. Luke 3: 18; 4: 43).
But what is the actual conception of the Kingdom in the message o f Jesus?
The Kingdom of God in the message of Jesus, was said by Johannes Weiss to have
been eschatological, an event Jesus expected to happen in the immediate future. 130
Albert Schweitzer argued that Jesus inherited this eschatological hope, and believcd
that through suffering the Kingdom of God would come. But he and his disciples
were disappointed.131 Schweitzer has been criticized, for example, by Perrin, who
maintains that for Jesus the Kingdom of God is eternal, transcending the Kingdom
tradition in the religious systems of the J e ~ s . 1 ~ ~ There is fairly good agreement
among scholars that Jesus was not unique in his thoughts about the Kingdom of God.
but he may have understood it differently as we observed above from the socio-
political view at this time.
The work of Luke-Acts is often used to argue for redactional methodologies which
aimed at coping with unfulfilled hopes of the early ~ h u r c h . 1 ~ ~ Kaseman uses the
delay motif ,to account for the writing of Acts of the Aposiles.134 Conzelmann sees
the Pentecost as a Lucan solution to the problem created by the delay in the
120t4. Schwielzer, m w s t of h i s l o w . . London SICK (1954) p. ixf.
130cf. Jobannes Weis, Jesus' proclamation of the Kingdom of God (1892) English Translation (1971) Philadelphia and London , pp. 13kf. A. Schweitzer, The Ouest of the hist~rical Jesus, ET London (1954) p. ix.. 132~onnan Perrin, Iesus of languaeelie KKrngdom London and Philadelphia (1976) Pp. 38f. 133cf. U. Bul~man, Theolonv of the New 'l'egJ;unenl Vol. 2 SCM (1965) pp.116-117. 134cf. Kkelnann; 'You do not write the history of the church if you are expecting the end of Llie world any day'. cf. E. Klisemann, The problem of the historical Jesus, in WYS on New Testament Thema, SCM (1964) pp. 15ff.
Paronsia.135 A view subscribed to by Haenchenl.3" Francis however believes that
1,uke slrongly emphasises eschalology even if i t is indefinite. Maltill argues Ihat
imminent end governs Lucan eschatological perspectives right to the end of his
work. I:3H Smith argues along si~rlilar lines. I.3') 'l'hese scliolsrs ~niike use of 1-ucan
redaction of Jesus tradition to argue for either a delay in parousia, or a correction of
such a view by Luke which led the author into writing hislory.
But some other scholars detect both imminent and delay strands of the parousia in
Luke but argue that both are presenl on purpose. And so S.G. Wilson uses the delay
to argue for the inclusion of Ihe Gentiles RS pcople of C;od.l-") Rather than see the
Pentecost as Lucan creation to account for the delay according to Conzelmann,
Wilso~l argues that the Spirit is for the eschatological community according to Jewish
t i 1 i t i 0 1 . Wilson argues that the two stri~uds arc tllere on purposc, firstly to evokc
fidith on those losing heart and secondly to war11 Ihe over zealous and the fanatical
believers of a possible delay. Gaventa accepts Wilson's view.'-n Ellis sees the delay
and imminent motif bound together in the person of Jesus - his resurrection fulfilled
the promise of the age to come but i t is at his parousia that it will be consummated.1-'"
Cadbury discusses Lucan eschatology within the context of the resurrection, the
parousia and the Pentecost.14 Following the sequence of the Christ event, the
resurrection comes before and anticipates the parousia. 145 But because both the
1 3 5 ~ . Conzelmann, Thc Theo1op.v ol' Sl Luke, OD. cit., pp. 1 1 - l7,C)7, 136 13(il lucnchco, Ack op. cil., pp. 150- 153. 132.
1 3 7 ~ . ~ . F~ancis, 'Eschatology and hislory in Luke-Acts', JAA-. 37 (1969) pp. 49-63
1 3 * ~ . J . Matlill,l Iwkc and lhc lasl lhinqs, Dillsboro: Wcstern North Carolina (1975) pp. 69, 2321.1:
I3 ' )~. l i . Smith, 'Eschatology oS Acls and Contcn~porary Excgesis' in Concordia Thecdonical Monlhly, '29 ( 1958) pp. 641 -663; idso in History and Eschak~Ioq~~ in L.ukc-Acls, CTM 29 ( 1958) pp. 88 1-001.
Iq)cl'. S.G. Wibon, 'Lucan Eschatology', NI' 15 ( 1x9-1970) pp. 330-347. Also liis Thc Gentilcs iintl the Gcntiie Mission in Lukc-Acl Cambridge ( 1973) pp. 59-87; also in, 'The Asccnsion: A Criliquc and an Inlcrprc~alion' ZNW 59 ( 1068) pp. 269-28 1 .
1 4 L ~ . ~ . Wilson, Gentilcs and the Gentile Mission, op cit., pp. 30331', 49331', 5If, 83331'.
14%331'. B.R. Gavenla, 'The Eschatology 01. L.uke-Acts Revisited', Encounler 43 ( 1983) pp. 3-7-42. 143c~. E.E. Ellis, Eischa~ology in Luke. Philadelphia: kl-~ress (1972) pp. 19-30; also see his, 'Prcsenl and Futurc Eschatology in Lukc' m, 12 ( 1065- 1966) pp. 27-4 1 .
Cadbury, 'Acts and bchatology', in, The Background ol' the New Teslament and its Eschatologv, by W.D. Davies and D. Daubc (eds) p. 300.
1451bid. p, 308.
resurr.ection and the Pentecost have been historically experienced, that suggests that
the parousia is yet in future and indefinite.146 The resurrection and the parousia
therefore presuppose judgement.147 In both Luke and Acts, the Kingdom sayings are
apocalyptic (cf. Acts 14:22).148 For Cadbury, Luke assumes the parousia rather than
finding a solution for its delay as some argue. In Acts 1: 11 where parousia is
mentioned, it detesmines the content of the book-149 Jesus gave no exact time and
Luke does not.150 Cadbuiy on this note speaks the mind of and presents the position
of Glasswell,l51 and Flender.152 Franklin on a diflerent point suggests that the
ascension I'iull'ills Lllc hopc ol' Isracl, rather than the parousia.lS Carroll suggcsts that
while the delay and imminent motifs are present in Luke, arising probably because of
the difference between the nai~at ive setting and the time of composition, they are
understandable within the complex and related themes of the Church, the Kingdom of
God, and Israel.154
C. Rowland attempts to clear the confusion between apocalytic and eschatology
which tend to make the two appear to be the same.155 While apocalypse is a
disclosure of the supernatural, apocalyptic is a particular interpretation of this
disclosure which is not the only way to interpret it. Eschatology does come as an
apocalypse but need not wear apocalyptic interpretation only.156 The Kingdom of
God as proclaimed by Jesus is not easy to discover the precise meaning, but Jesus
thought himself to be inaugurating i1.lS7 For the Jews hope of a new order always had
1461bid pp. 309f. 147mid p. 310. 1 4 8 ~ p. 311. 1 4 9 m p . 311. 5 0 ~ pp. 320f.
1 5 1 ~ . ~ . Glasswell intends lo publish a paper on this view according to what he loltl me. 1 5 2 ~ . Flender, St. 1.uke: Theologican of Redemp~ive I-Iistory, on, cit,, pp. 6--61 note 6; 99. 1531(. I : r i ~ l ~ k l i ~ ~ , am&u UULIL pp, 27, 4 1 ; i l l s o scc I I ~ s , "I'IIc I L S C C I I S ~ ~ ~ I i111tl IIIC C S C I I ~ I I ~ ) I ~ ) ~ Y t d
Luke-Acls', SJ'I' 23 (1970) pp. 191-200. 1 5 4 ~ . ~ . Carroll, 'Response to the End of History: Escl~atology and Situation in Luke-Acts', (1988) pp. 29,35-36.
Rowland, Christian Orie/os p. 56. ' 5 6 ~ p. 57. l 5 7 u pp. 116-117.
its roots in the covenant. t3 Rowland contends that all New Testament themes such
as Kingdom of God, Son of Man, are all connected with eschatological hopes.159 He
believes that Kingdom of God for all its meaning must include God's Kingdom on
But because this is yet to be realized Rowland coined 'eschatological
resevation' to account for this condition. '61 Jesus shared the strong hope of the future
Kingdom with his people.lo2 Rowland concludes that Jesus had no donbts that
Kingdom is connected with his person.1"
With this general background to L i m n eschatology, we need to remember that in
Ncw Testament Studies, the Kingdom of God has probably attracted more attention
and disagreement regarding its exact ~neaning. Caird's words are appropriate here:
'The debate betweell those who hold that Jesus declared the Kingdom of God
to have arrived and those who hold that he declared i t imminent is reducible to
its simplest terms when we recognize that the parties to the debate have
differently identified the referent. i f Jesus was referring to Ihe final
vindication of God's purposes in the reign of justice and peace, where the
righteous are at banquet with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob (Luke 13: 28-29), it is
mere nonsense even to suggest that this was present on earth when Caiaphas
was High Priest and Pilate Governor of Judea. On the other hand, if ~ e s k was
referring to the redemptive Sovereignty of Cod let loose into the world for the
destruction of Satan and all his works (Luke 11: 20) i t makes nonsense of the
whole record of his ministry to argue that for hirn this lay still in the fut~rre.l(A
15bd- pp, 87. 159w p. 113.
1 6 0 ~ pp, 1 13-1 14.
l 6 l w p. 114, 'Eschatological Rcscrvation' for Rowland means the aspects of the Kingdonl yct to bc reilli~ed. cf sinlcssncss, peacc, harmony. l@~bld, pp. 148-152.
1 6 3 ~ pp. 153- 154.
lmd. G.B. Caird,The Language and Imaperv of the Bit& London (1980) p. 12.
Cairdls argument is clear: the Kingdom of God is both present and yet to come.
Scholars may argue on end about the exact meaning of the Kingdom of God, a point
Rowland has seen as difficult. He did not want to bother so much about the exact
meaning of all the various sayings about the Kingdom of God, but pointed out that
whatever Jesus meant, it has to do with the covenant of God with his people. We
believe that taken from the covenantal perspective, the Kingdom of God saying is
likely to present a meaningful view. Since this investigation is not mainly a study on
the Kingdom of God or eschatology in Luke, what has gone before is a summary of
some scholars7 position and will suffice as an acknowledgement of the intracies of the
Kingdom oC God sayings in Luke-Acts.
Recognizing that all the Kingdom of God sayings are not of a piece, we want to argue
the case that [he various strands have their meaning and place within the covenant.
W e shall take a few examples, since there are so many, believing that these will
illustrate convincingly the point we want to make, and it could be applied in the other
sayings we may not cover. As we stated earlier, we believe that "covenantal nomism"
discovered by Sanders as an appropriate way to describe the diverse religious systems
of the Jews at the time of Jesus, is a helpful tool in making sense of the works and
words of Jesus. In this regard, Perrin's work on Dalman is helpful in classifying
Jewish understanding of the Kingdom of God as "kingly reign" and not Kingdom as
territory.165 .
Dalman traces the origin of bolh Heavenly reign and earthly reign of God to
Abraham. Ever since, this has been enshrined in Israel's law , Shama and
covenant.
Jesus .shared the ideals of the heavenly and earlthly Kingdom of God with his
pcople.167 His sayings of the Kingdom of God came from this background as a
member of the covenant community, and on this basis gave the Kingdom of God a
further ethos within this same covenant. We want to suggest four categories of
looking at the Kingdom sayings, not that this is exhaustive but it is a helpful way of
looking at the Kingdom sayings with the Covenant and the salvation motifs we are
considering. Texts from both Luke and Acts are simultaneously considered.
(1) Kingdom Saying which suggest a Com~nunity
Luke 18: 15-34
The themes of the Kingdom prominent here are those of "belonging", "recovering",
"entering", and "inheriting" the Kingdom. We may have herc an allusion to a
probable qualification which could merit becoming a member of the Kingdom. A
child is used to illustrate the point. The child-like trust has been suggested as the
virtue rather than the purity of a child.168 What marks this text out is the words t j
OG a v pq 6 ~ t q z a ~ q v p o l o ~ h ~ ~ a v zou OEOU (LUKE 18: 17).
Plumbcr says that this clocs not appear imywhclx clsc in I a k c ;mi sl~ggcsis [hat
6 e t q z a t explains the z o ~ o u z o v . ~ 6 9 The emphasis here is the unassuming and
trusting nature of a child. Evans observes that 6~tqza1 is generally found with 'the
word' or with persons as objects, and nowhere else with the Kingdom in the New
Te~tament.17~ He suggests that becoming like a little one refers to a disposition for
receiving Jesus and his message which is connected with the Kingdom. Taking Evans
point 6 ~ 5 1 . l ~ ~ ~ is found in Acts to describe "conversion". It is used to describe that
Samaria has "received" the Word of God (Acts 8: 14), and the Gentiles "receive" the
Word of God (Acts 1 I: 1). We will assume that this meant their becoming Christians,
and so members of the community of believers in Jcsus. It has lo he pointcd out that
167cf. Rowland, om cil. 16%f. E. Schweizer, lhe Good News o m , & p. 285. 169cf. A. Plumer, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on St Luke, T&T Clark (1902) p. 421. I7Ocf. C . F. Evans, Saint I.uke, SCM on. cib, p. 648.
what Philip preached in Samaria is described as "the good news about the Kingdom
of God and the name of Jesus Christ" (Acts 8: 1-2). To receive the Kingdom among
other things may have to do with being received into a co~nrnmity ot' believers just as
Jesus paints the picture of receiving the Kingdom like a child - belonging to, and
being received into a community is implied.
Luke 18: 18-30
The theme of "entering" the Kingdom is continued here. There is a parallel in the
synoptics which we shall not go into now."71 Entering the Kingdom here implies
some sacrifices to be made. I t appears that those standing by were startled by the
demands and felt i t was an impossit)le demand. Peter and James and others left
everything to follow Jesus; must everybody do the same before entering the
Kingdom'! Jesm word clarifies the position - it is God who grants people entry into
the Kingdom, even though riches could be on o~le's way to i t (1,uke 18: 27). But
Peter's statement (18: 28) moves the disci~ssion away from the theoretical to the
practical, that is the community level (18: 29-30). Jesus implies in his reply that
sacrificing of goods and family earns more goods and family in this life and eternal
life in the age to conie.172 Notice that this dialogue starts with eternal life (18: 18),
:1110 IIIOVCS on 10 I I I C clii~llcngc of ;I ~)ri\cIic;~l si~crificc ( IS: 22). :lncl cntls will1
belonging to a community in anticipation of eternal life in the age to come (18: 29-
30). Demands of the Kingdom are more than family ties and other sacrifices,
whatever this may mean. But characteristic of this communily is the understanding
that God calls them into such a Kingdom.
Luke 16: 16
The sayings contained in the context (16: 14-18) do not seem to relate to one theme,
but take on different themes. D. Daube has tried to make a connection between the
171c1'. N. Gcltlcnhuys, M c , Nic, Ecrdo~onns ( 1983) p. 65. 172c1'. E. E. Ellis, St Lukc, op. tit., p. 218.
apl~arenl different themes of violence and the permanence of the law and divorce,
suggesting that lhey are related in Jewish thoughl.ln Rut our concerll is with verse
16, which has a parallel in Matthew 11 : 12-13. Fitzmyer argues that the verse can be
broken into three parts, with some parts agreeing with Matthew's version but he
agrees that it is difficult to determine which is older.174 Marshall thinks that the
I .IIC:III first clnusc is probably olclcr. 17.5 1h11 Ihc main p~-ohlcn~ is i n llw Ir;rnsli~lion or
1 9 JcaS EL< a u q v PLUSEIC~L. Fitzmyer's translation reads, '.. everyone is pressed to
enter it', preferring the passive form of the verb P ia t~ ta i '~~ But Marshall thinks
P ~ a c o p a i may have been original which Luke changed into ~ia<~tal.ln These are
lllc main dif'l'ere~~ces cornnieolators discover imd there is no agreement on whicll is to
be lmfcrrcd. Whcllier the rendering is that 'mcn enter violently' or that [he message
is presented with a force that 'make men want to enter', the 01)jective is to enter.
While we admit that the saying is not easy to understand, yet we sr~spect that the fact
of entering may imply "a com~iiunity" and the metliod of "entry" asscociated with it.
We had mentioned earlier the concept of the Kingdoni of God as envisaged by the
covenant comml~nity was that the Kingdom was manifest in that community. If we
asked a hypothetical question how was one made to become a member of this
covenant community, it might not be easy to give a fairly historical answer that would
be acceptable to all. The words of Jesus, "... you traverse sea and land to make a
single proselyte, and when he becomes a proselyte, you make him twice as much a
child of hell" (Matthew 23: 15) may give a hint to what length people could go to
become members of a community which was beIieved to be associated with the
Kingdoni ot' God. Karl G . Kuhn, in describing the process of becorning a
x p o q h u t o ~ gives the impression that i t col~ld be quite d e n ~ a n d i n g . ~ ~ Could this
173c1, 11. Dmbe, The New TcsiamcntanJRabb~n~c J u d ~ ~ s m , Lrx~don and New York (1956) pp. 283.
1 7 4 ~ . ~ . Rkrnycr, Thc Gospcl Accord~ng lo Luke, op. ~ l l . ~ V o l . I . p. 628.
17sl.~.i. Marshall, Comrncnlar~ or1 Lukc, OD. cl~ . , p. 627.
1 7 6 ~ . ~ . Rtnnycr.'Thq GospeI accord in^ lo Luke, Vol. 11, p. 1 1 17.
177~.~1. Marshall, Commcnhrv on Lukc, op. crl.. p. 627.
1 7 8 ~ a r l G . Kuhn, 'npotrqhuzo~' in 'TDNT, Vol. VI, pp. 727-744.
give a hint to the probable implication of the Kingdom of God saying in the text
(Luke 16: 16)? Recalling our Cindings about Jesus' attitude to the law and the
recognition he gives to it, we assume that the non appearance of Matthew 23: 15 in
Luke agrees with Lucan Jesus attitude to the Law. Luke 16: 16 may infact allude to a
recognition of the role the law played in bringing men into the Kingdom. If this is a
possible understanding of the text, then it could be argued that entering the Kingdom
may have to do with the mind, soul and body, but it may also have to d o with a
physical community conscious that in it God rules which is the understanding of the
Jewish religious community of Israel.
Luke 23: 50-51
The pericope of Joseph of Arimathea, a member of the Sanhedrin, describes him as
o m looking lor tlic Kingdom oCGotl. Mark (15: 42) dcscribcs him as such. Whilc
Matthew calls him a disciple (25: 57) John calls him a secret disciple (19: 38).179
Joseph of Arimathea, even though a member of the ruling religious council, was
probably understood as belonging to the "humble poor" characterized in the birth
narratives. Such people as Simeon (Luke 2: 25) and Anna (Luke 2: 38) were awaiting
the Kingdom of God. If we assume Joseph's response to be positive, especially when
we take into consideration the testimony of Matthew and John that he was a disciple
(albeit a secret one), we can assume that he probably identified himself with the
community who accepted Jesus as the Messiah of God. 111 other words, his search for
the Kingdom caused him to take a stcp which warranted his being described a s a
disciple of Jesus. W e will assume that this meant being a member o r that community
o r at least associated with it. This further suggests a correlation between the Kingdom
of God and the community of believers.
Acts 14: 19-23
179~or the differenl descriplions of Joseph of Arimalhea as reflected in the different synoptic accounts cf. C.F. Evans. Saint Luke, op. citJ,p. 881f.
2 10
The main text of interest here is: t
bn 6 t a n o X h v 0 X t y ~ o v SEI q p a ~ E ; O E ~ ~ E L V & q v bacnhemv .rou
~ E O U .
The emphasis here is on Bhty~, . Conzelmann thinks that for Luke this apocalyptic
word for Mark (cf. Mark 13: 24; 4: 17) has been used to structure the Christian life for
witness in the indefinite salvation history, divorced of eschatology.180
Rowland observed that in Jewish eschatology, crisis and tribulation precede
eschatology and could be a pointer to eschatological hope.181 Conzelmann sees Luke
a s ~ak ing this crisis hope away from the Jews, which might be why he redacted its
usage in Mark to mean temptation (cf. Mark 4: 171 Luke 8: 13).18* The tribulation
now belongs to the Christians who have to accept it as part of their discipleship rather
than thinking that it prefigures eschat01ogy.l~~ Therefore, Conzel~nann does not see
in Acts 14: 22 any implication of eschatology. For him then the text means that
through the earthly tribulation which has become part of the Kingdom, we enter it at
death.lg4 Haenchen goes along with Conzelmaim and generalizes persecution as now
not only for the apostles but for all Christians, with no eschatological implications.l85
Marshall argues for the necessity of tribulation as a path which leads to the Kingdom
which Christ will establish at the parousia.186 A similar thought is expressed by
Bruce who said, 'no cross no crown', without ruling out a sense of cschatology.187
Considering the significance in another context of the word Bhtyr~,, Barrett writes,
'Luke does make it clear that the road his heroes were travelling was the way of the
l80cf. Conzelmann, The Theologv of St. I.uke, op. cit..p. 98. 181c. Rowland, Christian Origins, op. cit.. p. 88. 182~onzelmann, 'The, oo. p. 98. ' 8 3 ~ . , p. 99. 1 8 4 ~ . , p. 112. 185~~enchen, A&, on. p. 436. See also note 3. l861.11. Marstlall, m, u p . 241. l87cl'. I:,!:, Bruce, a (Greek 'I'cxi), y?. cil,. p. 326.
C r o s s ' . l ~ W e will take this to mean that Barrett assumes that the event of the cross
was eschatological, and could be implied in the text also.
The context of,the text gives the i~npression of the physical tribulation Barnabas and
Paul had to face (14: 19) which gave rise to the saying. Apparently they had made
disciples already in those cities (14: 220) and these could be assumed to form a
community. Therefore, belief in Jesus, suffering many tribulations and belonging to
the disciples are all interrelated. Men enter the Kingdom of God amidst many
tribulations. While each tribulation need not always to be eschatological, the
community is an eschatological comnlunity and therefore tribulations, if they happen
as they do, are a reminder that Christ will establish his Kingdom at the Parousia. Ih*'
(2) . Kingdom of God as yet to be realized
Luke 11: 2
The prayer Jesus taught his disciples is contained in Matthew 6: 9- 13. There the
context is that of the sermon o n the Mount, in the form of an instruction on how to
pray. In the Lucan case, Jesus was praying in a certain place, and noticing how he
prayed the disciples made a request to be taught how to pray as John taught his
disciples. Ellis though( that the 1,ucnn version placed the prayer in ils more original
context than Matthews.Ig) Fitzniyer thinks on the other hand that Luke fashioned the
context.lW Whatever the verdict, the fact that the disciples asked Jesus to teach them
how to pray, and also the hint about John having disciples, are revealing in
themselves. John probably had a community of disciples devoted to a religiolrs life.
W e would assume that this community was also expecting the Kingdom of God
(Luke 7: 18-20).
18%f. C.K. Barrctt, 'Thcologia Crucis - in Acts' in Tllcolo~ia cr-ucis - Si~tluln Cr11cis:-Fcstschrifll fiir E. Dinklcl; by G . Ancl~cscn and G. Klcin (ccl) Tiibingcn, ( 1979) 11. 79. cl'. Acis 13: 50 wiih \ . i l l ' i i ~ ~ ~ l
~ a ' t i n i cx~ + ~ L ~ ~ I I . V pcyqv. IHOcl'. I<o\vlaucl, (Ihrisliiln Origins, op. cil., 01). 57, 114-1 17, 87.
I%[. E.E. Ellis, Lukc, op. cit., 1). 164.
I 9 l J. A. Fi~zmycr, TIlc Gospcl According to Lukc, Vol. 11, op cit.. 11. 898.
Marshall cornments that Marcion's version, and some patristic writers contain a
variant:
"May your holy Spirit come upon us and purify us"
He thinks that due to the lateness of the texts that it could not be original, but the
Lucan interest in the holy Spirit probably influenced the editors. On the other hand,
the early Christian understanding of the coming of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost as
connected with the coming of the Kingdom also may have had an influence on the
editorial version (cf. Mark 9: l).1y3 Fitzmyer has pointed out that 'Father' i r r the way
it appears in the Lucan version was probably the oldest version, after some rare
refereace in the Old Testament ol' God as 'Father'. A l t l l ~ ~ g l l i t is unique, striking
and extraordinary, yet Fitzmyer points out that addressing God as 'Father' within a
Jewish context has all the connotations oP the covenant. While Fitzmyer notices an
eschatological notion in "thy Kingdom come", he says that the idea of the "Kingdom
coming" is not in the Old Testament.1°5 Evans argues that reference to the Kingdom
in the rabbis or pseudepigraphic writing take the form of i t being manifested or
brought about, rather than coming, and so the sense here sl~ggests that the Kingdom is
an object of e x p e c t a t i ~ n . ~ ~ According to Ellis, a point on which Evans agrees, this
prayer contains the Name, "Father", and "Thy Kingdom", the Kingdom of God, and
therefore passes for Jewish beaediction.l'n Is there really a strong point in a r g ~ ~ i n g
that there is a difference between the Kingdom "being manifested" and "coming7'?
We do not think that there is that much difference on the basis of the evidence that at
the time of Jesus, l a k e suggests that people werc waiting for the coming of the
Kingdom.
I%H. Mawhall, Commentary on Lukc, 00. cit.. p. 458. 1 9 3 c ~ . E. Ellis, Tllc Gospel of Lukc, OD. tit.. p. 163. 1 9 4 ~ . ~ . Fitzmycr, The Gospcl According lo Luke, Vol. 11, OD. cit., pp. 902-903.
C)Sl bid, p. 904. l g 6 c . ~ . Evans, Saint Luke, or>. cit., pp. 471'1'. 1 C ) 7 ~ . Ellis, The G o s ~ c l of Luke, OD. cil., p p 1641'1'.
Fitzmyer associates "consolation of Israel" in Luke 2: 25 with 'deliverance', God's
eschatological restoration of Israel, and sees Simeon, Anna (2: 36-38) and Joseph
(Luke 23: 50-52) as sharing one hope, 'Kingdom of God'.l9* Ellis makes the same
association between these three characters in Luke as waiting lor the Kingdom.'" It
seems that the Pharisees had a concept of a coming Kingdom (cf. Luke 17: 20). It
seems to us that a distinction between "manifested" and "coming" of the Kingdom
was probably not so clear at the time. This petition anticipates the reign of God
becoming real for the community and to the world. It does not put any time schedule
on that petition, which suggests that it probably had to be asked for until it is
achieved. There is a sense of indefiniteness about it but with a hope that it is
realizable. The other texts which reflect the idea that the Kingdom of God is yet to be
realized fully are Acts 8: 12.
Acts 19: 8-10
In these, the Kingdom of God has become a word to be proclaimed or pleaded about,
and to be believed or rejected. It is now the content of preaching and according to
Cadbury, it has an eschatological undertone, and acts as the driving force behind the
preaching. Conzelmann argues that the Kingdom of God in Acts has no content.200
This may not be the case considering the way Luke writes or presents the tradition. In
the mission of Jesus, the author presents the content of his message first (Luke 4: 18-
27), before introducing the message as that of Kingdom of God (cf. Luke 4: 43).
Therefore what the disciples saw him do becomes their pattern (cf. Acts 1: 8) as
witnesses, and this is summarized in Acts 2: 42. The Kingdom of God is proclaimed
as the message for the last days (cf. Acts 2: 170.
(3) The Nature of the Kingdom of God and its King
Many Kingdom sayings come within this category and we shall look at a few of them.
1 9 8 ~ . ~ . Filzmyer, The to toI,&, Vol. I; n a p . 427. l 9 9 ~ . ~ . Ellis, The Gosnel of Luke, OD, tit* p. 270. 2 0 0 ~ . Conzelmann, Acts of the A ~ o s t l e ~ , 01,. citU pp. 63ff.
Perrin has pointed out that the presence of the Kingdom is a part of the message
contained in the parables.201 Some of the eschatological figures the evangelist used
probably to depict Jesus include. The shepherd (Luke 15: 30; vine-dresser (Luke 13:
6-9), and Father' (cf. Luke 15: 11-32). In the many sayings of this group, both the
character of the King of the Kingdom, and the Kingdom itself are highlighted.
Luke 13: 18-19 (mustard seed)
In thesc: parables wc shall not go into thc historico-critical problcms but work with lhc
assumption of some scholars that in the parables, we are most probably closer to the
historical utterances of Jesus.202 W e shall consider the parallels in the synoplics
where helpful, but our aim is to investigate the character of the Kingdom and its king
in these parables and other texts in Luke and Acts. The parable of [he mustard seed
(Luke 13: 18-19) according to Dodd emphasizes the smallness of the seed (cf. Mark
4: 30-32). Dodd argues that the contrast is not between small beginnings and great
results, but that of growth up to a point at which the tree can sheller the birds of the
air.203 He makes a connection between this and some pictures of trees and branches
in thc books of Daniel and Ezekiel, and argues that there is a correlalion beiwecn
multitudes of outcasts hearing the call, and the process oC obscure growth reaching
great heights at the ei1d.~O4 Dodd likens this to the Kingdom of God.205 Jeremias
considers the parallels in the synoptics as well as a version in the Gospel of
Thomas.2o6 He suggests that the correct way of undcrslanding the parables is not to
2 0 1 ~ . I'errin, TkKingchuof God in the 'I'eachg of Jew, SCM (1963) pp. 74f. 202cf. J. Jeremias, The Parables Revised edition SCM (1963) p. 11. See also, <l.l-I. Dodd, The Parables of the K i m , & p. 190. 203~.)1. I)odd,TheParables of (fie Kingdom, on. tit-p. 190. 2~~ p. 190. 20511&l. p. 191. 200hh l l h ~ (i0bp~1 oI' ' I ' I ~ W I I ~ I S , IIIC vcrsio'h r ~ i ~ d ~ : "1'11~ dibciples iti id 10 Jesus: ' 1 '~ l l IIIC WII~I I IIIC Kingdom of Heaven is like. IIe said lo hem, il is like a n~uslartl seed s~ndller d m all seeds. Du l when it falls on Ule tilled earth, i t produces a large bi'anch and becomes sheller for h e birds of heaven'. (Gospel of St Thomas 20). Jesus said, 'The Kingdom of Ule Father is like a woman. She look a little leaven, hid it in dough and made large loaves of it. IIe that has ear, let him hear.' (Gospel of Thomas 96). cf. Jeremias, The Parables of the Kingdom, cit,. p. 146.
associate the meaning with the beginning, but with the final stage of the process
described.207 Jeremias agrees with Dodd about the picture of a big tree depicting a
mighty Kingdom which protects vassals. He further observes the eschatological
character of the growth and connects it with the incorporation of the Gentiles into the
Kingdom of God as part of the covcnant people of God, from small beginning to all
embracing Kingdom of all pe0ples.2~8 Scott uses a different argument to arrive at a
similar conclusion. I-Ie begins by noticing the differences in the Synoptic accounts
and that of the Gospel according to Thomas.209 In Luke, the musvard was planted in
the garden, whereas Matthew has field, and Thomas has tilled soil. Mark on the other
hand, has 'earth' or 'soil', or 'ground' (cf. Matthew 13: 31-32: Mark 4: 30-32). Scott
argues for the preference of Luke's garden.21°
Scott argues that the fact that the mustard which should grow into a shrub is said to
grow into a trcc suggests a metaphorical trcc.211 Making rcfcrcnces to Ezckicl 3 1 : 5-
11, 17: 23-24 and Daniel 4: 12, Scott argues that mustard seed with a branch, fruit and
tree, is most probably unreal and suggests a divine lesson and plan. He thinks the
audience would see this and wonder what it might mean, since it is impossible in a
real life situation. For Scott, this alone is a lesson to the hearers, lorcing them to
consider what God can do from an extraordinary circumstance. Just as the tree is
apocalyptic, beyond man's control, so is the Kingdom of God.212 Scott derives
further lessqns from this tree. I-Ie suggests that the height of the tree does not only
stand for strength and protection, as Dodd correctly suggests, but stands also for
pride. Isracl and other nations that arc to be drawn in can bccomc proud, just as in thc
Ezekiel picture (Ezekiel 17) and they will be humbled. Israel's true destiny is to be
2 0 7 ~ pp. 147-149. 2 0 8 ~ p. 149. -
2 0 9 ~ n interpretation of the parables which makes use of critical methods as well as socio-cultural backgrouud is put forward by B.B. Scott, Hear then the -parables: A Commentary on (he parablesf u, Fortress Press: Minneapolis, 1st Paperback 1990. 2100j& pp. 375-384. 21 1~ pp. 384. 21211&l, pp. 384-386.
found i n the mustard plant, just as other nations' are to be found in the mustard seed.
The other lesson to be derived from this parable which has a direct bearing to our
investigation is Jesus association and eating with the outcasts. According to Scott, the
planting of the'mustard seed in the garden violates the Levitical law of diverse kinds
(cf. Leviticus 19: 19; Deuteronomy 22: 9-1 1 cf. also Gencsis 1: 11-12, 2 1, 24-25).
Therefore, both planting and growth are illegitimate and scandalous, and so
unclean.213 The lesson here being the ready response of the outcasts and sinners to
Jesus signify the ones who respond positively to the Kingdom of God. A mustard seed
growing into a tree is almost as impossible as a sinner consigned to eternal damnation
by some religious aulhorities, receiving forgiveness and accepted as a member of the
covenant (Sons ol' Abraham) by Jesus. The character of the Kingdom of God and its
King are brought into sharper focus when viewed from this angle.
Luke 13: 20-21
Penin sees this parable of the leaven as a twin of the mustard seeds with similar
teaching - a small simple beginning which comes to a great ending214 The leaven is
slow, but it is sure to leaven the dough. And similarly, the mission of Christ as
propelled by the Spirit will reach its consummation in God's future.2'5 Dodd thinks
that the parable can be interpreted in two different ways depending on whether one
takes it as a continuation of the mustard seed or as an independent parable. If it goes
with the mu~tard, then the emphasis is on the final stage in which the dough has been
leaven - similar to tree and branches.216 If it is taken as an independent parable then it
suggests more of the propagating influence of the Kingdom of God in Jesus' ministry.
We think that Dodd recognizes that in each case, the end is similar.217 Jeremias
concentrates on the aspects of the parables which suggest mysteries that transcend
human realities -mustard seed grown into a tree and leaven into an overflowing mass
2131bid. pp. 381-387. 2 1 4 ~ . Perrin, Re-discovering the Teaching of Christ, on. cit.. p. 158. 21SIhid.
216~.11. Lhdd, Parables o f tlie Kingdom, p. 191. 217m pp. 191-192.
of doygh. He suggests that the dough was probably an allusion to Genesis 18: 6.2l8
He argues that bread baked from this would provide a meal for about a hundred
persons, which might be dilTicult for a housewife in a life situation, if not in~possible.
Jeremias notices the divine aspect here. He sees the two parables as emphasizing the
same thing and against Dodd argues that they belong together. He concludes that
God's Kingdom is created into something big and mighty from an insignifiiant and
unusual beginning.2'9 Scott on the other hand, considers how certain words in this
parable are generally understood in the New Testament. He looked at 'leaven7,
'woman', 'hid7, 'until all was leaven', and suggests that the negative aspect of the use
and understanding of these words and phrases could add to the true meaning of the
~arab le .22~ For example, Scott argues that leaven has co~rupting influence, but in this
context it could be seen as the Kingdom corrupting the Old Jewish religious system
and bringing good out of it. The associating of Jesus with the outcasts which
religious Jews saw as abho~rent, eventually would act as leaven, taken by a woman,
hid in flour, leavens the world. The traditional concept of the Jews about leaven was
that it is evil, and the woman was unclean and to hide something or to cover it
suggests T o leaven suggests corrupting. Looked at this way, this is
unorthodox for Jewish thought, but it becomes the strategy of the Kingdom to wach
out to the outcasts welcoming them in and eventually reconciling the world through
i t.222
Luke 21: 29-32 (parable of the fig tree)
Jeremias compares the Lucan text with the parallels in Mark 13: 28 and Matthew 24:
32, and observes a shift in emphasis in Luke's addition of "Fig tree and all the trees",
symbolizing a mystery of death and life.223 For him, the key to interpreting the
185. Jcrcmiirs, 'Ibc l'i~eb -n . 1' pp. 147- 149. 219~bid. p. 149. 2 2 0 ~ . ~ . Scolt, Hear then the parables, op. cit , pp. 321-324. 2211hi(t pp. 328f. 222ibid. pp. 321,329. 2 2 3 ~ . Jeremias, The l'ambles of the Kingdom, a pp. 29, 119.
parable lies in, 'when you see these things'. The interpretation given in Mark is to the
dreadful portents which will hcrald the end, and Jeremias disagrees that this was the
original interpretation because of the picture of the fig tree points to a time of blessing
and refreshing'rather than destruction.2n The fig tree's coming out in leaf is a picture
of salvation or new life.225 Schweizer says that Luke's introduction of "all trees" into
his account turns the parable into a universal one. This "generation" that will not pass
away cannot mean that of the disciples otherwise, said Schweizer Luke would not
have written Acts. He argues that the generation in mind here is the post-Easter
generation for they were the ones who belonged to the eschaton, stretching to several
o t l w generations.226 Scott sees the parable as eschatological because of the Lucan,
'when you see these things' ... 'the Kingdom is at hand'. According to him, the time
process evident in the other parables, disappears here.227 The parable may be used as
a cortcction of an ovcr cnthusiastic cxpcctation of thc Parousia according to Ellis, but
it could be argued that the passion events and the resurrection may also lie behind the
words. The eternal validity of the words of Jesus among other things probably
included the coming true of his suffering and resun.ection.228 This is in line with
Jeremias' interpretation. Here the fig tree could give a sign about the coming of the
Kingdom, at 17: 20. The Kingdom comes not with signs. We could argue that Jesus
knows more about the Kingdom, suggesting that he was intimately connected with it.
We will assume that for Luke, the events lcading to the crucifixion could be the signs,
and the resurrection with the ascension and the Pentecost he takes to herald the
Kingdom. This generation becomes the post-Easter, all who are able to escape and to
stand before the Son of Man (cf. 21: 36).22"
224mid. pp. 1 l9f. 2 2 5 ~ p. 120. 2 2 6 ~ , Schweizer, Good News according lo l,oke, o a p p . 321-322. 2 2 7 ~ . ~ . Scon. Hear, the p. 339. 2 2 8 ~ . ~ . Ellis, St. 1,uke. op. cit.. p. 247. 22%f. J.A. Fimyer, The Gospel According lo Iake, Vol. 11, on. cit.,pp. 1353-1354.
To conclude, we say that there is a kind of mystery surrounding the Kingdom and its
coming. Nevertheless, there are enough signs for it not to be missed. From the
pronouncement of Jesus regarding the Kingdom, it is evident that he is intimately
associated with it, probably as its King (Son of Man).
Luke 15
This whole chapter is all parables, 15: 8-10, and 15: 11-32 are from special Lucan
source, and 15: 4-7 is found in Matthew 18: 10-14 and therefore may be from Q.230
Jeremias has described this section of the Lucan material as "the Good News" itself.
Because the overall theme is " los~ and found", it fils in well with the category of the
Kingdom sayings depicting the character of the Kingdom of God and its Ki11g.2~1
There is no specific mention of the Kingdom of God in these parables, and so it could
be argued that they contain other thcmcs, such as rcpcnkncc and conversion. But wc
have reasons to think that this falls within the Kingdom saying despite the fact that
there is no specific mention of it.
(1) The context of the parable is 'lax collectors and sinners were all drawing near
to hear him' (15: 1). W e will assume that "to hear him" meant to hear about the
Kingdom of God. Tax collectors and sinners made similar response to John the
baptist (cf. Luke 7: 28-30).
(ii) The parables of the lost sheep and the lost coin ended on the note of "joy in
heaven" and ''joy before the angels of God", which bear resemblance in
interprelalion. Therefore in a way the parables arc also about Ileavcn, the accepted
place of the reign of God - that is to say that what happens here on earth is the
concern of heaven. Therefore, the parables are about the Kingdom of God.
(iii) According Lo Fitzmyer, the version of the parable of the lost sheep found in
the Gospel of Thomas begins with 'The Kingdom ol' God is like a shepherd who had a
hundred sheep.' There, the parable clearly belongs to the Kingdom-parable.232
2 3 0 ~ p. 1073. 231~. Jeremias, 'Jhe I%&les, op, citU p. 124. 2 3 2 ~ . Schweizer, 1.11ke. on. cit..p. 246.
Without suggesting ~ h a l his goes for all Lucan parables in chapter 15, it points to a
possible interpretation given to these parables. The lost sheep and the lost coin have a
similar structure, development and conclusion. Lost property is common in both.
The owner in'each case spends effort lo find it. There is joy and celebration in which
neighbours are invited to loin. This joy is likened to that in heaven or before angels
when a sinner repents. Parables usually have a specific message to illustrale. Here the
message seems to be the effort it should take to create a condition through which
sinners can repent and turn to God. No matter who is envisaged in the story, Jesus
dcpicts how God is concerned over his erring people, to bring them back. We had
looked at the characterization of the Pharisees and the sinners earlier in Luke's
material. Each of the parables emphasized a particular aspect involved with finding
the lost. The lost sheep depicts a true shepherd's concern over he lost, a picture the
Pharisees should apply to God depicted in Jewish tradition as Israel's true shepherd
(cf. Ezekiel 34: 1 1-12, 16. See also John 10: 1 1 - 12). The lost coin emphasizes the
passive nature of the lost property which did not defeat the woman's determination to
find il. This sort of concern is best illustrated with a woman's love and persistence.
The third parable - lhe lost son brings in three or more factors to m,Ae it an epitome
o f Jesus' teaching about the "heart" of God, h e nalure of "loss" and lhe joy of
"reconciliation" with its human and divine pain. This parable will receive a more
detailed treatment later, and so for now we shall pick out one o r two things which
illustrate the character and his Kingdom. Luke 15: 11-32 has been variously
designated. Jeremias called it, 'the parable of he Father's love.'233 Schweizer called
it the parable of "the powerless almighty Father".234 Others prepare to call it, 'the
parable of the lost sons'.235 This last title is an altempt to portray the attitude of lhe
eldest son as being as sinful as the younger son, and how both need repentance. Again
the pitritblc has a ccntlnl message similitr to thc ('it's[ two wc: lookcd iit - Chtl's conccln
for the lost. The attitude of the younger son, beginning from the request for his share
233~eremias, Parables, oD. p. 128. 2 3 4 ~ . Schweizer, L.uke, loc. cit, p. 246. 23%. W. Manson, Saving of Jesw London SCM (1971) p. 284.
of the father's inheritance to losing all in loose living is described as 'when he came
to himself'. His conversion is described as, ' I will arise and go to my father'. His
realization oC his folly is described as, 'I am no longer worthy to be called your son'.
The return ho'me of the son is charactesized by joy and celebration of the father and
neighbours. This is the first section of the parable and as il stands, i t is similar to the
ones treated above. The only difference is that the father did not go out searching for
Lhe losl, but that he did is depicted in the way he accepted the son back with exuberant
joy with no cross-examinalion as to the son's sin. This is the character of God for his
erring people. He is compassionate and loving. He is overjoyed that a lost son has
found his way back for he does not delight in the death of a sinner (cf. Ezekicl 18:
23). The covenant motif of the parable as we argued earlier above comes in the
reaction of the father - new clothes and shoes and ring, restoration to the Family and
the invitation of neighbours and friends to join in the celebralions (15: 22-24, 32).
The character of the Kingdom is of joy and celebration just as there is joy with angels
over a sinner that repents (cf. 15: 10). The next section of the parable (15: 25-32) is
argued by Sanders236 to be a later addition to the first section, but that the parable
begins with a man and two sons suggests a unity. And also it seems that this second
section contains a hint of a probable reply to the murmuring of the Pharisees (cf. 15:
1). One point we want to pick out here is the reaction of the elder son. He does not
approve of the father's acceptance oC a repentant wayward son characteristic of the
parable of the Pharisee and the publican (cf. Luke 18: 9-14). The elder son's self-
righteous attitude does not make for the covenantal bond of peace. The Lucan litera~y
characterization leaves him at this attitude without giving a hint as to whether he
rcpcnkd or not. But this hclps to bring oiil tl~c cinphasis, thc L'athcr's word and stand
take the conclusion. And this could be a corresponding reply to the murmuring of the
Pharisees. The love of God goes out to the sinner almost as a precondition belore
236cf. J.T. Sanders, 'Tradition and Redaction', in Luke 15: 11-32 (NTS) 15, 1968-1969. pp. 433-448; cf. I.H. Marshall, Commentarv on Luke. OD. cit.. pp. 605-606.
repentance. Such is the character of the King of the Kingdom, and such is the
banquet of the Kingdom for the reptentant.
Luke 14: 7-24 (The parable of the great banquet)
It is evident in the Lucan material that Jesus has table fellowship with sinners and
outcasts (cf. Luke 5: 29; 7: 33-34, 36-50; 15: 1). But it also provides a forum for
Jesus' teaching. Here it is at the house of the Pharisees for a meal, and it was a
Sabbath. Jesus notice the presence of a man with dropsy. Jesus asks the Pharisees and
lawyers whether it is lawful to heal on the Sabbath or not and goes ahead to heal him.
Jesus is presented as the 1,ord of the Sabbath as in Luke 6: 5 and challenges his
hearers for lack of human sympathy with the short proverb in verse 5 (Deuteronomy
22: 4). The section on verses 7-1 1 centers on table etiquette which becomes an
occasion to teach about humility (14: 11). This in turn leads to the general Lucan
concern for material possession, and the needs of the poor. Real generosity will find
its true reward at the resurrection of the just (Luke 14: 14). Luke 14: 12-14 with the
teaching about not inviting neighbours and friends who are able to exchange gifts and
visits seemed to be common in Luke's day among the rich who moved according to
their class (cf. Luke 16: 19, 27-28). The rich are to care for the poor if they expect
recompense From God himself. In 14: 15-24, the parable moves to another stage of a
banquet scene. First of all, as Jesus sat at meal, he taught about table etiquette, which
hinges on true humility; then the lesson on the right kind of guests to invite, which
stresses making use of banquets to meet the needs of the poor who are under the
watchful eye of the Lord; and then here now a further lesson to illustrate the last point
about whom to invite, because the reasonably well off probably will not value the
invitation and so are likely to turn it down for other reasons, whereas the poor, the
lame and the outcasts will readily respond. Fitzmyer argues that a version of this
parable found in the Gospel of Thomas may be closer to the words of Jesus, but the
Lucan version adopted it with redaction to suit his audience.237 Danahue while
237c1.. J.A. I:ilzmycr, 'I'lrc Gos_ncl Acconlirq lo I . u k ~ , VoI. 11, IOC. cil, pp. 1050-1052.
acccpting the parallcl in the Gospcl or Thomas as authentic argucs that thc Lucan
version, by introducing "I have married a wife" which is not in Thomas but only some
one in charge of the marriage dinner, anchors the parable within Old Testament
context. He argues that buying a house, planting a vineyard and betrothal excuse a
person from holy war (cf. Deutronomy 20: 5-7; cf. 24: 5). And that this may go with
looking at the parable as an eschatological summons that require ~ rgency .23~ The
comment of a member of the great banquet (14: 15) turns the parable into that of the
Kingdom. But no excuse is allowed, not even the ones the law made provisions for in
case of battle (14: 24). So is the Kingdom, and so is ils King. The anticipated
banquet at the eschaton is mirrored in this parable. The invited guests have been
substituted with the "compeled" ones who are from the streets and hedges. We will
assume that the mission to the Gentiles may be involved in this parable, as a Lucan
characterization of Jesus table fellowship with the outcasts signals this (cf. Acts 10).
In the new community , these social barriers will be removed, and the covenant life of
mutual respect and equality will be adopted (cf. Acts 4: 32).
Luke 23: 39-43 (The Penitent Thief)
This saying about the dialogue between the thieves and the response of Jesus to one of
them is round only in Luke and some commentators have raised questions about its
authenti~ity.2~9 The man made request to Jesus about "his Kingdom" to which Jesus
replied "today you will be with me in paradise." Some people have made a
connection between paradise and the Persian world view which probably influenced
Old Teshment writers. Paradise suggests a reclining abode of the just at death. The
creation story makes use of Paradise to describe the garden of Eden (cf. Genesis 2:
8).240 There are valiant texts for the thief's request of the Kingdom. The two main 7
ones are kv 9 fiaolheta and EIS q v pamklav. Schweizer prebrs the former to
238cf. J.R. Ilanahue, -c; osoelort~ess (1988) (1990) p. 141. 2391;or the various views and assesslnent of scholars, cf. 1.11 Marshdl St. lake. on, cit..pp. 370ff. 24%r the trace of the origin of paradise, cf. Je~an ias 'aapor6~ioo~' '1T)N'I' Vol. 5, pp. 765ff.
224
suggest, 'when Jesus becomes King'.241 What we are concerned with here is the
relationship between 'the Kingdom' and 'Paradise'. Ellis sees Jesus fulfilling another
Jewish Messianic expechtion of opening the gates of Paradi~e.24~ Evans considers
Luke 16: 22 ahd Acts 7: 50-60 [Abraham's bosom and Stephen's vision of the Son of
Man in heaven] as nearest the meaning of paradise here. He sees the difficulty in
comparing this with the prophecy of the resurrection. He argues that it is better taken
as a proclamation of salvation to the man comparable to that oC Zacchaeus (cl: Luke
19: 1-10).243 Marshall sees 'today' and 'in paradise', to mean that the day of
crucifixion is the day of Paradise because it makes real that Salvation is through his
(Jesus) death and 1.esumction.2~~
Conzelmann wonders whether this text does not support this argument that the period
of Christ is the middle of history, since Paradise suggests an intermediate state.245
Mattill thinks that the Rabbinic tradition about abode in sheol for the righteous before
the resurrection for,judgment may be implied he1e.~46 Carroll agrees with Mattill and
adds that it does suggest something of a beliver's eschatology, being assured
fellowship with Christ until final judgment.247 This is similar to Barrett's view.
Commenting on Stephen's experience (vision) he argues that it was a private and
personal parousia, a foretaste of the universal one on the last day.2" Maddox argues
along similar lines. For him, the stories of Abraham and Lazarus (Luke 16: 13f),
241cf. E. Schweizer, T h e d Ne-, u p . 361. See also 1.11. Marshall, m, Luke, pp. 872. 242cf. E. E. Ellis, St. Luke, op, cit, p. 2681'. Barreu cites Testament of Levi 18: 10, '.. and he (Messiah) shall open the gates of pwadise. And shall remove the threatening sword against Adam', cf: C . K . Barreu, The Ilolv Snirit and lhe Gos~el T r a d i h , SPCK (1966) p. 43. 24311 appears hat in later Ilebrew religion llm death created Ihe quest for a place that ought to be different for the righteous and for the wicked ralher than the two at death sharing the same fate until the general resurrection. The concept of paradise may have arisen to lake care of the abode of the righteous befort: resurrection, cf. C.F. Evans, W I.uke. pp. 873f. 244cf. 1.11. Marshall, St, Luke. on. cit., pp. 8731'. 245~onzelmann. St., QQAL p. 1 17. 246cf. Mattill, l.uke, QJ.u.L. pp. 33f. 247~arroll, Eschatolw and Situation. on. cil., pp. 68ff. 2 4 8 ~ . K. Barreu, 'Stephen and the Son of Man'. Festschrift fiir E. Haenchen, BerlinINew York ZNW, 30 1964 pp. 32-38.
Stephen (cf. Acts 7: 56) and Luke 23: 43 occupy a position in Lucan eschatology of
individual believers.249 Cadbury makes reference to this story as a possible way of
understanding a transition from dcath to life beyond which could he variously
interpreted as resurrection, or immortality. While some commentators concentrate on
what this signifies for the thief, others concentrate on situating the Paradise. Perhaps
both are intertwined. The word Paradise does not appear in any other Lucan text and
it is not dclined here. We will assume thcn that for Lukc's audicncc the mcaning was
clear. On the other hand, it could be taken to be the answer of Jesus to the penitent
thief and therefore the answer carries the solution to the quest. In other words, "Your
Kingdom" is equivalent to "Paradise", so that Luke introduces yet another concept to
the Kingdom of God motif. Kingdom of God does not seem to be too fu, for one can
still be there "today", at the point of penitence and death.
Dupont argues for the story to be regarded as illustrating that salvation is "today7'.250
T h e penitent acknowledges Jesus to own this Kingdom and which Jesus demonstrates
by giving him a place there "today". Penitence and acknowledgment of Jesus as King
of this Kingdom earns salvation for this man on the cross. By characterizing this
dialogue between the penitent and Jesus Luke seems to say (i) Jesus has a Kingdom in
which he is in charge; (ii) the penitent, who acknowledges Jesus and his Kingdom
and d e s i m to g o there are accepted; (iii) Getting there is the same a s salvation and it
is "today", especially if he has Jesus on his lips and heart at the point of death; (iv) It
is a place which creates no boundaries between "sinner" and "righteous", therefore
the spirit of covenant fellowship is still retained, where brotherly love co-exists.
T o this category of the Kingdom sayings belongs the parable of the unrighteous
steward in Luke 16: 1-13. Although an unrighteous stewaid, Jesus commended his
shrewdness to what may be termed apparent hardness of heart of the children of light
2 4 9 ~ ~ d d o x . T-IAcIs, on. cit.. pp. 103f. 2 5 ~ i s interpretation of Dupont is cited by J.T. Carroll in Eschatol~v and W l i o n ' in Luke-Acts, op. cit, p. 68.
in not living. a life of penitence. Jesus demands righteous dealings within his
community to eliminate such condition which will create factors for unrighteous
dealings. Hoarding of power goes with hoarding of wealth, which in the end makes
slaves of the makes who are impoverished by such systems of order, be they religious
or civil. In his Kingdom, systems which make people debtors and others overlords
and manipulators are unrighteous and will not be allowed to exist. This is also the
concern of the parable of the pounds. Each man's ability and gifts will be put to the
test and utilized to the full, and all who oppose the King of the Kingdom will have
themselves to blame at his appealing (cE Luke 18: 11-27).
Most of the sayings which depict more of the Kingdom and the Kingdom's King fall
within this group. Other themes are also covemd and there is also overlap wilh other
groups. But it is also true that some sayings highlight an aspect of the Kingdom,
while others concentrate on another aspect. Perhaps this might be why the Kingdom
saying and subject is difficult to contain in one model. Certainly some sayings looked
into above fit into the group which say more about the Kingdom's character and its
King.
(4) The Kingdom of God is other-wordly but impinges on this world. This group
of sayings here talks about the Kingdom which suggests that it is understood to be
existent, from where the Son of Man comes, (cf. Luke 21: 27); it seems to be
associated with 'his Father and the holy angels' (cf. Luke 9: 26); and Jesus could
actually remind people that it is in their midst! (cf. 17: 21). We want to investigate
some of these sayings because even though his audience probably did not understand
much about what he said, Jesus himself does not seem to be in doubt from the texts
that the Kingdom of God is "real" lo him. Because some of the sayings make
reference to the Kingdom as something beyond this sphere, this is why we designate it
here as "other-wordly which impinges on this world".
Luke 11: 20 (.. finger of God ... saying)
There is a parallel to this text in Matthew 12: 28, and few texts has atlracted so much
disagreement regarding its meaning. There are two areas we need to focus on herc.
(a) Did Jesus 'say 'finger of God' cited by Luke or 'Spirit of God' contained in
Matthew? (b) What docs the saying mean within thc Beelzebub conlrovcrsy'?
Taking the first question first, which of the texts is close to the actual words of Jesus,
T.W. Manson argues for 8 a ~ w h y , because Luke is fond of nveupa and could have
hardly changed it. Whereas in the case of Matthew, his desire to avoid
anthropo~norphis~n probably led him to change it to nveupazi. Manson further
suggests that G a ~ m h o ~ may be a direct reference to Exodus 8: 19, an evidence on the
part of Jesus of his familiarity with the Torah.251 Actually there is a sense in which
we agree on this last point. If we consider the account of the temptation, Jesus' reply
lo Satan all came horn thc Torah scction ol' the biblc. This Beclzcbub corlirovcrsy
sounds very much like a tempting accusation, and therefore an appeal again to Moses
and the Torah. But C.K. Rarrett disagrees about Manson's second reason for
preferring "finger" to "Spirit" on the count that both authors resort to
anthropomophism from time to time (cf. Luke 1: 66). He however, prefers the Lucan
'finger' for the reason that the Spirit was rarely mentioned in the early stratum of the
Gospel tradition.252 Yates on the other hand argues in favour of the Matthean version,
citing instances where Luke changes the Spirit in Mark (cf. Mark 1: 8; 3: 29; 13: 11)
and totally omits Mark 12: 36.253 He suggests that Luke's interest in the spirit is only
in the spirit as an object, functioning on its own. He is reluctant to associate the spirit
as agency because of his audience confusing the Holy Spirit with an evil spirit. Yates
argues that Luke altered the 'spirit' which was in Q to suit his audience. He argues
that it was the same reason that made him relocate the blasphemy of the Holy Spirit
logia from a context of exorcism to one of proclamation. Therefore, for Luke, the
251cf. T.W. Manson. The 'I'ahin-, Cambridge Press (1955) p. 82, 252c.K Barrett, The Holv Spirit and (he Gosnel Tradition, on. cit..pp. 63. 2 5 3 ~ . ~ . Yates, The S~ ir i t and Ule Kingdom, op, ciLpp. 9Of.
spirit is.for prophecy, preaching and proclamation, (cf. Luke 12: 10) whereas in
Matthew it is all part of the exorcism, and that is what makes it the blasphemy
against the Holy Spirit.254 But Yates' argument suggests that Luke was protecting his
audience from misunderstanding the Holy Spirit. This sounds as if Yates has argued
for Luke denying the work of the Holy Spirit in an attempt to protect his audience. It
could be argued that Yates still has to find a way of this prokction without suggesting
a denial of the work of the Spirit. If we agree with Yates that Luke altered the word,
and associates the spirit with proclamation and prophecy, does this do justice to the
work of the Spirit? Does the Spirit in fact not assist in exorcism'P55 IS Luke
thereforc guilty of prcsenting an incomplete knowledge of the Spirit's work to his
audience? We wonder which is a more serious omission. However, Hamerton-Kelly
argues that it is almost impossible to arrive at verba Christi regarding 'finger' or
'spirit' since both could be easily interchangeable even in the Old Testament (cf.
Ezekiel 8: 1-3).256 C.S. Rodd agrees, arguing that despite evidence that Luke adds and
deletes and rearranges the Markan order, as fttr as the 'finger' or 'spirit' is concerned,
i t is not ci~sy to s i~y which wits originill in Q.257 DUIIII ilrgucs in il similar line 111;11
either Matthew's or Lucan version could he original.2S8 It may not be easy for the
author of Luke to alter the "spirit" and replace it with "finger" for the reason that he
makes mention of the spirit more than the other synoptics. With the frequency of the
Holy Spirit in the prologue, it is inconceivable why he would want to alter the spirit as
this particular place in the Gospel, assuming unity of authorship. But what does the I
saying mean? Dodd argues vigorously that '~@0ao&v' means that the eschatological
Kingdom of God is proclaimed as a present reality and f a ~ t . 2 ~ ' Perrin argues that
Jesus thought in his exorcism that the Kingdom of God is manifested in the
2541bid, p. 93. 255cf. Acts 16: 16-18. 2 5 6 ~ . G . Hamerton-Kelly, 'A note 011 Matthew 12: 281Luke 1: 20'in 1 1 , 196411965, pp. 167f. 257~odd, C.S., 'Spirit' or "Finger", Explin 72 (1960-1961) pp. 157ff. 2 5 8 ~ . ~ . ( 3 . Dunn, Jesus and the Spirit, L.ondon SCM (1975) pp. 46f. 259c.11. Dodd, Parables. on cit.,pp. 28f.
pre~ent.2~0 Dunn argues that in the exorcism, the power of God was made manifest to
demonstrate that God's Kingdom destroys the house of Satan. Dunn argues that if the
Palestinian context is taken into co~isideration as it should, then the belief that the
Messianic age would destroy the demonic forces is envisaged here by "the Kingdom
of God", "plundering the house" and "who is not against me gathers with me" (cf.
Luke 11: 20-23).261 E.P. Sanders argues from the entire Beelzebubb context and
suggests that Jesus thought that the questio~i he poscd to the Jews would supply tlic
answer that it was by God that their sons exorcised the demons, to demonstrate that he
also worked through God, and therefore was not suggesting any extraordinary event
out of that, that is God is always at work.2G2
Sanders suggestion is attractive. There is a case similar to this where Jesus asks a
rhetorical question to the Jews - was John's authority from heaven or from men? (cf.
Luke 20: 1-8). The answer here if correctly rendered would make Jesus authority
have the same source as John's, and that is from God, but they refused to answer the
question. The difference here is that Jesus goes ahead to link the exorcism with the
presence of the Kingdom. And this is the probable way to understand it, according to
Dodd. Mattill who argues for futuristic understanding of the Kingdom may be right
in the sense of the final r ea l i~a t ion .2~~ But as far as the exorcism is concerned, it is
enough evidence that God's Kingdom has broken into our world in a decisive manner
that cannot be denied anymore.
Luke 17: 20-21
In this the Kingdom comes not with signs to be observed for already i t is in their
midst. W e had just looked at the Kingdom saying following the exorcism of Jesus
which suggests that the Kingdom has come. And here it is "in their midst". Perhaps
2 6 0 ~ . Perrin, Kingdom of Got1 in the Teaching of Jesus, on. cit.. p. 76. 261 J.D.G. Ihnn, Jesusandt, oo. pp. 46-49. 2 6 2 ~ . ~ . Sanders, Jesus and Judaism' Q&L p, 135. 2 6 3 ~ . ~ . Mattill, Luke and the 1x3 things. on. cil-p. 330.
Sanders'. point that if the Jews accepted their exorcism was from God and believed
Jesus' to be the same, it would be assumed that God's Kingdom had been in their
midst all along. This text seems to confirm hat . We shall consider the text further
presently.
Luke 17: 22-37
The saying continues h [ere but i ntroduces the "days of th ~e Son of Man". Just what
connection is there between Kingdom of God and the Son of Man? The theme of the
Son of Man continues in this small apocalypse. We will take it thal the Son of Man
guarantees future role of Jesus as judge among other things. But it signals also the
inbreaking of the other world into ours even if it is in "a vision" form, (apocalypse) of
the Son of Man.264
These sayings (17: 20-37) about the Kingdom are seen to be related, which might be
why they are put together here. Perrin has taken a detailed study of the textual
problems which we shall not go into here.265 Verses 22-23 complement verses 20-21,
and yet each could represenl views of either the apocalyptically minded or the
prophetically minded which are being challenged by Jesus' words. The Pharisees may
just serve the purpose of introducing the question about the Kingdom, but the words,
'not with signs to be observed" sounds very much like a word directed against
apocalyptics or at least those with such an interest in "signs" (17: 20-21). Similarly,
the references to "lightning flashes" may be an event in which someone interested in
prophecies could use to attempt to predict what is about to happen. Interspaced
between these are the warnings not to be led a ~ t l - a y . ~ ~ 6 The Kingdom is a matter of
2*~hether Jesus saw Ii i~nself as tlie Son of Mu1 and spoke in such terms, has been a center of controversy. cf M.D Hooker, 'Is the Son of Man Problem really insoluable?' in Text and 1nterr)reta~ion by (eds) E. Best and R. McL. Wilson, Cambridge University Press (1979) pp. 155-168, see also her, The -, Epworth Press London (1983) pp. 70C see also E. Schwizer, 'A 'll'heol-
New T@hmgul', London SPCK (1992). pp. 24,26; 1I.T. France. JXvine -, SPCK (1990) pp. 81-84; J.W. Bowker, 'Son of Man', in (28) 1977; J.T. Carroll, 'Eschatology and Situation', QQ&L pp. 84f. 265T11e detailed ucament of sources and redactions emphasis is treated in details by N. Perrin, Rediscovering the Teachina of Jesrrs, SCM (1067) pp. 63ff, 197f; see also 1.11. Marshall, Luke, & pp. 6521'1'.
2 6 6 ~ pp. 72f.
h i i m a ~ ~ expcriencc. It is I'ound wherever God is active decisivcly within thc
experience of an individual who has an eye of f d h . There were speculations about
the coming of the Kingdom (cf. Luke 19: 1 1; 21: 7; Acts 1: 6). Luke may have
brought together these words for teaching purposes, to dissuade false speculations
probably among the disciples. The Kingdom will come but its time is imminent and
most probably will catch people unprepared, as in the days of Noah and Lot (17: 26-
29).267 Schweizer observes that the whole discourse is aimed at emphasizing that the
Kingdom of God cannot be reduced to spatial or temporal terms, and so the need to
illustrate with many images and pictures to correct false v i e ~ s . 2 ~ ~ In the Kingdom oC
God, the future is not understood as being separate from the present; it already
includes the present, but will reach its consummation in the future. To understand the
Kingdom as making us God's children is to spiritualize it wrongly because it
encompasses the earth to transform it (17: 24). It is equally wrong to think in terms of
the apocalyptic end of the world because the Kingdom determines our day to day
living to shape it for God, for we pray his Kiugdom to come.26'
Luke 9: 27 (some ... will not taste death)
In the previous section (Luke 17: 20-21) we noticed that Jesus words express "the
Kingdom of God is in the midst of you". Here now we have, 'there are some standing
here who will not taste death before they see the Kingdom of God'. Does Luke 17:
20-21 not c ~ n f i r m Luke 9: 27? The parallels in the synoptics have slightly different
rendering Mark 9: 1 has 'the Kingdom has come with power'. Matthew 16: 28 has,
?he Son oC Man coming in his Kingdom'. The rendering of each evangelist gives the
overall meaning a different slant. Conzelmann thinks that the Lucan form is an
exegesis of Mark's in an attempt to make sense of a difficult saying. "The Kingdom
has come with power", argues Conzelmann connotes a dramatic appearing of Ihe
Kingdom, but sincc it did not lakc place, cspccially with thc dcalh of some aposrlcs, i t
267cf. C.F. Evans, St. 1 ,uke, ao. pp. 630f. 268cf. E. Schweizer. The Cmd News of lake, OD, cit,. p. 271. 269m p. 276.
was thought to be at the parousia which still was d e l a ~ e d . 2 ~ ~ Therefore to devise a
solution, a time fix would have to be removed, and this Luke did by rephrasing i t to a
timeless pronouncement. For Conzelmann, it is from Jesus' words and works that one
can see what the kingdom is like, but when the Kingdom itself will appear is still a
future f i i ~ t . ~ ~ l Fitzmyer argues that Lucan delition of Mark's 'has come with power',
makes the text to preservc futurist eschatology, but partiully, h e lrirnsl'iguralion
fultilled it.272 H e adds that it is highly probable that Luke has in mind the coming of
the Kingdom which will become apparent after the r e s u i ~ e c t i o n . ~ ~ 3
Geldenhuys suggest that the text alludes to the tlcstruction of Jerusalem, and the
revelation of God's rule to the Jews in this way, by opening the doors for a new Israel
to be constituted, i.e. the Church of Evans observes a temporal certainty of
the Kingdom but argues along the lines of Geldenhuys that Luke intended the
meaning of the text to point to the mission of the church in Acts (cf. Acts 1: 3).275
Dunn argues for a connection between Mark's 'come with power' and the Pentecost.
At Pentecost, argues Dunn, the disciples experienced the presence of the Kingdom
just like Jesus who experienced the presence of the Spirit as the bearer of the
Kingdom at his baptism. Since Luke preserved a futurist eschatology here, Dunn
would be seen to be arguing that the present reality of the Kingdom is the presence of
the Spirit, but a t the Parousia, the Kingdom of God will be consummated.276'
Schweizer argues that either Luke expected the world to come to and end soon, o r that
the Kingdom is only to be perceived as in Luke 8: 1 0 and Acts 7: 56.277 But does a
reference to the coming of the Kingdom suggest an end ol' the world, are the two
synonymous? Schweizer does not say. Ellis suggests that "some" would mean some
270~onzelmann, The Theolonv of Luke, on. cit, p. 104. 2 7 1 ~ p , 105. 2 7 2 ~ . ~ . Rtzmyer, TMkspe l Accord-u to I1uke, aD. Vol. I , p. 786. 2 7 3 ~ 1 . p. 790. 274cf. N. Geldenhuys, St. 18uke, on. cit,, pp. 277f. 2 7 5 ~ . ~ . Evans, Saint, loc. cit. p. 412. 2 7 6 ~ . ~ . Dunn. Spirit and the Kingdom, ExpT~n Vol. 8 (1970-1971) pp. 36-40. 2 7 7 ~ . Schwiezer, B e Good News accordinrr to I.uke, on, cit.. p. 158.
of the di~ciples who will expesience the Kingdom in the conkxt of losing their lives
for Chsist, while unbelievers will see the Kingdom in the glory of the parousia.278
But both the resurrection and the Pentecost foreshadow the Kingdom of God.
Marshall argues that the presence of the Kingdom to which Luke refers is the power
of the resurrection and the Pentecost.279 We agree that both the transfiguration, the
resurrection and the Pentecost all prefigure the Kingdom of God, and could be
envisaged in this text, although Marshall does not see how the transfiguration which
was to take place a few days after then was to have been referred to l~xe.280 But
Marshall assumed that between the statement and the transfiguration was a few days
gap, an assumption that should not really warrant going as far as to think that
transfiguration could not necessarily be included. Who knows the length of time
between the statement and the transfiguration? The answer is tllat we do not know,
because the texts do not carry such details. Although many commentators look at the
transfiguration, the resurrection and the Pentecost for the partial fulfillment of the
Kingdom of God, a point we subscribe to, but what about making a correlation
between, 'There are some standing here who will not taste death before they see the
Kingdom of God' (9: 27) and 'the Kingdom of God is in the midst of you' (17: 21)'?
It seems to us that there was a way in which the Kingdom was present which Jesus
knew too well but for some reason people did not realize- If [he statement is looked at
from the cuuent concept of the Kingdom, then, it would appear to be suggesting a
political Kingdom of Israel which some looked for. If we concenlrate in terms of the
transfiguration, the resurrection and the Pentecost, we will do well to emphasize the
significance of this in terms of God and his world otherwise it runs the risk of being
spiritualized away. On the other hand, if we lhink of the statement in terms of the
'reign of God' being made more accessible and conscious more than before, then we
can begin to appreciate the contsibution Jesus has made to God's awareness and inter-
2 7 8 ~ . Ellis, Theomel of I ,l&, QL& p. 141. 2791.1~. Marshall, Commen~uuv on Luke, on, cit.,p. 378. 2 8 0 ~ p. 377.
personal relationship through Christianity. While we agree that this text is not an easy
one, yet one must ask, in terms of the actual meaning of the text, what does (did) it
mean for Judas Iscariot? What does it mean for the penitent thief? What does (did)
the text mean for Pilate? How does Peter read the text? When Luke makes Paul say,
'In God we live and move and have our being', (Acts 17: 28), is the same idea not
contained here in a different fosm? And yet it is true to say that the person of Jesus
gives the Kingdom a clearer understanding about God himself. Matthew's version
in~roduccs " ~ h c Son of Ma11 coming in his Kingdom", allllough Lhc conkcxi ol' LIIC
saying also bears this (cf. Luke 9: 26). Marshall argues against it being regarded as
the Parousia, The reference in Luke is where the Son of Man is with his Father and
the angels, and we take this to point to Jesus, when he takes his place in heaven as
King and judge of the earth (Acts 17: 31).281 Matthew makes the Son 01' Man,
understood to be Jesus, to have a Kingdom in which he comes. The idea is not totally
lacking in Luke especially considering the previous verse 26. The association of
Jesus with this Kingdom confirms the point we are investigating that the Kingdom is
other worldly, but our own world does not escape its effects. We conclude by saying
that the texts point to the tact Lhat there is one God, and there is one wosld whose
destiny is in the hands of the Son of Man as Messiah and judge. This conclusion
gives more meaning as to why Jesus was able to say what he said about John the
baptist, "... none borne of woman is greater lhan John ... but [he least in the Kingdom
of God is geater than he" (Luke 7: 28).
The Jewish religion is a religion of covenant - God is worshipped and reflected upon
within this.282 There was little o r no room for speculation in [heir theology. Within
the covenant, provision was made for a Me~siah.28~ Within the covenant h e y had a
theology of the Kingdom. The Kingdom was linked to the promise 01' he land. And
yet, God is the God of the whole earth. The Kingdom of God is therefore other- --
2 8 1 ~ pp. 378-379. 2 8 2 ~ . Rowland, Chrisitian Ori~ins. on. cit., p. 29. 283cf. 'Son of David - Luke 1: 32-33'; also C. Rowland, pp. 25ff.
wordly and this-wordly. God is eternal and so his Kingdom is eternal, yet it has to do
with men and their affairs here on earth.284 The exodus experience and theology
acknowledges the saving power of God in a loving way which inakes provision for
coirection (punishment and judgment) and redemption. Eschatology is the working
out of history according to God's plan and purpose. The covenant people of God
knew this, but that did not mean that they understood it perfectly. But they always
believed that God is in charge and in control of men's affiiirs whether they knew it o r
not. Through "thick and thin" the Jews had always held onto this.
Therefore, from within the understanding of God of the covenant, the Kingdom of
God sayings proceed. Some of the sayings may emphasize the lire expected of the
covcnant community. Others may centre on some aspects of [he Kingdom that are yet
to be realized. Still some may be highlighting the nature and character of the King
and his Kingdom. Others centre on the eternal aspect of the Kingdom or God which
still inakes an impact on our day to day living just in case we forget. We believe that
it is more helpful to look at the various pieces o r the Kingdom sayings as having a
pliicc within the covcnil1lL, riiLIlcr L l ~ i i ~ l looking itt ciich iis cont~i i t l i~t ing ~ I I C OIIIW.
Instead they complement each other within the covenant theology. Luke probably
knew that this was the one way of legitimizing the oneness of both Jewish and Gentile
Christians as one people of God. Jesus performed and fulfilled this with the new
covenant of his blood (Luke 22: 20). Preaching of forgiveness in his name is
restoration into this covenant. Jesus exemplified it by his table fellowship with the
outcasts and sinners, whom he referred to as the lost (Luke 19: 10) who are
nevertheless children of Abraham (Luke 19: 9). Wherever this Good News is
preached, it is the Good News of the Kingdom of God and the name of Jesus (Acts 8:
12) wl~crcvcr Incn live and tllcrc conic lo Ii~iir illis Good News is t11c land uncl pli~cc
allotted to [hem by God (Acts 17: 26) and there will they live out their life of "this
2 8 4 ~ . Rowland, Christian Origns, oD. p. 29.
covenant': being mindful of a day of judgment (Acts 17: 31).*85 And so for Luke,
Kingdom of God becomes a salvation motif that any believer in Christ merits.
4.1.7 Faith
M.E. Glasswell writing about the concern of the authors of the Gospel accounts said
that their primary aim was not with Jesus' historical identification as the Christ but
with his identification as the Christ for faith.286 Jesus for Luke is the object of failh.
Apart from the introduction of Jesus as the object of faith, which is quite a
development in Jewish religious thought because of the "Christ-event", Luke can be
said to be loyal to the Old Testament understanding of faith.
E.C. Blackman287 considers faith in the Old Testament understanding to hclude a
"yes" to God's word and obedience to the covenant obligalions, the Torah. Later in
the history of the people of Israel, the author of 4 Ezra 3: 20-22 observed thal despite
the goodness of the law men of Israel were unable Lo keep Pail11 and therefore
concluded that only by God's mercy could anyone be saved. Blackrnan noticed that
early Judaism held similar views about faith, except that at this time faith was
synonymous with obedience lo the written or canonized tradition, which made
provisions for repentance and forgiveness and thus maintenance of faithfulness to
God. J.M. Ward recognizing how theologically and historically importan1 thc Exodus
event was t~ the Jewish religion, used it to analyze an aspecl of Old Testament faith.
He concluded that it was not a static condition of life but of dynamic activity of the
mind, heart and will within the covenant community, to keep their trust in God. This
he likened to that of Abraham in his call and demand to sacrifice Isaac, which
285cf. Sverre M e n , 'Reign' and 'House' in the Kingdom of God in the Gospels', I\TTS8, (1961-1962) pp. 215-240, h e ~ e pp. 222-232. 286~lasswell writes, "who is Jesus is a question about failh aid can only be answered in faith. Who was Jesus is a historical question. Whether we can get a1 Itie historical Jesus is debalilble." cf. M E . Glasswell, 'Jesus Chrisl' in Theoloav Vol. LXVlII 1965 no 546, pp. 558-563. See also his 'Gospel and I'n)cli~~nit~io~r', in Mcli~noi 2 ( 1903) pp. 104- 1 12. 2 8 7 ~ . ~ , Dlacltman, 'Failli', in I.D.D,. Vol. 2, pp. 222-228.
foreshadowed the Saith of future children of A b r a I i a m . ~ H u l t ~ n i ~ ~ ~ ~ i ~ writing on faith
said that in the Old Testament the righteous believe in God on the basis of his acts
e.g.the Exodus but they need lot believe the acts thenlselves, but in the New
Testament i t is the act that becomes the basis for faith. Cod's eschatological act in
Christ brings all history to an end, and solicits faith in this Christ, a faith which
govems all of life.Bultmann calls this the saving faith of the Kerygma.281 Hermission
and Lohse in their work on faith looked at the Old Testament understanding and
usage, in Josephus and in Philo before making a connection with the New Testament
understanding. They discovered that faith in God in the Old Testanlent has firm base
on the narrative accounts of the Patriarchs, Abraham, Jacob, Isaac, Moses and
David.29) This gave Israel the content of her faith in Cod for every present
circumstance. They argue that Israel's faith as a covenant people of God was not
understood as an elitist existence but rather as an existence through which Cod will
bless the nations of the world.ml But Israel's experience and encounter with other
nations made her at the Hellenistic period almost to personify faith into the law, so
that faith became synonymous to observance of the law. They also noted strong
emphasis and reference to Moses in Josephw, as the one who implanted faith in Israel
and to the subsequent g e ~ l e r a t i o ~ ~ s . This faith in God guides correct hellaviour and
actions.2% Hermission and Lollse observed that in an attempt to commend Israel's
faith to the Greeks and preserve i t for the covenant people from Hellenism, Philo
made faith to become true wisdom. Faith in God for l'hilo was ;I peer of wisdomJust
as wisdom turns away from earthly things and directs itself to heaven, so Saith bids
farewell to false opinions and trusts God who is steadfast and unchangeable.
Therefore for Philo, wisdom's bcllaviour is faith and i t is the highest of all v i r t~es .2"~
This virtue is found in the law. T h e point Hermission and Lohse were developing
2 w ~ . ~ . Ward, 'Faith', in Sup. Vol., pp. 339l'l'.
2 x 9 b!4. ?')OH. Hcrmission & E. Ind~sc, 'Faith' translated by Douglits W. Stott. Abingdon (1981) pp. 10- I I. 2911bid. p. 14.
3-921bitl. p. 112-114. 2931bid. p. 1 14.
was to see how it was that before the New Testament time, the Jews designated the
law as the object of faith, not that i t took the place of God but that God revealed his
will through it and so faith i n God was at the same time an obedience to the law. In
the New Testament time, argues Hermission and I .ohse, .lesus bccomes the ot)ject ol'
faith rather than the law and Christ instead of the law became the point of dispute
between Jews and Cl~ristians.~w D. R . Garlington on the other hand argues that the
view that for the Jews faith was synonymous with the law while being true was not
deliberate on the part of the Jews but as a consequence of their covenant relationship
to God.2s For example, Garlington argues that in the Hebrew vocabulary to hear
God is to obey, all assurning one action albeit in two parts. He argues that there is
no adequate English translation that can get behind the co~lcept of the Iicbrew word
for "to obey". To heed, to hearken, to listen, he argues are attempts to draw out an
idea iniplicit i n thc Hcbrew wold 'to I~eirr'."~' And so, to hcirr God's word is to
obey, this is the Hebrew understanding.Frorn this Garlington traces aspects of faith in
Hebrew religion especially in the apocryphal books of the intertestamental period and
comes to the conclusion that Hebrew concept of hearing God being equivalent to
obeying him made it to appear as if the Jews based salvation in the law. He refers to
Sanders' "covenantal nomism" as the best understanding of the faith of lsrael at this
time.29 They were a special people of God and needed to maintain that ethos
through observance of the law. But later in their history, argues Garlington prophets
realized that lsrael could not keep the law faithfully, that is, they were incapable of
hearing God's voice which wo~l t l imply to obcy. 'I'hell i t wirs rcver~lcd to tlwm that a
figure of a servant, who according to lsaiah 42: 1 , 4 receives the Spirit of YHWH and
establishes justice on earth. He is set over the servant nation lsrael who was unable
to obey the law (cf. lsaiah 42: 24). This servant (Messiah) is made a covenant for the
people and as the representative of the servant nation, through him all nations are
?04bitl, p. 1 16.
3 9 5 ~ . ~ . Garlington, The Obedience of fai~h, Mohr, Tiibingen ( 1991).
2 9 6 ~ p. I I .
2 9 7 ~ pp. 192- 196.
blessed. This Jesus fulfilled (cf. Luke 22: 20).2" Garlington concluded that this
Christ-event brings with i t the eschatological salvation in which obedience to the
Torah is redefined as corrirriitrrierit to Christ, for the one people of the new covenant
of faith.2W How, does L11ke's understanding of faith fit into this'! Fitmnyer has said
that one of the concerns of Luke is to pass on to a postapostolic history of Israel
preserved in the apostolic tradition and destined for salvation of Jews and Cientile~.3(~)
Luke's stress on this comes o ~ ~ t clearly in his use of the Old 'I'estan~ent to interpret the
Christ-went. 'I'his suggests that Luke's understanding 01' I'aitlr will have roots also ill
the Old Testament, and will probably have a L u c a ~ ~ slant to its use as well. This we
want to discover as we consider faith in Luke-Ads.
Marshall has argued frequently the need to take Luke ser io~~s ly because of the
author's understanding that Christian faith is based on history, that is, interpretation
of historical facts as communicating divine re~elalion.:~~)l 'This, Marshall argues is
the root of biblical faith of the people of God and their interaction with the world
around [hem in which was and still is discerned the almighty hand of God. History
he argues is not irrelevirnl to faith birt llisloricirl fircls form part of the substr\nce of
faith. Marshall uses Luke 1: 1-4 to illustrate the point that the author made use of
historical facts to call for faith in God and Christ in his two volumes. He does not
agree that because the Gospels are kerygma therefore the historical facts contained
therein are to be suspect because they are Ilistoricixed kerygma. Marshall argues that
proclamation (kerygma) need not be incompatible with history writing, albeit a
different k i ~ ~ d of l~ i s to ry . :~~)~ Gliisswell argues along the same line by saying that the
Gospel writers were not historians if what that is meant is that they collected the facts,
checked every evidence to ensure that there was disinteresledness in the facts
recorded. But because this is impossible for any historical work, therefore they are
2981bid. p. 12.
? 0 5 ) ~ p. 2561:
3 0 0 ~ . ~ . Fiizmycr, The Gospel Accordinu lo Luke, op. ell., pp. 9- 10. 3011.~. Murshall, Luke: Historian and Theologian, op. cit., pp. 33-49. 3(Qlbid, pp. a1T.
historical in their ow11 right for writing from the particular vicw of fait11.30-~ 'Therefore
when Conzelmann calls the work of Luke-Acts salvation history, he may seen1 to be
agreeing with Bultmann who sees the eschatological end to history in the Christ-event
which demands faith in him. The point of ihe Lucan kerygma is to call for faith in
God (cf. Luke 20: 1-8; 24: 15-3 1,4448; Acts 2: 36; 4: 12). We have been looking
at Luke's entire work as aimed at eliciting faith in Cod. We had also noted earlier
what Carlington said, that i t is artificial to distinguish between faith and obedience,
that the two belong together. Therefore faith in Christ ~lecessarily demands
obedience to Christ. If Luke has written history albeit biblical kerygma for faith in
Jesus, how does faith and obedience to Christ stand in relation to the Jewish religious
system and Torah? We have argued above that Jesus' attitude to the law was
complementary and therefore his acceptance of it. His conflict with the Pharisees and
religious rulers was actually hinged on the faith of God's people (cf. 1,uke 19: 45-48).
We shall take some examples to find out how.
Luke 5: 27-32 (The Call of Levi)
The toll collector Levi, by the standard of the religious duties of the Jews, was
regarded as an outsider with little or any hope of God's mercy. Jesus' call to him was
surprising. Then using his house for a feast was another shocking thing. The
Pharisees had to complain. We have looked at this text before, once in connection
with Jesus attitude to the law, and another when we considered the motif of sinners.
But here now we just want to consider it in relation to faith.
We have noted 0' Neill's point about "repentance" being a property of the covenant
people of Israel, and was not expected to belong to anyone o u t ~ i d e . ~ ( ~ We had also
argued that probably Jesus knew this to be true of the Jewish religion of his day which
- - - - - --
3 0 3 ~ . ~ . Glasswell, 'Jcsus Christ', in Thcology Vol. L XVIII 1965 No. 546, pp. 561-563. Scc also "Gospcl as History" Mchno~i~ 3 ( 1993) pp. 105- 106.
3 0 4 ~ . 0' Null, Tlw rl'l~cologv 01. A d s , 01). c i~ . . pp. I5 I - I SO.
might be why, in the case of Zacchaeus, he declared him to be a son of Abraham,
probably to challenge the views that regarded Zacchaeus as being outside the
covenant (cf. Luke 19: 1- 10). Sanders has argued that commentato~-s must look for
the reason of thelPharisees annoyance with Jesus' association with toll collectors and
sinners elsewhere rather than that of associating and eating with them even with the
intent of reforming them, for no Jew would be unhappy with such a noble venture.305
Following Garlington's discovery that for the Jews faith and obedience was one
action, Jesus would be seen by the Pharisees as making light of the faith of the people
of God here by not asking first for the sinners 'to bear fruits that befit repentance' (cf.
Luke 3: 8). This would suggest taking the toll collector through repentance processes
and sacrifice and perhaps restitution before they could be associated ~ i t h . 3 ~ 6 We are
not even sure that 1,uke sees anything wrong with restitution for example, because we
see Zacchaeus opting for that. But the difference is that it was not at the suggestion of
Jesus, rather Zacchaeus felt an inner compulsion to do that. Of course, Jesus did not
dissuade him (cf. Luke 19: 1- 10). Putting the conversion of toll collectors at his travel
narratives, one at the beginning (5: 27-32) and one at the end (19: 1-10), with
restitution brought in at the last one, could it suggest a journey of fidith which Luke is
trying to narrate'? That is to say, instead of insisting on faith and obedience, with
obedience as evidence for faith, therefore condition for fidith, the Lucan Jesus seems
to be recognizing faith in the toll collector for what it is, and letting this faith make
the toll collector willing to make amends, perhaps through restitution, but in all
willingness to be obedient rather than obedience issuing out of compulsion. It
became out of conviction of what he ought to be doing in the name of God he
believed in (cf. Luke 19: 8).3O7 The issue borders on creating a condition in which a
sinner can come within the state of becoming faithful and put his trust in God. The
act is that of being merciful to the sinner rather than an absolute "there and thcn"
3 0 5 ~ . ~ . Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, oD, pp. 199,204ff. 3 0 6 m p. 206. 307cf. N.T. Wright, Small Faith Great God, Kingsway (1078) pp. 72-74.
demand for obedience before his faith could be a~cepted.~O8 The Pharisees' bitterness
with Jesus was probably seen to be because ol' his apparent neglect ol' insisting on the
demands of the law for the sinner before acknowledging his faith. Jesus attitude was
not totally out of order in their prophetic tradition (cf. Jeremiah 31: 20; Luke 1 : 16-
17; 11: 42). Jesus may be seen to be saying that the pre-requisite for obedience is
flaith, whereas the Pharisees may be seen to be insisting that the pre-requisite [or faith
is obedience.309 We notice a similar situation in the story of the healing of the
centurion's servant in Luke 7: 1-10. Although in this story the elders of the Jews
recognize the efforts of the centurion to the extent of building a synagogue, yet he
would not bc recognized to have Faith in God unless hc submitted to the law and
probably had to be circumcised. The words of the centurion through the friends to
Jesus, 'I am not worthy to have you under my roof' sums up the attitude of Jews
towards the Gentiles (Luke 7: 6). Fitzmyer said that this implied that where the
gentiles dwelt was regarded as unclean by the Jews. Jesus, deducing from what [he
elders testified and the words of the centurion himself, recognized the centurion's
faith; a faith that was not found in Israel (Luke 7: 9).310 We had noted earlier that
some commentators think that this story is similar to that of Cornelius in Acts 10.
This need not be doubted especially in relation to the question of what earns one, the
Gentile salvation. The imporlint aspect of the Cornelius episode for us now is that in
a reply to the circumcision party's objection to accepting the faith of the Gentiles and
eating with them by Peter, an appeal was made to "faith in the Lord Jesus Christ" as
the determining factor. The argument went thus, 'we believed and were saved, so
they believed and were saved' (cf. Acts 1 1: 17-18; 15: 1-2, 7-9, 1 1 ; 16: 30-3 1). The
centurion in Luke 7 believed in God and recognized Jesus as 'Lord' and gave him that
same trust (7: 6). This some Jews found difficult to do as can be seen through their
attitude to John the Baptist and to Jesus (Luke 19: 45-48). These examples represent
early introductions to Jesus as an object of faith, a transfer that was complete after the
3 0 8 ~ . P. Sanders, -, Judaism, p p 204-205. 309cf. Blackrnau. 'Faith', T1)B Vol. 2.. p. 228. 310 Fitzmyer, fiosnel of 1,11ke Vol.1.- p. 652
resurrection. From then on, because the law, the prophets and the psalm testify to
Jesus, he is the object of faith (cf. Luke 24: 27'44).
Faith and healing
The Synoptics all agree on the relationship of faith (in Jesi~s) to healing a d exorcism.
In some cases the faith is not mentioned but asswnetl in the healing (cf. Luke 4: 38-39
with parallel Mark 1: 29-34; Matthew 8: 14- 17). In others i t seems that Faith is a pre-
requisite for healing. The healing of the paralytic is an example, Imke 5: 17--26. I t
seems that the faith here is made evident by the sort of effort the relatives and friends
made i n letting the sick man clown though the house roof' tiles to where Jesus was
inside the house. The reference to faith is that which Jesus saw i n the friend (5: 20).
Thc faith of friends earned the paralytic both forgiveness and I~ealing."' .This must
mean for Luke thal the trust the friends of the paralytic had in Jesus that he would
give them attention made them to go to the extent they went to to reach Jesus despite
the obstacles. Faith for Luke may not be trouble free. I t is a similar case with the
woman and Simon at the Pharisee's house, who is described as a sinner. Except that
here the faith of the woman is recognized, and it is a case of forgiveness rather than
physical illness. Here forgiveness and peace is l iked to faith and salvation (7: 50).
The woman's faith earned her both forgiveness and salvation. 'The evidence of the
woman's faith is not as evident as in the case of the paralytics. Perhaps the ability of
the woman to enter Simon's house uninvited, so as to meet Jesus could indicate the
woman's faith. Heck suggests that i l probably was because of the woman's
persistence and gratitude as elements of faith, which won her salvation.312 Evans
argues that the formda 4 niutis 001) UEUWKEV UE can hardly be suitable here since
it appears mainly on healing stories, instead her love for being forgiven is evident.3I3
Fitzmyer argues that faith is the basis on which the woman sought forgiveness which
'J .A. Fi tzmyer, The Gospcl Acconling lo Lukc, op ci(., p. 652.
3 1 3 ~ . ~ . 1 3 c c k , Christian Character in the Gos~el OK L,ukc, Ep\vorlh (1989) p. 76. 13c.~. Evans, Saint Luke, or>. cil., pp. 364-365
is confirmed by Jesus to be granted What we understand Fitzmyer to be
putting forth is that since forgiveness which Jesus announced came Trom God,
therelore the woman's faith towards God was recognized by Jesus and declared as
salvation for her.' The woman's faith is proved by her actions of love towards Jesus in
recognition that he is agent of God.
Pcrhups Lukc was iiware ol' the inlc~~rcliilctlncss holwccn I'orgivcness, lovo, I'ailh i111d
salvation, but was careful to include a particular difficulty the person needed to
overcome which will add up to the evidence of fiith in the person's action. Luke 8:
40-56, he woman with the issue of blood also falls within this category of ~ccognition
of faith. This case is a clear healing story. And as in the other siories looked into,
Jesus told her that her faith had saved her (8: 48). Although in this case, the woman
put up an action a s well as a proclamation (cf. 8: 44,47), whereas in the other cases
looked into, the paralytic ncither spoke nor did anything except to lie down and be
carried by friends. In the case of the sinful woman, she put up an action but
througl~oul was no1 sirid lo I~iivc lniitlc ally ullcnulcc. 13ul Iloro 11ow will) lllc wo111a11
with the issue of blood, both action and words are involved. This is only likened to
the centurion's case in that he sent for Jesus initially, and sent a second deputation
which was more dramatic, although the centurion never actually met Jesus but his
words wcre as dramatic as actions (Luke 7: 1-10). In the Markan version, the woman
actually convinced herself that iT she touched Jesus' garment that she would be healed
(Mark 5: 28), but this is omitted in Luke. Also it was to Jesus that the woman told the
truth in Mark (Mark 5: 33), but in Luke it was in the presence of all the people (cf.
Luke 8: 47). For Luke then, the woman has become a witness and an evangelist. By
the custom of the day the woman was probably not expeclcd to bc 0111 in he open l i x
fear of spreading both her contagion and her impurity. That she actually defied that
custom may account for the evidence of her faith which Jesus 'ecognized.
3 1 4 ~ . ~ . Filzmyer, The Gospel Accordins to I.uke, op. citup. 692.
Th&sen ~ h i n k s that the ability of the woman to cross boundaries both socially and
ritually amounted to her faith.315 Schweizer also argues along similar lines, seeing
evidence of both faith and saving Saith present in the story.316 Another story which
has the same s a y h g about faith is in the healing of the ten lepers, Luke 17: 11-19
found only in Luke. Schweizcr thinks that because this pericope precedes the
discourse on the Kingdom of God (17: 20ff), it was probably because healing of
leprosy was looked on as a kind of resurrection and so an eschatological event. He
goes on to associate the healing with salvation.317 The point of the story centers
around Jesus' observance that of the ten healed only one, a Samaritan came back to
offcr thanks. It may bc presumed that thc other nine were Jews but the text does not
say. T h e relationship between the Jews and the Samaritans which was not cordial,
may help to heighten the effort of the healed man in returning thanks. Perhaps Luke
expected the reader to imagine the difl'iculties of prejudice he had to overcome to
acknowledge Jesus, at least a s a Jewish prophet. The healed leper showed his Faith
first of all in obeying the words of Jesus to go and show themselves to the priest. His
firill) was further madc cvident in returning thanks to God. Just like the centurion in
Luke 7 , whose faith was praised as not found even in Israel, so this Samaritan, a
foreigner, through his actions exemplified faith h a t can earn salvation. The healing of
the blind man a t Jericho attracted similar pronouncement (Luke 18: 35-43). W e
notice once again the attempt oS people to dissuade the blind inan from receiving
Jesus' attention, but Jesus took notice and had compassion on him. W e have evidence
of faith here in the blind man's recognition that Jesus is the Son oS David, and his
persistence to get to this Son of David. This earns his salvation.
From thc tcxts w c have lookcd into, we noticc thc 1,uc;rn characteristic way of
suggesting strongly that faith matures through persistence. The parable of the sower
brings this Lucan theology of faith well.
3 1 5 ~ . Theissen, -ries of l4cizuly C- . . ' ' , T&'l'Clark(1983)pp. 133-135.
3 1 6 ~ . Schweizer, Luke, ~ p , citUp. 150. 3 l 7 ~ pp. 226-268.
Luke 8: 11-15
From the interpretation the author gives to the parable it emerges that he contrasts
success with failure, taking time to explain reasons for the failures. It is clearly stated
that the seed is the' word of God. To hear it and accept it is to be saved. There are
four groups of characterized responses. In the first group, 11: 12, there was no
response at all to faith because of the devil's work. In the rest, there were responses,
but only in the fourth group is the response of faith commended. And in this last
group, their fruit came to mature through patience and perseverance. Therefore
conversion begins with listening to the word through to commitment. The purpose of
the Kerygma is so that people will believe and be saved (Luke 8: 12). Those who
eventually believe, bear fruit with patience (Luke 8: 15). To believe then is to have
faith in Jesus Christ, in him is the salvation. This word as seed and its effects Luke
takes further in Acts. In Acts 10: 43 everyone who believes in him receives
forgiveness. In Acts 16: 31 to believe in him is to be saved. In Acts 4: 12 there is no
other name, except his (Jesus) for salvation. All this is within ihe context of
proclaiming the word or Jesus or Kingdom of God (cf. Acts 8: 12). There are other
references and uses of faith in Lucan material which suggests how central faith is to
the Christ-event.
"The faith" as Christianity
On several places in Acts, Christianity is described in the absolute sense of the word
'faith'.
Acts 6: 7
This text seems to summarize the initial phase of the work of the followers of Jesus in
Jerusalem. The word of God increased could either mean proclamation advanced to
other areas, or the increase of witness and preachers. It could also mean the increase
of converts (cf. Acts 8: 14). Then he uses the word disciples here which may be
synonymous with converts. Marshall has notcd thc autllor's usc of disciples to
describe followers of Jesus both in the pre- and post-Easter event. He suggests that
this could be as a result of his interest in maintaining a continuity between the two
works as evidence of the onc work of Jesus.318 So for Marshall, disciples are those
who believe in Christ, that is those who have faith in Christ. The author says again
that many of the'priests were obedient to the faith. We had noted sometime in the
view of Otto Betz and Rainer Riesner that it was probable that some members of the
Essenes attached themselves to the Messianic faith.319 That could be the reference
to "some priests" in this text, since some Essenes were members of the early church.
But here, the "Church" is described as 'faith'. Luke may be saying in this text
something like that "the faithful were obedient to the faith", so that both objectively
and subjectively, and also in content, the word faith describes the work of salvation.
Similar wage is seen in Acts 13: 8; and 14: 22. And that is suggestive to the fact that
obedience is demanded of converts. Obedient to what in this case must be to Christ
(cf. Acts 2: 42). T o be obedient to Christ would mean that one's faith is expected to
last.
Luke 17: 5 - Increase our faith
This is the request of the apostles. Beck has argued that the parallels in Mark 11: 22
and Matthew 17: 20 could suggest the context of the saying and so point towards faith
in miracles or for healing, although he accepts that it is difficult to be certain which
kind of Faith is assumed h ~ r e . ~ 2 0 Me does not see any need to suspect any special kind
of faith here, but that it could be the general faith required in the face of impossible
situation, a trust in God that can overcome which is different from ordinary human
immovability. But Fitzmyer thinks that Matthew 21: 21 affected Matthew 17: 20 and
this accounts for why the Lucan version is more preferable as closer to the original
saying. He compares it to a similar text in the apocryphal Gospel of St Thomas where
Iw hclicvcs thc slant thctc w i ~ mow on unity i.c. oncncss hut dcpcndcnl on Malchcw
3181M. Marshall, r,uke: Theol . . a, u p . 193. See also B.E. Beck, Christian Character, p. 7. 3190~to Betz and Rainer Riesner, Jesus. Oulnran and lhe Vatican, SCM (1993) p. 147. 3 2 0 ~ . ~ . Beck, Christian Character, op. cit.. pp. 90-91..
17: 20.321, Fitzmyer argues that the reply of Jesus to the request for increase of faith
does not meet the request but rather makes it clear that what is important is not the
amount but what kind of faith. Fitzmyer has noted the difficulty in recording
'Sycamore tree" arid "planted in the sea" although he generally agrees that the whole
point is having faith that can accomplish extraordinary things lor God. It seems that
because the saying about uprooting a tree into the sea itself is difficult to imagine
suggests that so is the work done in or by faith.322 On reflection it will be difficull to
imagine how it is done, and ordinarily it will be seen to be almost impossible. While
we agree that the faith being asked for here from the reply of Jesus suggest the faith
for mighty works. It seems also that the preceding verses may give some guidance to
its interpretation. Jesus had just finished talking about temptation and forgiveness to
the disciples and their response came in a form of a request for increase of faith. The
seriousness of the temptation and the punishment that awaits the one through whom it
comes must be difficult enough for the apostles as the saying of Jesus at the last
supper about his betrayal (cf. Luke 22: 22-23). This is connected w i h forgiving one
anoiher as many times as there is repentance without any indication that there is a
limit to such. If the apostles realized the weight of these two admonitions from Jesus
about both how they ought to relate to each other and what to expect from the outer
world, will such an understanding not prompt them to ask, "Lord, increase our faith?'
Whatever makes one to stumble constitutes a temptation and is an obstacle. Whatever
stands in the way of forgiving heart is an obstacle. An image~y of a tree can be used
as an obstacle on someone's path. If one has faith as a mustard seed, it can effect a
change in such situations and circumstances. Therefore the disciples seem to be
responding positively and saying to Jesus that unless their h i th is increased, thinking
that it is the quantity of it to match the weight of what Jesus is telling them, they may
not be able to fulfill his words. And as we have argued it is an appropriate request to
make in the face of such a demand on their discipleship. Taken on another level,
3 2 1 ~ . ~ . Filzmyer, The Gospel According to Luke, Vol. 11, oo, cit.. PP1141-1144. 3 2 2 ~ .
temptation to sin and forgiveness are 'linked. It is true that Jesus has pronounced a
woe on the one though whom temptation comes, but it appears that penitence and
repentance may be able to avert that woe, hence a continuation of the saying to that on
penitence and foigiveness (Luke 17: 1-4). It is at this point that the disciples almost
"cut in" on his words to ask for increase of faith with which to be able to remain
faithful to these instructions.
Therefore we suggest that the faith the apostles are asking for here may not only be
for healing or miracles and other mighty deeds, but it may also include faith for true
discipleship. Talking about true discipleship as a request from the disciples, w e ase
reminded of the text where Jesus talks about their faith being in danger of failing.
Luke 22: 31-32
In this passage, Jesus predicts the temptation to fall away which was to take place at
his crucifixion, and prays for the chief apostle Peter that his faith may not fail, and
after Peter's repentance that he may strengthen the brethren. This text is only in Luke.
T h e rebuke of Peter a s Satan, and being on the side of men in Mark 8: 33 with parallel
in Matthew is not in Luke. Fitzmyer regards the Lucan text a s authentic despite the
fact that he reluctantly depicts the apostles a s having deserted Jesus a t his trials.323
But here in this episode Jesus knew that the disciples would be sifted before Satan,
and that Peter would fall away only to turn again, and then the responsibility to
strengthen the others.324 Jesus revealed all this to them, but his prayer also is made
known to them, 'that your faith may not fail7. This is at the heart of discipleship, of
following after Jesus. Although it would seem that Jesus words have an immediate
context within Peter's denial and the abandonment of the rest of the apostles until
after his resurrection (cf. Luke 22: 62; 24: 34, 44-48)32s it probably looked beyond
that a s a paradigm for keeping faith. The assurance that Jesus has prayed for the
3 2 3 ~ pp. 1421-1422. 3 2 4 ~ . 3 2 5 ~ .
followers, seals off future attacks of Satan on the work of the followers for the
Kingdom of God. We hear the echo in Acts 14: 22, "through many tribulations shall
one enter the Kingdom of God". Jesus does not pray against the sifting of Satan. He
prays that faith ma'y not fail, even at the face of death. This may be why Luke
epitomizes his understanding of faith in martyrdom.
Martyrdom and Faith
Stephen is singled out of the seven servers as a man, 'full of faith and the Holy Spirit'
(Acts 6: 5). J.T. Sanders has already noted the parallel between Stephen's trial and
death and that of Jesus (Acts 6: 9, cC Luke 4: 16f; Acts 7: 56 cf. Luke 22: 6 ; Acts 7:
59-60 cf. Luke 23: 34-36).326 Stephen serves as a paradigm on how to bear witness
and to be a disciple (cf. Luke 14: 26, 27, 33). Mark Glasswell, writing about
papzvpta in the New Testament said that Stephen is a martyr, not because he died
but because he was a witness to Christ.327 Luke took time to narrate Stephen's trial
and death probably so that all who come to Faith, may scc the path that loyalty LO
Christ can take. A glimpse of heaven and the Son of Man already vaken his place is
evidence that the faith is true. For those who live a life of faith in Christ and love
even to their enemies and forgive even their murderers, have experienced the
Kingdom of God from where they let the mind of God control their lives here on
earth."8 Such a life was eloquent testimony to the Jews about the salvation in Christ,
contrary to J,T. Sanders view, and a great encouragement to carry the message into
the Gentile world.32Vhis Gospel which one on believing can yield his whole life is
called faith, and salvation. Stephen becomes a representative of the life of faith of the
community of believers. Within the covenant faith, God direch and orders all things.
That same allegiance owed to God even up to the point of death, is now Christ's as
well. Followers who are also called believers, are believers in the God of Jesus.
326~.1'. Sanders, The JeWn Iake-Am, SCM (1987) pp. 248f. 327~ark Grundell , "Martyrdom and Orrhodoxy in lhe New Testament" in, GQTR, Vol. 30, No. 3 (1985) pp. 287-296, here p. 291. 3 2 8 ~ . ~ . Sanders, b u s and Judaism on. cit. pp. 249-250. 329cf. J.C. O'Neill, Theology of Acts on. cit.. pp. 23E
Because they have faith in Christ, that becomes also the faith of the community (Acts
6: 7; 14: 22). And this community follows the faith of the Patriarch Abraham and the
community of the covenant of this God (Acts 3: 25; 7: 2f9.
4.2 Concluding Points
This investigation made an attempt to consider some Lucan motifs of salvation as
rooted in the Hebrew concept of covenant. T h e agenda was set in Abraham as God
called him to become Israel and a blessing to the nations. Within a covenant
theology, Luke designs salvation to embrace the human race through 'his' name. This
he demonstrates in the way the author handles cvery salvation motif. Although
Moses and the Law, the prophets and Psalms play inlportant role in this, Luke
nevertheless puts the emphasis on Jesus as the Saviour.
Luke recognizes the important role of the Holy Spirit in revealing God's will through
the law and Scriptures, even unto [heir testimony of Christ a s the Saviour. This role
of lhc Spirit also puts a choice hefore the people eithcr to reject or to respond to Jesus.
This takes us directly to our next investigation which is the role the Holy Spirit plays
in arousing peoples' faith in Jesus - in conversion.
Chapter 5
The Role of the Holv Snirit in Conversion
In the last Chapter we looked at salvation motifs in Luke. Within i t conversion
becomes focused on and universal when considered within the Lucan understanding
and usage of the law and the covenant. W e have seen so far that Luke makes a strong
connection between the covenant and salvation. Lucan Jesus as the Saviour
determines the efficacy of both, which is why it is necessary to believe in him and be
converted. Lucan Holy Spirit, through whom the Saviour was born is also made to
play an important role in conversion. This particular role oS the Holy Spirit will now
be investigated.
There is agreement among scholars that the Holy Spirit is mentioned perhaps more in
Luke-Acts than most New Testament books.' But not all agree that Luke has any
systematic presentation of the Holy Spirit. Lampe regards the Lucan pneumatology
as ~ n d e v e l o p e d . ~ Marshall defends Luke as a theologian comparable to any other in
the New T e ~ t a m e n t . ~ Shelton cautions that failure to recognize Luke's distinctive
contribution to New Testament pneumatology will only result in confusion of New
Testament ~ h o l a r s h i p . ~ T o enable us to avoid this confusion, w e want to investigate
Luke's understanding of the Holy Spirit in relation to conversion which is part of the
more comprehensive concept of Lucan salvation.
W e shall begin with a brief summary of the work of the Holy Spirit in the Old
Testament, and the intertestamental period which may have influenced Luke, since we
IE. Scllweiker, 'xv~upa' ; in 'IDNT VI, p. 404; cf. J.1I.E. Hall, The Spirit in Acl~ , 1,utterworth (1967) pp. 12-13. 2 ~ . ~ . ~ . Lampe 'The IIoly Spirit in the Writing of St. I.oke9 in StudiesUnfism by D.E. Nineham (ed) Oxford Blackwe11 (1957) pp. 159-200, especially pp. 160, 193,200. 3 1 . 1 1 . Miu.sl~idl, I.ukc: -, up.& pp. 2161. 4 1 . ~ . Shelton, Mighty in Word and Deed onsit pp. 2f.
have established already the influence of the Old Testament on Luke.5 We shall then
consider Jesus and the Spirit and how one relates to the other. Since the Jewish
method of winning converts (proselytizing) may have inlluenced Luke's conversion
narratives,6 we may need to see how they undertook this mission. Only after this
shall we be able to discover the role the Holy Spirit plays in conversion in Luke. We
will assume that the close association Luke makes between God, Jesus, the Holy
Spirit, Angels and the Scriptures are indicative of the divine aspect and involvement
in convers tion.
Writing on the question of the possibility of "new-birth" before the Pentecost, (New
Testament), Arthur Lewis said:
"The question has to do with the nature of personal salvation and the role of
the Holy Spirit in the redemptive process in the Old Testanlent."7
Making use of the concept of "circumcision" and the related ideas such as
'forgiveness', 'righteousness' and 'law', Lewis argues that the Holy Spirit was active
in the Old Testament in the work of conversion and salvation as in the New
Testament.
The influence of the Old Testament In Lman material has already been noted. How
does this present a clue to Lucan presentation of the role of the Holy Spirit in
conversion?
Holy Spirit in the Old Testament
Eric Sjiibergs has rightly pointed out that any study of the Holy Spirit faces the
historical problem that Palestine was not an isolated territory in the Hellenistic world.
Although anthropological ideas attach themselves to ancient Hebrew concepts,
nevertheless, these concepts would be expected to be influenced by the Hellenistic
5,s. C.K. Barrell, Imke the Historian in Recent Study London The Epwor~h (1961) pp. 15ff. ~J.c . O'Neill, The T h e o l o ~ v of Act&, op.cit pp. 139ff. 7 ~ r t h u r Lewis, The New Birth u ~ ~ d e r he Old Covenant, Vol. L C 1 (1984) pp. 3544. 8 ~ r i k Sjdberg, nveupcr, 'I'DNT Vol. VI. pp. 380E
world. This is probably more true of the Hebrew coucept of me.upcc. W e will bear
this in mind as we make our inquiries.
The 'Holy SpiriY' appears in about two places in the Old Testament (Psalm 51: 11;
Isaiirh 60: 1 0 - 1 I ) . W e will comc to i t 1;rlcr. W e shall bcgin with ''Spiril" gc~icrrrlly
and its concept before we return to "Holy Spirit". Perhaps an appropriate coliment
here is that the scarcity of the term "Holy Spirit" in the Old Testament should not be
taken to imply a non-familiar understanding of the Holy Spirit there. Any occurrence
at all is enough, bearing in mind that 'Holy' is also frequently used for God in the Old
Testamelrl.
5. I . 1. 'The Spirit or 'Spirit' in the Old 'l'estament
Marie Isaacs!) has undertaken a study ol' the concept of the spirit and concludes that
Septuagint's translation of n' \T by rcvs\ry(x facilitated thc tIzbrcw's co~tcept of
"breath" being synonymous with "Spirit" in Greek. The roo[ meaning of 'ruach' has
to d o with the movement of "air", that is life. T h e opposite is "flesh". 'Spirit' and
'flesh' are both necessary for life but in different ways. T h e 'flesh' is alive becatlse
'the spirit' or 'breath' animates it. But the spirit is a force on its own that has life
power, energy and force. But because Hebrews expressed concepts and ideas in
concrete terms, spirit has lo be likened lo wind, breath, air. It is assumed that this
comes from God. And because the "wind" is from the Lord or God makes use of i l ,
Hosea calls i t the 'wind of the Lord' (Hosea 13: 15). Even man (humanity) is a
"living being" because God "breathed" into them, and they became living beings
(Genesis 2: 7). The content of the breath is "Spirit", "life-force". And yet, this breath
does not abide with him forever. God withtiraws it and he dies and becomes "flesh"
or "corpse" (cf. Genesis 6: 3). Therefore whether the 'ruach' is 'breath', 'air',
'wind', or force, it is from God and belongs to God. This "spirit" encompasses
everything (cf. Psalm 139: 7- 10) and gives all "life".
' )~ar ic Isaacs, 'The Concept of the Spirit', Hev~lvrp Monopraph London (1976) pp. 101'1'.
Location of 'the Spirit'
The action of the 'ruach' is noticed in the creation and preservation of life. It is this
breath that makes man (f esh) alive. (Job 33: 4,34: 14-15 Psalm 104: 27-3 1). Breath
as a gift of life quickens dly bones and they become living human beings (cf. Ezekiel
37: 6; cf. Ecclesiastics 12: 7).
'I'hc action oC 'ruach' is also noticcd in non-prophclic gills such as clrcanu. Joscph
was able to dream and interpret dreams because of the ruach of God (cf. Genesis 41:
38-39). Wisdom and intelligence and knowledge and craftsmanship are all due to the
action of God's ruach (cf. Exodus 28: 3; 35: 31, Numbers 27: 18, Deuteronomy 34:
9).
To these we shall add the leadership roles of Judges and Kings of Israel (cf. Judges
14: 6; 15: 14, 19; 15: 15; I Samuel 11: 16).
The action of 'ruach' is admitted in the work of the prophets. It can also make one to
be both a leader and prophect (cf. I Samuel 10: 5-13). But in later writing (classical)
prophets, such as Amos, Ilosca, Isaiah and Jcrc~niall, thcrc was the ~ . c l u c l a ~ u of
reference to the action of the Spirit in them as prophets. Instead, a greater association
came to be made between prophecy and God's word (cf. Amos 3: 8; Isaiah 7: 14-15).
But the reason for this was probably because of a continued attempt to iinderstand the
Spirit and its action in concrcte "terms" - words that guide, lead and order things.10
Even at this, some writing prophets still referred to their work as from the Spirit.
Ezekiel spoke much about the Spirit and was even carried about in and by the Spirit
(cf. Ezekiel 2: 1-2, 3: 12ft'; 8: 3; 1 1 : 1 ff; 37: 1). Isaiah also made references to the
Spirit (cf. Isaiah 61: Iff). Zechariah seems to have made connection between the
prophetic "word" and "spirit" and "law" as from one source, God (cf. Zechariah 7:
12). Therefore whether the "breath" or "spirit", i t was an instrument by which God
worked.
1 0 ~ . Congar, The World and the Spirit, Geoffrey Chapman Imdon (1984) pp. 7K
Other figures were also adopted to refer to God's action. They ii~cluded "the hand of
God" (cf. Exodus 7: 5); the "finger of God" (Exodus 8: 19). In Isaiah 63: 5, the "arm
of God" is almost identical to God himself'.
Angels were sometimes interchanged with reference to God. 'The dream of Jacob at
Hcthcl is o m exanlplc (cl'. Gc~lcsis 28: 10-22). I t could be Ill:rI o r ig i~~al ly angcls wcrc
separate spiritual beings apart from God, but due to slich a concept being a threat to
monotheism it became almost synonymous to Cod (cf. Judges 6: 1 1-24).
T h e fear of dualism probably accounts for some Old Testament's evil spirits being
sent from God as his agents (cf. Judges 9: 2'3; ISamuel 16: 14,23; 18: 10; 19: 9, 23,
24: 1 Kings 22: 22). Therc may secm to be a tension here between h u ~ n a n
respo~~sibi l i ty and Cod's ability. T h e t e n s i o ~ ~ disappears when we allow final
authority to rest with God.
Therefore, for the Old Testament, God is responsible for all that happens, and it is
through his ' r u c h ' (Spirit) that this is achieved. Angles, evil spirits, o r his hand o r
finger may be evoked, and yet behind i t a11 is God.11
5.1.2. T h e Spirit in the Intertestamental Period
T h e period in Hebrew religious thought which is described as the iritertestamet~tal
period is broadly speaking that which is called the Hellenistic period. Be i i~g mindful
of the problems about defining Hellenism, and its influence, and also whether it is
heretical or contaminated in relation to 'Jewish orthodoxy' we just have to accept that
at the period in question, Jewish religious thought came to be expressed in various
forms. These forms nevertheless claimed all allegiance to the I -Mrew religion of h e
Old Testament. This is why we work with "covenant nomism" as a possible way of
holding together the varions attempts at Jewish religious expression at this time. It is
not clear enol~gh if one could neatly partition "Judaisn~" at this time into "Palestinian"
and "Diaspora" or "orthodox" and "I-lellenistic", since there was much interaction
I lcl'. G . Sigal, Thc Jew mltl the Christian Missionurv: A Jcwish Rcsponsc to Missionary Christiani~v Klav Publishing House New Yolk (1981) p. 149.
between the Jews then. But suffice it to be said that Hebrew religion at the time of
great foreign influence, particularly in Greek-Roman period, saw it as a responsibility
to preserve its identhy as the covenant people of God. One way of doing this was to
interpret their religion in terms of the existing culture but being careful to retain the
main essence of any religious thought so expressed.12 Relating this to our inquiry
about the Spirit, we notice that Jewish literature between the Old Testament and the
New have ideas of the Spiril of God or 'Spirits' in general without any systematic
thought. Kirsopp I.,ake'sl3 tabulation of the views into "educated" and "uneducated",
while helpful, is to be used cautiously. Lake probably was aware of the problem since
he acknowledged Josephus as educated but added that he was not theologically
educated. Lake's educated minds then become evident in the Rabbinic literature,
Josephus and Philo, while the uneducated were referred to by the Apocalyptic
literatures (e.g. Enoch, Daniel), and possibly the Dead Sea Scrolls.
Strictly speaking, thought patterns at this time fell into two groups. One was Greek
and the other Jewish. Without going into details, we shall look at each group briefly,
limiting our inquiry to their concept of the Spirit.
A Greek thought form
The Greek language sees a distinction between 'wind', "Spirit" and "intelligence".
The Spirit was defined in scientific terms as a force, which was both object and
source of motion and which animated eveiything.
A particular Greek philosophy which tried to advance this understanding of the
universe was called Stoicism.l4 It conceived the universe as a spiritual and an
12d. S.J.0. Cohcn, 'Convcrsioa lo Judilis~n in Ilislorical I~crsyectivc', in 36 (4) 1983, pp. 28fC l 3 ~ . Lake, "The Iloly Spirit", in The beg inn in^ of Christiau Vol. V (eds) K. Lake and H.J. Cadbury Macmillan and Co. Ltd (1993) pp. 96-1 11. especially pp. 98-99. 14~or Stoicism and olher Greek Philosophies on nvmpa cf. M. Isaacs, 'The Concept of the Spirit', OD. cit., pp. 12-17.
ordered whole. The spiritual force of the universe permeates everything, in lesser
degree in plants and animals, but higher in human beings and celestial bodics. This
m m p a for Stoics was God. Rejecting other concepts of the mmpa, such as ym~11,
although this is not always clear in Greek even in the Septuagint, and also G a t p o v e ~
as a kind of nveupa , the translators of the Septuagint rendered "breath" as n v e u p a
and so made it responsible to God. According to Friedrich Raumgarte1,ls other \
renderings of 'ruach' in the Septuagint include a v e p q (wind), 8 u p o ~ (soul) and
nvoq (breeze). That God is 'spirit', which the Stoics believed is accepted by the
Jews. The problem comes when the exact nature of this spirit is looked for. Since for
the Jews spirit comes from God, it has to be 'Holy' because God is Holy. Although
they accepted that the Spirit pervaded everything, yet they were able to see or allocate
a position which made it independent of nature, and therefore 'Holy'. For the Greeks,
Spirit and matter were so inter-twined, so that God is immanent and he cannot be seen
to be separate from creation. Philo on the other hand used the logic of morality, in
that man is corporal and sinful, to advocate the separateness (Holiness) of the Spirit
despite the fact that it abides in man, but could not be forever, and certainly not
limited to man or nature for that matter.16 Therefore, Philo representing the Jewish
thought in dialogue with Greek influence assigned to n v m p a the role of God. What
Greeks thought about n v m p a may be true in so far as a v m p a is recognized as both
possessing everything and yet not limited by evcrythiiig and definitely it is beyond
everything. Therefore, m e u p a had become a thing but its relationship to God is not
clear. What is clear was that it is not another God, for it is from God, despite all
close associations of the Spirit with God (cf. Isaiah 30: 1; 40: 13).
A Jewish Thought Form
Hebrew religion as we noted above always had an option of entering into some
dialogue when confronted by alien culture and thought. This is clearly evident in the
- ----. . -. -- -.
151+eidrich Baumgarlel, 'nv~upa' h TDNI' VI pp. 367-368. ' 6 ~ . Isaacs, o~.ciL p. 19.
works of the Qumran, wisdom ben, Sirach, Philo and Josephtrs. We shall look at each
briefly.
According to Werner l3ieder,17 Joseph\~s believed that YWUXT~ and nvc:vpa are
contained in the blood. nvsvpu was for him the seat of passions such as anger and
war. On another plane, Gaipovia are equated to the Jcvevpata of the wicked deed.
And so for Josephus, the world is full of "spirits", good or bad derived from good or
bad human "souls" after death. nv~uycr and J c v w p a m derive their source from Cod.
.lust as the spirit of the wicked dead were devils, so Josephus equated the angels with
the Spirit of God.ln When i t comes to the role of the Spiril i ~ r indivitl~~als within
religious circles, Josephus is not very clear. On the one hand he believed in Old
Testament prophets and prophecy as derived from the Spirit of God, but thought that
i t came to aa end with the death of Haggai, Zcchariali and Ma1achi.l') And at the
same time he claimed lo have the gift of the ability to predict the future and believed
that John Hyrcanus was both king, highpriest and prophet.2° The Essenes niay
prophecy but Josephus wodd think that i t was not from the Spirit of God. Menzies'
study of the approach of Josephus conctudes that Josephus views the Spirit
exclusively as the source of esoteric wisdom and inspired speech alld not as source of
~nirtlculous dcetls or salvation.21 Wc would suggcst that sirlcc I.akc silw Joscpllus as
an educated lay man, i t wodd appear therefore that his view about the Spirit would
probably centre more on value jl~dgement of the effects rather tllan [he phenomena.
Menzies is correcl to notice Josephus' conrlection between Spirit and wisdom.
Josephus saw himself as a prophet. Would i t not be because lie foretold the
si~ccession of Vespasian as Emperor and i t came to be? Whereas the zealots who
prophesied the fall of Rome and put up a resistance force were mostly proved wrong,
1 7 ~ c r n c r Hicder, ' m e u p ' in TDNT Vol. VI, p. 375. ' 8 ~ . h k c , ' T ~ C H O I ~ Spirit', a., p 59.
" ) ~ c l n c r Biedcr, 'XVEUI I (X ' a., 1). 375. 'OM. I S ~ I ~ I C S , (11).~:i(., 1). 48.
R.P. Mcnzics, 'The De\lclopmenl ol' Early Chrislian Pneuma~ology' owil. pp. 60-61.
so ~ o s e ~ h u s thought that such a Spirit was not from God.22 Even Josephus' rejection
of the Essenes' prophetic gifts could be argued to be as a result of his view about
lhem as some kind of "non-Conformists". Josephus believed in inspiration, prophecy,
vision and dreams all ensuing from the Spirit of God.23 But how these are interpreted
and how they work out in practice must agree with the law.24 This is probably
Josephus' position rather than a denial of the Spirit's action in salvation.
Philo
Bieder notes that Philo was influenced by Stoicism and understood nv&upor in similar
terms. 25 He explains that man is niadc up of divine nveupa and earthly matter,
with the essence of the soul as blood and nveupa. What differentiates man from
beast is the rational soul which the beasts do not have. This rational soul Philo
equates with nveupa. What is significant in Philo is the four different ways he uses
mmpa to refer to (i) air, (ii) substance which holds elements (e.g. of wood or stone
together), (iii) the rational soul, (iv) nvmpa acquired by inbreathing mmpa
~ E L O V . The details of Philo's pneumatology are difficult and beyond this inquiry. For
our purpose it is sufficient to note that for Philo, it is necessaiy to receive the nveupa
in order that someone may know God's will and attain immortality. For Philo, this
mmpa is available to all and so universal.26 He also makes a conneclion between
nveupa, wisdom and the law which shows itself in pursuance of virtue.*7
Philo tall& about knowledge as existing on three levels; knowledge through sense
observation; knowledge through philosophical inquiry, then the highest level of
, knowledge through inspiration. of the Spirit. For him, to possess the Spirit of God is
to possess pure knowledge which is no1 available to everyone. This is one reason
22~ichard D. Hect, 'Philo and Messiah' io Jt~ittisis and their Messial~ by J . Neusner el-al (cds) Cambridge (1987) pp. 162-163; cf. Werner Bieder ' n v ~ q ~ a ' m.. p 375. 2 3 ~ . Is;l;~s, m,, p. 49. 24cf. W.D. Davies, 'The Law', IBn Vol. 3. p 95. 2 5 ~ e m e r Bieder, 'nveupcr' in TIINT Vol. VI, p. 3722. 26cf. M. Isaacs, w., p. 42. 2 7 ~ . ~ . Menzies, &., p. 65. See also p. 65 note 1.
why Moses is one of his heroes, for he is described by Philo as, "the purest of
Spirits."2* Philo's understanding of and insight into the Spirit is evident in the role
the Spirit played in Abraham, the father of the covenant. According to Philo,
n v m p a gave Abraham pcrsuasivc: voice, and responsive audience. In other words,
both what Abraham uttered and the positive response of people are attributed to
n v ~ u p a . 2 ~ In Philo, two things stand out clearly: the Spirit of God which is the same
as prophetic spirit, is available to all, to lead all to know the will of God and attain
immortality, and also obedient response to prophetic word comes from the action of
the Spirit.
Wisdom-ben Sirach
For this author, true wisdom is found in the law and even at that it comes only when
God grants the Spirit with which one is guided to follow God's precepts and to study
it for life and posteiity.30 Wisdom is almost personil'ied here - it instructs, enlightens
and love of wisdom is love of life; to seek wisdom is to seek grace from God (cf.
Sirach 4: 11-14). To be wise is to meditate on the law, which is God himself (Sirach
39: l), even when all is done, it is God who grants the Spirit with which to understand
and live by his precepts (Sirach 39: 6).31 Apart from the close association between
wisdom, law and the Spirit, it is clear that Sirach associates each with leading and
guiding a soul to God. Therefore their soterological funciion, mostly couched in
concrete ieims, but nevertheless granted by God, is guaranteed.
The Qumran Community
One obvious thing about the understanding of the Spirit among the Qumran
community is the dualism with which it is understood. There are two Spirits for them.
"the Spirit of truth" and the "Spirit of falsehood". According to Alasdair Heron22
2 8 ~ . Isaacs, p.47. 291bid, p. 47; See also R.P. Menzies, m., p. 66. 30cf. Martin Goodman, Mission and C . . . .onversion: Pros- m the Religious H&N-
Clarendon Press Oxford (1994) pp. 40,55-56; see also J.C. O'Neill, m., pp. 148. 31cf. The A p m d P s e l m h a of the Old Testarne~lC in English with introductions and critical explanawry notes Vol. I by R.N. Charles (ed) 0.IJ.P. (1973) p. 456 note 6. 32~lasdair Heron, The Holy Snirit, Marshall Morgan and Scou. London (1983) pp. 25-29.
this primeval antithesis between the two Spirits govern the nature and behaviour of
human beings and are locked in a constant conflict. Heron suggests that this Qumran
understanding of the Spirit may have been the result of the influence of Iranian
Zoroastrianism on Judaism.33 Hosts of angels which are called spirits are on the side
of God waging war against the Spirits of wickedness, that is the host of Satan.
However, Qumran's preoccupation with the law, the Spirit, wisdom and the covenant
community rules, make many commentators wonder whether the New Testament
pneumatology had some direct influence Crom Qumran.34 Initiation into this
community is by the Spirit which also ensures the stability of the community and
guarantees the community as prophetic. The Spirit is a present reality and without it
nothing seemed possible.35 The Spirit is the manifestation of God's saving activity.
We conclude by emphasizing that in the Old Testament according to our inquiry, the
Moly Spirit is active in other things and also in prophecy. Prophecy is worth nothing
if it does not make known to the people of Israel what the Will ol' God is. And this is
usually taken in conjunction with guidance in the law.36 Because human beings are
made from the breath of God, we also respond accordingly in prophetic word or
according to the law. To hear God and to obey are one action as we noted above, and
affect God's blessing of life and peace as his people. This is further developed in the
period bctwccn the tcstamcnts. At this timc, grcatcr association is ~natlc bctwccn the
Spirit, the law and wisdom. To know God is to have his Spirit and show forth a life
of wisdom which is in accordance to the law. In each case, the Spirit, wisdom or the
law are not ends in themselves, bul poinlcrs lo a life of righteousness aimed at
immorlality or eternal life. When prophets work according to this Spirit, it is to poinl
to God's will as the way of salvation. For Josephus, Philo and ben Sirach, to have [he
Spirit of God should show itself in wisdom and obedience to the law, because God
revealed himself and his will through all. For Qumran, the Spirit gives form to the
3 3 ~ . 340.1~ L)rivcr, 'l'he Jodem Scroll, Oxrord (1%5); see also A. A~derso~~. "l'lic use of "ruacli" in IQS, IQH and IQM', in Jo~rrnal of Semitic SWs-(JSS) 7, 1962, pp. 293-303. 3 5 ~ . Isaacs, aeJ;il., pp. 84fC see also R.P. Mendes, m., pp. 86f. 3 6 ~ . Dunn, Christolopy in the Making, SCM (1989) pp. 135f.
covenant community, followers of the Spirit of truth who are at war with the Spirit of
hlsehood. In the Old Testament and the inter-testamental period, God is depicted ;IS
making use of his Spirit, or angels or hand or finger or word to rouse his people into
faithfuiness and, to reveal his will to them. But whatever God does the Spirit is
always involved. This might be why Philo assigns man's "highest intelligence" to the
Spirit of God. Our investigation can safely conclude then that both soteriology and
revel;~lio~i (ant1 morc) are ;~ssig~ictl l o thc Spirit of God i n rhe Old Tcs l i~~ne~l t :~ud the
inter-testamental period. How this probably influenced Jesus tradition we shall
discover now by considering Jesus and the Spirit.
5.1.3 Jesus and the Spirit
We have argued that Luke presents Moses as God's agent of Salvation. This enabled
the author to make Jesus fit into this tradition and to fulfil Therefore the I-loly
Spirit was to be responsible for the birth and mission of the 1,ucan Jesus, and
consequently plays active role in soleriology and revelation of God's W ~ I I . : ~ ~ Since
J C S I I S i s (;otl's ilgc111 01' s i l l v i h l i c ~ l , wc W ; I I ~ I lo looh I)ricl'ly ill l l ~c I , I I C ~ I I ~ j)rcsc~rli~lio~r of
the relationship between the Spirit and J e s w We believe that h i s inquiry will
eventmlly aid our final aim of discovering the role ofthe Spirit in conversion.
C.K. Rarrett has produced a standard work on "the Holy Spirit and Jesus" which I
believe to be a classic.3') 'I'he book lias influerlce on this section. Our aim is to
discover what functions Luke ascribes to the Holy Spirit in the life and work of Jesus.
We pursue our inquiry within the assumption that as we have seen already, from the
Old Testament, the Jews believed that through the Holy Spirit God orders the affairs
of human beings. The Old 'l'estament authors may not talk or w r i ~ e about the Moly
Spirit as much as perhaps we would want, but that does not suggest in any way that
they had a limited knowledge about its role. On the contrary, on every pagelof their
3 7 ~ possiblc undcrslantling of llre spccclr of Jamcs, cf. Acls 15: 21. 38cf. C. Brow,,, 'Rcvclalion' in IDNTT, Palcimoslel Press (1978) pp. 3lOf1:
3 Y ~ . ~ . Barreit, The Holy Spiril and Ihe Gospel Trndllion, London SPCK ( 1960)
work lhe role of the Holy Spirit is taken for granted rather than written about. This is
generally their attitude to such matters. We had come across it in our investigation 011
the role of the covenant in Luke-Acts. As central as the covenant is to the Jews as the
people of God, it is not frequently mentioned as one might expect and yet it occupies
a firm base.
This being then as it may, it contradicts some commentators who make use of
numerical frequency (or non-Crequency) of words such as 'the Holy Spirit' to argue
for or against the recognition of its role in the Gospels or in the New 'Testament as a
whole.40 'This seems to us to arise Crom a misunderstanding of the mind of the
Hebrew religion and their authors. For the Jews, the effects of the Holy Spirit are
evelywhere present and recognized. This understanding Corms the background to the
texts we are considering.
We shall approach the investigation from three areas namely, the Spirit and Jesus; the
Spirit and thc disciples of Jcsus i n Acts; tllc Spirit and ~ h c word. 'Then ;IS ;I kind ol'
contrast to and probably an influence on Luke's conversion accounts, we conclude
with a reflection on proselytism in "Judaism" at the time, with the aim of discovering
that the role of the Holy Spirit in conversion may be distinctive of Luke.
Jesus
Luke 1: 35. In this text, 'the Holy Spirit' and "the power of the most High" are made
responsible for the conception of Jesus in the human womb of Mary. We do not need
to go into the details of a possible difference between "Spirit" and "Power", but will
tnkc thcm to mean thc same thing about Gocl's action. Wc just ncctl t o mcntion in
passing that there are possibly two currents oC ideas merging in the conception
narrative. One is Jewish and the other Greek.41 'The Jews believe that God is
4 0 ~ , pp. 2ff. 4 ld. G. Sigal, The Jew and the Christian Missionary a., pp. 20-28.
responsible.for each conception in the nature of his creative Spirit.42 Whether He
does it without the aid of the male-female union is not clear. Greeks on the other
hand, had popular belief in the conception resulting from the union between 'gods'
and humans.43 Whether Luke made use of these ideas in the narrative to demonstrate
the uniqueness of Jesus is no1 clear. Fitzmyer has argued that this part of the Gospel
is better understood as Lucan consrruclion for a theological purpose rather than giving
a historical answer.44 This need not suggest that it was fabrica~ed. On the contraiy,
Luke saw it in his tradition and probably made use of it in his own way to
demonstrate the person of Jesus, Son of God, Saviour. Our purpose here is to note
that Luke made the Holy Spirit responsible for the conception of Jesus. Therefore, the
Spirit is the agent in the creation of a new humanity.45 This calls to mind also the
Spirit's role in John's ministry. The conversion imagery is that he will go before God
in "The Spiiit of Elijah" and will "turn the hearts" of lht: people to God. We notice
then that Mary, the angel and the Holy Spirit are under God's control as Jesus will be
(Luke 1 :26-37).
Luke 3: 21-22, the Baptism of Jesus
Wc scc again at thc baptism of Jcsus thc association or lhc cvcnt with h c Iloly Spirit.
In Mark 1: 10 and Matthew 3: 16 we have the Spirit come upon Jesus as he was
coming out of the water, but here in Luke, it was as he was praying. This goes to
suggest a small point that Luke probably wanted to associate the Holy Spirit with
prayer. The other point could be to say that it suggests a response to prayer seeking
guidance for Jesus' mission. At conception, the Spirit was active. One could ask the
point of the Spirit again at baptism. Helmut Flender46 has tried to address the issue
by suggesting h a t we may have here two competing traditions about the question of
ascertaining at what point in Jesus life he became the Son of God. Was i t at -- -- 42ct. J.B. Shellon, &l.~&~iy iu Wouliwd I>eed UPL(;il., p. 17. 4 3 ~ . ~ . Barrett, The I-Iolv Soil-it and dre Gospel 'I'radilion op. cit., pp. 6-17. 24. 4 4 ~ . ~ . Pitzrnyer. The Gospel Accordingto Luke on& Vol. I, pp. 336-341. 4 5 ~ . ~ . Barrelt, w e G o s p Z k x W m . .
' i#&.,p.24. 4611. Flender, St. I.uke: Theoloeian of Redeinplive JJistoy, QJ& pp 136-137.
conception or at baptism'! Flender believes that Luke was addressing that issue here,
resolving it through harmonizing the stories. While one emphasizes his birth the
other emphasizes his mission.47 But we need the two to protect both Jesus' humanity
and his mystery, the God-head. What the angel declared "privately" to Mary at
conception is made "public" at baptism. If he Spirit is allowed to function only at his
conception, then the danger that he would be regarded as not of our human flesh
would be strong. And yet, building only on the function of the Spirit at baptism
without paying attention to the conception by the Holy Spirit is unbalanced thought.
In this way says Flender the person of Jesus is preserved.48 While we acknowledge
Flender's effort, it does not seem clear in the Lucan material that such a conllict
existed in the traditiori to warrant such an attempt at harmonization. Rather the reason
why Luke wrote in the way he did can be traced in the Old Testament tradition. Take
the example of the book of Judges. Samson's birth was predicted and directed by
God through an angel (Judges 13: 2-7). This suggests that right from birth the Spirit
of the Lord was with Samson (13: 25). And yet, the author says that the Spirit of the
Lord came mightily upon Samson to slay thirty from Ashkelon (14: 19). And yet
again, the Spirit of the Lord came mightily upon Samson to slay the Philistines (15:
14). We are prone to ask when or at what point was the Spirit given to Samson. The
argument of some commentators that the Old Testament concept of the coming of the
Spirit was an intermittent one, but not permanently resident in someone arises out of a
misunderstanding of the Jewish concept.49 The way the Hebrew mind worked was
that for every bit of duly or task, and life generally, one needed the assistance of the
Holy Spirit, and more so for greater tasks.
What we have Luke narrate in both the conception and the baptism narratives is in
line with the Old Testament tradilion about the work of God in the lives of men and
women. This is partly the reason why the disciples are filled with the Spirit from time
to time in the Acts of the Apostles for their ongoing life. Rather than see this as
4 7 ~ . 4fbid. 40cl'. A. I-leron, The 1101~ Sniril, u., p. 13.
repetition or redundancy, it shows that at every point in life one is totally and wholly
dependent upon the Spirit of God.S0 Therefore, the Spirit may be responsible for the
conception of Jesus, yet it still has "to descend upon him in a bodily form" for his
mission. And yet again, Jesus is full of the Holy Spirit as he returned to the desert for
temptation (cf. Luke 4: 1). Even after the temptation, to return to Galilee, has to be
"in the power of the Spirit" (cf. Luke 4: 14).51 What we have Luke report here in the
narratives is not an attempt to address an argument or debate about when and at what
point Jesus had the Spirit. Instead it is a narrative, in accordance with the life of the
covenant community of God, that one's life is nothing more o r less than total
depcndence on the Holy Spirit, and therefore upon God. Jesus life was controlled by
the Spirit.
Public Ministry of Jesus
When we compare the account of the beginning of the public ministiy of Jesus in the
synoptic Gospels, we notice a difference in Luke's presentation. In Mark 1: 14-15 the
first words of Jesus is to announce that the Kingdom of God is at hand, and a call to
repentance probably beginning from where John stopped. Matthew 4: 12- 17 follows
Mark except for the interest in prophecy fulfillment which is probably editorial. In
Luke 4: 14-30, the author probably had another tradition not found in Mark and
Matthew. This version of Luke contains (i) 'The contents of Jesus message which are
lacking in Mark and Matthew; (ii) The reaction oC the crowd which begins with
approval and ends in rejection; (iii) The universalistic lone of the story with mention
of Elijah and Elisha's ministry to non-Jews, a theme which predominates in Luke-
Acts, and (iv) a very clear depiction that Jesus was driven in, and through his public
ministry, by the Spirit of the Lord.
50cf. 5.13 Shellon, ML&Y in Word and Deed u., pp. 58f. S 1 ~ , pp. 57-61.
We agree with Minear's view52 that the Lucan projection of the role of the Holy Spirit
in Jesus public ministry has a double role: to aid Jesus to heal; and to reveal God's
will to people. In other words, the Spirit enabled him to act the way he did, and also
enabled people to recognize and respond to God's salvific plan that he brought. This
could givc us a cluc to understanding tho ncxl tcxl.
Jesus rejoices in the Holy Spirit - Luke 10: 21
This text has a variant in Matthew 11: 25 which begins with, 'Jesus said', rather than
Luke's, 'he rejoiced in the Holy Spirit and said'. Even the Lucan version has other
variants texts some with 'Moly Spirit' and others just "the Spirit", which does not
make it easier to know when the Spirit implied is Jesus' Spirit i-e. sou1.53 There is a
similar problem in Acts 19: 21 where Paul is said Lo resolve in the Spirit which could
either mean within himself or the Spirit resolved for him to pass through Macedonia.
1 h t this is by thc way. The Unilcd 13iblc: Sociclics' Lcxl l'avours 'in Ll~c I-ioly Spiril'
even though Bruce Metzger argues that the expression in the Lucan text has no
parallel in the entire scripture.54 A number of scholars have tried to make sense of the
expression and so Bultmann argues that rejoicing in the Spirit has eschatological
significance of what God does in salvation for the community. He also thinks that it
may have the meaning of inspiration with which he uttered prayers.55 Rodd argues
that Luke did not alter his tradition here but was faithful to it, even though Matthew's
version may be more authentic and older. Yet he argues that Luke knew the force of
the prayer uttered by Jesus and allowed the Holy Spirit to stand in that position to
depict it as ecstatic and prophetic prayer.56 Barrett virtually sees it along those lines,
that is that Luke is here heightening his picture of Jesus as an ecstatic person, a man
52rr~ i s is taken from the title of his book cf. P.S. Minear, To H-~ic . . Vocati~u -to New York: Seabuly (1976). 53cf. R.P. Menzies, m., p. 178. 5 4 ~ . Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament, London U.B.S. (1975) p. 152. 5 5 ~ . Bultrnann byahhmoya~ TDNT, Vol. 1, pp. 19f. 5k.~. Rodd, 'Spirit or Finger', in ExpTm 72 (1960-1961) pp. 157-158.
of the'spirit--57 Stronstad interpretes it to mean the post-missionary joy of the turning
to God by the whole world and the subjugation (the fall) of Satan, and so the
eschatological joy and gladness this can bring. Jesus here experiences a foretaste of
that joy in the Spirit.58 While we accept the judgements of scholars on the meaning
of the text, Barrett's position comes closest to what we are searching for. We note
two things in the text. The first is that whether Jesus uttered a word or rejoiced, the
Holy Spirit is seen to be involved. Then the second thing is that included in the
contents ol' thc prayer uttcrcd by Jesus is thc scntence about "revealing things to
babes" which probably included the meaning which suggests that when people
accepted the message of the disciples whom he sent out, God was acting in them,
revealing the purpose of the mission of Jesus and making them to be converted.59
As Stronstad suggests, if the joy is Jesus' eschatological joy at the Post-Missionary
conversion of the word, then that agrees with the idea that the Spirit has a role to play
in the conversion of the world, and Jesus had already foreseen it.
But Evans suggests that 'babes' here refers to the disciples rather than convel-ts.60
But if the disciples had just returned from the mission reporting about their success,
and Jesus turned to pray and to give thanks to God, we take it that the prayer was for
the success of the mission. Therefole, babes probably should refer to the converts.
Bearing in mind that Jesus talked much about being converted and becoming like
little children, the same idea seems to be reflected (cf. Luke 9: 46-48; 18: 17).6' The
main point which we are after in the text is the presence of the Moly Spirit in joy,
prayer and utterance of Jesus. Luke seems to be making the point which we have
come across over and over again that the life of Jesus was dependent upon the Holy
Spirit.
5 7 ~ . ~ . Barrett, -S?LI 1 r , v l d , I . , . . ' , a d . , pp. IOlf. %. Suonslad, The Charisnmtic Theology of St. Luke op.ciLp. 46. 5 9 ~ . ~ . Shelton, w., p. 91; see also P.S. Minear, To Heal and to Reveal a. p. 58. %.F. Evans, Saint, a. pp. 459-460. 6 1 ~ o r some views hat his text has Hellenistic influence see I.H. Marshall, Cornmentarv on Iake, m. pp. 480-435.
"How much more will the heavenly Father give the Holy Spirit", Luke 11: 13. Luke
11: 1-13 can be seen as a block of materials dealing with the subject of prayer. But
the reference to the Holy Spirit in Luke, instead of Matthew's "good things" makes
some suspect that Matthew is more original.@ C.S. Rodd thinks the issue about
which is more original is not an easy one to settle.63 Marshall thinks so too saying
that Matthew could be seen as a redaction of Luke.64
Whatever the verdict, Luke's text irrespective of his frequent references to the Holy
Spirit seems needful for all times. The disciples have seen their master in words and
action as a man in complete dependence upon the Holy Spirit. The reader has
observed the role of the Holy Spirit in the life of Jesus from birth up to this point.
Therefore the primary thing to pray for is the Holy Spirit, and it is God who gives it
on request. If the Holy Spirit is so vital in the life of Jesus, the reader is likely to
conclude that we too need it.
At this point it might be necessary to consider a version in Luke's prayer of Jesw
(Luke 1 1: 2-4) which has after, 'Thy Kingdom Come':
C c 70 aytov k+ q p a S Kat
There is strong evidence for its absence but Yates argues that it could be Lucan in
form.65 And just lately, Shelton argues along similar lines that it could be a Lucan
attempt to adjust the text to Matthew's ~ e r s i o n . 6 ~ Our interest here is that the prayer
is calling on the "Holy Spirit to come upon us and cleanse us", which seems to have
--------.. 62cf. C.K. Barrett, 'The Holy Spirit and Ihe Gospel 'liadilon', u., 1). 127. 6 3 ~ . ~ . Rodd, 'Spirit and Finger' pp. 157f. 641 .~ . Marshall, Co~nnientarv on Luke o n . , p. 469. 6 5 ~ . ~ . Yates, The SpiCiLirrld the Kin-, SPCK (1963) p. 195. 6 6 ~ . ~ . Shelton, m., pp. 93-96; see also G.W.11. Lanpe, The IIoly Spirit in the Wrili~~g of St. Luke', in S t u d i e s (ed) D.E. Ninetian, Oxford (1959) p. 170.
the same idea as the text tve were discussing above. There, Luke I 1: 13 Jesus assures
Ihe disciples that God does give the Holy Spirit to those who ask him. And here in
Luke I 1 : 2 variant, accortli~lg l o F;,va1ls(>7 wc llavc a requcst for Holy Spirit. '1'11~
invocation of the, Holy Spirit presupposed human inability and inadequacy to do
anything that can be seen as "good".
If I by thc thger of God - Luke 11:20
The text in Matthew 12: 28 bearing idelltical saying has ''If I by the Spirit of God',
has attracted much discussion. T.W. Mansonhx argued that Luke's 9 a ~ m X ~ is
nearer the original saying of Jesus Llm Mathew's ~tvcuputi . He argued on lhc
gro~rnds thal Llrke, who is rond oT "Spiril" could not have changed the word for
' -. I~rlger'. Matthew was most probably motivated by the desire to purge the saying
which referred to God of anthropomorphic connolations, whereas Luke probably
wanted to retain it because of its direct reference to Exodus 8: 19. Although Barrett
argues against the argument about anthropomorphism because i t occurs in both
Matthew and Luke, he nevertheless agrees with Manson that Lake is to be preferred
as more original.()') Y ales70 on the other haucl argues against 1,uke's Singcr saying that
Luke changed 'the Spirit of Cod' to 'Finger of God' because of the protection he had
to give to his community over misunderstanding "Spirit possession" as the 'Holy
Spirit'. The other argument put forth by Yates was that Luke is known to alter Spirit
where i t occ~rrs in Q or Mark.71 Both D t ~ n n ~ ~ and Rodd73 do not see any easy
solution to the debate in any case since either way i t means one thing - the presence,
assistance and therefore the control of God.
6 7 ~ . ~ . Evans, Saint Lukc &., p. 481.
m ~ . W. Manson, The Teaching of Jesus, Cambridge ( 1955) p. 83.
6C),1'. C.I<. BanclL, T h e Holy Spirii and he Goslxl 'Tladilion op.ci1. pp. 631: 7 0 ~ . ~ . Yates, 'The Sp i~ i l and h e Kingdom a. pp. 901'.
71~bid; - see also C.K. Barrctt, The Holy Spiri~ and the Gospel T~.adi[ion m., pp 59-43.
7 2 ~ . ~ . Dunn, Jesus and the Spirit,&. p. 461: 7 3 ~ . ~ . Kodd, u., pp. 1571.1..
T o blaspheme against the Holy Spirit is unforgivable - Luke 12:lO. It is fairly clear
that this text is a difficult one because of the textual variants involved and also the
actual meaning. Luke's version is within the context of proclamation of the Son of
Man. Mark and Matthew have the context of exorcism (Mark 3:20-30; Matthew
12~22-32).
J Hull arguing from the sparingly mention of the I-Ioly Spirit in the Jesus tradition sees
Lucan context as impossible and Mark and Matthew's as having undergone some
reductions.74 We have argued above that making use of frequency of usage of such
words and concepts as for example the Holy Spirit by Jesus may not necessarily
imply that he did not utter the wolds. Within Jewish tradition the presence and action
of the Spirit was taken for granted without much references in documents.
Either for a similar reason or the general difficulty of finding out what the saying
meant, M.E. B0i-ing7~ attributes it to an oracle by a Christian prophet within the
context of a call to repentance and in the face of judgement. When Dunn calls the
logia one of the most difficult utterances in the scriptures he is speaking for many.76
But our interest is more in the position arrogated to the Spirit here. W e think it is in
line with Luke's idea of thc Holy Spirit who not only empowered Jesus in his words
and works but was actually responsible for his conception (cf. Luke 4: 18; 5: 17; 1:
35). Therefore, whatever the saying means, what it actually says is that the I-Ioly
Spirit has an authority that cannot be trampled upon. If we take the Son of Man to be
a reference to Jesus, then again we see how much importance Jesus attached to the
Holy Spirit in his life and mission. The saying is difficult indeed, but it can be most
revealing about the role of the Holy Spirit in the thoughts of the Gospel writers.
7 4 ~ . ~ 3 . 1 1 . IluII, I b d m . . . * ., I .u~lcrworlli I'rcss ( 1960) pp. 20-2 1 . 7 5 ~ . ~ . Boring, 'How may we idenlify Oracles of Chrhian Prophets in lhe Synoptic Tradition? Mark 3: 28-29 as a test case' JBL (1972) pp. 510-516. 7 6 ~ . ~ . Dunn, &., pp. 49f.
References to the Spirit after Resurrection
We shall now consider the two main texts that contain the Holy Spirit after the
resurreclion: Both Luke 24: 49 and Acts 1: 8 contain the word "Powel"'. Barre~t77
has indicaled that the Gospel writers and the New Testament in general employ
Guvapq to suggest seven differen1 but related meanings. And he recognized that in
the texts we are considering, 'power' is equivalent to he power of the Spirit, one of
the seven meanings.78
Lake 24: 49 conles as an inslruction to the disciples from Jesus, whereas Acts 1: 6-8
comes as a response to the cluest of the disciples about the time to restore the
Kingdom to Israel. In each case Jesus told them that they will receive 'power' and in
Acts c hat "the Holy Spirit will come upon them". A reader is lefl without any doubl
that Jesus is made here to suggest that the disciples needed the Holy Spirit which will
enable them to fulfill their tasks. In all these references, Luke makes Jesus refer to
the Holy Spiril as a recognized agent of God in human affairs. If there is one
impression one gels so far as we have looked at each of these texts it is this one fact.
But Luke's "Hebrew mind" comes out in a very obvious way in the way he "created"
a period between the ascension of Jesus and Pente~os t .~g Jesus had to ascend first
before Pentecost, if for no olher reason, at least to indica~e that Lhe Spirit he had been
referring to in the life of Jesus was no different being, but the one from God. Jesus
had to as'sume that nature in other words became invisible and ye1 ever present (cf.
Acts 9: 4-5) before more references could be made to the Spirit without contradiction,
confusion or fear. What do we meall by thisi? Jesus knew the Spirit worked in his life.
His disciples were witnesses to that effect and became familiar with it. When
therefore they refer to the Spirit from now on they know that they are talking about
that same spirit. We shall consider a few cases from Acts.
7 7 ~ . ~ . Barrett, The the . . Go~diiadition m., pp. 69-93. 78~ccording to Baneti, Suvapq can serve as (1) a miracle, from "might" we get "mighty"; (2) as a periphrasim of God; (3) as doxology; (4) as heavenly; (5) as eschatological power; (6) as ~niraculous power; (7) as power of the Spirit. cf. C.K. Barrett, M. 7%. J.E.11. IIull, a ~ c Snirit in the Acts or illc A n o s i ~ p ~ & , pp. 77-86.
Acts 2.: 32-33
This Jesus God raised up, and of lhat we are wilnesses. Being therefore
exalted at lhe right hand of God, and having received from lhe falher the
promise of the Holy Spirit, he has poured out lhis which you see and hear.'
This seems the first place to begin because of its connection with what has gone
before and was to follow in the minist~y of he disciples. Luke has depicted Jesus as a
man Mighty in word and deed (Acts 2: 22. cf. Luke 24: 19), and also showed in [his
presentation that the Holy Spirit played a vital role in the mission of Jesus (Luke 4: 18
cf. Luke 11: 20). Luke here maintains that God raised Jesus from the dead, and it was
from God that Jesus received the Spirit. By presenting the story in this way, Luke
makes God responsible for bolh lhe resuil-eclion, the Mission of Jesus and the Holy
Spirit. Barrett has noted lhat it is possible LO read off from [he resurrection thal the
Holy Spirit also played an active part there.80 He went into the prophecy of Ezekiel
about the valley of dry bones (Ezekiel 37) and the inter-testamental belief in the
universal out pouring of the Holy Spirit. 'This points back to the creative role
assigned to he Spirit right from Old Testament times.81 Therefore the Spirit can
create new life and also vivil'y a dead one. Luke makes LIX apos~les proclaim LO ~h t :
crowd that the effect of the Spirit evident in lhe life of Jesus is now made to be
accessible to all believers. 'They can talk in terms of Jesus receiving and pouring the
Spirit out because they witnessed such mighty work in him. But ultimately they
acknowledged that all issued as an act of God. What the people "see and hear"
becomes a signal to what the Holy Spirit was to do from then on. Because the Spirit
is a creative Spirit, new lives and a new community will be created.82 Because the
spirit vivifies, both the physically and the spiritually dead will be raised. (Reviving
the Spiritually dead suggests conversion). These will constitute what they "see and
80cf. C.K. Banelt, 711e Spirit op.cil., pp. 132-133. 811hip, pp 23-24; see also A. Heron, ~m., pp. 17-22; see also G.W.11. Lmpe, IJdy
m., p. 162. Also see Isaiah 44: 3-5. g2cf. J.E.11. HulI, m., pp. 69-77.
hear" i s coming from the Holy Spirit. And Luke has confidence lo say this because
as agent of the I-Ioly Spirit, Jesus' life was full of lhese acts. And wilhin the conlext
of the' mission which Jesus has set them, the Holy Spirit could be called or described
as "the Spirit of Wisdom" (Acts 10: 19) without suggesling that they mean different
lhings or refer to different 'Spirils'. Perhaps Schweize~-83 is right to say thal in the
work of the Spirit we encounter God as a stranger which carries with it a reasonable
amount of unintelligibility. Luke may be wrestling wilh a similar situation here
which may account for 11is use of various descriptions for the Spirit. This again could
account for Peler being filled with the Holy Spirit in Acts 4: 31. And with the
presence of the Spirit, Peter and the olher disciples proclaimed the word with he
intent of conversion. With the presence of the Spirit they performed mighty deeds of
healing. With the presence of the Spirit they patiently answered the authorities and
persevered unto perseculion and death. Luke summarized all these by saying that
"many signs anti wonders were done among h e people by the hands of the apostles"
(Acts 5: 12). Even "the hands of the apostles" has become an expression of [he
presence of God in lhe Holy Spirit among the people.
To conclude our investigalion on Jesus and [he Spirit, we notice one prominent point.
That is lhal the Lucan Jesus was directly under [he control or God by lhe presence of
the Holy Spirit for virtually all he was and did. That was why his words were not only
wisdom but powerful, and won him adherents. And yet Luke did not present Jesus'
life as an imposition on all peoples. There was still the decision to either accept or
reject him even though God's presence rested so powerfully upon him. Neither was
rejeclion of God new in Hebrew religious experience. Luke made Stephen to trace
their history about God's mighty deeds wilh their Palhers, and yet Stephen could say
to ihe present generation "You always resist the Holy Spiril" (Acls 7: 51).
8 3 ~ . Schweizer, The Holy Spirit, SCM (1980) pp. 48f.
Presumably .the reference to the Holy Spirit here alluded to the Old Testament
prophets' call for repentance and return to God. This same theme is evident in the
Gospel of Jesus which the apostles and the disciples were to proclaim and expecl
people to be converled. Resistance to conversion is described by Stephen as
"resisting the Moly Spirit". Therefore one could argue that yielding to conversion is
"submitting to the Holy Spirit". How the Holy Spirit reaches out to the individual for
conversion takes us in that direction.
5.1.4 The Spirit and the Word
By making lhe Holy Spirit responsible for the conception and mission of Jesus Luke
may be highlighling two things: the first is that the life of Jcsus in all his activity was
lived in the Spirit; then secondly that his words bore the mark of Spirit-filled and
action packed. We want to consider this second point briefly. Many scholars agree
thal Luke presents the Spirit in such a way that the Spirit produces inspired words
among other t h i n g ~ . ~ 4 This is certainly true with regard to the words of Jesus. The
temptation of Jesus, Luke 4: 1-13, will serve as an example. It is to the credit of the
Gospel writers that the temptation accounl did not take the form we read of Moses
and Aaron with Pharaoh (Exodus 7: 8-12.42) where one miracle after anolher was
designed to demonslrate God's power and supremacy over the magicians of Pharaoh.
Even more credit should be given to Lake who musl have been under such a pressure
to use th'is paradigm since he is also seen to have more miracles in his two volumes.
But in the temptation account, there is no question of presenting Jesus as a miracle
worker, a possible object of the lemplation. Instead Jesus overcomes the temptations,
not by performing any miracle but by the Word given to him by the Holy Spirit,
which confirmed the 'it is written' with which he answered the devil. Jewish tradition
had that the Holy Spirit assisted in the writing of the Torah and the Scriptures.85
Therefore when Luke says that Jesus was full of the Holy Spirit which made him to
84cf. G.W.1 I. Iarnpc, ITwa up&., p. 163; see also J.B. Shcllon, MLpfily in W ! YPL(;il. 85cf. E. Schweizer, The Moly Spirit, SCM (1978) pp. 1Of.
withstand the temptietion with reference to God's word, then it simply confirms
Jewish belief that the Scriptures were written by the Holy Spirit and therefore words
from the Holy Spirit (Jesus' words) are adequate to ward off the temptation of the
devil. At Nazareth Jesus functioned as a prophet with Spirit-filled words (Luke 4: 14-
19). In Capernaum Jesus gives the impression that he did not want to perform mighty
deeds of the Spirit (Luke 4: 23-27) unlike in Matthew and Mark where he was unable
to perform mighty deeds because of the people's unbelief (cf. Matthew 13: 58; Mark
6: 5-6). All the Gospels contain accounls in which power proceeds from the words of
Jesus to perform wonders and so in a way it may not be seen as exclusively Lucan.
But there is an obvious slant to Lucan usage. In the healing at Capernaum in Mark 1:
21-28, the accounts in Mark and Luke contain that the healing is by 'word'. But in
Mark while lhe crowd asked, 'What is this?', in Luke it becomes, 'What is this
word?' So in Luke the amazement is centred on a 'word' which has authority and
power, whereas in Mark it centred on teaching. It is also importiant to note here that
Luke used the two words Guvapy and &ouata. The two words are associated with
the words of Jesus containing authority and power. Therefore, i t may not be ordinary
word but thc cxact word of God in Hcbi-cw which is cquivnlcnt to "action",
"performing a duty" rather than a simple verbal p r o n o ~ n c e m e n t ~ ~ (cf. Psalm 33: 6).
In the healing of Peter's mother in law, Mark records that it is by touch (cf. Mark 1:
29; Matthew 8: 14-15) but Luke's is by word (Luke 4: 39). The Lucan raising of the
widow's son in Luke 7: 11-19, is by word. The Lucan cleansing of the ten lepers,
again is by the word (Luke 17: 11-19). It is obvious then that this relationship
between speaking with authority and power and performing miracles is an idea that
Luke labours to make clear in his two volame work. Peter speaks, Ananias drops
dead (Acts 5: 1-6) and his wife Sapphira also (Acts 5: 7-1 1); S~ephen could not be
witl~stood hccnr~sc: o f t l ~ wisdom i~ntl spiril will) which Ilc spolic: ( A d s 6 : 10); the:
people gave heed (converted) to Philip when they heard his word and saw the signs
(Acts 8: 6). Even the word containing the name of Jesus has become effective word
8 6 ~ . Congar, The Word and the S~irit. Geoffrey Chapman London (1984) pp. 7-10.
of action that can make a bed-ridden woman for eight years whole (Acts 9: 32-35).
For this reason.~esus is described as a Man Mighty in word and deed (Lake 24: 49;
Acls 10: 38; 2: 22)87 Jesus for l a k e is endowed with Spirit-words and Spirit works
and his disciples received the same Spirit and therefore are empowered to speak and
act, with similar results.
5.1.5 Conversion and the Word
What our investigation above has demonstrated is that the Spirit enlivens the word.
This is why the word can heal, (Luke 4: 31-38; Acts 9: 32-35), bring the dead back to
life (Luke 7: 1 1- 19; Acts 9: 36-42) and bring about conversion (Imke 19: I - 10; Acts
16: 14).
The word "Word" is as common in Acts as the word "Spirit", and they are connected.
Barrett has already noted that the role of the word in L,ucan theology is probably
taken more seriously than in the Gospel according to John.88 According to Harrett the
time of Jews is the time of salvation mid after this pcrioti conies lhe dissen~i~intior~ of
the word of God as the bearer and agent of salvation in the whole world. And this is
expressed in Luke i n various ways such as "[he word of God", "the word o r
salvation", "the word of the Gospel", "The Word". This word is used most times
within the context of believing and conversion (cf. Acts 2: 41; 6: 7; 8: 14; 12: 24; 19:
20). Wherever the disciples went, they carried the Word (Acls 8: 4). It is of interest
to note that the Lucan description of the apostles is "Ministers (and also witnesses) of
the Word" (Luke 1: 2).X9 'Therefore for Luke, the entire mission of Jesus comes to be
summarized as "ministry of the Word" in "the Holy Spirit". No wonder Luke can say
quite freely that "the Word grew and prevailed" when he talks ahout co~lversiorl (cf.
Acts 6: 7; 8: 47, 14; 13: 49; 19: 10). Some instances of direct Spirit-Word impact on
the hearers include (Acts 10: 44), the proconsul of Cyprus (Acts 13: 4-12) and the
87cf. J.R. Shellon, &. X8c~. C.K. Barrel[, Luke: The I-lislorian in Reccnt S ~ u d y , <,p.cil., pp. 48; 691-; 72; 741'.
cl'. F.D. Dillon, From Evc Wikncss lo Ministres ol' ~ h c Word: T~rrdilion and Comp,silion i n Lukc 34,' Anbib 83: Konie Biblical insliluk (1978). Scc also A.O.lgcnozu Praver Pro~hccv and Healing arid Exocisni in Luke-Acls, Ph.D, Thesis Manchester Univcrsily (1984) pp 586-726.
crowd at Antioch (Acts 13: 42-52). In all instances, they believed, and were
converted. When a person believes it is because the Word bbrillgs faith (cf. Acts 4: 4).
If a person receives the Spirit i t is because the pcrson has responded t o thc Word (d.
Acts 10: 44). When people are baptized it is because they have received the Word
(Acts 2: 41). Therefore the prime tool of conversion which the Spirit uses is the
Word. According to Dunn, it is through this Word that one is initiated into the
covenant community, the community of the Ministry of the Word." But what i s this
"Word"? This is an interesting question which lies beyond our inquiry. Suffice it to
say as C.H. Dodd, that this word is he life, death and resurreclion of Jesus and God's
salvation for mankind, and the Holy Spirit working in the Church becomes he visible
sign." This comprises ihe kerygma.92 For Luke, wherever thal is proclaimed,
because it goes with Lhe Holy Spirit, iL transforms lives and societies into doing the
Will of God. That in summary is Lucan conversion. Luke has many examples of
how this Word iransforms lives and alters peoples views about life to focus them on
God. The Holy Spirit in Luke then plays an importanl role in conversion.93 This in
no way suggests what Haenchen called 'twitching of human puppets' 94 but a
recognition of man's frailty and need of God.
It has been suggested that proselytism in Judaism influenced Lucan conversion
narratives This might be an appropriate point to look briefly into this. Proselylism in
Judaism may eventually provide a contrast to Lucan view of conversion and highligh~
more the place Luke gives to the Holy Spirit in conversion wit its social-economic
and political implications ai the tiine.95 II'
90cf. J.D. Duna. . . SCM (1970) p. 92. 9 1 ~ . ~ . Dodd, The . 1.. IL Pr- its DC&QQJE~, London: l Iodder and Sioughlon ( 1960) pp. 1 Iff. 9 2 ~ . ~ . Glasswell, 'The Gospcl as Procliunaiion', in Melanoia 414 (1993) VoI. 3, pp. 235-244. 93cf. J.D. Shelton, m.. pp 125ff. 9 4 ~ . Iiaenchen. A& PpJ;il. p. 362. 95cf. llalvor Moxnes, l l g Economv of rhe Klnr?dom m. pp. 154- 160.
5.1.6 ' Jewish Converting Method's influence on Luke
We had noted earlier that O'Neill acknowledges 1,uke's indebtedness to Judaism in his
work especially in conversion.%)
The fact that the Jews made converts is probably accepted by all scholars, but whether
the then Judaism can be seen as a missionary religion has not received quite such a
universal support. Nock'I7 classified Judaism and Christianity as religions of
conversion, but is that the same as being missionary oriented'? Moore clearly
classifies Judaism as a missionary religion, probably the greatest one before
Christianity, but observes that the manner of the Jewish mission differs from that of
the New Testament.% Jeremias notes that the time of Jesus was a period of
unparalleled missionary activity in Israel and that this probably had an influence upon
Jesus him self.‘)^ The Jews, maintained Jeremias, were bent on demonstrating to the
Gentiles that their God is the only God worthy of worship and glory, and that they
prsued this with vigour. But some other scholars see this differently. S.C. Wilson
agrees that the Old Testamer~t and Judaism exhibit a clear universalistic belief that the
God of the Jews is the God of all the ~ o r l d . I ( ~ ) Rut then Wilson says that this is a
different thing from the Jews having a conscious missionary view of themselves as
the people of God responsible for the nations. Jews involved with conversion
understood this only as a ~novement to Zion, to lsrael from other natjons, that is
centripetal, but not a movement out lo the nations, centrifugal. Wilson is quite
convinced that proseytization may be used for Judaism and Mission for the early
church.
~ohanness Blauw traces the Old Testament Missionary consciousness up to the time
of Judaism but feels reluctant to trace that line from Judaic missionary 'propaganda'
as he called it, to the time of the Christian church.1°2 His reason being that a
distinction has to be made between mission before and after Christ, which is to say a
distinction between the Old Testament and the New. McKnight argues more
extensively along similar lines. He insists that while Judaism was involved with
conversion, it was largely unconcerned with missionary activity. He goes on to
demonstrate that this was the case as the main thesis of his book.103 It is not
surprising to find that scholars are not agreed whether Judaism was missionary or not
because of what particular view one takes of mission. The word 'mission' is not
defined in the New Testament apart from associate words such as "to be sent"
(apostle) and perhaps "se~vice" and "witness" which appear li-equently in connection
with Jesus ministry (service) (Luke 22: 24-27). That Judaism has borne "witness" to
the world about this one God without whom there is no other can hardly be
doubted.lo4 But how this "witness" has been worked out in the world is a point of
debate and probably a disagreement. The concern of this investigation anyway is to
discover the conversion tendency of Judaism. Our use of 'Judaism' here, as elsewhere
in the investigation is on the understanding of the Jewish religious system which was
at that time far from monolithic but more symbolic with various emphases united
under the covenant as one people of God.lo5 Therefore to talk about Judaism is to
talk about a particular ethnic and religious people (nation) who believed themselves to
be a peculiar people of God different from all others by the possession of the covenant
which the Torah defined. And so to be converted into Judaism was both an ethnic as
102~ohaanes Blauw. T h e a r ? a c w of the Chora, Lntterworth Press (1974) pp. 63-64. lo3scot McKnight, A I k h t Among the Gentiles: Jewish Missionary Activitv in lhe Second Telnple Fortress Minneapolis (1991) pp. 7ff. lo4~ar1in Gootlmali acknowledges Lhar the word "mission" is not easy lo define because of its variety of uses. Rut he prefers to define it in terms of the outward looking nature of religious bodies, in which case Judaism and Christianity both qualify but only j~lst. cf. Martin Goodman, Mission and
. . - a t h e W o r v of the Ro m a & l ~ ~ , Oxford, (1994) pp. 3ff. lo5There is a view that Judaism ia the New Testament period was far from being a unifolm religious system and so could be better designated as "Judaisms". cf. J. Neusner, 'Preface' in Judaism arid their Messiahs at the Turn of the Christian Era, Cambridge (1987) pp. 1Xff.
well as a religious thing. The ingredients of converting people most probably
emerged gradually from the Old Testament until the period of Judaism. Such views as
YHWH as the only God and others are idols, circumcision, law (Torah) and covenant
community were gradual developments which became more focused in Judaism.
Therefore the idea of making converts also must have its seed in the Old Testament
bul it matured in Judaism. Bamberger makes the point that organized conversion
could be dated from the Maccabean period.106 If we are talking about when these
were documented, then Bamberger may be right. But is it possible that belore the
invention of writing the ancient Hebrews had a way of "classifying" who belonged to
them and who did not? Let us look into the idca of conversion, beginning lrom the
Old Testament evidence.
Old Testament
(i) The story of Abraham and the covenant signified by circumcision is a good
place to begin. Abraham and his children and his slaves whom he bought with money
were to be circumcised. Here circumcision plays a double role - signifies covenant
with God and also marks out a people different from others (Genesis 17: 1-27). The
sign of circumcision later became the mark of belonging the people of God (Judaism).
Therefore, conversion to the Hebrew religion and people was marked by this sign.
(ii) The story of Ruth, the Moabite, depicts the attraction other people had about
the God of Israel. There is no mention of circumcision in this story presumably
because women were very much involved. But the place and power of God and the
humane law of the Hebrews play an active part in the story. Therefore "Your God
shall be my God and your people my people" has become a bye word for conversion
within Judaism (Ruth 1: 16-17).
lo6cf. B.J. Bamberger, koselvlism in the Talmudic Period, m. pp. 3f.
283
(iii) The other example is Elisha the prophet and Naaman the Syrian army officer
who was l ep row What makes this story important is that Naaman was healed as a
result of the testimony to the God of Israel by an Israelite slave girl. 'The result was
not only that Naaman was healed, b ~ t he became converted to the God of the
Hebrews (2 Kings 5: 1 - 19). The story of Jonah could also be included in the stories
in the Old Testament that c o ~ ~ l d be seen as forming the seed for the concept that was
later to become "conversion". One common thread in all the stories is acknowledging
God as the Lord. This is a witness.
Evidence from Philo
Somc of the works of Philo have been recognized to be directed towards converting
the Gentiles.107 Nock argues that such treatises as I k Vilu Conlerr~pltlivu and @tad
01nni.s Prohc~s Liher Sit are aimed at educating the Gentiles about the Jewish religion
with the intent of converting them. 1(B
We had noted earlier that Philo saw Abraham as a missionary because God gave him
the Spirit which made his words persuasive. For Philo the essentials of conversion
were denial of pagan gods, belief in the God of Israel, and belonging to the "natio~l"
(covenant) of Israel. An example of this is Philo's exposition of the Exodus event and
classifying some Egyptians who accompanied the Israelites as 'reverencing the God
of Israel' and so becoming converted.l1° Therefore, for Philo, right from the call of
Abraham the call for conversion had been the preoccupation of God himself. And so
Philo could claim that the Torah was translated into Greek (Septuagint) so that the
greater part or even the whole of the human race might be profited and led to a better
life by continuing to observe such wise and truly admirable ordinances. 1 1 1 All
107cl'. J.C. O'Ncill, Tllc T l ~ ~ l o f i v of' A c k , ce&., pp. 156-157. 108cl'. A. D. Nock, Conversion, yp.cil., p. 79. lo%. M. Ismcs, Thc Concepl oi the Spirit, &., p. 47. Iocl'. S.J. D. Cohen, 'Crossing thc Boundary and Becoming Jcw', HTR 82: I ( 1989) p. 26.
l lcf. L.H. Feldrnan, Jcw and Gentile & pp. 29511'.
gentiles who wished to be converted to Judaism were encouraged by Philo to follow
the Torah of Moses, and to pursue wisdom."2 From his works it could be inferred
that Philo was partly responsible for the conversion of gentiles.
The Evidence of Josephus
Josephus had much to say about the sprcad of Jewish law and customs in other parts
of the world, and the conversion of Gentiles to Judaism. As in Philo, Abraham is seen
as a missionary in Egypt trying to persuade the Egyptians to adopt the Jewish way of
life and God.113 Perhaps Josephus' concern lor conversion of the Gentiles has been
seen as being zealous for "the law and circumcision" as evidence that any had been
truly converted. He is often quoted as saying:
"While we have no desire to emulate the customs of others, yet we gladly
welcome any who wish to share in our own custom and people."ll4
Although he seems to have graded converts according to their seriousness in
following the moral principles of the law, circi~mcision was seen by Josephus as being
on a higher level with regard to conversion."5
Evidence from Wisdom Literature
The development of the idea and concept of wisdom in Israel started with the fear of
God and the overwhelming influence of nature itself over human beings. It then came
to be personified even as a principle of the creation of the world. With this i t became
easy to make a connection between wisdom and salvation and Torah. But Israel
acknowledged that wisdom although located in the Torah was not limitcd to thc
Torah. Therefore "by me kings reign, and princes decree justice on earth" becomes
the recognition of the unlimited role of wisdom (cf. Proverbs 8: 15- 16). Through
wisdom, Israel came to know that the god of the nations were idols, and so who ever
12s. McKnight. 'A light among the Gentiles', a. pp. 38-40. 13cf. S.J.D. Cohen, Crossing Ihe Boundar~, mt.. p. 27. 14~osephus. 'Against Apion', cited by S. McKnight, B_Li@t a~no~lg the Gentiles, m., p. 47. l5cf. S. McKnight, m., p. 97; see also L.H. Feldrnan Jews and Gentiles, m., pp. 297,319.
finds YHWH finds life (cf. Proberbs 8: 35), an idea similar to that in Elisha's time as
we saw above. Later in Judaism, wisdom came to be identified wilh Torah in a
missionary sense, and also with the "word" with which the earth came forth.
Therefore to find it is to find salvation and life (cf. Siriach 24: 8ff, 23ff). The
n~issionary aspect of the concept of wisdom was that it became likened to a lover who
seeks to win to the point of submission without any other enticement to idols (cf.
Siriach 14: 20ff). In Wisdom of Solomon, wisdom is not only present at creation but
is herself creator as "mother7' of all good things (Wisdom 7: 12). She gives salvation
(Wisdom 7: 27). Therefore YHWH is a God of Salvation.Il6 These ideas appeared in
some of Philo's works with which he tried to persuade the Gentiles to accept the
Jewish religion as all wise. Josephus identified wisdom with the Torah through which
a soul is made a friend of God.117 T o be converted to Judaism on its own is to be
wise and to pursue immortality.
What we have done so far is a brief discovery from the Old Testament and Judaism
that the idea of conversion had been there, and that this went along with the covenant
concept of the people as the peculiar people for God. But what methods did the Jews
adopt to win converts?
In the period of the Judges one may generalize to say that it was a question of having
YHWH 'as God and no idol worship. This can be said to be the position in Old
Testament period. Both the good Kings and prophets emphasised the point
sometimes by war at others by prophetic persuasion. 118
At the time of Judaism and wilh the help of the discovery of writing, other documents
came to the aid of the Hebrew Bible and the Jews, in their effort to reach out to the
nations. First and foremost in this venture was the Septuagint translation of the
16cf. J.C. O'Neill, The Theology of Acts, m., p. 156. 17c1-. (1. Drown. "Wistlt)m", ill 1)N'I'1' Vol. 3, p. 1029. 18cf. S.J.D. Cohen, Conversion to Judaism in Conservative Judaism Vol. 36(4) 1083, pp. 33-34,
~ e b r e b Bible to keep the faith of the Diaspora Jews alive. But because of some
peculiar way in which the translators carried out their work, it served not only the
faith of the Jews themselves but also as a missionary tool. For example, in Isaiah 55:
5, Blauwll9 observes that the Hebrew text does not bear any missionary notion but in
the Septuagint, it clearly does. He cites also the I'amiliar word (ger) which means
"foreigner", which was mostly translated, 'gentile'. The influence of the Septuagint
itself in appealing to and converting gentiles has been discussed by Feldman who
noticed that the Kestival oC the completion ol' the Septuagint was somewhat an
occasion for winning converts because many people attended the ceremony at the
island of Pharos near Alexandria. 120 This sounds very much like a "gospel" for mass
conversion. We have noted Pl~ilo's and Josephus' use of literature to appeal to the
Gentiles.121 Evidence of Missionary motives is also noticed in some other
Apocryphal and Pseudepigrapha books such as Judith, dated about the second century
BC, the Sibylline Oracles which is about the same period, the letter of Aristeas, dated
about the second century BC and Pseudo-Phocylides dated about the first century
B.C. On this literature and its intention Schiirer writes:
"... a varied lilerature came into being h e direct aim of which was to convince
the pagans of the folly of idolatry, to win them over to belief in the one true
God, and at h e same time to convert hem to a more serious and moral way of
life by pointing towards a I'uture reward."l22
There is also evidence that Jewish converts were not only reached through literature
but also through discussions, debates and oral preaching. Philo is said to be a great
I 1 ' )~ . Dli~uw, 'l'lic Missioai~r" Nirl~rc: ol' I I ~ < ' I I I I I ~ c I ~ , u l . , 1). 50. SCC i 1 1 ~ J.(!. OINcill, ' l l ~ 'lh~x)logy of Acts, opxit., pp. 5 1 f. 120cf. L.11. Feldnan, 'Jew and Genrile' m.. p. 3 13. 121cf. J.C. O'Neill,oo.cit., pp. 143-150. 122~f . E. Schiirer, The llistory of (he Jewish People in the age of Jesus Chris[, 175 BC - AD 135, Revised and edited by G . Vennes, M. Black, F. Miller, M. Goodman, and R. Vermes. 23 Vols., Edinburgh T&T Clark (1973-1987), cf Vol. 3. p. 160. See also Feldnan, Jew and Gen~ilc in Ancienl World, &., pp. 315-316; see also F.M. Derwenlwater, P r e ~ a r i n ~ the Way for Paul. The Proselyte Movement in Later Judaism, New York (1930) pp. 4849.
advocate of .encouraging Jewish teachers to go to the open market place and to
educate the people on their duties towards God and their fellows. On the other hand
he criticized the mystics for keeping knowledge to "two or four" alone, instead of
making it public for all to gain life. According to Feldman, the Sabbath day and
school was used for these occasions for educating the paga11s.12~
Then it follows that the synagogues were important venues not only for worship but
for winning converts and educating them. This point is recognized by Moore who
maintains that the Synagogues were centers of great Jewish influence by their
ncighbours, many of whom eventually came to be converted.124 Therefore, the
Synagogue came to be used for worship, educating Jewish families, and converting
and educating the Gentiles.
Other methods of winning converts included household conversions where the owner
of the house brings his family and slaves to the Jewish faith. According to Cohen,l25
acquisition of gentile slaves by the Jews, and also mixed marriages enabled Jews to
win more converts. Since many of them were wealthy and could afford gentile
slaves, they made it mandatory for slaves to convert to Judaism in which case they
enjoyed the privileges of free-born Jews. McKnight adds the evidence of Jewish
piety, compassion and good deeds as one of the ways in which Jews won converts.126
The next thing we need to consider is the requirements made of the converts. In this
regard one was a Jew by birth and nurtured in that faith. Therefore, an outsider would
necessarily become a Jew in order to be so regarded as a member of the community.
Circumcision which we had come across rnany times in our investigation was the
primary requirement, suggesting that one was willing to submit to the Torah and the
123cf. L.H. Feldmai, m., pp. 3 18-322. 124cf. G.F. Moore, the First (lenturres the C
. . . . h r l s t l a l l 3 Vols., Cambridge Massachusels (1927-1930), Vol. 1 . p. 324. 1 2 5 ~ . ~ . ~ . Cohen, 'Crossing the Boundary', m.. pp. 24-26. 12%. McKnighl, A I .ight Among Ihe Gentiles, w., pp. 67f.
covenant community as well. Both Philo and Josephus in their works insisted on this
rite of passage.
Converts were also subjected to baptism, an evidence of this is also in Philo and other
documents. According to Cohen it is possible that the rite of baptism was quite
ancient probably derived from Numbers 31: 13-24.127 But it may not be easy to
ascertain when it came 10 be associated with circumcision for conversion to Judaism.
That it antedates Qumran and John the Baptist is clear enough. According to Cohen,
some Rabbis came to regard the Jews as descendants of converts and in that case
circumcision alone did not seem adequate.128 This later led to the insistence that
converts must adhere to at1 the precepts of the Torah. Those who were converted
were also required lo perform sacrifice in the Temple in fulfillment of the
requirements for conversion. Conversion to Judaism as we have seen involved ethnic
implications as well. How was it that a Gentile became a Jew? This brought the
problem of nationality into sharper focus. Could one still worship and be accepted by
YHWH while not being a Jew socially? Addressing this issue brought about the
Jewish concept and practice of designating a converl as a "proselyte", for the Greeks,
or "those who separate thcnlsclvcs from thc nations to worship YI-IWH" according to
the Hebrew Bible, or a "convert", "repentanl", or "returning one" according to the
rabbis.129
Rut evidence abounds that he attitude of Jews to converts was ambivalenl.
According to Cohcn, Jewish regard for any other form outside their fold was a
combination of disdain and admiration, separation with openness. On the one hand
there was a strong welcome for proselytes and attempts were made not to remind
them of their past. And yet on the other hand, a proselyte was described as "as
- -- -
1 2 7 ~ , ~ . ~ , Cohen, &., p. 39. 1 2 8 ~ , p. 39; see dso S. McKnight, am., pp. 82f. 129cf. S.J.D. Cohen, 'Conversion U, Judaism', a., pp. 31-32.
difficilt for Israel as a sore".130 Rabbi Hiyya is quoted as saying that a Jew should
not have any faith in a proselyte until twenty-four generations have passed because
the inherent evil is still within him before then.131
It is true that in the writings of some rabbis a proselyte is seen as achieving equal
status with a Jew, yet they did not put this into praclice. While some praised them
others d0wngraded them. In the end, converts became graded on the scale o f
righteousness; some 'true' others 'false', but all were proselytes.132 According to
McKnight,l33 all these grading could be attributed to interpreting (rightly or wrongly)
the references to Philo's interpretation of certain texts. In the end the later rabbis
arrived at the following grades of proselytes:
(i) True proselyte - who converted to Judaism on pure motive.
(ii) False proselyte - who converted because of marriage.
(iii) Lion proselyte - who converted for fear of molestation.
(iv) Dream proselyte - who converted on account of a dream.
(v) 1'n)sclyics who prcss in - who uclcd like those in Joshua 9.
(vi) 'God-fearer' - who is on good teims with the Jews and generous to them.
All these levels of piety that the Jews designated for the converts suggest that they
were willing to accept the conversion of the Gentiles as true worship of YHWH but
only on a secondary level to themselves.
Cohen's assessment of the situation is correct when he argues from the evidence that
the rabbinic acceptance of the proselytes was full of ambiguities and contradictions.
FI-on1 outside, a non-Jcw vicwcd a prosclytc as a Jaw, whcrcas rrom inside, a Jew
regarded a proselyte as a proselyte, not a Jew, but an inferior Jew.
13%~. M, pp. 37-39. 131~el&nan, Jew and Gentile, m.. p. 339. 132cf. S.J.D. Cohen, Crossiug the bcu&uy, &., pp. 29-30. 1 3 3 ~ . Mcbight, A J.ight Among the Gentiles, a.. pp. 90-101.
The proselytes were so regarded and they knew it. Why did they still want to convert
to Judaism; what were their motives? Feldmanl34 gives a number of suggestions
after admitting that it is not an easy question to answer. He then discusses the
religious and cultural factors - its antiquity, wisdom and the law. The story of Moses
as discoverer ol' writing and hringcr ol' the law from "the gods" gave the Islaclitcs lhc
reputation of intelligence and knowledge. There was the economic factors as well.
Jewish emphasis on labour and trade, and also charity to the needy attracted the
Gentiles.
There was the strong sense of an etlmic community, albeit sacred to the Lord.
Usually at times of political, economic and social instability, this sense of co~nmunity
held the security of the people together. The strong Jewish sense of monotheism even
a t the point of frustration and death also attracted the Gentiles who were besieged by
many gods and many dcmons. On the other hand, the Jews hclicvcd their God to be
all powerful. Therefore even to the point of persecution and martyrdom, they held on
to their God, believing in immortality or everlasting life after death. These were some
of the attractions the Gentiles had for Judaism and they were willing to endure the
ambivalent attitude of Jews towards their conversion.
T o conclude our investigation on conversion to Judaism we notice that the following
points emerge:
(i) The strong Jcwish scnsc of a covenant community of God made them bclicvc
that maintaining their relalionship with God and keeping to the Torah would lead
others to want to belong to their community, and perhaps be converted.
1 3 4 ~ e l ~ n a n , 'Jews and Gentiles', u., pp. 335-337.
29 1
(ii) It does not seem to have emerged from our investigation that Jews had no
particular person who went by the name "Missionary" sirnply because 'Israel' as a
whole had the responsibility of "witnessing" to their God. This was probably
responsible for their strength in spreading and winning converts.
(iii) Circumcision, baptism and sacrifice served as initiatory rites that all converts
probably passed through. God-fearers were probably given a position of recognition
without necessarily passing through that rite.
(iv) The Synagogues served as places of worship and also schools for converting
and educating the Gentiles.
(v) Methods of conversion ranged from oral proclamation to literary devices
aimed at reaching and converting the Gentiles.
(vi) The content of their proclamation probably included the mighty acts of
YHWH, the lives of 'their patriarchs (e.g. Abraham, Moses, David etc) and the Torah,
as a way to righteous life, and immortality.
(vii) The Jewish attitude to the converted was confusing. They probably accepted
that they would attain immortality or eternal life but to be fully recognized as Jews
within the covenant was not that easy.
5.2 Concliidiilg Points
When we compare these to what we have seen so far in the Lucau understanding of
conversion, our observations go thus:
(a) The Jews believed that Y I W H is the God of the nations, but the way they
lived with their neighhours conslit t~~cd s serious thrcnt to this Iwlicl'. No1 only wcrc
covenant law made to serve the religious rulers for their own ends, i t had become so
unbearable to the many who had become marginalized. In effect, the saving notion of
the covenant was lost. Whel~ we considered the social iateraction of Lucan text, i n
Chapter two above, this came out quite clearly. The Lucan Jesus saw the covenant
people of God identified mainly with the strong, the rich and the oppressor, and Luke
makes him to assume the role of the saviour to deliver the enslaved masses like
Moses in the Exodus event.
(b) The Jews recognized that through the Torah, Wisdom and the Spirit, God had
guided the Gentiles into seeking him for their salvation, but the way Judaism handled
this knowledge by the way converts were regarded seems to have contradicted that
very belief. The Lucan Jesus recognizes the need for repentance and forgiveness
without restitution serving as a precondition for either. 'This alone for him is
salvation.
(c) There may be similarities between Jewish proselytization and Lucan
conversion in such matters as belief in God and baptism for converts. But there are
developments and so differences i n Imke. To sum the differences 1111 is the 1.i1cn11 use
of the Holy Spirit. We noted above that in Jewish proselytization, the fole of the
Holy Spirit in winning converts was assumed. I n Luke the Holy Spirit is made
responsible for winning converts presumably to legitimize any convert, Jew or
Gentile, as belonging to the covenant and so designated for Salvation.
As we turn to the exegeses of some Lucan conversion texts, we shall discuss more.
Chapter 6
Conversion texts
In the last chapter we saw that the Jews were involved in mission to convert other but did
not really accepl a converl as a true child of the covenant. But Luke makes the Holy
Spirit to be agent of conversion and also to legitimize converts as belonging to the
convenant. In this way, Lucan Jesus becomes the Saviour of all.'
The Lman characterisation of the Jews suggests that God had intended them to act as
light to the nation^.^ He then goes on to demonstrate how Jesus fulfilled this as peoples
and nations turn to him and are converted3
Before we consider the texts, we need first of all to define certain terms and secondly to
introduce gentile mission in Luke.
6.1.1. Defining Terms
One of the difficulties of this area of Lucan study is a lack of consistency in the use of
terms. We had noted the classic definition offered by A.D. Nock4 who believed that it
was only in Judaism and Christianity that one could meaningfully talk about conversion.
Nock defined it as"
cf. G. Theissen, 'TheShadow SCM ((1987) p. 36. 2cf, D.L.. Tide, 'Glory LO thy People Israel: Luke-Acls and the Jews', in, me-Acts m, by J.B. 5 s o n (ed) Augsburg (1988) pp. 28-30. ~R.c . Tannehill, 'Rejeclion of the Jews and Tunling lo Gentiles: The Pattern of Paul's Mission in Acts', in Luke-Acts and the Jewish Peo~le. J.13. l'yson (ed) Augsburg (1988) p. 101; see also J.A. D'm, a Character Building: op.ciL p. 53. 4 ~ . ~ . Nock, Conversion: fi~.ciL
"reorientation of the soul of an individual, his deliberate turning from indifference
or from an earlier form of piety to another, a turning which implies a
consciousness that a great change is involved, that the old was wrong and the new
is right."s
For many years this was almost a working definition until recently when it has been
found increasingly inadequate. A.F. Segal, for example criticises Nock's view as too
stereotypic, Pauline and belonging to first generation convert^.^ Ramsay MacMullen7 said
that Nock's objection that conversion did not occur in c u l ~ s was because describing such
a response as conversion was not an appropriate term. Ramsay goes ahead to reconstruct
the conversion to early Christianity with an emphasis on the many degrees of in~erest in
affiliation rather than a once off thing. We thinks Nock's view is mistaken because it is
assumed that religious belief does not deserve the name unless i t i s intense and
consuming. A point Segal also disagreed wilh Nock. Ramsay seems to be saying that
even adhesion is part of conversion. D.A. Snow and R. Machalek* point out that there are
degrees in the process of conversion from adhesion to alternation and to radical change
such as is found in Paul. But Snow and Machalek seemed to be unsatisfied with the
definition of conversion in terms of change, but would prefer a definition that sees a
crucial point in conversion connected to a changing of one's universe of discourse. For
them, we do no1 just talk about valucs, bclicfs and idenlilies, but also more fundamentally
and significantly a displacement of one universe of discourse by another, one world view
by another. Snow and Machalek's approach does recognize the ongoing nature of
51izjd, pp. 7-16, reference here p. 7. ~ A J . Segal, 'The Cost of I%oselylism and Conversion', in '-ofmu
. . -, edited by D. Lull, ALlanta: Scholars Press (1988) pp. 336-337. 7 ~ a m s a ~ MacMullen, Christia~~izinn the Roman Ernnire AD 100-400: New Haven Connecticut: Yale University Press (1984) pp. 2-9; see also his, 'Conversion: A Historian's View', in Second Centurv 5 (1985-1986) pp. 67-81, here p. 75. 8 ~ . ~ . Snow and R. Machalek, 'The Convert as a Social Type', in Sociologjd Theory 1983, I<. Collins (ed), San Francisco (1983) pp. 259-289, here p. 270.
conversion. Taken as they propose it suggest a continuous interraction between one's
found faith and the universe of discourse, with continuous questioning, criticizing and
reviewing. But Snow and Machalek have their critics. C.L. Staples and A.L. Mauss9
have argued that the determining feature of conversion is the convert's own self-
reconceptualization. While they agree that conversion is a process, they argue that it
ought to lead to self-transformation since conversion is inherently subjective. Therefore,
the convert plays an active part to bring about this transformation. B.R. Gaventalo notices
dilemma facing any attempt to arrive at any sort of consensus of opinion regarding a
definition of conversion. She takes a New Testament study of conversion with other
terms found to be used for it such as "born again", with a consideration of sociological
factors associated with conversion. Gaventa poses the question what is conversion and
writes:
T o ask about conversion is to ask what attracts people to a path, what changes in
their understanding of themselves and of the world, and what supports them in the
new faith. It is also to ask about a community of believers, its self-understanding,
and its altitudes towards oulsiders, seekcrs and newcomers.' 1
For Gaventa, conversion involves three categories. The first which she calls
"conversion" is in line with Nock's definition - a rupture between past and present where
past is portrayed in negative terms.12 Then the second she calls "alternation7' simply
because the first definition excludes some experiences which can be described as
"conversion" but need not be negative of the past. Here an example includes a Methodist
becoming a Presbyterian after a quarrel with the minister. Gaventa says that this example
9 ~ . ~ , . Staples a11d A.L. Mauss, 'Conversion or Commitment? A Reassessment of the Snow and Machalek Approach &I Ihe Stndy of Conversion in M 26, 1987, pp. 133-147. IIere p. 146. 1~13.1t. Gi,va,t:r, I:rom I);lrkrmss p. 3. "m 12&j& pp. 9-10.
while not strictly falling within the description of "conversion" has to be explained. So,
the suggestion of "al~ernalion" - changes [hat do not involve a rejection of the past, but
could develop out of the past. Then the third category she calls "transfor~nation" because
again [here are certain experience wilhin "conversion" not covered by either "conversion"
or "alternation".13 She argues that if conversion is rejection of the past for the present,
and "alte~mation" is a growlh from or out of the past, what aboul [hose experiences which
arc ncithcr a rcjcclion of the past, nor growlh oul or lhc past, bill a transhnna~ion or a
new perspective and perception of the past wilhout necessarily rejecting the past'? So for
Gaventa, Paul's experience is definitely "conversion".~4 1,uther's is "transformation"1~
and the Ethiopian Eunuch's experience is alternation.16
BUL Gaventa makes an interesting point when she describes Paul's experience from
Paul's letters (and therefore from Paul's perspective) as "transformation" rather than
"altenlation".l7 Therefore, for Gaventa, from Luke's point what happened to Paul is
conversion. But from Paul's point of view it is both conversion and transformation, more
ol' transl'ol*malion. Gavc~ila's work is i'i111 0 4 ' insiglu. 1 1cr S U L ) L I ~ dil'l'crwlialiw ~ C L W C C I ~
alternation, transformation and conversion only goes to confirm that "conversion" is not
easy to define. For Gaventa, Paul's conversion is not paradigmatic,lg but for Browley it is
exactly that.19 Gaventa treats conversion in [he texts in which the word occurs, or in
stories directly concerned about conversion as a means to understanding the word and the
concept. But for B.J. Koet,20 all allusions of Jesus, to the Jubilee, and the Sabbalh
1 3 ~ pp. 10-11. 1 4 b L p. 92. 1 5 ~ ~ . 11. I6m p. 107. 171hid.. p. 40. I8W p. 92. I ~ R . L . Brawley. Centering on God op.citUp. 157. 2 0 ~ . ~ . Koel, F ive - a l l d~n t e rn r e t a lh l s of i n I.uke-Acts, Leuven Universily Press (1989) pp. 34-35.
implies a call to conversion. O'Toole21 has wisely noted that Luke does not draw a fine
distinction among the terms he uses to clesign:~le response to God's salvific activity. So
O'Toole cautions that to demand of the participants (converts) of one moment of time the
perception of tliose of later moment is an error of [he questioner and not that of thc
biblical author.22 That is to say that a continuous interpretation and review of conversion
by the convert is bound to produce a continuous transformation of trnderstanding. Even
then Luke gives no definition of conversion as he gives for an apostle and witness in Acts
1: 21-22. The author does not seem interested in definitions, as most biblical authors but
preferred to describe conversions in models and with vnrieties of images. For Luke,
conversion comes in models not in definitions.
The word h lmpo@rl appears only once in Acts 15: 3 in the whole New Testament, with
"convert" sparingly used in non 1,ucan tloc~~nienls (cf. Ro~ilans 16: 5; 1 Corinlhians 16:
15).L3 Cohen has argued that while the Old Testament may have some notion of
conversion, the word itself is lacking in the texts. Therefore he advocates that strictly
speaking the word "conversion" may not be a pre-exilic term but could be dated as from
the sixth century B.C.E.24 But in Greek, the word "conversion" takes its root from the
word ape$o2s which Literaly means "lo twist", "to turn", "to bend", "to steer". The
1 word has other compound words which include: avacstpe$w - d v a o ~ p o $ ~ ;
~ a t a o t p e $ w - ~oltacrtpo@q and the meaning include among others, 'to convert', 'to
bring back', "to come back", 'to walk', or even 'to act'. Another compound of m p ~ + a ) is
Lluroc$w -bn~rrrpo+rl whicl~ is still ihc silllie aici~~li~rg. TIK Scplaeginl irii~~sliitctl
I I R.F. O'Toole, The Unitv of Luke's Theolo~v, oacil.. p. 223. 33 . --l&~d, pp. 3-23-23-4. 13(q)a+uLS occurs ol'lcn whcn in~rcnlucing God's aclion as in Lukc 7 3 , also cl'. Acls 3: 26; 7: 42. l'hc noun Ihrn~ 01- cnicnpo+q - conversion o c c m only in Acls 15: 3 in lhc whole New Tcs~amcn~, which s~ggcs l s ha1 [he auhor could bc acquainled wilh lhe religious usage in Palcslinc, probably in Diaspora Judaism. cf. G . Berlram, %xunp+q in TDNT Vol. VII, pp. 72511: Also see p4l above. 24c~. S.J.D. Cohen, 'Conversion lo Judaism in Hiskxical Pcrspec~ivc: Ron1 Biblical Hislory lo Posl- Biblical Judaism', in Conservalivc Judaism Vol. 36 (4) 1983, pp. 32-33. 25cf. G . Berham, 'cnpcgw' in T m Vol. Vll, pp. 7 1411'.
> v
~ . l c t o z p ~ $ o to carry the Hebrew meaning of 110 emphasizing the sense of "turning", "to
turn round", 'to return', "to bring b a ~ Y . 2 ~ The presence of various compounds, could
suggest that varieties of senses are implied, but the essential meaning of 'to turn from' or
'to turn to' is fairiy regular. The sense of "turning from" or "turning to" which involves
movement and action and a direction, may have its origin in the exodus narratives where
the children of Israel cried out to God in the anguish of their suffering, and the text says
"God heard", "God remembered", "God saw", "God knew" (cf. Exodus 2: 22-25). The
exodus for the Jews is both historical, and a theological symbol of peoples' cry and turn
to God, and God's response in salvation within the covenant relationship.27 Rabbinic
Judaism accepted and developed this Old Testament tradition, with ethical and moral
overtone. Qumran community's condition for membership was through 'conversion'
which meant turning from evil to the law of Moses.
3 In the New Testament, & . n ~ o z p ~ $ o occurs up to thirty-eight times, and more in the Lucan
ma~er ia l .2~ The meaning which is basically "to turn" is retained (cf. Luke 1: 16f; Acts
15: 19). The other associated word is pEzavoEo, pczavora, p x a y e h o p x - to repent,
repentance, and to change one's mind. Its Old Testament equivalent is 3\d@(~ i.e. to turn
back.29 O'Neill argues that of the theological ideas of Luke with Jewish background, his
use of p z a v o m , yezavo la is one of them.30 p ~ z a p ~ h ~ o 0 a ~ means more of 'to feel
remorse' but pEzavoav carries the sense of remorse with intent and action to desist from
26cf. G. Bertram 'EXLOTPE$W' in TI)NT Vol. VII pp. 725rC see also F. Laubach, 'Convesion' in NIDNrC Vol. I, pp. 3541. 2 7 ~ h e main mission of h e Prophets were calling Ihe people back to Deuteronomic codes when they trod to contrary paths. The call to return, to turn back unplied repentance. cf. Jeremiah 18: 18. cf. I;. I,aubdch, 'Conversion'. in ?be New Inlernationd Diclionary of the New Testament'. Vol. I. p. 354. 28cf. F. Laubach, 'Conversion'. Jl&L p. 354. 29cf. F. Laubach "Conversion", in NITWIT, Vol. I, pp. 356ff; see also F.J. Matera, 'Repentance'. in Ilrupu's B i W i - etlilcxl by P.J. Achleo~cic~c, Ilnrlxr and Row: S;m I : I . ~ I I I C ~ S C ~ ( 1085) pp. 861 I'; scc illso 0. Micllcl f i ~ ~ c t j ~ A . 0 ~ 0 1 1 i l l 'l'l)N'l' Vol. IV, pp. 626C1'; sw also 1i. Ilimnchca, 'I'hc Acts of the m t l e s : A Commentary, ~ n . c i t ~ pp. 208,210. 3 0 ~ . ~ . O'Neill, The Theoloev of Acts. o?.ciL pp. 151ff.
a particular or specific sin. In the New Testament, the ethico-religious emphasis of
pmt<xp~heoOol~ is heightened to include conversion as i t is seen i n Acts 3: 19.31 We need
to define ooi& and oottpa - to save and salvation. We had looked at hese earlier as
fanliliar words of Luke, but the author also makes use of them in some special se11se.:~2
The Egypt-exodus experience of Israel is summed up in one word, salvation. Salvation
motifs iu the Old Testament is trmsferred to mission of .lest~s i n the New Tcstament. I t is
the subject of the New Testa~nent:~.~ I t has become both a l~istorical a~ ld an eschatological
reality. Salvation has started r~ow.-~-l I t will be consummated at His corning.'"
conversion may then be seen as the beginning of this journey back to God.-30
The other related word is motig, n i o t ~ u o - faith and to believe. Faith in the Old
T e s t a ~ n e n t ~ ~ has the sense of man's reaction to God's primary action within the covenant
community. Hence the faithful God who keep covenant and his people who obey. Faith
in God and fear about Him go hand in hand.
In the New Testament m o n g becomes synonymous to acceptance of thc 'preaching of
the apostles'. we have looked at this in chapter four above. If accepting the kerygma of'
or about Christ is J C I ~ E W E L V , it becomes imderstandable how it is fundamentally related
to conversion, and even synonymous to it.38 npooqhutog is another word we have
3 1 ~ o ~ ~ ~ n ~ c n t i n g . o n Acls 3: 19, Hacocl~cn aclually uscs the \vord conversion, cl.. E. Hacnchc~~, 'Ack of h c Aposllcs', ogxil., pp. 208, 3 1 0 .
32 d. 1.E. Alsup, 'Silvn~ioa', in Hurpcr's Biblc Iktionary, olx cil., pp. 8941'; scc also Alan liichr~rdson, 'S;il\u~ion', i n (I.D.B) Vol. R-Z (4) pp. 1771'1:
33ct'. Alan Richardson, 1 p. 177.
34cl'. Lukc 19: 9; Acts 2: 47. 3scl'. I .uhc 21 : 28. 36cl'. N. Gcldcnhuys, Thc Gospel of Lukc,o~.ci~., pp. 3051'1'.
37c1'. J.M. Wurcl, 'Faith', in IDB Si~wlcmcnlarv Volillnc, Abingclon (1976) pp. 39-33?; also J. Rcumano, ' Filih', il l 1DB Sugglcmcnlary Voltun~, Abingdon (1976) pp. 331-335.
3*cl'. N. Gcldenhuys, op. cil., pp. 4771'; E. Hacnchcn, op.oil., pp. 3981'; scc also F.F. B~ucc, " ' c Acki 01' thc A~)s l l c s ' , 3rd revisccl cnlargccl cdi~ion, Fxrtlmans Michigan (19%)) p. 297.
looked at before which throws more light on Lucan conversion. ' h i s word is traced back
to the Hebrew words 1:; and 1 E- ''aliens" of different classes, the former being a class
of aliens resident only for a time within Jewish land, without rights for Jewish protection.
The latter enjays the protection of his Jewish masters, but within stipulated terms,.and
with an amount of fi-eedom.39 Jewish rites and customs usually bore a religious context,
and so in time, aliens came to be defined in sociological and religous terms. it then came
to mean aliens who accept Jewish God and circumcision. This in Greek translation
became zpocrqhuzo~, emphasizing the religious rather than the sociological aspect.40
Hellenistic Jews were probably more lenient to the gentile convert. One way they did this
was to recognize the adherence of these gcntiles to Jewish synagogue worship and
monotheism, and observance of certain dietary laws, without necessarily their submitting
to circumcision. These are referred to as O E ~ ~ O ~ E V O L or $ O P O ~ ~ E V O L zov ~ E O V - God-
fearers.41 Hellenistic Judaism allowed those gentiles to believe in God and to follow
some basic ethical demands of the Old Testament.
In the New Testament period, z p o q h u z o t have come to represent gentiles who become
Jews, passing through Jewish rites of circumcision and dietary laws. Even more rigorous
rites are developed in Rabbinic Judaism such as ritual immersion (baptism) and a
sacrifice at the Temple, and all these within the context of gentile conversion to Judaism.
It is within this adherence to Jewish religious customs ihat we locate the OEPO~EVOL or
$ O ~ ) O ~ ~ E V O L , i.e. those who 'fcar' or 'reverence God' without nccessarily submitting to
circumcision.
3 9 ~ o r a historical survey of "alien" among Israel cf. K.G. Kuhn, "proshlutoV" in TINT Vol. VI, pp. 727- 744. 40&&L see also F.J. Foakes Jackson a i d Kirsopp Lake (eds) a e neainnirig of Christianity, Vol. V., (1933) pp. 80K See also chapter five above. 4 1 ~ o r 'God-fearers' cf. U. Becker, 'Conversion' in NlDWIT Vol. A-F, op.cit., pp. 360ff.
Another word we need to look at briefly h r e is khhqvq or b A q v ~ a . r a ~ - Hellenes or
Hellenists. The word has a long 11istory4~ beginning probably about 700 BC. 11s origin is
traced to Greek civilization and cullure. Later in the history of the Jews (Israel), it camc
to mean 'Jews with Greek language and culture', as opposed to 'Jews of Jewish language
and culture'. So there came about Jews of Judea (Jerusalem) and Jews living in other
Greek cities and states. The Jews ol' the dispersion, as they were later referred to, are
important for our study of conversion in Luke-Acts43 because it was from Hellenist Jews
that Christianity found a foot hold into gentile territories, in readiness lor the world. We
need lo consider Lucan characterization ol' Jesus' gentile mission.
6.2 The Characterization of Gentile Mission in Luke
We want to consider briefly here Lucan Jesus altitude to the gentiles which suggest their
inclusion for salvation. It seems that Luke has a peculiar way of making Jesus make this
point without necessarily making a public pronouncement on it as such. Such ways
include the attitude of Jesus to the outcasts, publicans, women and sinners. In this way,
Jesus is presented as challenging the conservative and bamier-conscious "Judaism".
The views of scholars are not altogether agreed on whether Jesus wanted the inclusion of
gentiles in the salvation. For example, Hahi144 argues that the ministry to the gentiles was
not in the agenda of Jesus. J e i ~ m i a s ~ ~ thinks that one could arrive at the conclusion that
Jesus both limited his mission to the Jews while at the same time giving hints about
gentile mission. Some others believe that since the Scriplure themselves contain quite a
great deal about God's righteous dealings with other nations and peoples, that Jesus
42~or 'EXXqveS cf. 11. I-Ians, in 'khhqvq' m, Vol. 11, pp. 504ff. cf. C.F:.D. Mode, 'Once more who were Llie IIellenists?' in Vol. LXX (1958-1959) pp. 100-102. '%., I.ttkc 7: 1-10; Ass 6: 1 ; I 1: 20. 445. IIahn, Mission in Ihe New l'eswnenl, Naprville: AIIenson (1965) pp 26f. 45~. Jeremias, Jesus Promise to the Nations, owit., pp. 15f.
vision could not be God is concerned, not about Jews only, but gentiles and
all peoples (cf. Psalms 67; Isaiah 49: 1-7. The book of Jonah). Jeremias saw the vision of
Jesus' mission in such texts as this:
'I say to you that many will come from the east and the west, and will take their
places at the feast with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob in the Kingdom of hea~en . ' 4~
For Jeremias, this text is an authentic word of Jesus indicating an awareness of a future
Gentile rnission which is in accordance to God's However, he finds difficulty with
Mark 3: 10 and 14: 9 which seen1 to indicate Jesus as saying that his disciples will
proclaim his gospel among the nations. Jeremias see these texts as influenced by Markan
community, rather than the actual words of Jesus. So he says:
'Hence, we are to understand the proclamation to all the world will not be by men
in the time before the Parousia, hut by God's angel at the last day.'49
He then goes on to make reference to Revelation 14: 6f to confirm his view.50
In his study on Jesus' view of mission, Wilson agrees with Jeremias' but finds his
linguistic arguments on mark 13: 10 and 14: 9 d i f f i ~ u l t . ~ ~ Wilson says that these verses,
taken at face value clearly teach that Jesus anticipated a world mission through his
disciples,52 but believes Mark redacted i t to suit his audience. Hahn agrees.53
46cf. D.J. Bosch, Witnesclo the World op.cit- pp. Iff; See also J. Blauw, Irhe Missionlay Nature of the Cl~urch, pp. 5 1 f. 4 7 ~ c c similar passages in Isaiah 2: 1-5; cf. Mallhew 8: 1 I . See illso J . Jcrcmiirhs, Jcsus Promise to ale Nations, pp. 20ff. 48~b the influence of Jeremias thought see S.G. Wilson, The C;- . .
QQAL PP. Iff. 49cf. J . Jeremias, 'Jesus Promise lo lhe Nations'. ~ ~ , c i t , . p. 22. 5 O w pp. 69f. 5 1 ~ . ~ . Wilson. S . .
, a p p . 25f. 5 2 ~ pp. 26ff. 5 3 ~ . Hahn, 'Mission in the New Testament, ~pcit. . p. 1 18.
While we agree to the immense value of form and redaction criticism to scholars in
isolating the words of Jesus from that of the community after him, and it is also true to
say that mostly it is a conjecture, it might be safer to rely on the text as we have it. The
advantage of this is to minimize the confusion and disagreement amongst scholars.54 It
has been a common notion that this gospel read as it is has a feel of a gentile based
gospel. Cadbury challenged this notion and said that Luke is even less universal55.
Cadbury cited omissions in Luke's gospel of Mark 13: 10 and 14: 9 as very striking.
Critical studies in Luke have noted the degree of bias to the Jews in his accounts.56 Ii has
not been a settled issue even for modern scholars. Many think that Luke is ambivalent in
the way he presents Jews and Geniiles. For instance Sanders thinks that Lukc is anti-
Seinitic.57 Jervell thinks that the Jews converted to the gospel were reformed Jews, and
the gentiles who responded were accepted as asso~iates .~S Luke-Acts begins in the
Temple (Luke 1: 8f) and ends with Paul's meeiing wiih a local Jewish leader in Rome
(Acts 28: 170. And all ihrough the events, ii would seem ihat Luke was careful LO keep
the gospel firmly within Jewish covenant. Luke 1-3 contains stories about he Temple,
Temple priests, prophets and prophetees, Jewish women, angels and visions, purificaiion
and vows, Jewish rites and genealogies - all testimony to Jewish religon. Some may argue
that this earlier part belongs to a differeni literary cu l tu re .5We have argued earlier ihat
ihe lime of writing need not necessarily affect thc auihenticity of the iradiiion. Tllelcfore
Jesus paren@ were 'orthodox' Jews.60
54cf. 1.11. Marshall, Ik&ispel of I.uke, QQ,& pp. 32f. 5 5 ~ . ~ . Cadbury, 'The Makine of 1-uke-Acts, opcit., pp. 254ff. 561<. Zeller, The Conlenls and Orkin of the Acls of Ihe Apostles (Irilically Investigated. London: Willianis and Norgate (1 875-1876) pp. If. 5 7 ~ . ~ . Sanders, T-e-Acls, or>.cit.. pp. 58~acob Jervell, Luke and the Peonle of God: A New I .Q&-, Minneapolis. Augsburg (1972) pp. 1fC; also his The Unknown Paul. . UYS . on I.uke-&- . . : Minneapolis, Augsburg (1984) pp. 29ff. 5 9 ~ . ~ . Fitzmyer, The Gosvel According lo I .uke, o-. 109. 60cf. I.H. Marshall, The Acts of the Apsllc%, OD& pp. 114ff.
Having said that we recognize that in Luke 4-24 we do not see the account of Mark 13:
10 and 14: 9, and no direct word from Jesus about preaching to the gentiles, until Luke
24: 47. Jervdl may be correct to observe that Jesus will never be found outside the
bounds of Palestine in Luke's gospel.61 Jesus may be seen more in the synagogue as
Luke 4: 14-16,4: 33,44; 8: 41; 13: 10, suggests. There is the sense of Jerusalem being
the Lucan centre of activities (cf. Luke 9: 57). Therefore it seems that the Jesus of Luke
is quite an 'orthodox' Jew.
This is probably why some agree that the gospel of Luke which cany conversion of the
gentiles seem to be alien to the mission of Jesus. But we see in this gospel some evidence
which suggests that Jeus had a vision for the gentiles which is not as clear in Matthew and
Mark: some may argue that this evidence is Lman redaction. The two-document
hypothesis advocates Mark and Q as the primary source of the gospels. Marshall and
Fitzmyer recognize the value of this.62 Elowever, Ellis, Caird, Talbert and Stronstad,
advocate treating Luke as an authority in its own right, just as much as Mark, Matthew
and Pau1.b3 Luke may indeed be compared to the rest of the Synoptics and to Paul, b u ~ he
should no1 he niadc to he writing iln iiccount of Jcsus t h a ~ is dcpcntlcnt on 1hcsc.64
Maddox sees the apparent omissions in Luke as part of his style of preparing for the
conversion of the gentile world in his second volume (Acts).65
6 b f . Jewell, ~ p . c i t ~ pp. 120f. 62~arshall, The Qos_~el of 1.uke. op.cit.,p. 30; Filunyer, The Gospel of1 .uke, op.cit.. p. 23. 6 3 ~ . ~ . Ellis, The G a p e l of I.uke oo.cil.. pp. 4f. G.B. Caird, ThGuspe1 of St I.&, in The Pelican New Testament Commentaries, New York: Penguin Books (1963) p. 3f; C.H. 'Ttllberl, 'Luke-Acts' in The New r . , < Epp aid MacKae; ALLlta: Scholar's Press (1989) pp. 297-320; R. Stronstad, ao.cil.. pp. 10C. (*I.II. Marsturll. Ly--'1Lcc_l!orriilu,& p. 75. 6 5 ~ . Maddox, 'The Pi~rnose of Luke-Acts, QD.& p. 55.
Let i t be said then that Luke's style of writing, when compared to others, shows greater
evidencc of tlie conversion of both Jews and Gentiles.
Luke 1-3
Luke 1-3 may be entrenched in Jewish religion but i t contains the most revealing vision
of Cod's mission to the world: citations from Isaiah 40, 41, 42, and 46, all speak of
God's intentions i n reaching o t ~ t to the rest of Brown's sttdy of the infancy
narratives locates Luke's universalism of the goodness i n three h i d phrases found in
Luke 2: 10; 2: 30-33 and 3: 6.'i7 .
Loke 4-24
Wilson's study of Luke concludes that Luke 4: 25-27 and 24: 47 carry the idea of Word
mission."* Apart from these Sew direct allusions to the inclusion of gentiles and others
into the Kingdom of God, which are direct, Luke makes use of his literary style to make
the same point. An example is the author's use of Luke 4: 16-30. 'rhis text is generally,
regarded as programmatic in Luke's two volume work. Themes found here are much
Illore tlcvclopccl in Ihc rest of his work. l ' lw Icxl ilscll' I~ns I~cc~i virrio~lsly inlcrprclctl I)y
scholars. In his study of the original text, Sanders compared i t to the Qumram
community interpretation of themselves as the Jubilee c o m m u n i t y . ~ Others, through
purely literary approaches seek to understand and interpret its meaning, as that of
universal sa l~a t ion?~) Still Jeremias, Wilson, Sanders and Marshall, making use of a
theological and exegetical approach, find such themes as eschatology, mission,
66K.~. Davics, All Flcsh Shnll scc thc Salvalion of God': Thc Foundation of I ~ k c ' s Mi~onill . \ / Tticolofiv, Unpublished pilpcr- ( 1'987) p. 41'. 6 7 ~ . ~ . Brown, Thc Birth ofthe Messiah, op.cil., p p 30311:
68 cl.. S.G. Wilson, The Gentiles, opcit., pp. ?KK. 6 9 ~ . ~ . Sanders, 'From Isaiah 61 to Luke 4', in Christianitv. Judaism i l d other Qlaco-Roman Cults. Stutlics l!!l~~tlaisr"n l i l k A n t j ( ~ u i l v Swiri, V. 12, (cd) NCIISIICI. ( 1975) pp. 751'1'. 7 0 ~ . l - ~ . 'lblbcrt (cd) L.ukc-Acts: New l'crspcclivcs from 111c Study 01' Biblical l..itc~aturc Scrninar. New York: Crossroad (1984) pp. 401.; K.C. Tannehill, 'Thc Nana~ivc Unity 01' Luke-Acts: A Litcrary Intcrprciihm - Vol. I: Thc Gospcl of Lukc. Philadelphia: R)rtrcss Prcss ( 1'980) pp. 3 11'.
acceptance and rejection, prophecy and fulfillment, persecution and the Jew-gentile
problem?' The parallel passages in the other accounts are found in almost the middle of
the work of Jesus (cf. Matthew 13: 53f; Mark 6: 1-6). Luke gives it a central place in his
account of both the ininistiy of Jesus and in the ministry of the disciples that follow.
Wilson claims that when Luke 4: 18-19 is seen in the context of the ministry of Jesus, it
would seem that the gentiles were included, but that the actual word "gentile" is not
used.72 Maddox sees the gentiles included.73 But if we bear in mind that Luke 4: 25f
goes on to talk about God's compassion to a woman in Zerephath and another leper in
Syria, then it does suggest inclusion of other peoples who may not be Jews. In Luke 10:
1-24 we have the mission of the seventy-two. Here again this episode is unique to Luke,
although Matthew has something similar, but it is the sending of the twelve (Matthew
10-1 I), set in another context. In both, preaching and expecting people to repent are
evident. So it is probable that Luke had other people in mind in terms o r rcceiving tlic
word and proclaiming it than just restricting it to the Twelve apostles?
Another way in which Luke presents the inclusion of gentiles is in the way he makes use
of he sources referred to as Q or the special Lucan materials. These major on references
to Jesus relationship to the marginalized in the society.75 The poor, the women, the
Samaritans, the tax collectors, the sinners find so much space in Luke. It does seem that
for Luke, these are on the same category as the gentiles in the sight of the Jews, we shall
consider a few examples briefly.
7 l ~ . Jeremias, Jcsm I'ronrise, gp.cilu p. ICk S.(;. Wilson, 'I111e Genliles, Q- pp. 401T; J.'!'. Sandcrs, 'From Isaiah', oncit- pp. 20ff; I.H. Marshall, &of the A ~ s U e s , w&, pp. 3f. 7 2 ~ . ~ . Wilson, oD.cit.. p. 34. 7 3 ~ . Maddox, The Purpose of Luke-Ac6, & p 140. 7 4 1 . ~ . Marshall, Acts, pp. 412ff. 7 5 ~ l m o s t one-lhud of Llle Gospel of Luke shows no dependence on Mark and Q. When those sections !hat only show partial dependence on Mark or Q are included will1 that which is uniquely Lucan ahnosi two- Ulirds of his gospel can be distinguished from Lbe Sytioptics. cf. Veseliri Kesich, The Gas-wl Image of Christ, St. Vladimir's Seminary Piess. Creslwodd, New York (1992), pp. 88-92.
6.2.1 Sinneri and Tax Collectors
The Lucan inscription on the cross should have been 'a glutton and drunkard, friend of
tax collectors and sinners', instead of "King of the Jews" (Luke 23: 38). Thiessen has
discovered that one characteristic of all the religious parties within Palestine at this time
was the tendency toward relaxation and intensifying of norms s i~nul taneous ly .~~esus
certainly relaxed the social norms, and made a re-interpretation of the norms which
exposed the hypocrisy of the society. Examples can be found in Luke 4: 16-30, which is
followed by a series of healings and call of 'sinners' (Luke 4: 3 1-37, 38-41 ; 5: 27-32).
Some scholars have devoted some studies to the place of the weak, the poor, the outcast,
the Sinner, the oppressed in Jesus 1ninistry.~7 All these see in the ministry of Jesus, a
~lnique relationship to those o n the margins of Jewish life giving them hope and assurance
of ~alvation?~ Eating with them alone is a demonstration of God's love.79 On the identity Q
of the 'Sinner', we investigated the 1,ucan usage of olpaptohou~ earlier and need not
repeat the argument here. 'There we agreed with D.A. Neale's80 conclwion that Luke
made use of i t not only to accept the Jewish category of whoever the sinner was, but he
actually made both the Jews (who uset! it to designate some people), Peter, and every one
to fall within this category. Having done this, Luke could then talk meaningfully about
Jesus as Saviour and everyone's neecl to repent. 'l'he Pharisees, we cliscoverecl, were also
concerned about sinners' repentance. Whal Luke did was to present Jesus as offering
love and compassion to those the Pharisees marginalize as sinners, and offered them
hope. Herein lies the fundamental difference between Lucan Jesus and the Pharisees.
Jesus radical love for tax collectors and sinners was characteristic of his movement and
different from the pharisee^.^^
6.2.2 Women ,
Louis H. FeldmanH2 has noted that in first century Judaism women were greatly attracted
to synagogue worship and ceremonies. But JeremiasK3 observes that despite their being
allowed to attend, their religious duties were limited as well as their religious rites. They
were clearly designated to the lowest rank of the religious merits, that is wonien and
children, Gentiles at~d slaves.g4 Martin Coodmansj acknowledges the presence of women
genlile proselytes but was not sure oftheir slalus. On the olher hand Schiirefio nientions ii
fcw evide~ices as to how female proselytes were lreated. For example, unless she was
converted before between the ages of three and a day old, she would not have equal
standing with a Jewess. They might not marry priests, but daughters of proselytes could
do so if one of the parents was a Jew by birth. I n any case, proselytes may marry
castrated or mutilated men which are forbidden to a born Jewesses in Deuleronomy 23: 2.
The law forbidding striking a woman so thal she suffers a ~niscarriage did not apply to
female proselytes. The ambivalence we noled about Jewish attitude to men were also
obvious about women proselyte^.^^
Jeremias% was right to conclude that only against such a background can we fully
appreciate Jesus' attitude to women. For many Jews at this Lime, women ranked next to
*lcl'. G. Tlicisscn, Sociolocv ol' b r l \ ~ Palcslinian Cbrisliaeily, o~ .c i l .~pp . 1 101'.
82~.tL Fcldmun, Jcws and Gcnlilcs in llic Ancienl Worltl, Princclon, Ncw Jcrscy ( 1993) p. 376.
83~. Jeremias, Jen~siilem in h e Time ol' Jcsus, opcil., p. 373.
+I& p. 375.
H 5 ~ . Oooclman, Mission and Conversion, opcil., p. 63.
86~rnil Schiiler, Thc Hislory of the Jcwish Pcoplc i n tllc nxc of-, VoI. 1ll.i. Rcvisctl and Etlilctl by G. Vcrn~cs cl-al T&T Clark Edinburgh, Rcviscd Edilion (1986) pp. 174, 175. 87~1'. ~huplcr live abovc. 8s~. Jelwnias, Jerusalem in the Time or Jcsus, opcil.. p. 3751'.
Gentiles Cadburys9 has noted how Luke often used women in his narratives to balance
out his literary affection for couplets. Tannehill" cites examples - Anna in Luke 2: 36f
and Simon in Luke 2: 25f; Jairus and the woman with the issue of blood in Luke 8: 40-
56; Sabbath healings in Luke 13: 10-17; 14: 1-6 involve a woman and a man. Marshall
cites Mary's posture of sitting at Jesus' feet as an example about zeal to l e a ~ n . ~ l
6.2.3 Samaritans
Two views emerge regarding Lucan presentation of the Samaritans. Either Luke sees
them as lower than the Gentiles or they are part of Jews. Their first appearance is in Luke
9: 51 -56 and here they are presented as uncompromising and as turning Jesus away.
Many who see this as a transitional paragraph between the second and third major
division of Luke's nai-rative include C~nze lmann , "~ Marsha11,93 Ellis." They also
acknowledge that Luke presents the Samaritans hese in a bad light. The text symbolizes
that everybody rejects Jesus as he sets his face to go to Jerusalem, so says E l l i ~ , 9 ~
Marshall,", Fitzmyer." What about Jesus' rebuke to the disciples? Jesus rebuked the
disciples, rather than the Samaritan village, first, to show that the disciples have the
wrollg Spirit and will need to be converted first, before ministering to the Samaritans.
Then secondly to illustrate that he himself understands and prefers compassion rather
than confrontation. The other text, the good Samaritan found only in Luke 10: 25-37,
depicts Jewish religion as having lost its touch wilh human need. The Jewish priest and
Levite show, themselves here as uncaring, whereas it is the Samaritan who is hrll of
8911.~. Cadbury, n o o f Iake-Am, Q&& p. 234. 9 0 ~ < . ~ . Tannehill, The Nam~iye IJnity, op,cit.,pp. 133f. 91 1.1 1. Marshall, &&, on.cil.. p. 452. 9 2 ~ i . Conzelmann, & op.cit.. p. 68. 9 3 L ~ . MarsliaB, Luke: Historian and Theological, on.cit., p. 151. 9 4 ~ . Ellis, The Gospel According to Luke, op.citU 15 1. See also N. Geldenhuys, The Gos_nel of Luke, op.cit.. pp. 291f. 9 5 ~ . Ellis, TheGosDel of p. 151. 961.11. ~ ~ s t ~ i i , mp on.cit.. pp. 403f. 9 7 ~ . Fitzmyer, The Gospel According to I.uke , w,cit.. pp. 823f.
compassion. Another text where a Samaritan appears is in Luke 17: 11-19. Here ten
lcpers are cleansed by the word of Jesus. Only one comes back to give thanks. Luke
calls him a Samasitan. Jesus refers to him as a foreigner and adds 'your faith has saved
YOU.' The conversion of the Samaritans may be envisaged here. The Samaritan is a
foreigner, a stranger, but merits salvation.
6.2.4 Ouest stories (The Marginalized)
Robert Tannehill's literary approach to Luke's narrative has brought to the surface
another element in presenting Luke as an artist by the way the marginalized are presented
in pronouncement stories. This story shows who Jesus was and what he taught.98 These
stosies could be classified under the su'b-titles or categories of correction, commendation,
objection, inquiry and quest stories.99 The quest story is the one that concerns us here.
These are stories where someone approaches Jesus in search of something that is
extremely important to his or her well-being. There are normally obstacles in their way
which makes one wonder what the outcome will eventually be. Then comes the
encounter with Jesus and the outcome is usually surprising and comforting to the reader.
Of the stosies which fall within this quest pronouncement, Tannehill says that they are
seven.1O0 Out of the seven found in Luke, four are peculiar to him; six of the seven
concern individuals who, under normal ciscumstances, would not be expected to receive
any compassion from the institutions of the day. All the six ended in success. The
scvcnth, and, the only 'failure' concerns a rich young rulcr, who, in the eycs of at lcast the
disciples of Jesus, was already counted as successful (Luke 18: 18-30). Luke's quest
stories include a sinful paralytic (Luke 5: 17-26); a gentile (Luke 7: 1-10); a sinful
woman (Luke 7: 36-50); a Samaritan leper (Luke 17: 11-19); a chief tax collector (Luke
19: 1-10); a crucified criminal (Luke 23: 39-43) and a rich young ruler (Luke 17: 11-19).
g8~annehill. T h e a t h e Unity, op.cit..p. 11 1. 9 9 ~ pp. l l l f f .
p. 113.
This study of Tannchill provides Surthcr cvidencc that Lukc's Jesi~s camc to savc LIE lost
(Luke 19: 10). Sometimes Jesus seeks out the needy (Luke 15: Iff), at other times the
needy seek Jesus. He seemed to welcome all.
What we have tried to do so far is to trace in the gospel of Luke, the peculiar way he sees
the mission of Jesus to encompass both Jews, Samaritans, gentiles, outcasts and sinners.
This is set within the context of Palestinian religious groups of Jesus' day, each offering a
way of salvation.lOl
Beginning from where Jewish piety failed, that is creating a religious system which
marginalized people, Luke first of all made everybody to know their sinfulness and need
of repentence.102 This again is why the call of Simon Peter in Luke 5 is set within the
context of Peter realizing that he is a sinner. If Jesus goes on to call his disciples and to
prepare them, it is on the understanding that they have received compassion and
forgiveness. This theme is developed in Acts (Acts 15: 8, 11, 19). Jesus mission may not
have been to Jews only but Luke is carel'ul to maintain or preserve the roots wilhin Jewish
religion.lo3 Luke's second volume continues this trace of the Jesus movement. The
author makes reference to the meeting of Jesus with the apostles whom he has chosen in
Acts 1: 2, going back to the theme o C ascension in Acts 1: 9 aSter mentioning it in l a k e
24: 51. Luke alone writes a second volume, suggesting his concept of history, with a
particular theological or religious bias.104 As he gets ready to launch into the spreading
of this movement, he makes sure that the Jewish religious base is firm.105
lolcf. Luke 7: 19. lo2cf Chapter five above. lo3~otice in Acts 1: 2, 'the apostles whom he has chosen', and Lhe instruction to remain, not in Galilee, bul Jerusalem Acls 1: 4. lo4c.u. Barrett, I.uke the llistorim in Recenl Stw, i>p,citU pp. 53ff. lo5cf. K.S. Latourett et al, -of 6 vvols, here vol. 1, Eyre and Spottiswoode (1947) pp. 45C1'.
For Luke, God is the initiator of this movement. Everything is under the control and
direction of God. 'The parties of Esscnes and Zealots arid Pharisees did not just preach,
but actually recruited members into their g r o q ~ s , and according to Theissen, purporting to
have a solution to the social, political and eco~lomic questions of the day.'(% Was J e s d
movement just one of these? Luke would say yes, but only that i t is more. The others
started off recruiting only Jewish subjects. 'The apostles knew that the Pharisees engaged
in recruiting followership among the gentiles t h r o ~ ~ g h proselytizing and possibly with
regulations to ensure the sanctity of their religious system. At least the gentiles can be
converted to 'Judaism' and can partake of the blessings of [he Cod of Israel. S o the
concept of proselytizing, crossing of religious affiliations, abandoning one for the other,
was t here. Mallhew 23: 15 says something aboul a proselyte. Luke certainly has an idea
that such phenomenon of leaving one religious opi~iion for another within 'Judaism' and
outside i t , existed (cf'. Acts 2: 10; 6: 5). Hut calling a gentile to belong to Jewish religion
may be known and accepted. But for a gentile convert to belong to the Jesus movemen1
which was predominantly Jewish, what will his status be? To claim that gentile converts
can he saved without circumcision, is this acceptable to both Cod and the Jews? This is
post-resurrection ministry to his disciples along with the second, and the only historicized
account o f the ascension. T h e problem of a double account of the ascension is
recognized. I(H
W e are simply highlighti~lg this problem here. The nature of our study does not warrant
getting into the critical problems a r i s i q out of the ending of Luke and the beginning of
Acts. But we shall mention the bridge Luke is building, from Judaism in Jerusalem, to
Christianity in the Graco-Roman world, which has become our world.
Acts 1: 1-5
The mention of Theophilus at the beginning is similar to Luke. The power of the Holy
Spirit is a central theme here. There is the mention oC the forty days appearance of Jesus
before the ascension. Haenchen believes that this was necessary so that the apostles
would not be seen to be left to their own devices.lo9 This could also form a bridge
between the apostles and Paul. That is, in future when we hear of Jesus appearing to
Saul, the phenomenon would have been familiar. Opinions of scholars vary on this forty
days issue and Wilson thinks a consensus is lacking110 Jerusalem a historical center is
strategically important for Luke's theology.
Acts 1: 6-11
Two important episodes here. The question, 'Lord will you at this time restore the
Kingdom back to Israel?' and the answer Jesus gave, are schematic. Wilson says that the
question had nationalistic overtones.111 But in some Jewish circles, many believed that
the gentile question will be settled when the Kingdom appeared. It could be argued that
the question of the disciples need not be viewed only as nationalistic, but could imply
their concern for the gentiles. If we remember that Jesus had spoken earlier about the
Holy Spirit to them in 1: 2-5, and their witnessing his resurrection, one could see why
their mind went straight to asking about the restoration oC the Kingdom to Israel.
Then comes Jesus' reply. It is only God who determines the when and the how of the
Kingdom. Wilson has seen a parallel here in the answer Jesus gives, to that in Mark
lo9~aenchen, lhid p. 146. 1°cf. S. G. Wilson, on.cit.. pp. 98.
lllcf. S.G. Wilson. M p. 89.
13:32 but. with a redaction.112 The context in Mark is apocalyptic, and Luke has placed it
here in reply to a question relating to eschatology. Also, Luke has left off the ignorance of
the Son. And then Jesus, in Acts 1: 8 gives a positive response which includes mission to
the ends of the karth. Haenchen sees in this a general outline of Luke's second
volume."3 Wilsons says that the phrase, "to the end of the earlh" is a reference to Isaiah
49: 6 (Septuagint), and used in Acls 13: 47 as Paul's justification for his missionary work
among the gentiles.114 There is therefore a close link between ascension of Jesus, the
coming of lhe Holy Spirit, and the mission to the ends of the earth, beginning in
Jerusalem.
The ascension of Jesus is important for our understanding of the conversion of Paul, at
least. Although Paul sees it as resurrection appearance, Luke sees it as an encounter with
the ascended Lord (cf. 1 Corinthians 15: 1-9)115 Because Jesus ascended, it is
understandable how he can appear to Paul, and what role [his appearance to Paul plays in
his conversion and also the role it plays in the mission of the Lucan church.
Acts 1: 12-26
The important bit in this section is the apostolic replacement. In this, Luke gives his
qualification and delinition of an aposlle (1 : 2 1 -2S).' 1"hct-c is evictcncc here or 1,ukc's
particular distinctive theology.117 The fact that two people were presented for selection -
Joseph Barsabbas, also known as Justus, and Matthias - suggest immediately to the
reader, at least, that more people qualilied for apostleship. But because twelve represenls
1 % ~ . Wilson, Ihl(t p. 9. 13Haenchen, ~p.cit- p. 89.
l14wilson, p. 91. 15~itunyer, The Gospel of Luke, a p. 300f; for a more Uleological insight as to why Luke reviews
the accounts see J.F. Maile, The Ascension in Luke-Acts, in TyI3ul 37 (1986) pp. 29-59. l16cf 1 Corins. 9: Iff; 15: 7-1 1.
l71-laenchen, p.cit= p. 163.
a religious symbol to Jewish community, they had to complete the number to twelve,
especially as Jesus himself chose twelve. The point here is that Barsabbas merits to be
called apostle, but ballot did not favour him. It could be suggested from this that Luke
signals the reader of a possibility of some others qualifing as members of this apostolic
band (cf. Acts 9: 10). He uses the term apostle in two major senses - the apostle (the
twelve), and, according to Haenchen, the suffragon - apostle,ll8 which can be applied to
Paul. In other words, Luke recognizes the importance of the twelve in the scheme o l
things. And yet, he is flexible in the use of the word apostle, example in Acts 14: 4 and
Acts 14: 14 he can apply it to Paul and Barnabas.""hat concerns us here is that
bridge that Luke continues to build between the Jewish Christian community, and their
acceptance of the gentile converts. This is what he does.
(1) He has given a hint that with the qualification for apostleship at least more than
twelve qualify for this (Acts 1: 23).
(2) In Acts 1: 21-22, we see Luke's theology deeply rooted in the resurrection fact of
Jesus. The witnessing of this fact has become for Luke a chief qualification lor
apostleship, giving a hint to the link Paul is to make, as an argument lor qualifying as an
apostle (cl. 1 Cor. 15: 8-9). Notice also that in "resurrection" there is a common ground
between Judaism and Christianity.
(3) By describing the completion of the aposllcship lo twelve, Lukc is giving il hint of ihc
legitimacy of the apostles, twelve in number, chosen by Jesus as the custodian o l the
Jesus movement.
The elements for launching the movement into a conversion movement, with strong
Jewish base is now complete. But the timing to go out belongs to the Holy Spirit, who
l 8 ~ . , p. 147 1°cf. S.G. Wilson, The Gent&$, op.cit.. pp. 1 l7f; F.F. Bruce, A Cornmen& on h e A O D . pp. 4,
271f; E. Ellis, S t . e , pp. 132C D. Muller, 'Apostle', in NI))N1?' vol. 1, pp. I26ff; K.1 I. . .
Rengstorf, 'anomoho~' hi - m y of m-1 I , m e YQ l . l lUL (d) G.N. Bromiley, (1085) pp. 69ff.
has been promised by Christ. In Acts 2, that promise is fulfilled. The Holy Spirit is
poured out unto the apostles and disciples, who are refcrred to as 'they all' by Lukc I 2 O
This is in Jerusalem and very much a Jewish thing.
6.3 The Hellenists
Luke develops Jesus' mission further in chapter 6 with a presentation of a conflict
bclwccn Greek spcuking Jcws und 1Ict)rcw Jcws which Icd lo he uppoialmcal of scvcrl
deacons who only have been Hellenisls.121 From here the story unfolds how gentiles and
Jews now constitute one pe0p le .1~~
The Hellenisls are to play this role of u point of contact between [he Jews and the
gentiles. Before this time, they have shown some evidence of interpreting some aspects
of the law with an amount of freed0m.12~ ?he problem Luke describes in chapter six may
be intertwined with religious and cultural elements. The discrimination against the
Greek-speaking widows have arisen out of an attitude to the law by the Hellenists, which
~ h c Hcbrcw Jews or Asrrlnaic speaking Jcws I'rowned al, which later boilcd ovcr in ~ h c
exercises of daily distribution of goods. We are aware of quite a number of lileralure,
dealing on the subject of the Hellenists in chapter six of Acts, especially Luke having
created the impression from Acts chapter one, that early church was in control of her
affairs and the apostles firmly in the direclive of the Holy Spirit. How come that here a
disagreement necessitated creating another select group of seven?l24 A formal
introduction of Hellenists seemed to come from Luke's narrative of the arrest of Stephen,
120cf. I-Iaenchen, &, on.ciL, p. 167 n. 4. cf. Acts 2: 1 . 121 cl'. C.F.1). MouIc, 'Oncc morc who wcrc llrc I lcllcnisls?' ie l.;.xpVrrn I .XX (1958- 1959) pp. 100- 102; scc also H. Conzelmann, m, QP. citU p. 45. 1 2 2 ~ . I-Iaenchen, QQ&.JI~. lOOL 123cf. J. C. O'Neill, The Theologv of Acts. opDcittt pp. 146ff. 1 2 4 ~ . ~ . Cadbury, The Making of Chrislianity, o_o,cit.. pp. 59C see also IIae~lchen, 'Acls', q.cit., p. 259C Hengel Acts and the Hislory of Early CHh~~islianityoci pp. 71f.
one of the seven. (Acts 6: 8-15). In this way, Luke introduced the Hellenists as full of
love, compassion and charity (Ack 4: 36-37) and fervent in faith, full of wisdom and of
the Holy Spirit (Acts 6: 13ff). T h e characterization of Stephen and the seven a s
compassionate an'd full of wisdom, even doing Stephen's martyrdom suggests a way
Luke intends his Hellenists to be understood in contrast to some Jewish religious
leaders.125 Although Stephen dominates Luke's narrative from Acts 6: 8-8: 3, other
Hellenists, such as Philip and others not named in Acts 1 1 : 19f, continue this movement
after the martyrdom of Stephen. It is the Hellenist Barnabas, who in Acts 11: 25f, goes to
bring Saul to Antioch, the man who is to dominate almost half of Acts of the Apostles.
Also as w e said above, Acts 1-5 suggests a movement consisting of a homogeneous Jews.
But here in chapter six, some kind of diversity is encountered. 'The movement is a mixed
group. Whether is was made up of Hebrews, Greek-speaking Jews, or Gentiles, is still an
unresolved issue on the meaning of the words .rev k h ~ ~ v ~ a z o v . If Cadbury's argument 1
that the verb comes from the word "to Hellenize", and so ehhqvt[o, meaning 'one who
practices Greek ways', is accepted, then some gentiles belong to this group.126 This may
explain why in Acts 6 5 w e have Nucohaov n p o q h v r o v k v n o X & a , which may
suggest that he was first a gentile, then a convert into Judaism, before being converted
into Christianity. The final stage of Luke's bridge building comes in the martyrdom of
Stephen. Events recorded between chapters 8 and 15 are almost a s a consequence of that.
W e are aware of the problem of the historicity of Stephen's episode and speech, but these
are fully discussed by Dibelius, Bernard, Haenchen and Wilson.l27 Luke describes the
scene in the form of a confrontation in Hellenistic synagogues, between believers and
Jews, which eventually came lo the nolice of the Jerusalem Sgnhedrin (Acts 6: 8-15).
There is Stephen's speech (Acts 7: 2-53) and his eventful death, which Saul consented to
1 2 5 ~ . ~ - ~ . Marshall, Am, ao.cit.. pp. 124K 126cadbury, ~n.cit . ,p. 71f. 127cf. M. Dibelius Studies in the Acts ofthe Anoslles op.cit.,p. 106; L.W. Dernard. 'Saint Stephen and Early Alexantli-ia Christianity', in New Testament Studies 7 (1960) pp. 31fc also E. Haenchen, o~.cit . . pp. 272f. See also Wilson. Gentiles and the Gentile Mission, &i.
(Acts 7: 58; 8: Iffj, and the scattering of the disciples which helped to spread the faith.
The next stage is that Luke picks up the work of Philip, one of the seven, in Samaria, and
many are converted.
Repentance which, according to 0'Nei11128 was only used for the Jewish turn to God but
which Hellenistic Judaism used for winning proselytes, is now used for the Samaritan
converts and gentiles by Luke. Repentance in His name therefore embraces all humanity.
A study of the texts will clarify this further.
6.4 Conversion texts in Luke-Acts
The theme of "finding the lost" can be said to be Lucan Jesus' theme of salvation. This
presupposes that all is lost as opposed to Lucan pharisees' understanding that only the
"sinncrs and outcnsls" are lost. Examples ol' Jesus' mission sccm LO cmphasizc mission
and service from the vantage point of the one sent. What about from the point of view of
the lost? Did Jesus give any clue as to the probable result to be expected in the whole
interaction between the one sent and the lost? What we are after here is whether Luke has
some examples which the disciples have before them which guides their interaction with
the 'lost' as they seek their conversion.
6.4.1 Conversion in a parable - The Lost Son (Luke 15: 1 1-32)
This parable is contained in the so called Lucan travel nai~ative and belongs to 'L'. In
fact, the whole chapler, apart from 15: 4-7 which is Sound in Mallhcw and (and thcrcl'ore
belongs to Q), the rest belongs to 'L', and comes towards the end of the travel narrative
before the beginning of the passion. It seems therefore to be significant for the author to
place the parables here to envisage the way of the true shepherd.
1 2 8 ~ . ~ . O'Neill, The Theology of Acts, p.cit.. pp. 153-154.
31 9
J e r e m i a ~ l ~ ~ alwady recognized the centrality and importance of this chapter to Luke, and
so he calls it the "Good News". C.E-I. Dodd describes parables thus:
'At its simplest the parable is a metaphor or simile drawn from nature or common
life, arresting the hearer by its vividness or strangeness, and leaving the mind in
sufficient doubt about its precise application to tease it into active thought.'130
Since Jesus was going LO leave his mission in the hands of his disciples a parable such as
this probably served as a masterpiece to return to from time to time in their task of
persuading men and women to return to God. The context of the parable is a teaching
session Jesus had had which attracted lots of people including tax collectors, sinners, the
Pharisees, with the Scribes (Luke 15: 1). BUL [he Pharisees and the Scribes "kept on
n~urmuring" that Jesus received and ate wilh sinners. Jesus replies in Lhree successive
parables. The Lhree parables have similar slructure and theme. All involved searching.
Then in the end of each is joy and rejoicing with friends, and the third has a bouquet in
addition.
In the first case, a man lost one sheep and left ninety nine others in the wilderness
(Matthew's mountain) in search of the one. In Lhe second case a woman losl a coin and
had to light a candle suspending other duties until she found it. In each case the analogy
is drawn between the joy of recovery and the joy in heaven over a sinner who repents.
Therefore the subject of the stories is repentance, recovery. But the other point to notice
is that the text does not contain "shepherd", not even in the parallel (Matthew 18: 10-14).
Recognizing all the allusions that 'shepherd' might be implied here, it is still possible that
this hypothetical man may not be a shepherd but a sheep owner which may not
l2O5. Jeremias, Patables of Jesus op.cil.. p. 124; see also C.F. Evans, opPcilU p. 589. 1 3 0 ~ . ~ . Dodd. Parables of the Kingdom, mcitU p. 5.
320
necessarily mean the same thing.131 It has to be said as well that apart from the infancy
narratives where shepherd appear in Luke, his work contains less menlion of "shepherd"
than the rest of the Gospel writers.13* If this parable is about "a man" rather than "a
shepherd", then Luke cannot be questioned about the shepherd. Instead the parable might
be about a man who might not be a shepherd, and in which case all thc technicalilies of
shcphcrding arc waivcd, but a conccntralion made upon lhe miin's expcndcd effort lo go
after the lost. Because the man might not be a shepherd who could be on wages, he sees
the lost as of equal value with the ninety nine and goes after it as his own.133 In any case,
the accent is on the value and safety of the lost sheep rather than the security of the ninety
nine "who need no repenlmce."134 A similar question is raised about the woman's lost
coin. The coin is an inanimate thing and used to illustrate repentance, which does not
seem to fit. A sheep may bleat, but what about a coin, it certainly has no life or
movement as it stays at a place? It could be that the emphasis here is on the tenacity of
the woman to keep searching for the coin, which can be a great lesson for going after the
lost. Bul in fact thc fact of thc coin k i n g inanimalc could illustrate thc condition of ihe
lost as well. To be lost in a way is to be "life-less". Perseverance is a virtue any one
involved with the ministiy of conversion needs.
Because at the end of the parables is joy in heaven and among the angels of God over a
sinner who repents, it leaves the reader in no doubl that the whole story centers on God's
compassionate dealing with sinners. The first two parables are rich in themselves about
the iinageiy of conversion. 135 To complement these comes the parable of ihe lost son.
131'l'he parallel of this parable i11 [he Gospel of 'lllo~nas (Apocrypha) Iris "shepherd" inslead or "8 mui' cf. J. Fitzmyer, The Gospel Accordiug lo T.ukg, II, Q-p. 1074. cf. G. Theissen, The Onen Door, SCM (1990), pp. 87-93. 132cf. Malthew 9: 36; 25: 32: 26: 31; Mark 6: 34; 14: 27; John 10: 2, 11,12, 14, 16. 133cf. John 10: 12. 1%.11. Dodd, Parables of the Kinqbm. on.cil.. pp. 119f. 1 3 5 ~ . ~ . Donahue, The Gos_nel in Parable, Fortress (1988) p. 152.
"The lost son" is the title the German Bible and scholars give lo the parable, but the
traditional title is 'the prodigal K.E. Bailey called it "the two lost sons".137
Jeremias called it, 'lhe father's love'. D.C. Ford called it 'God's prodigality in love'.138
Each of these titles approach the parable from a definite perspective. All and more of
these titles talcen together give an idea of the richness the parable can offer. Parables of
Jesus have the great potential to be relcvant for every age and time. The parable of the
lost son certainly does. J.T. Sanders'l3hrggument that originally the parable ended at 15:
24, before Luke added 15: 25-32 has been received with a rebuff that is a~lhenl ic .14~
And so like most parables which usually have one major lcsson to teach, this one, arid thc
two before it have lessons on God's way will1 sinners in bringing about their
conversion.141
Christian traditional theology has tended to interpret the parable as an allegory where the
younger brother stood l'or the Gentiles and the elder brother the Jews.'" This naturally
leads to an exegesis similar to Derrett7s143 detailed legal quest for the legitimacy of the
younger son's request, and to Fitzmyer'sl44 quest for what fraction of the father's holding
constituted the younger son's portion. This also could have influenced Bailcy'sl45
cultural approach about I'inding out what and what not children asked for in tradilional
Middle Eastern societies. While these details may indeed bring illumination to the
l 3 6 r n
1 3 7 ~ . ~ . Bailey, "17inding 1111: 1.0~1: C111t~ml Keus to I.\~ke IS", Concordia: St Louis (1992) pp. lO9ff. 1 3 k . 1). Ford. New I'rcachi~i,! froin [he New 'l'eslament. Mowbrays. (1977), py. 32f. 1 3 9 ~ . ~ . Sarlders, "Tradition and Redaction in Luke XV 11-31", in . . a (1968- 1969) pp. 433-438. 1405. Jeremias, Zeitschrifr fiir die ncu Wissenschaft 62 (1971) pp. 172-189. 141J. Fimyer, The Gospel Accordingto L u k ~ Vol. 11, op,cil-p. 1085. 142cf. J. Jeremias, Parabks&,Jkm, oD.cit.,Dp. 128f. See also B. Ellis, -1 of Take, ol>.cit..p. 196-197. 1 4 3 ~ . ~ . ~ . Derreu, Win New TeStamenl' Idondon Daulu~n & Todd (19'70) pp. 104-1 12. 1 4 4 ~ . l~ i lx~nycr , 'Jh ( ; o s p U & u ~ ~ o I kc, 11 , m h . , ~ ) . 1087, 145~.1:. Bailey, Jesus as 'Ibeoloaim, The Rwahles of Jesus in llie liglil of their &goric;\l Li)ms and 11icir Middle Eastern Cultural Background, L e c l u ~ papers in Cambridge 1994 from the author (n.d.).
context of the text, they also have the capacity to obscure the main issues. Issues such as
whether the father who was willing to share his property al a son's request while he the
father was still alive should be viewed as a responsible behaviour seems to me to detract
from the point of the parable.146 Or whether the Son should have even made such a
request. Or the argument that the second son's behaviour was more responsible than the
father's weak behaviour who could not even reprimand a disobedient and wayward
son.147 Such an approach misses the whole point of the parable. They sound like
arguments from human being's limited knowledge of "responsibility", "discipline", and
"jjustice". The words of Dr. Glasswell will suffice.
'We cannot question God's goodness on the basis of his justice. We had better
depend on his goodness rather h a n raise the question of justice ... so often it is our
understanding of justice that is a1 the root of so inuch that is wrong in the
world.' 148
On the last analysis, this parable is about God's goodness. If we agree that this parable is
"the Good news within the Gospel", how else could it be understood if not in terms of
God's goodness? Our approach will be to avoid much allegorizing and therefore avoid
much details, but set forth the parable to illuslrate the theme of conversion.
Jesus sees the world as "a family" unit. The attitudes of some members are commendable,
others are questionable. But if there is going to be harmony, then clearly all have to see
themselves as God's cllildren in spite of the 'righteous-sinner' category, and work
14%f. K.E. Bailey, F i r l d i n a t h e - pp. 112-120. 147cf. J.R. Donahue, The Gospel in Parables, onncitY pp. 156-157. 1 4 8 ~ . ~ . Glasswell, "The Parable of the labourers iri the vineyard", Iri Cornmuno vii- 1-2 Vol. 19 (1976) pp. 61-64, here pp. 63.64.
towards the forgiveness of the sacrificial type evident in the parable. For this to be real,
we take note of the following:
(i) Sin: The dttitude of the younger son in asking for his share of the inheritance
without putting it to any good use is sinful as it is wasteful. (cf. Luke 19: 13-26). The
attitude of the elder son in criticising the father for accepting the younger son is as sinful
as unreasonable.
(ii) Repentance: The younger son "came to himself' and decided and went hack to
his I'alhcr in humility and acknowlcdgrncnt oS his I'aulls, plcading Sor Sorgivcncss. l'llc
text does not say whether the elder son accepted the father's word, i.e. whether he
repented.
(iii) Joy: The father of the house and the whole "family" with friends rejoiced at the
return of the son.
Fitzmyerl49 has acknowledged the place of this parable in the whole Lucan work as
exemplifying the proclamation of the covenantal Jubilee a common Lucan theme. Both
Derrett'so, and Salolsl echo this in clear terms. As we said above, the man and his sons
represent "the family", which typifies covenant people of God. The going olf of the
younger son threatens Lhe covenantal tics from the son's point, but the love of ~ h c Father
keeps that threat in check. God's covenant with Israel had always been believed to be
eternal and everlasting.l52 If one went off from it in rebellion, he hurt himself but if he
repented and came back, he was accepted back within the provisions. W e have seen in
already that Luke has established the inclusion of gentiles and Jews this covenant in the . L
name of Christ. This parable truly shows the loving heart of God for repentants. This is
where the lesson for the disciples comes in. The would-be ministers of this word of the
1 4 9 ~ . Fitzmyer, The Gosnel According to I.uke, 11. o m . 1086. 1 5 0 J . ~ . ~ . Ih-rclt, New lLSLlUrlLll r 3 > .., I, Qpxit.. pp. 1001:
K. Salo, I~~ke's 'I'rcarlneal of llw 1 .;I% coo. cil.. pp. 30K 1 5 2 ~ . ~ . Buchanan, The Consecyences of the Covenant, Leidell Brill (1970) p. 1 .
covenant need to have a glimpse into God's heart and how it goes out for the sinner with
compassion and forgiveness. 'The pastoral emphasis of Luke is clearesl here. In the
parable we are not told how and why lhe prodigal son came to himself. Perhaps the
disasters that befell him and the famine all hit him hard and made him think. He could
have remembered his father's wealth and his place in the family. As far as the text goes,
no body spoke to the prodigal son. He simply came to himself. This could suggest that
God was the agent ol' this conversion. Again it seemed thal the son [rusted his fialher so
much as to make him believe that he would accept him as a servant of lower status than a
slave. This probably helped to encourdge him to return. And the fathers action when he
saw the son from a distance speaks much of the kind of person. A father such as lhis is
probably full of love. What lesson does Luke leach from this parable about conversion'?
(a) There is the picture of "a family" be it nuclear,extended or covenantal. The one
who is 'lost' still belongs to God's family by virtue of the fact that he is God's creature.
He may have lost his way but God's ultimate aim is for him to be brought back into "the
family". 'Tllc family' rcprcscnls covcnilni family of God, with Falllcr imagc of
compassion and love.
(b) God's people need to hold forth this God's characteristic love to all as a condition
which the lost need to trust which could enable them to take a step towards a return to
God and "his family".
(c) The lost need to acknowledge their inability to help themselves, own up to their
wretchedness and not perish in self pride but turn to God for mercy.
(d) No self righteous attitude is capable of sagging the joy of a salvation banquet of
"the family" which enjoys God's unmerited convenantal protection and privileges. Both
Gagerl53 and Goodman154 have argued that scholars have not produced any convincing
evidence as to the mason why Jesus movement became a conversion Faith. Luke 15 has a
universal application that is not just restricted to the New Testament writers. The
conviction that Jesus message is for the world as "a family" is the motivating spirit
behind the desire to convert others. Luke 15 docs not erect any barriers and tears none
down. It simply states the naked truth of the good news of the Kingdom for all to go in, in
penitence and forgiveness in His name. This is why we believe that for Luke, the parable
remains a paradigm for conversion. It may have nothing to do with the end of the world
or the parousia. But for Luke it has everything to do with the Kingdom of God.155
6.4.2 The conversion of Zacchaeus - Luke 19: 1 - 10
This story comes at the end of the Lucan travel narratives and from a special Lucan
source. Some critics who see this story as Lucan construction have been positively
replied to by Marshall who insists that it is authe11tic.l~~ Evans157 has argucd that thc
extent of lively human touches of the story - tree, tax collector, Zaccaheus, short man,
running, Jesus inviting himself to the man's house - could hardly be doubted as authentic
despite some illogical unity. He describes it as a conversion story comparable to the call
or conversion of Levi (Luke 5: 27-32). Professor on the other hand has argued
that this is not a conversion story and therefore could not be about salvation. He suggests
that rather Jesus vindicated "a pure publican's good name against a false, stereotyped
I ~ ~ J . E . Gager, Kingdom and (lo~nmunitv, a pp. 34f. Also Iris 'Proselylism and Exclusiviiy in Early Christianity' in Pushiur! the Faith: I'rosehtism and Civilily in a Pluralistic World' (ed) M.E. Marly *and F.E. Greespahn, New York (1988), pp. 67-77; 199-180. l j 4 ~ . Goodman, Mission and Conversion, opxit.. p. 160. 155~ee chapters 3 and 4 above. lj6cf. 1.H. Marshall, on I,uke. a p p . 694-699. 157cf. C.F. Evans, S&,t 1,uke. o~.ci t . . pp. 660-664. lj8Prof. R.C. White, 'Vindication for Zacchaeus?' ExpTm 91 (1979-1980) p. 21.
charge." J.M. Garland,lS9 at least imagined that Zacchaeus was converted to Jesus but
kept his job as a toll collector without any more desire to defraud.
J. Nolland160 on the other hand sees Luke's account as the repentance and salvation of
Zacchaeus, although he doubts the originality of verses 1 and 8. We had earlier
considered the parable of the lost son. In Luke's structure, it does seem that chapters 15-
19 form a body of materials concerned with teaching, parables, and works that display
God's mercy and compassion toward the outcast and the lost.161 This comes out clearly
in the words, 'the Son of Man came to seek and to save the lost' (Luke 19: 10) which
does not only make reference to the immediate context but Jesus entire mission. One area
of controversy in this story is the inlroduclion of "Son or Man", a lille lhai secms lo
suggest heavenly mission of Jesus at the parousia rather than his earthly mission by the
gospel writirs. Without going into the controversy sulrounding the 'Son of Man',162 we
just want to comment that the fact that Son of Man is associated with the earthly mission
of Jesus, although scanty, is nevertheless significant (cf. Luke 5: 24; Mark 2: 10). It was
probably from the earthly mission and life of Jesus that the heavenly association took
place. According to Nickelsburg163 such terms as 'the righteous one', '[he Lord of the
Spirits', "Son of Man", were common terms in the apocalypse of I Enoch, and probably
influenced the New Testament identification of Jesus in those terms. He cautioned that
their use in I Enoch is different simply because they functioned more as judge on the last
day and do not necessarily assume the function of Messiah (Saviour), even here both
angels and the righteous dead also play the role of judges. Luke addresses Jesus as "the
5 9 ~ . ~ . Garland, 'A Retlecthl', lA&n 95 (1983-1984) pp. 371-373. 1605. Nolland, Yorcl R l b t b l C o r n ~ n ~ r v on I . . . .~&e, Vol. 11, Word Publications Texas (1993) pp. 903-904. 1 6 1 ~ . Wellford Hobbie, "Expository Articles 011 Luke 19: 1-10" in 'h~emretation' 31(3) July 1977, pp. 285-290. 162cf. M.D. Hooker, The Son of Man in Mark. SPCK 1967. 1 6 3 G . ~ . ~ . Nickesburg, "Salvalion without and with a Messiah: Developing Beliefs in Wri~ing ascribed E~iocll" in. Judaisms At Messiahshe Tun1 of rhe C- 3 . . ,(ed) J . Neusner el-a1 CUP (1987) pp. 49, 57-63.65.
Holy and righteous one" (Acts 3: 14), the Lord of the Spirit (Acts 2: 33, 39; 10: 17-18;
16: 7) and Son of Man (Acts 7: 56). It is likely that his saving power made manifest in his
earthly ministry transcends earthly realm. Therelore it may not be out o l place to see
'Son of Man' associated with Jesus in the Zacchaeus story. If anything, it secures the
salvation of Zacchaeus to include eternily. Luke may have placed the story here to
precede the passion and the resurrection as a pointer to the completion of the work of
salvation Jesus is soon to assume in the resurrection and the ascension (Luke 24 - Acts 1).
But the story of Zacchaeus is a model of repentance and conversion serving as an
example of how to put into practice the "parable" o l conversion in Luke chapter 15.
Certain themes are highlighted in the story.
(i) Sin: whether "toll-collector" was a stereotype for "sinner" according to White or
not, Jesus hardly got into such arguments. Zacchaeus could be a social outcast according
to the d i n g class boundaries or social boundaries but there was something Zacchaeus
knew that needed to go to ''charity" and to be "restored". In other words, all was not
well with him. He acknowledged his sin, and confessed his change of heart.
(ii) Love: Jesus took the initiative to make Zacchaeus feel accepted' even before
Zacchaeus realized it' by offering to go and stay in his house.
(iii) Joy: Joy that he was accepted, that someone at last was willing to cross the social
barrier and stay with him, overwhelmed Zaccaheus with joy.
(iv) Conversion: One thing which Sanders164 suggests made the Pharisees to confront
Jesus is on the question of Jesus free acceptance of the sinners and outcasts without
making demands upon their lives for their sins. Restitution was important for the
Pharisees' count of genuineness of repentance. That Zaccaheus stood up and announced
his willingness to provide restitution even without Jesus saying a word about that would
probably pass for repentance according to rabbinic standards. Jesus' silence over the
-- --- .- ., 16%f. E.P, Sanders, Jesus and ,ludaism, opxik, pp. 203-209.
issue could be a consent that it was not out of place. In any case i t demonstrates that
Zacchaeus is converted. 165
(v) Salvalion: Jesus' pronouncemenl thal salvation has come to Zacchaeus is the
epitome of the entire story, and comes right at the concluding part, as if the story was
gradually building up to this stalement. Jesus is seen as the Saviour of the world.
As in the parable we considered above, there are lessons lo be taken note of in h e
conversion of Zacchaeus.
(a) Zacchaeus has a need to see Jesus and made some effort lo see him in the midst of
inhibitions.
(b) Pastoral skills of Luke makes his Jesus take notice of Zacchaeus and invile
himself into Zacchaeus' house despite the murmuring of the crowd.
(c) That Zacchaeus called Jesus Lord and is willing to pay back his fraud indicate
conversion.
(d) The salvation Jesus brings is for 'this house', and this carries a covenant motif
similar Lo 'Son oC Abmham'.
The story of the conversion of Zacchaeus is an important one for the Lucan theme of
Jesus as Saviour, seeking the lost to save them. His use of he words 'salvation', "Son of
Abraham" and "Son of Man" in this story is strategic for the overall Gospel message and
aim. It has to do with God's covenant. It is all about God's Kingdom. Therefore, for
Luke, every conversion has the components of salvation, covenant, Kingdom of God as
inlrinsic parts. These in the end are evidenl in works of "charity" and "restored living" as
Zacchaeus pledges. Conversion for Luke may not cosl one his or her job but i t does
clearly affect allilude to one's job look4 upon as service and not exploilalion. Therefore,
one's religion for Luke can not be divorced from one's social life and responsibility.
l65cf. E.E. Ellis, The Gosnel of hke, pp. 220-221.
There is no-evidence here of conversion giving rise to serving one's "religion" but rather
sewing one's community as a whole. Zacchaeus does not have to collude with the ruling
class to exploit the ordinary people since they k~low that no1 the emperor but God is the
final judge. The pblitical, social or religious barrier no longer exists for people like
Zacchaeus who identify with Jesus. It has now become a life of arms giving, communal
living, Jubilee life in His name. This theme is further developed in conversion themes in
Acts of the Apostles, to which we now turn.
6.4.3 Conversion onthe Day of Pentecost - Acts 2: 38-39
ATier Peter's sermon the people inquired and were told to repent and be baptized in the
name of Jesus Christ for forgiveness, and the gift of the Holy Spirit. About three thousand
were converted. To repent according to Jewish religion included a confession of sin and a
restitution where applicable as we noted above.166 There is no mention of restitution
here, but a call to repent, be baptized and to receive the gift of the Holy Spirit. This text is
regarded by some to be a basic Lucan pattern for conversion. Assuming that we take
repent, be baptized for forgiveness of sins, and receive the Holy Spirit to make a pattern,
is this consistent to all Lucan conversion narratives? For example, does the Spirit always
come after baptism? D ~ n n l ~ ~ argues that the Holy Spirit comes in conversion.
Conversion for Dunn is repentance, baptism, Holy Spirit - all in one action, not after
repentance and baptism. F.D. Brunerl" argues along the same line insisting that the
Holy Spirit itself initiates conversion and brings it to effect. Others argue that the Spirit
in Luke is not for soteriology or according to Dunn 'Conversion-Iniliation' but only for
prophecy and proclamation.
1 6 6 ~ . benchen, Am, w. 184. 1 6 7 5 , ~ . ~ . Dunn, Ba~tisln in b e 1101" Spirit, on,cit,,pp. 94f. 1 6 8 ~ . ~ . Bruner, A Theolopoy of the Holy Snirit, 9p.cit.. p. 19.
Thcse scholars include Stronstad,l69 Mcnzics,l7(~ E I ' v ~ I I , ~ ~ ~ and Shellon172 Shcllon's
position is slightly different since he does recognize the Spirit in conversion-initiation but
argues only that it is not common in Luke neither is it lacking. F.F. on the other
hand thinks that the sequence of the components of conversion in Acts varies from one
occasion to another. Similarly Gaventa174 argues that taking this text as a paltern of
conversion in Acts is made difficult by the fact that it is only found here and nowhere
else, and could be just a statement marking the end of Peter's speech. Probably a look at
other conversion narratives would help us to establish whether Luke intended this text to
be a pattern. According to Bruce, the components of conversion repentence, baptism,
Holy Spirit, are evident in the text, but do not necessarily take this I'orin and pattern.
Definitely Lhe stoiy of Zacchaeus a conversion story, could not be denied because it does
not fit into this pattern. It is highly probable that Luke does not intend the above texl to
serve as a pattern of conversion.
There are certain points we need to take note of in this story:
(i) Peter addressing the crowd about God's activity: we noted in the proselytizing
work of the Jews similar effort to tell people, probably in the market square, about God's
activity. But here now the sub,ject of the address is God's work in and through Jesus.
(ii) Converts were made after the speech. We had come across repentance and
baptism in the Jewish form but here it has become in "the name of Jesus Christ".
Therefore, instead of conversion to Judaism or Israel, it is to "Jesus as Lord and Christ".
(iii) The converts are called "those who received his word". (Acts 2: 41).
1 6 9 ~ . Stroastad, of of ,u& - 7
, 69. 170~ .p . Menzies, Developmen1 of Early Christian Pneurnatology, pp.cit.. p. 224. ~ ~ I H . M . b i n . Conversion -Initiation and the Baptism in the I-lolv Spirit, op.cit,. p. 22. 172~.13. Shelton, QQ.L&-~P. 6-10,26, 120, 127. 173F.1;. Bruce, The Acts of llle Aposlles, Grcek Text, Q&&- p. 130. ~ ~ ' I B . K . Gilvaua, 13otn I);~rkcass lo I . i a on.cil.. pp. 97-98.
(iv) These now become 'a band' devoting themselves to the apostles' teaching and
fellowship, breaking of bread and prayers.
(v) Those who belong to this "band" are now on the road to salvation described as
"those who are beink saved" in Acts 2: 47. The author would want the reader to see lhe
three thousand as converts because they repented, were baptized, and received [he Holy
Spirit. The evidence of all this comes from the f x t [hat they now form a fellowship of
believers, (Acts 2: 44). How they became baptized and how they received the Holy Spirit
do not carry any elaborate de~ai ls except that these arc covered in thc words, thcy that
received his word.
6.4.4 Conversion of the Samaritans (Acts 8: 4-25)
It is interesting to note thal after Peter's speech and ihe Pentecost event and the
conversion of [he crowd, Luke picks up the work of one of the seven, Philip, and traces
his work outside Jerusalem. In [he gospel, Luke gives the impression that the Samaritans
by their actions are more acceptable to Jesus than the Jews. The conversion of the
Samaritans here present other issues. In Verses 4 - 8 Luke describes Philip's ministry of
healing and exorcism in Samaria. The story of Simon the sorcerer and [he impact he
made to the Samaritans comes in verses 9-1 1. Luke then returns to narrate the response
of the Samaritans to Philip (verse 12)' including Simon the sorcerer who believed and is
baptized (verse 13). Luke then brings the story of the coming of Peter and John in
Samaria (verses 14-25). Before now, the Samaritans had only been baptized in the name
of the Lord but had not the Holy Spirit. The placing of the hands of Peter and John on the
heads of the Samaritans converts granted them the Holy Spirit (verse 17). Luke then
takes up [he sorcerer's story in verses 18-24 to a conclusion.
Does this story follow the previous conversion pattern of repentance, baptism and Holy
Spirit'? The conversion of the Samaritans raises some problems. Dun11175 for instancc
captions the story, 'The riddle of Samaria'. His treatment comes to the conclusion that
becomes the baptized Samaritans lacked the Spirit, they were not to be regarded as
Christians because for Dunn, the Spirit is a requirement and condition for conversion.
Stronstadl76 thinks that the account was not properly recorded because for him
conversion of the Samaritans was genuine. He argues that the Spirit they received is for
service rather than for initiations. For Stronstad, the Spirit here is for discipleship and
mission given after conversion, without dcnying the Spirit's role in conversion. This is
the position taken by Menzies.177 He argues that generally in Acts, the spirit is for
proclamation and mission rather than in initiation. Therefore for the Samaritans, the
Spirit is for mission. A similar point is made by Ervin178 and Shelion179 who argue
against Dunn's position. Haenchenl80 on the other hand argues that for Luke it was
necessary that the Spirit be made manifest in something tangible for the benefit of the
Samaritans so that they can judge the difference between the apostles and their Simon.
Therefore here the Spirit has to be ecstatic. Bruce181 argues along the same line
suggesting that because there was no visible sign it was thought that the Samaritans
lacked the Spirit hence the laying on of hands of the apostles. Marshall182 accounts for
this riddle by suggesting the healing of the historical rift between the Jews and the
Samaritans ~hrough the release of the Spirit as the apostles from Jerusalem laid their
l75J. D I J I ~ , bp t i sm in the Holy Spirit' w p . 55, 68. 76~<. Stronshd, ot,.cll..pp. 63,65.
l 7 7 ~ . ~ . Menzies, 224; see also his article on the "Spirit and Power" in J m ( 4 9 ) , 1993, pp. 11- 20. 1 7 8 ~ . ~ . W i n , pn.cit. p. 27. l79J .~ . Shelton, opcit.. p.
8 0 ~ . Haenchen, A&, w p . 306ff. 181F.F. Bruce, The Acts of the Anostles, (1990) opcit.. p, 221. 182~,13. Marshall, h w.cit.. pp. 157f.
hands upoil the Samaritans. In this way they are made one people again in Christ. While
there are elements of truth in these attempts to explain what happened to the Samaritan
converts, we believe that part of the solution can be found in the way the author arranges
the story. From all we know about Simon from the text, he believed and was baptized
(Acts 8: 13). But when the Spirit was given to those who believed, the text does not tell
us where Simon was. One could imagine that having been baptized like everyone else,
Simon would have been amongst those who received the Spirit. But the text does not say.
Acts 8: 18 could suggest that he was an observer, rather than a participant. If this is the
case, we are not told. But then, from the request he made, his motive was revealed as
wicked. Notice that Peter's rebuke is couched in a call for repentance (Acts 8: 22-23).
Remember that Philip had earlier preached repentance to the Samaritans. And here again,
the message of repentance is directed to a convert. For Luke the fact that he is a convert
does not mean that he is free from error. This suggests that Luke sees conversion as a
process towards final salvation, rather than an end in itself. Calling to mind the words he
used to describe converts in Acts 2: 47 " ... everyday the Lord added to their group those
who were being saved" i.e. converts are in he process of being saved. Simon the sorcerer
was converted. He had the Holy Spirit through his believing the word of Philip and
accepting baptism.183 What happened afterwards to Simon we do not know except
hypotheses that he was the pioneer of heretics called 'gnosticism.1" We do not have
records of this in Luke-Acts. But for our investigation the story clearly shows that
Simon was a convert. By this fact alone, we feel very reluctant to argue that Simon did
not reccive the Spirit during or at that point. This is against S ~ r o n s ~ a d who says hat for
Luke the Spirit is not for salvation or sanctification but only for service.lg5 It also argues
against Shelton's view that Luke does not show interest as Paul in h e Spirit's role in
183cf. Haenchen, &' w p . 307ff. 1 8 4 m
1 8 5 ~ . Stronstad, op.ciUp. 55F.
conversion.186 Of course Luke cannot deny the activity of the Holy Spirit in conversion,
this has been demonstrated in chapter five above. But Luke also may be saying tllat the
gift of the Spirit at conversion is no guarantee of salvation but a sign that the convert is in
the process of being saved as we have said above.
It will be wrong, in our view, to think that Judas was not called or converted like any of
the twelve. That he ended up the way he did is a personal tragedy which does not and
should not nullify the initial "conversion", but simply suggests that things can go wrong
along the way of the convert.
The conversion of the Samaritans has other sides to it. Apart Ikom the conversion of the
Samaritans Luke wanted also to clarify an apparent confusion between spirits and power.
This might be partly why Luke narrated the mighty deeds of Philip in exorcism. He had to
associate the Spirit with which Philip worked with the apostles and Jerusalem by the
laying on of hands of the apostles. In this way the Holy Spirit was differentiated from
"the power of God called GreatH.187 But also from the answer Peter gave to Simon's
request Luke actually makes the point that the Spiiit far from proceeding through the
hands of the apostles is a gift of God (Acts 8: 20). Therefore two confusions were
averted which may have confilsed the I-Ioly Spirit with the Spirit with which Simon
worked, and also the thinking that the apostles impart the Spirit. In this way the integrity
of the Holy Spirit is preserved. This may be the way Luke wants to make it clear that the
Spirit working amongst the Samaritans now after conversion is the same as that working
in the disciples. The former world-view of the Samaritans, typified by Simon the
Sorcerer's 'great power of God' has to be castigated as "materialistic" and "evil". The
Spirit of God is a "gift" from God.
~ H ~ J . B . Shellon, op.cit.. pp. 6f. 1 8 7 ~ . Haenchen, m, op,cit,.$p. 306-308.
In conclusion we need to re-iterate these points:
(i) Philip went to Samaria. This carries the idea of being sent even though
persecution necessitated this.
(ii) Philip's mission described as 'the Word', 'Christ', 'good news', and 'the
Kingdom of God'.
(iii) The visit of Peter and John from Jerusalem to Samaria could imply (a) bearing
testimony to conversion of the Samaritans, (b) showing the converts the right hand of
fellowship in the one mission, (c) healing oC historical division between one people of
God, in other words restoring the covenant.
We also notice that we are not told any more1 hbout the Samarilans apart from the
information that on their way back, the apostles preached at some other villages of
Samaria (Acts 8: 25). We do not hqve any hint about further roles of Jerusalem to the
Samaritans. As far as Luke is conceriied, [he Samaritans have received the Word and the
Spirit. This is all that matters to Luke. The word of Jesus to the disciples to be his
witnesses beginning in Jerusalcm and Judca is taking this geographical pattern (Acts I :
8). Presumably the day of Pentecost fulfilled Jerusalem and Judea. Now it has come to
Samaria. Perhaps the conversion of the Ethiopian Eunuch fulfilled it further.
6.4.5 The Conversion of the Ethiopian Eunuch
After the conversion narratives of the Samaritans, Luke tells of the further progress of the
gospel through the conversion of an Ethiopian Eunuch. God is the initiator of everything
that happens in this incident. First, he shows that Philip is led into the path of this eunuch I
by an angel of the Lord. When Philip arrives in the presence of the eunuch he has to be
told (by thc Spirit) lo go near thc chariot, Thcn hc hears [he man rcading lsaiah 53. Thcn
Philip preaches and the eunuch asks Tor baptism. At the end the Spirit takes Philip away.
Perhaps we need to begin by pointing out textual variants in two different verses. In
verse 36 we have in the text
Many commentators see this as a later addition. Bruce thinks an editor, who doubted how
Philip could baptize the eunuch without confession of faith in Christ, inserted it . '% In
verse 39, the same Western text has an addition.
This may suggest that the editor wanted the text to bear the testimony that the Holy Spirit
fell on the-eunuch, which may be why Ervin prefers to use this alternative reading in his
argument for Christian Pentecost e ~ p e r i e n c e . ' ~ ~ Whoever inserted i t 11ot only accepted
thc teslirnony of Luke about the Spirit but could be argued believed the coming ot' the
Spirit in this way to be a pattern for converts. Hut there is no such consistent pattern in
Luke. We shall return to this later. The identity of the eunuch has interested scholars
ever since.
Haenchenlm argues that Luke does not see him as a gentile, suggesting that the bar
excluding him from becoming a Jew in I>eutronomy 23: 1 was superseded by Isaiah 56: 1 -
5. But Luke is silent about this which leaves the eunuch's status in a doubtful light. On
the other hand, Conzelmann thinks the eunuch was a gentile.1y While Wilson argues
1 8 8 ~ . ~ . Bruce, A c ~ s , o p c i ~ p . 229. 189~nrin, opci l . . p. 36. I%. Hncnchen, op.cil., p. 3 14.
191~onzelrnann, Acts, opc i l . . p. 67.
that the eunuch was a proselyte.'" Gaventa thinks that he was neither a gentile nor a
proselyte but a symbol of all those from earth's end, who, unlike Jerusalem Jews, will
receive the gospe1.193 The eunuch has no other designation apart from being described as
a eunuch from E'thiopia. Generally speaking he should fall under the Lucan "gentiles".
The conversion of the eunuch raises other issues in connection with preaching the word.
Luke has narrated Philip's mission in Samaria and the conversions made. Peter and John,
are made to lay their hands on the Samaritans before they received the Holy Spirit. We
also noticed that Simon the Sorcerer's conversion ran into difficulties. Luke then turns
our attention next to the eunuch's conversion with Philip playing only a passive role as
God does virtually the whole mission. Haenchen was speaking the minds of many when
he said:
'... if the chamberlain returns home a Christian, it is not the persuasiveness of
human missionary zeal which has made him so, but the power of God who orders
all things in his infinite wisdom.'l~4
This view is also expressed by Stronstad who argues that Luke's free interchanging of
angel for Spirit is part of the effort to emphasise divine initiative of this conversion.195 It
is obvious indeed that in the eunuch's conversion, the Holy Spirit is pron1inent.l9~ We do
not know whether the eunuch's identity has anything to do with this. It does not have to.
From the text it is clear that he was from Ethiopia and held a responsible post in the court
of the queen, of Ethiopia. So he must have been an important figure. The eunuch had a
scroll and read from it on his journey from worship in Jerusalem. This could suggest that
in Ethiopia there was a Jewish presence. We had noted earlier the effort of the Jews in
1 9 2 s . ~ . Wilson, 9p.cit.. p. 171. 1 9 3 ~ ~ ~ . Gaventa, on&.. pp. 104ff. 1 9 4 ~ . Haenchen, Acts, oD.cit... 315. l 9 5 ~ . Sttonstad, op.cit.. p. 72. l 9 6 ~ . Bruner, '~p.cit . . pp. 188f.
witnessing to God in other lands. The eunuch might have got in contact with Jewish
religon there as much as to possess a scroll. But on the other hand it could be that he
could afford a scroll, assuming that hc was a minister in the Ethiopian cabinet o l the
queen. If he was a 'proselyte, Luke does not say. But from our inquiries, we do know that
there were many levels of associations of gentiles to Jewish religon at this time and one
need not be a proselyte to be recognized as an adherent of Judaism although it was
recommended. That Luke does not identify him as a proselyte probably confirms our
invcstigalioa that o ~ c could he acquaintcd with Jewish wligion witlwut taking on thc
yoke of a proselyte. Luke knew about proselytes. If the Ethiopian was one, Luke should
have said so. But on the other hand, it could have been an omission, but this is highly
unlikely. Out of the various designations used on Jewish adherents such as sympathizers,
lovers of Jews, God fearers and Proselytes, one of these shoiild have been used by Luke.
But it does not seem as if the eunuch fell into any of those categories. In any case Luke
gives enough information that leaves one in no doubt that the eunuch had strong contacts
with Jews. Gaventa7s197 suggestion that the eunuch represents for Luke those who are
from the uttermost part of the earth responding to the good news is likely to be correct in
the light oC Lucan slr.uctulc. l'hc I'cntecost cvcnt enablcd Pctcr and the disciples to
proclaim God's mighty works in Christ to those in Jerusalem and Judea, and probably
many pilgrims who came for the feast (cf. Acts 2: 7-1 1). The author next recounts the
conversion of the Samaritans. And now he brings in the conversion of the eunuch from
Ethiopia. It seems to follow Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria, uttermost part as contained in
Acts 1: 8. It could be that in the Lucan structure, the eunucll's conversion is serving the
purpose of fulfilling the words of Jesus to his disciples that they would be his witnesses to
the uttermost part of the earth. This conversion highlights some notable points.
(i) Strictly speaking, the Ethiopian is neither a Jew nor a Gentile. Luke was probably
aware of this and described him sinlply as the Ethiopim. rl'llat he was a eunuch did not
19%. R. Gaventa, m c i t pp. 103, 106.
seem to present any particular difficulties to L,uke because his religious duties are
described in convincing terms. A eunuch as a stalr~s acceptable to Jews is taken for
granted (cf. Deutronomy 23: I; Isaiah -56: 1-5).
(ii) L,uke shows interest ill some members of the ruling class who favour Jesus and
this seems to be one of such cases (cf. Luke 8: 3; Acts 13: 12).
(iii) The Ethiopian ennuch was already acquainted with Jewish religion. He was
returning from a worship in Jerusalem and in possession of the scroll from where he read.
Therefore he knew about God.
(iv) Three ways which indicate to the Jews the presence of God are brought into focus
here - the angel. the Spirit, the Scriptures. This together with I'hilip played a role i n the
conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch. We have taken note of the divine initiative that is
prorlounced here.
(v) The good news of Jesus was expounded to the eunuch on his request presumably
arising from the reading of the scroll.
Apart from the textual variant which scholars see as late which demanded a confession of
faith in Jesus, there is no mention of repentance and the Holy Spirit in this account.
Nothing more is said about the Ethiopian apart from saying that he went on his way
rejoicing. So we see in this again that Luke is satisfied that the Ethiopian had received
the word and continued his jollrney back to Ethiopia.
(vi) One of the things that makes this conversion unique is the role God, Scroll, Spirit
and angel played. 'There is no other account quite like it in Luke. Both Haenchen1s and
B r ~ c e l ' ~ see this conversion as typical a d ideal, almost a paradigm because of God's
action in bringing i t about from beginning to end. Altholigh Gaventa argues against this
conclusion with the reason that it could not have been so regarded by L,uke since this type
appears only once in Gaventa sees it ralher as a typology representing in Luke
198~acnchen. Acb, op.cil.. pp. 3 14fC. 199~rucc, Acts, ov.cit.,p. 194. 20%1'. Gavcnta, opcit., p. 106.
geographical spread of the good news to those from afar. This type of conversion is
described by Gaventa as "altenlation" - a relatively limited form of change that develops
from ones previous world-view (belief). It is true as Gaventa lias argued that there is no
further information' given about the Ethiopian regarding his life in his community that
could better help assess his conversion. But Luke does not see such a clear dichotomy
between religion and society. Even the story of Simon the Sorcerer of Samaria is a
conversion from the society for the same society, otherwise Luke is content that one has
received the word and continues his religion in his home or place of work.
(vii) The other point is that it is the eunuch who asks Philip for baptism, suggesting
hat he is familiar with the rite. We have come across this earlier as a rite non-Jcws
passed through with or without circumcision in order to be accepted in Jewish religion.201
Notice also that there is no call for repentance from Sin in the text. After everything has
been said about the conversion of the eunuch, thal it found its place into Lucan account
suggests that the author recognizes that it has important lessons to teach the reader about
conversion especially on the issue of divine initiative.
6.4.6 The Conversion of Paul (Acts 9: 1-30: 22: 1-21; 26: 1-32)
The account of the conversion of Paul appears once as a narrative, and twice on the lips
of Paul himself. The first narrative is in Acts 9: 1-30.
Massive literature exists about the conversion of Paul. For example, Dibelius202 has
taken some studies on the texts and treats the three versions in Acts as
Luke's purpose of legitimizing Christianity for both Jesus arid gentiles.
article on the other hand is specifically a study of Acts 9. The article
a unit serving
Towsend's203
compares the
201~ha~ter 5 above 202~ibelius, Studies, opcit.. pp. 158ff; HaenchenActs. ~_n.cit.. ~ p . 318C Bruce, m, English Commentary on Acts, (?n.cil.,Dp. 69ff; cf. Jervell, ~ ~ , c i t , . pp. 52. 2 0 3 ~ . ~ . Townsend, 'Acts 9: 1-29 and Early Church Tradition', in SBL 1988 Seminar Papers (1988) pp. 119.
conversion account here to that in Galatia. Working from the fact of the omission of
Arabia in Acts 9 which is in the epistle to the Galatians, Towsend doubts the historicity of
Paul's conversion stories in Acts, considering the other two accounts of Paul's conversion
as repetition. ~hrrisville 's article focuses on Acts 22: 6-21, with a reference to the other
two. He thinks that Paul's encounter with Christ is a call rather than conversion.204
Stronstad's conclusion is similar, emphasising that the encounter is on what Paul must do
to bear the name to the gentiles, therefore it is not a conversion but a Hedrick
attributes the differcnce in the three narratives to Luke's literary skills2O6. He accepted
Acts 9 to be a conversion, whichi is adapted into Lhc other two making l l l m a call and a
commissioning. Gaventa sees the stories as basically the same, but each needs to be taken
within the context it appears before we call see that the variation is determined by the
situation and context.207 When the accounts are placed parallel to each other, the
following are common:
(i) The Damascus trip appears in each of them.
(ii) There is the heavenly light which is also bright light.
(iii) There is also the dialogue between Paul and the voice (the Lord).
(iv) Paul's call to gentile ministry appear in all.
Thcsc lkatures which appear on cach account seem to bc at the heart of the accounts.
Turning now to Paul's encounter itself, we notice that while some call it 'a call', others
see it as 'a commission'. Harrisville may be right to regard the issue as a matter of
s e r n a n t i ~ s . ~ 0 ~ Dunn recognizes this problem and writes:
'... since we can no more separate Paul's experience of conversion from his
experience of commissioning, we cannot say that Paul was converted on the
2 0 4 ~ o y A. I-Iarrisville, 'Acts 22: 6-21' in Ir~terpretatiol] 42: 2 (1988) pp. 180ff. 2 0 5 ~ . Stronstad, w. 66. 2 0 6 C . ~ . Bedrick, 'Paul's Conversion/Call: A Co~nparalive Analysis, 100: 3 (1981) pp. 41 5f. 207~;iwe~ila, o~.cit . . pp. 521'1'. 2°8~arrisville, 'Acts 22', in Inlerpretalion, p. 184.
Damascus road and comnlissioned three days later, but must recognize that Paul's
conversion-commissioning was one experience which extended over three
days.'2O9
Actually it does s tem as if scholars make use of modem views about conlmissioning to
interpret Paul's experience. W e still do not see how easy i t will be to separate
conversion, call, commission in Paul's casc. Whatcvcr itllswcl. we givc to thc qucstion
may have to touch on whether we regard Jesus movement as a separate religion from that
of the Jews, out of which it developed. Even if one takes Jesus' movement which gave
birth to Christianity as different, we still have to reckon the fact that the two share one
holy book - the Old Testament. Therefore does Lucan Paul see Jesus' movement as
different from Jewish religion or renewing Jewish religion? The answer will depend on
how Lucan Paul sees his conversion. For Neusner the two religions are different:
'Judaism and Christianity are two different religions, not different versions of one
religion. The two faiths stand for different people talking different things to
difrcrcnt pcoplc.'210
If we consider conversion to mean a turn to God from a wrong path (that is wrong
religion), it will seem that 'the way'*" which is the Christian religion, is that which leads
to God as opposed to all others. In Paul's conversion stories, the way is used in 9: 2, and
22: 4, which may carry the notion of conversion to the true path. If we agree with
Stronstad that the vocational gift of the Spirit is potentially universal,212 then at
conversion, when one becomes a Christian, the one is also commissioned and called. But
it follows from the text that Paul's conversion serves as both a call and a commission.
The way Luke presents Paul suggests that this triple event is brought together as one in
his life and ministry. He argues with Jews about Jesus being Messiah. He pl-oclaims to
209~unn, Rmtism, opciLp. 75. 210~. Neusner. J-s: The Mvlh- . . '
, SCWI'rinity (1991) p. 1 2 1 1 ~ a e ~ ~ c l ~ e n , Acts, an.cit,,. 330 note 1. 2 1 2 ~ Stroustad, 0-. 73.
the Gentiles about God's act of salvation through Jesus. His views about circumcision
already confirm Peter's experience that while not unnecessary for the Jews it does not
have to be normative for the Gentiles. They all acknowledge that the name of Jesus
ensures salvation 'and tllat the Holy Spirit is a sign of God's presence with believers of
Jesus as the Christ. Therefore what every Christian at conversion is expected to put into
effect is only seen in a magnified form in Paul. We need to take note of the following
points that arise from the text:
(i) Paul was clearly a persecutor of the apostles of Jesus, and so a representative of
the lot Luke presents in the Gospel who tried to find fault with Jesus and his ministiy -
the Pharisees. Therefore he and those with him were from the core of "Judaism" and
were convinced that Jesus was wrong.
(ii) Paul's experience on the road to Damascus and his contact with Ananias changed
his view.
(iii) Ananias, who had not previously been introduced is here described as a disciple,
presumably baptized Saul and laid his hands upon him and prayed for him to receive the
Holy Spirit, and also regain his blinded sight. Ananias was neither among the seven nor
an apostle, but here he plays exactly the same role which Peter and John played to the
Samaritan converts, that is the laying on of hands. Paul is healed and immediately
integrated into the covenant community. The experience of Paul was so real to him that it
totally altered his view and stand from being a persecutor to a preacher of the Gospel,
Lukc narratcs this conversion in such a way that makcs it obvious that thc author would
want more lessons to be taken note of. These might include:
(a) The conversion of Paul is an act of God. If the conversion of the Ethiopian
eunuch was divinely guided Paul's is best described as divinely executed.
(b) The fact and the content of the voice suggests that Jesus mandates the mission
through the disciples. In the last chapter of the Gospel and the first chapter of Acts, Luke
historicized the ascension. In Paul's conversion we have the second evidence to show that
Jesus presence still goes with the disciples. Stephen had a similar vision of the 'Son of
Man' in heaven. Therefore from now on when Paul persuades people to convert, it is to
convert to Jesus and the 'Kingdom of God' he preached.
(c) Paul is described as a man from Tarsus. Although this is too scanty an
information nevertheless it suggests an identifiable place.
(d) His conversion is both dramatic and traumatic and we would presume that within
the context of Anania's ministry to him could be accounted the recognition of 'sin', then
"repentance" and "believe" - otherwise they are not mentioned particularly in the text.
(e) Paul's conversion almost immediately reverses his zeal because it was not long
before he plunged into preaching and proving to the Jews that Jesus was the Christ.
While we recognize the immense strategic importance for the followers of Jesus about
Paul's conversion, we do not think that Luke elevates it higher than the others we have
considered. The one obvious importance of Paul's conversion to Luke is probably to
make the point that in the gospel the Pharisees worked hard with the Chief Priests to
destroy Jesus. Here in Acts, a representative of the Pharisees after conversion champions
the course of the same Jesus, even if Paul did not at first freely accept it, but he came to
see it as an act of God:
'... Luke constantly drives home that Christ himself brought about this change ...
Paul did not want to hcconic a Christiim or u ~nissionary, but hc had no option! ...
Luke wishes to show that no human evolution is responsible for the change, but an
act of God - and that alone!'213
We will leave Paul's conversion here and turn to another.
6.4.7 The Conversion of Cornelius (Acts 10: 1 - 1 1.8; 15: 7- I I , 14)
Rcl'orc l'etcr's mccting with Cornelius, Peter has Ixen presented i n 9: 32-40 as on
preaching tours with healing of a paralytic nanwd Aeneas in I,ydda, and raising Dorcas
from death in Joppa. He is now is in Joppa with Simon the Tanner (Acts 9: 43), from
where Cornelius sends for him.
Analysis of thc Story
The conversion of Cornelius is seen by some to be unhistorical. According to Zeller,
'the essential content of this story is ... unhistorical, whether what lies behind i t be
the insignificant baptism of a proselyte or no fact of history at
'I'his is no1 how some see it. Dibelious writes:
'The story of the centurion Cornelius was certainly not invented by Luke, for he
enriched i t by additions which are recognizable as such because they clash, to
some extent, with the original story. This must have been born i n tradition -
presumably in the tradition of those Hellenistic communities which would have
bccn interested i n a story set i n illis ptrrticdar localily i111d will1 this p~ri ic l~l i~r
content.'215
Haenchen on the other hand cautions that we must set aside all questions of historical
authenticity or sources and seek to understand Luke's concern from theological stand
point:
'This passage amply illustrates the deep interpretation in Luke's mind of a
theological concern ... the attempt to secure for the church the toleration of the
Roman state - and the concern of the historian, namely to describe the 'hero' and
his milieu as accurately as possible.'216
Then Haenchen cbnlinues along that same vein to suggest why the account should not be
regarded as historical:
'No Roman troops can have been stationed in Caesarea while that city was still
under the jurisdiction of Herod Agrippa, i.e. up to the year 44. So far as can be
established, moreover, the ompa 'Izahtq was not sent East until considerably
later.'217
Although there is a great deal of debate about the details of Acts 10: 1-1 1.18, there is little
doubt as 'to the major purpose this chapter has in Luke's overall narrative. As Gaventa
says,
'The conclusion to which Luke points is unmistakable: God has included the
gentiles, the eunuch ..., and the church may not resist ... Not only is the decision
unmistakable, but it forms the climax of the first half of Acts, with 11: 19-15: 35
forming the denouement'.218 This is to day then that Luke records an actual event
which God himself has brought about in the plan of the spread of the gospel.
This must be the point Luke is making and has thought it important to repeat the story at
two other circumstances. Although Conzelrnann sees the repetition as resulting from
216~aenchen, gp.cit.. pp. 359ff. 2171hid
218~aventa, w. 122.
different sources21') F3rr1ce Ihinks the repetition is for emphasis.22() Witherup sees Ihe
repelition as serving the function of transmitting an important message to the full without
ambiguity, since, not only Cornelius but also Peter was ir~volved in this double
conversion story. He puts it thus:
'Peter as much as Cornelius may be in need of conversion. Two individuals,
doing the will of God in their lives, unknown to each other, became occasion for a
major turning point in the spread of the Gospe1.'221
There is no doubt that the story of Cornelius is an important piece of conversion story in
Luke's second volume. The purpose of the story is multiple indeed, made even richer by
Luke's literary mastery. To recognize that the Holy Spirit can be given to a Gentile and
his family.while the apostles are reluctant to accept their piety as acceptable to God might
just be the one point of this conversion story. Divine activity in this story is amazing.
The apostles resisted the inclusion of gentiles. God himself brought in the Gentiles. God
initiates this conversion and brings i t to co~lclusion together with the resolve of the
apostles i n Acts 15: 7- 1 1, 14.
As wc corlsiclcr one conversion story irl'lcr i~rloll~cr. wc Ixgirl lo tliscovcr 111i11 I~ rhc sccs
conversion as coming in kinds but with God at the center. There are no of stereotypes the
sequence in which repentance, baptism, Holy Spirit, laying on of hands take in Luke. We
have considered the eunuch, whose conversion narrative rnakes no mention of sin and
repentance. So also is Pauls's. While the eunuch asked for baptism, Cornelius received
the Holy Spirit without asking for it, while the Samaritan converts sent for the apostles
before receiving the Spirit. One common thing is that Luke presents the stories as
219~onzclmr~nn, Acts, owit., p. 80.
2 2 0 ~ r ~ ~ ~ , ACIS. Grcek Tcsl, op.cil., p. 268.
221~ona ld D. Wi~licrup, 'Cornelius' in JSJS 49 ( 1993) pp. 45-66, cl'. Guvcnlu, o~.ci l . . pp. lO7l'l'.
conversion. They are hardly similar. They are genuine. Some words of Ervin on this
issue one is afraid to say are contrary to L,ucan evidence:
'the gift of Spirit to Cornelius is not the saving, life giving baptism i n the Spirit ...
but enduement for power-in-mission.'222
'1'0 admit that Conrclius citn go on ~rrissiorr to proclaim t l ~ t which Ilc is not sure is lil'c
saving nor even experienced makes nonsenseof the whole L,ucan account of the
conversion of Cornelius and the Jerusalem Council. Having read the conversio~l of
Cornelius, the reader of Luke will begin to admit that the previous conversions
considered so far present fresh insights to the phenomenon but they are all one response
to Christ through the people of God.2Z3
6.4.8. The Conversion in Lvstra (Acts 14: 8- 18,2 1-22)
This story falls into a different category from the conversion stories we have considered
so firr and deserves some attention.
14: 8-10 An unnamed lame man, listelled attentively to the Word of God from Paul to the
point of believing unto salvation. A revelation Paul got from observing this man, resulted
in commanding him to stand up. The man did and started walking.
14: 11-13 The amazement arising from the cure led the Lycaonians to take Rarnabas and
Paul to be the incarnate of their gods, and they give them the names 'Zeus' and 'Hermes'.
Then the priest of these gods brought bulls in an attempt to offer sacrifice to the apostles
as to a god.
14: 14- 18 The apostles realized what the people were trying to do, tore their clothes in
embarrassment and shouted to the people thilt they are human beings as everybody else.
222~1.vin, opcii, p. 52.
223d. Dunn, Baptism, or>.cil., pp. 801:
Then they announced the good news to the people, calling on them lo turn to God, and
forsake idols.
14: 21-22 A few words (such as the apostles, in verse 22, strengthened the 'believers'
and encouraged them to remain true to the faith), here give the impression that some
people were converted. We take believers here to refer to those in Lystra, Iconium and
Antioch in verse 21. And with a reminder of the troubles facing believers which
cvcnluslly lcatl inlo tllc Killgtlorll ol' God, they com~~mclc t l tllc~ll to the clclcrs mtl to Gocl
in trust (v. 23). 'Elders' in verse 23 we take lo include the ones for Lystra also. These
suggest that probably converts were made in Lystra.
Analysis
Dibelius' s t d i e s of the text regard i t as coming from travel diaries a d report, which was
then supplemented by an isolated Conzelrnann thinks that if this piece is from
Luke, then we do not have his usual scheme in which contact is first made with the
Haenchen sees the whole as having come from the pen of Iduke but with varied
raw material.2x) He then goes on to say thai Luke is more concerned to narrate thc
triumphal procession, albeit with interrupted tribulations, of the church. There are
notable differences to the previous conversion texts we have considered. In the first place,
there are no personal names mentioned, except the apostles Barnabas and Paul, and the
gods of the people. Secondly, the people of Lystra do not seem in the text to have had
any contact with the God of the Jews and the Jews themselves before the visit of Paul and
Barnabas. Many commentators have noticed the difference in the summary of the content
of Paul's preaching. Bruce sees i t as addressed to a purely pagan audience and adds:
224~ibclius, owi t . , pp. 20f. 22s~onzelmann, Acts, oacic., p. 109.
226~aenchen, opcit., y. 430.
.'Although Cornelius and his household were still technically Gentiles when Peter
visited Caesaria, they were not raw pagans but God-fearers, acquainted with the
OT scriptures and with the general facts about Jesus of Naza~-eth.'~~T
O'Neill, working from the premise of Christianity's indebtedness to Hellenistic Judaism,
sees Luke making use of both methods and words in Hellenistic proselytism in
constructing some of these conversion stories. He writes:
'This is the Cirst time in Acts that any Christian missionaries have come into
contact with a gentile audience which has not been prepared for the gospel in the
synagogue ... Paul makes no mention of Christ; this is a common apologetic
opportunity familiar to Hellenistic ... Jewish missionary stoiy.'228
We have noted that Luke is familiar with proselytes of 'Judaism'. There are many issues
he is tackling in Luke-Acts, and the difference between converting to 'Judaism' and
converting to 'Christianity' may be one of the silent points. We still have to bear in mind
that Luke does not abrogate "Judaism" as such in favour of "Christianity" but
demonstrates that "Christianity" belongs to the covenant equally. We have looked into
this earlier. One important point about this conversion story is that Lucan Paul
recognizes that God had been known to the people. Therefore Barnabas and Paul in
Lystra has given us another insight into Luke's understanding of conversion. Apart from
working through Barnabas and Paul, there is no direct mention of God or the Holy Spirit
in this stoiy, not even in the healing. And yet, from the response of the people, one is not
left in doubt as to God's revelation of himself to them. We dare to suggest that such a
people who could readily see Barnabas and Paul as 'gods' by virtue of the fact of a
227~ruce, &&, English Text, gn.cil.. p. 292 11. 29. 2 2 8 ~ . ~ . O'Neill, Tt~eolop of AcQ, opcit.. pp. 150ff.
miraculous healing, would to our mind make much sense (saving sense) of the passage in
Luke 1: 26-33 - the birth narratives of the Saviour of the World where divine beings
communicate with human. (cf. Acts 14: 1 lb). Luke in this story gives the reader the idea
of what conve'rsion can mean with those with no previous Jewish contacts after
recounting the conversion of those with previous Jewish contacts.
6.4.9 The Conversion of the Disciples at Ephesus (Acts 19: 1-71
In this passage w e meet another difficult passage, and yet very important, in our
' understanding of conversion.
Paul found a group of people. They are called disciples. These are in the interior part of
Ephesus. These knew only the baptism of John and had not even heard about the Holy
Spirit.
One major problem about this text is the identity of these disciples who know nothing
about the Holy Spirit. W h o can they be if they know not of the Holy Spirit and yet
received John's baptism?
Haenchen says that they are incomplete Christians, with their correct identity lost in
Lukc's condensed presentation of this s t 0 r y . 2 ~ ~ Conzelmann thinks that Luke put
together this story to present certain disciples of John the Baptist into special Spirit-less
Christian groups which other records have no[ shown exis~ed.2" D m ) sces h e m not a s
incomplete Christians, but no Christians at all.231 Bruce does not seem to have problems
with this passage for he believes the disciples to be true believers in Christ, but lacked
229~~aenchen, Ah, oD.cit.. pp. 5561. 230~onzelmnn, Acls. WL p. 159. 2 3 1 ~ u n n , Baptism, op.cil.,pp. 84f.
knowledge of the Holy Spirit.232 If asked how, Bruce would say that Lhc Spirit lhcy wcrc
expecting was thought to be in the future without realizing it is now an accomplished
fact.233 Bruce's argument seems to go like this: since Paul asked them the question, did
you receive the Spirit when you believed, it would suggest a Spirit given at the point of
belief - when they believed and were baptized by John. But there was no such Spirit at
John's baptism, but only a reference to a future date when someone mightier will baptize
in the Spirit. So, it would appear from this argument that they were answering a different
sort of question from that which Paul was asking. It seems to me that the problem of this
text may be connected wilh the use of the word "believers" - Did you receive the Spirit
when you became believers? Jcsus expected the people to believe John (Luke 20: 5).
Tax collectors and the ordinary people believed John and were baptized by him, says
Jesus in Luke 7: 29-30. So then to the question 'did you ... when you believed' may in
fact suggest to them that they believed John and so were baptized into his baptism. That
Paul goes ahead to baptize them in Jesus' name could probably be defended from the
Pentecost episode where many received baptism in the name of Jesus (Acts 2: 41). The
people on that day could include some who believed John and were baptized by him, and
on hearing about Jesus, believed and were baptized in his name. Luke seems to make the
point that the gift of the Holy Spirit makes the difference between John's baptism and
baptism 'in the namc oC Jcsus'. 'I'his is understandable and consistent with Li~kc's picture
of John. John's baptism is with water, whereas Jesus gives the Spirit in his own baptism.
Receiving the 'word' and the Spirit are usually held together in Luke. It seems to be the
case here. Paul discovered that they had not the Spirit, and knew only the baptism of
John. What he then did was to instruct them in things of Jesus, baptize them in the name
of Jesus, and prayed, laying his hands upon them, and they received the Holy Spirit.
Luke does not seem to be bothered about the other details. For Luke, the place of Jesus is
232~ruce, Acls English text, ypxit.. p. 385. 2 3 3 ~ p. 386.
crucial in conversion. The rite of baptism in 'His name7 has become a sign of conversion.
The gift of the Spirit becomes a sign from God of their inclusion into the covenant. The
whole action - belief, baptism, Spirit - are one action of God. They now belong to the
people of God.
6.5 Concluding points
In the texts w e have looked at abundant evidence can be found which reveals that the
author was aware of the complexity of the phenomena, hence his abundant description of
conversion in models. Stiictly speaking no one conversion in Luke is exactly the same as
another. This favours his pastoral concern that each convert ought to have a place in the
covenant no matter his ethnic background. Former worlds of converts for Luke usually
served as a preparation for their accepting the word or for believing in Jesus. Luke
always gives the impression that God was still active in the religious and social life of the
convert before conversion. The eunuch was already acquainted with the Jewish scroll
before conversion. Cornelius had already been accepted togethcr with his arms and
prayers by God before his conversion. Paul addressed the people o f Lystra as if they
were already aware of God.
T h e role former world of converts play in conversion has been of special interest to
Gaventa.234 In considering conversion in Luke Gaventa discovers the following: (i)
Luke's conversion places a central place to the community of believers; (ii) conversion
may happen to individuals but for Luke conversion is not individualistic and (iii) because
of the role converts' old world play conversion could be either alternation, transformation
or pcndulum-conversion. In nltcrnation, ccrlain things Sroni ~hc: past in lo rn thc prcscnt
and are carried over and still useful. In transformation the past is seen in a new light. In
the pendulum-conversion, the past is rejected mostly as bad. Gaventa's work is very
234cf. B.R. Gaventa, 'a
impressive especially in the attempts to bring in the previous, and present worlds of the
convert into focus. For one thing, it does raise the question whether in h c t and to what
extent the past is rendered impotent in the convert's life. We have already hinted that
Luke has a peculiar insight into conversion, which Gaventa already recognized.
Therefore some of Gaventa's conclusions about Luke's understanding of conversion may
bc too clear than Luke actually allows. Conversion for Luke may result into or end up in
a community only in so far as the community does not become an end in itself, but
instead identifies with the course of the wider community, the "tribe", the "nation", the
"commonwealth". This is because for Luke, Israel as a "nation" was always judged by
her attitude to her subjects and neighbours. Luke's God of 'Israel is as much concerned
with what goes on in the Temple as with what happens in Simon the Pharisees house with
Jesus as a guest. Luke modelled his salvation account in line with the tradition of Israel.
Only in reading L,uke through this spectacle of tradition can we fully understand his
concept of conversion derived from Jesus' call of release of prisoners in Jewish Jubilee
tradition. In Luke therefore, the terms 'covenant', 'community', are not as sectarian as
found in some Jewish circles' usage at the time of Jesus, such as the Qumran
communities, or even among Lucan Pharisees and religious rulers. For Luke, the terms
are open, welcoming, and with saving effects. The whole issue of Jesus' attitude to the
law and the covenant, and his conflict with rulers which we discussed above, hinges on
this Lucan understanding of "covenant" and "community" as open to all in 'His' name
only.
This raises the question of Luke's understanding of the role of Israel as a nation which
has a mission to the nations, a case we had considered in connection with Luke's use of
and influence by the Old Testament. This mission is carried out as "a Nation" not as an
individual or an alternative community not rooted in nation-hood. Lucan Jesus is less
reluctant to cause division or a rift with the parent nation. The words of Stephen at his
martyrdom testifies to this urge to remain and work from within lhe concept of a nalion
hence Stephen's call on God not to count the sin against his murderers, echoing similar
words of Jesus found only in Lucan crucifixion account - 'Falher forgive Lhem for they
know not what they do'. The power of Lucan Jesus does not lie in his ability to cause
divisions but in his ability to make peoples of different backgrounds realize that they have
a share in Abraham through himself - the law, the Prophets and Psalms bear testimony to
this after his dealh and resurection. Luke the theologian with strong pastoral concern has
to make use of Israel in this way for the sake of he different backgrounds of converls.
We see in Luke's understanding of community a close link with the meaning in the old
tribal sense of community, a point which probably accounts for his peculiar use of such
words as "custom" and "lradilion" of our fa~hcrs. Luke lalks ahout leaders and families
quite commonly in his work, even in conversion narratives. Leaders sepresent and lead
families and nations as a people. When Lhese leaders repent and become converted it is
as families, communities and a nation. Luke takes particular interest in narraling Lhe
conversion of families or to depict that conversion of an individual has to do with families
as well as a nation. This characteristic of Lucan emphasis is noticed in some narratives.
We had noted the parable of the lost sons as a paradigm of conversion. The parable is
strongly rooted in a family which connotes both the covenant and the community.
The story of the conversion of Zacchaeus is presented in such a way that leaves no one in
doubt that Zacchaeus is a head of a house and therefore a Family, and it is understandable
to see how covenant and community comes into the exposition of the text.
In narrating the story of Simon of Samaria, Luke describes Simon's influence in relation
to 'all Sarnaria' who regarded him as a little god. The tribal attachments are depicted in
the story. Even the general statement, "that Samaria has received the word" is
understandable as a particular grouping, a point made even more clearer by suggesting
that the apostles on their way back to Jerusalem preached in "villages of Samaria."
The eunuch is an Ethiopian and also a finance minister in "her majesty's government",
the queen of Ethiopia. In a few verses Luke gives so much information not just about the
eunuch but also about Ethiopian government, and therefore its people.
Luke noted that Paul had disciples (Acts 9: 25), a Pharisee and from Tarsus, also a
Roman citizen. All these were to assisl Paul in various ways in the perception of the
good news of Jesus, as he felt one with both Jews and Romans as one family of God.
Cornelius was a centurion. His conversion also included his family which could suggest
an inclusion of some of his military attendants. Similarly, through Paul and Silas the
Philipian jailer and his household were converted.
These examples suggest ihat for Luke "households", "families", "communilies", and
"nation" are usually held in view with the intention of presenting ihem as a unit to God
within the context of conversion. This agrees with "Israel" as a naiion and always called
as that by the prophets to return to God. This thread is evident in Lucan characterization
of conversion of fimilies. This understanding may also help us make sense of Israel's
role as a light to the nations, a metaphor transferred to the Saviour Jesus, as representative
servant (cf. Luke 2: 32 Acts 8: 32-33), wiihoul in any way suggesting a dissolution of the
people of God as a nation, only that God now reigns and governs people as in the
"theocracy" of Israel - "the Kingdom of God". Luke may not have made many references
to shepherds. He depicts God as a pastor to Israel and to his people.
It could be argued then, that for Luke, conversion of people, Families and communities
are directed towards making evident the signs that show that God is their king in the
Jewish Jubilee tradition sense, in their particular place and habitation (cf. Acts 14: 16- 17;
17: 26-27). '
Luke has a clear understanding that people and their lands are God given. He also
exhibits a substantial knowledge that people exist in socio-cultural, political and religious
context. Luke seems to understand also that these exert presure and affect human
decisions. He was aware also that sometimes human beings and their organizational
systems could be under the control of Satan. Neither does he conceal the fact that not
even the possession of the covenant and the law is able to provide any sort of immunity
from demonic influence. This might be partly why Lucan Jesus' temptation account does
not end with the devil going away, but his going away to return again at an opportune
time. But Jesus, enabled by the Spirit, withstood the devil till the end. Therefore Luke
presents Jesus as law abiding and subject to Roman rule, while at the same time
determined to carry out God's will by calling people, the lost, whether Jew or Gentile,
Roman or slave, rich or poor, righteous or sinner, back to God. All this is within the
existing religious and political systems of the time. These do not escape Luke's stories.
When some scholars argue that Luke's work is a kind of apology commending
Christianity to the Roman authorities, it is not for nought. But whatever way it takes to
argue that Luke favours the state, it still has to be clarified whether it is implied that the
state is instituted by God and therefore the 'church' is to be at the service of the state.235
It seems almost probable that Luke does not see any divorce betwecn stale and
"Christianity". For Luke the state is an organ through which God governs his people.
This view is only consistent with Jewish tradition of the Kingdom of Israel being where
God reigns. Therefore Luke understands conversion as recalling people and their lands
235cf. J.A. Dm. On Character Building, orwit.. p. 24.
back to God with the least minimum disruption of this God given equilibrium of family,
community, state or nation, precisely because people and their land belong to God. If it
seems to some scholars an impossible position that Luke advocates both the Jewish and
the Gentile toleiation of each other at the same time, we believe that this is partly the
reason for it. Israel as a nation is being called back to God through Christ. The Gentile
world is being called back to God through Christ as a nation or nations. Conversion of
individuals o r communities is only aimed at transfoiming a nation into a miniature
Kingdom of God. Jesus for Luke is the bearer of this Kingdom to whom the "nations"
turn for salvation, and work out the implications of this in their God-given lands.
"Community", "covenant", "law", "salvation", "Kingdom", such concepts may have been
localized in Jewish tradition. For Luke it has become a metaphor to be used to localize
them also in other "nations" with peculiar charac~eristics of each "nation" incorporated.
That is to say that, through his characterization of Jesus' attitude to Jewish tradition and
as Saviour, Luke universafizes both conversion and salvation while at the same time
emphasizing their local implications. In this way Luke accounts for the one people under
one covenant of God but each operating and putting into effect this salvation in his
pasticular place and habitation given to them by God.
This conclusion derived from our investigation of Lucan conversion has given us some
inspiration to investigate further into the possible pastoral implications this might have
for the quest about meaning and relevance of the conversion of the Igbo people to
'Christianity'. We shall now turn to this but it will take the form of a possible Lucan
criliyuc of thc conversion oC lhe Igbo of Nigcria.
Chapter 7
7.1 A Possible Lucan Critique of the Understandingof the
Conversion of the Igbo ~ e o p l e
We have argued that to understand conversion in Luke a proper perspective of other
related themes has to be taken which include the covenant, Kingdom of God,
salvation, previous world-view of converts and others.' All these take their proper
place within the interaction between Lucan texts and the social world.2 Our aim now
is to discover how Luke's understanding of conversion could be used as a tool for
understanding the conversion of Igbo people to Christianity, hence the approach - a
possible Lucan critique of the understanding of Igbo conversion.
7.1.1 Introduction
A word about this approach. It is a biblical approach. Two reasons lead us to pursue
the matter in this way.
The first is that many scholars of the conversion of Igbo people to Christianity in
course of their work increasingly find themselves referring to such biblical themes as
sin, repentance, conversion, Moly Spirit, judgment, salvation and also making direct
references and appeals to biblical texw. Such scholars include Revd. V.N. Umunna3,
Revd. Dr. Okorocha4, and Revd. Fr. Dr. Agu5 While their approach is appropriate it
is becoming increasingly clear to biblical scholars that harmonizing of themes,
See chapters 3-6 above. 2 ~ e e chapter 2. 3cf. V.N. Urnunna, 'Nigerian Paganism as a preparation for b e Gospel', in E.W.R.: An A- . . -e Vol. V, no. 2 pp. 139-145. 4cf. C. C. Okorocha, The Meaning of 12eligious Conversion in Africa - The Case of the Iaho of Nigeria, Avebury Aldershot, 1987. See also his, 'Religious Conversion in Africa: Its MissologicaI I~nplic;~lions,' in Vol. IX-2, 18, (1992) pp. 168-181. 5 ~ . ~ . Agu, Secularization in I~boland. Socio-12eligiolrs ('hanae and its (Ihallenges Lo Llle Church m o n a the I g b ~ , Verlag Peter Lang NY 1089.
coupled with "random" references lo biblical texts could make the student and the
general reader to lose a particular richness of the perception and inspiration of
individual New Testament author and his communities. In this way, texts are made
sometimes to function out of context or even forced to exhibit a universal
application.6
The second reason is that we ought to by now be able to make a distinction between a
New Testament theology and the New Testament theology or differentiate New
Testament theologies from New Testament theology. W e are simply recognizing the
position of many scholars who now say that while we agree on the harmony of New
Testament theology, we should be able to recognize the part and contribution of
Lucan theology for instance, within the whole without losing what is distinctively
Lucan.7 What is distinctively Lucan in the end becomes an advantage to the student
in understanding more about the particular subject within the overall New Testament
evidence. So then, the fact that scholars and students of the conversion of the Igbo
make references to biblical texts at all suggests that biblical authority has a place in
establishing the truth about such a phenomenon as conversion. We suggest then that
rather than appeal to biblical texts "at random", it might be more helpful to undertake
a study of a particular biblical subject, word, theme, or text and froin a particular
biblical author or evangelist, in order to discover what is peculiar to the author's
understanding of such a matter which may in the end help the student in the subject
under investigation. For example, Menzies8 has argued that Luke and Paul differ in
their basic theologies of the Holy Spirit. Gaventa9 argues that Luke and Paul differ in
their understanding of conversion. Nowhere do these two authors argue that because
Luke and Paul differ in their presentation and understanding of these subjects that
therefore they are not talking about the same New Testament themes. What is
%f. Roger Stro~lstad, op.ciL pp. 8.9, 12. 7cf. J,B. Sl~elton, u~.cit.. pp. 2 ~ . 8cf. K.P. Menzies, oD.cit 9cf. B.R. Gaventa,
implied in these scholars' discovery is to acknowledge that a possibility exists where
more than one author of the New Testament approach issues from different
perspectives or even present different faces of one subject.
To admit that there is probably what is called the New Testament understanding of
conversion is proper. But we also have to recognize that there is no one picture but
several about conversion in the New Testament presumably because the New
Testament is a work of more than one pen. If there is a success in Gaventa's work it is
precisely in establishing this fact.10 Therefore we can talk about a Lucan
understanding of conversion. We believe that Luke's understanding may be a help in
the quest for the understanding of Igbo conversion. This is why this investigation has
taken this approach to the Igbo question. It may be a novel approach in relation to
various other approaches of socio-scientific, anthropological, religious and
missological schools. If this biblical (Lucan) approach arouses more studies along
this line in the quest for understanding the conversion of Igbo people, this inquiry as a
whole would have been worth the effort.
The task before us now is to introduce a summary discussion of scholars' views about
Igbo response to both the early European Christian missionaries and the new religious
(African Independent Churches) movements. The question of the new religious
movements has merely raised the acute question about where to locate Igbo
conversion within "Christianity" - syncretism, schizophrenic, secular or sacred. We
recognize that the background from which the conversion of Igbo pcoplc took place
was the primal world view and religions and that its influence is still felt even among
many coverts. At the end the views of scholars which would form the theses will be
subjected to Lucan critique. When the pastoral implication of Luke's understanding
of conversion is weighed against the result arising from a possible Lucan critique of
the understanding of conversion of Igbo people based on the theses of some scholars,
' O m
this is likely to produced some evidence on which we will make our contribution to
the quest.
7.1.2 Defining Termg
(i). Igbo.ll This stands for both a people and a language spoken by both the
people themselves and others who have come in contact with the people. Olaudah
Equiano,12 an ex-slave and John C. Taylor,l3 born to slave parents, were Igbo. In
some of their writings, they describe the people and the al-ea they occupy as "a
country", or "a nation".
Anafulul4 has remarked that Lhe history and origin of the Igbo people is yet to be
satisPactorily carried out mainly because of the loss of a civilization due to
colonization.
In order to determine who the Igbo are, scholars make use of common ecology,
customs, culture and language to attempt a definition. While some accept such
deCinition15, others point out that even with such definitions differences of custom and
strong dialects exist, which makes a study of the Igbo as one people difficult.16
Taking Umuahia Igbo as an example, one notices variations in culture and language
I l ~ o r sludies on the history of ll~e Igbo cf. A.E. Afigbo, Roms of Sanct; Stt1dir;s in Igbo IIistory and CuIture Oxford University Press 1981; M.J.C. Echemo, A Matter of ldenlily in Ahiajoku Lecture; lrno Srate Owerri: Ministry of Informittion (1979) pp. 7-25; V.C. Uchendu, The lgbo of Soulheask m, IIolt Kinchart and Winston 1965; 13. Isichei, A Ilislory of Igbo People, Macmillan Press. 1976. 12cf. OIaudah Equiano, T h e N ~ a r r a t i v e of Uu-, No~wich (1794) pp.3-4 64f. 13cf. G.O.M. Tasie, 'John Christopher Taylor: A Biographical Nob*, m X I I I , I , (June 1981) pp.50-68. here pp. 54-55,61. 14cf. J.C. Anafulu, The I p h o - m u Peoples of So-~lgend. A Sel- . .
8 .
. . - f Wntlnps_I 627-1 97Q, Kraus Miinchen, Germany 1981.
cf. lfi Amadiume, Afiikan Matriarchal Forrndation: The Tabo Case, Karnak House, London (1987) pp. 13-17. 16~.(3. Okoroch;~, 1 . . .
t ' . . . ''.,,an., p. 8.
as one travels from Ubakala to Amakama to Olokoro, from Ikwuano to Ibeku and to
Ohuhu all in the present Umuahia clan. This was also true of their primal religions.17
Despite these problems scholars may try to locate them within a geographical area, a
language grouping and a political organization. So Agul* could situate them in South-
Eastern Nigeria between latitudes 5 O and 7 O North of the equator, and longitudes 6'
and 8" east of Greenwich. Philip Foster19 classified Igbo language among the "kwa"
sub family, while Njaka20 suggests their politics to be republican. Echeruo21 argues
that there was no pan-Igbo authority. Ovcn at this Ikenga-Metuh maintains that the
Igbo are a single pe0ple.~2 Sylvia Leith-Ross23 observed that politically, Igbo
organizations were highly developed, her implements, arts and farm, poor and
undeveloped and yet the general physical and psychological level of the Igbo race is
so high. There is little exaggeration perhaps in Equiano's assessment that the Igbo are
hard working, knew no idleness, and had no beggars.24 But this is the people
Achebe25 could refer to as : "a creature fearing not God nor Man, and was custom-
made to grasp opportunities". Such are the complexities of the Igbo as a people and
as such do we hold them in this our investigation.
(ii) Primal Religions. This was the religion of the Igho before the advent of
Christianity. As numerous Igbo languages and dialects existed, so one could say of
the people's religions. Some scholars refer to this as African Traditional Religions
l7cf. N.S. Boolh Jr., 'Tradition a d Community in African Religion' in JRA lX, 2, (1978) pp. 81-82.
18cf. Agu, . . . , . , an.cit..p. 210.
l9cf. D Forde and G 1 Jones, The l b and the Ibibio Speaking peoples of South Eastern Nigeria, London 1950. 20cf. E.N. Njaka, labo Political Culture, North Western University Press, Evanstorl (1974) pp. 53ff. 21cf. M.J.C. Ecl~eruo, 'A Mailer of Iclcnlity', a p p . 11-12. 221 5 . Ika~ga-Mcluh, . . .
ill- . .. a 1' , Cicdl'icy ( ~ I I ~ I ~ I I I ; I I ~ I AMMIOIL ( I98 1) pp. x-xi.
23~ylvia Leith-Ross. African Women: A Studv of h e Iabo of Nigeria New York (1978) pp. 55f. 24cf. Olaudah, (1794) op.cil..p. 14. See also E P 1' Crampton, Christiani~v in South-Easlern Nigeria, Cambridge (1994) pp. 2-4, 196 (We are grateful to the aulhor for permission to quole from his work due to be published). 2 5 ~ . Achebe, The Rouble with Ni yeria, Heinema~ln ( 1983) p. 46.
suggesting that various forms of i t are evident in African continent.26 Therefore Igbo
people share this trait with other peoples of the continent. But Prof. Walls27 prefers to
call it primal religion, which we will adopt in this investigation. Religion permeated
all of Igbo life, being existence and interactions. Like all primal peoples, all of life
was religious. A great deal of this is also true of the present Igbo.
(iii) Missionaries. This is used here in the sense of the missionaries both European
and converts from slaves and non-slaves, Cro~n Ali-ica, India and other nationalities
who joined in the Christian mission to Igboland. Some Igbo converts who were
preachers, teachers, catechists and ordained pastors are also inclusive. In all, the part
played by the Igbo people themselves in evangelisation is assu1ned.2~
Missionary activities among the Igbo is traced to as late as the 1857 in Sierra Leon
from where first converts such as John Taylor made known to the Church Missionary
Society their wishes for the evangelization of Igb~land.~"oth D.C. 0keke30 and
G.O.M. Tasie31 testified to the fact that missionary endeavours were gingered by Igbo
ex-slaves in Sierra Leone ~hrough lhc Church Missionary Society, and this played a
significant part in the success of the Igbo missions. All these form the background to
our use of the word 'missionaries' and the period covered by some available literature
and relevant material will include between then and the present. Since our task is
mainly evaluating how the conversion of Igbo people has been understood with the
aim of suggesting how it ought to be understood on the basis of a possible Lucan
26cf. V.C. Ucheodu, 'The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria', ap.ciI.. p. 94. For h e suggestion illat Ala was the universal god of the I g h cf. M.J.C. Echeruo, 'A Matter of Identity', &pp. 18-20; see also D.I. Nwogu, 'Nka na Nzere: The Focus of Igbo World View', in wr,ectures. Imo Slate: O~erri~Minislry of Information (1984) pp. 18ff. 2 7 ~ . ~ . W;rlls - at a discussion in his sledy in Etlinh~~rgh in 1993. 2H0.1~. Kirlu, 'I'rolcsliurt C1lr1~is1iiulily io Iglx,lirndl, i n m l v ill Wca AIILI. lc N- . , , . I '.' .. . '1'1 . , , . , 3 , . *
by O.U. Kalu (ed), pp. 3W, 311-312. Also cf. G.O.M. Tasie, 'Christian Awakening in West Africa, 1914-1918: A Study in tllc Significance of Native Agency', in WAR Volume XVI, no. 2, (1975) pp. 32-42. 29cf. G.O.M. Tasie, 'John C. Taylor' Q& aD.cit.. pp. 50f. 3 0 ~ . ~ . Okeke, Policy and Practice of the Church Missionarv Society io Ieboland 1857-1929,I'h.D. Thesis of the University of Aberdeen, (1977) pp. 8.21f. 31cf. G.O.M. Tasie, 'John C. Taylor', 'Orila*, omcit,. p. 55.
critique, we do not envisage the period between 1830-1990 as impossible. The debate
itself about what conversion means and how it ought to be understood is both an old
and a current i ~ s u e . 3 ~
7.1.3 Statin? the Problem
For our investigation we think in terms of pre-missionary and the missionary period in
Igboland. W e do not talk in terms of post-missionary period since we do not believe
in this in any sense. There is a sense in which one can talk of pre- and post-colonial
period. But this is a different thing, especially with a politically endless argument
whether Nigerian Independence for instance is only on paper and not in real political
terms.
The other'thing is that some scholars like C.N. Ubah33 could talk in tcrms of
"Christianization" of Igboland. Without getting into the debate over semantics, we
simply take this as its face value to mean the effects of the Christian missionary
activities among the Igbo.
The use of the wold 'Christian' covers all those wha apply this designation and use it
for themselves. Where there is doubt in its use and application it will be indicated
with reasons. Otherwise 'missionary' covers Christian activities in Mission.
(iv) New Religious Movements.34 This term is used as a general description for
those bodies or religious groups arising from the impact of Christian missionary
activities in Nigeria or Africa. Some refer to them as African Independent Churches.
' Unless where a specific segment of this movement is referred to, in which case the
32cf. B.R. Gaventa, From Darkness to Light _on,cit.. 3 3 ~ . ~ . Ubah, 'Religious Change among the Igbo during the Coloi~ial Period', in JRA XVIII, 1, (Feb. 1988) pp. 70-98. 34cf. F.M. Mbon, 'The Quest for Identity in African New lleiigious Movements', in New Re@- . .
. . Movementsand (eNiaeria,)G. I.udwar-Ene, Bayreutli African Studies 17, Gennan (1991) pp. 7-29.
particular name may be used otherwise we shall describe them as "New Religious
movements" for convenience. (NRM).
7.1.4 Methodological Limitations.
This inquiry is based on literdry research and the writer's experience as a pastor.
Some scholars referred to have carried out an extensive field research and others have
done the same in extensive literary research. Our task is therefore to evaluate the
works of these scholars and use their conclusions as some kind of 'theses' on which to
establish some views on the conversion of Igbo to Christianity. We recognize hat
views may differ on some points but agree on olher points. A possible Lucan critique
of all issues involved will guide our conclusion.
Because the approach and investigation adopted here is primarily biblical (Lucan)
devailed historical aspects of the Igbo people and their religions will be employed only
when necessary. References will be made to competent scholars on such areas and
issues. While the studies in Igbo have more literature now than some years ago,35 all
may not be relevant to our investigation, coupled with the fact that the relevant ones
may not always be available. In any case, attempts are made to consult some of the
literature dealing mainly on the conversion of Igbo people. A biblical approach to the
conversion of the Igbo is fiiirly young in its emphasis and presentation, therefore
references to similar works may be lacking.
In the end this may come to represent a pioneering work conlributing to the current
quest for the understanding of the conversion of the Igbo people, bht approachng it
from a biblical (Lucan) perspective. As a pioneering work we are conscious of the
hazards facing such ventures and claim no immunity. But our inspiration and drive to
attempt this approach for the Igbo question is derived from Luke who adapted and
redacted the tradition of Jesus for his communities.
3 5 ~ . ~ . Aoal'ulu, 'lhe Ibo-spwkinn nwnlcs 01' Soulhem N i m ,
367
Our conclusion so far in this investigation is that Luke presents his two volume work
tracing the movement of the Gospel as the 'Will of God' for the covenant people from
one people (the Jews) to include other people (the Gentiles); God's salvation
beginning from one nation (Israel) to encompass all nations (the world). In this
presentation Luke covered the mission of Jesus both in the time of Jesus and after,
risking in many ways, both cultiiritl and wligious values of lhc Jcws in ordcr lo admit
the acceptance of gentile converts as members of the covenant. This Lucan approach
is both revolutionary and radical.36 Luke's aim is simple, to testify in his own time
and place the truth about Jesus and the Gospel and to enable his audience to keep
faith, no matter the odds. The question is not did Luke succeed in his aim but did he
help his hearers to keep the faith. If in the end this work merely raises the possibility
that Luke's understanding of conversion might be useful in the understanding of the
conversion of the Igbo people to Christianity and in the end enables the converts to
keep faith, the aim of this investigation which is a call for a review of the theology of
been achieved. The question that will guide our investigation is how have scholars
assessed and understood Igbo conversion and what conclusions emerge when this
understanding is subjected to a possible Lucan critique'? Attempts to understand the
conversion of the Igbo people come from scholars whose approach is either
historical,37 r e l i g i o ~ s , ~ 8 or socio-scientific.3g We shall consider each approach
36cf. G.E. Slerling, llistoriocrra_~hv and Self-definition: Jose;enhus. 1,uke-Acts and Apologetic Ilistorio~ranhy E.J. Brill (1992) pp. 380-381,388. 371'l,e lileralure on this i~lclude 17.K. Ekechi, 'Colonialism and Christimity in West Africa: The Igbo p.. rlhL, 1900-1015' i n J . i x ~ ~ W i ( ; l l l l U & ~ y 12 (I) : (107 1 ) pp. 10% 1 15; illso his, hSiOll;U.Y
.I,ondon 1972; G.O.M. 'I'asic, U m s s i o o a r v , Leiden E.J. Brill 1978; S.N. Nwabarc?, W: A C e n u
-1060,l loddcr and Slougbl~~l 1077; AX. Afigbo&cs of SIN& y Press, Oxford 1981; E. Isichei, Ibo and Cllrisiian
beliefs: Some Aspects of a Theological hcounler. in AtiicanU, vol. 68: 270 (1969) pp. 121- 134; also, 'Seven Varieties of Ambiguity: Some I'atterns of lgbo Ilesponse lo Chrisdan Missions', in JRA Vol. 3 (1970) pp. 209-227; D.C. Okeke, Policv and Practice of (he Church Missiotm Societv in =land 1857-1929. Ph.D. Thesis, Aberdeen 'Ihliversity 1977; G.C. Agu, Secularization in Inboland;
presently but we need to point out that we are not concerned for now whether what
these scholars say are right or wrong, nor are we criticizing their methods of arriving
at such conclusions. What we are concerned about is their very conclusions and
findings as brute facts which form the theses. The theses are the ones to fall under
Lucan critique which in the end will be weighed against the Lucan pastoral
implication of conversion. The main argument of scholars from either historical,
religious, or socio-scientific approach will be summarized here.
7.1.6 Historical Ouest
(a) The Igbo people had attained some civilization before the arrival of the
Europeans. They had a system of rule which the Europeans probably found difficult
to ~ n d e r s t a n d . ~ ~
S o c i o - r w its C . . .wees the Church a m o m h a , Verlag Peter Lang (1989);
see also E. Isichei, ~&&Q,xQ- . + w, I,ontlon, Firber a11d Faber, 1973. 38'lbc literature on U~is includes: V.N. IJnla~na, 'Nigerian Paganism as a I'repmlion lor Ihe C;oslxl', in The East a e s t Review: i , 1i..- sslonarv O m M a 1 e . Vol. V, no. 2 (1939) pp. 139-145; F.O. Egboh, 'The Beginning of [he End of l'radi~ional Religion in Iboland, Soutll-Easlern Nigeria', in Clvtlizallons, XXI, 2-3, (1971) pp. 269-279; E. Ikenga-Meluh, 'The Shattered Microcosm: A Critical Survey of Explanalions of Conversion in Africa', in PlZM 41- (1985/4), pp. 241-254; C.I. Ejizu, 'End~uance of Conviction: The Persistence of Lhe Traditional World-View in lgbo Christian Converts', in NZM 43- (1987/2), pp. 125-135; C.C. Okorocha, Tbe M e a n b m i o u s -
The w o f b o ot N m . . , Aveb~~ry Aldershol 1987; also 'Religious Conversion in Africa: Its Missological hnplications', in Mis-, Vol. IX-2. 18, (1992) pp. 168-181; C.N. Ub'ah, 'Religious Change Among Uie Igbo during the Colonial Period', in J&l XVIII, I, Feb. (1988) pp. 70-88; S.O. Okafor, ww . . , . . .
@ 1
M.Phil Thesis, University of Leicester, UK (1980); N. Onwu, Igbo Ikligion: It's present siluation Mican Moi-bllgyasia XIII. 2, 1985, also his 'l'lle Social Imnlicatiw~f Dikaiosune in St MalLhew'~ m, Ph.DU.NN. 1983. 3 9 ~ h e literature on lhis includes: Robin IIorton, 'African Conversion', in 'Ali.ica' Vol. XLI, 2, (1971) pp. 85-108; also, 'On [he Rationality of Conversion in Africa', Vol. 45. no. 3, (1975) pp. 219-235; 373-399; also R. Horton and J.D.Y. I'eel, 'Conversion and Confusion: A Rejoinder on Christianity in Fhslern Nigeria', in Sanntli;~n Jorrnlal of Africm Stuttiea, Yol. X, '3, (1976) pp. 48 1-498; lXv1. Okoyc, 'I'he Traditional Relirrion and its Encounter with Christianitv in Achebe's Novels Peter 1,ang 1987; C. Achebe, Things Fall Apart London, Heinemann, 1958; also No Longer At Ease, London 1960; Edmund nogu, 'Some IIidden Influences of Christianity in Ibolaid', in WAR, no. 7, 1967; also, 'Chlistianity and Cultural Change in Africa', mimgraph (11.d.); also, 'The Indigenisalion of "Imporled Religions": IIow Indepdendent are Religious Ideas?' in CJAS XIV, 1-2, 1978, C. Ifeka-Molh, (Caroline v. Moller) Aladura Church in Eastern Nigeria a Socio-Strucluml Studv of the Cherubim and Seraphim <!hurch at Wane Onitsha, Ph.D. Thesis. London University Library 1968; also "While Power: Socio-Structural Factors in Conversion to Chrisianity, Eastern Nigeria, 1921-1966', in Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 8, 1, (1974) pp. 55-72; F.K. Ekechi, 'The Media1 Factor in Christian Conversion in Africa: Observations horn Soulheaslem Nigeria', in Missiology: An International Review, Vol. XXI, No. 3, (July 1993) pp. 289-309; E.M. Uka, Missionaries no IIome? 4 Sociolonical Intepretation of an African Resnonse lo Xtia~l Mission, Peter Lang, New York, 1989. 40cf. A.E. Afigbo, Ropes of Sand, op.cit.
(b) The colonization of the Igbo by the Europeans was probably the first
domillation they had experienced. Their fierce resistance could be a mixlure of rear
of domination and a loss of their apparent freed0m.4~
(c) The High God and [he Earth God (dess) were universally worshipped among
the Igbo people. Each communily had other deities in addition making them to share
the common trait of all primal religious peoples.42
(d) Colonization had great impact on the culture of the Igbo people which some
describe as dissolution of the traditional set ~ p . 4 ~
(e) Missionaries arrived after colonization with massive programme for schools,
education and church activities for converts. Slavery and olhcr acts o r injuslices were
discouraged through Christian teaching44
(f') The Igbo people are described as converting to Chrislianity en masse. They
also accepted colonization and were quick to adopt European culture and religion
almost to the abandonment of their traditional one.45
(g) The mass conversion is explained by economic attractions to European way of
life and the seeking of governing position as the new elites.46
(h) The phenomenon of the New Religious Movements and the mass movement
of the Igbo people into this body led some schofars to question the conversion of Igbo
pe0pIe.4~ While some explain the phenomenon as the rise of "nationalism" others see
it as "religious". That is to say that the initial response of the Igbo people to the
missionaries would pass for "adher~ion",~8 and thcir ~csponsc to New Religious
4 1 ~ 42cf. E. Ikenga-Metuh, . .
, ap& 43cf. S.O. Okafor, Quest for Authenlicitv in the Christianity of South Eastem Nineria, M.Phi1. Thesis, University of Leciester, 1980; Also C.C. Agu Secularization in Igboland: %f. C.C. Okorocha, The Meaning of Religious Conversion in Afriq, -see also E P T Crampton Christianitv in South-Eastern Nigeria &, pp 197.281ff. Crampton said to me that a part of Onitsha saw missionaries first before Colonization. 45cf. C. Achebe, lliugs Fa11 ~ Q U & , L see also E. Ilogu, Ibo ( I u W ' , Leiden, E.J. Brill (1974) pp. 63ff. 46cf. C. Ifeka-Moller, 'While Power', & 47cf. S.O. Okorafor, 'w, & 48cf. Ifeka-Moller, 'White Power', a
movement explained as "indigenisation" of Christianity.49 The other general point
that needs to be mentioned is that ex-slaves o l Igbo origin converted to Christianity in
Sierra Leone initiated a mission which they wanted specifically for the Igbo people
and financed it with the help of John C. Taylor, an Igbo of ex-slave parentsa50 At this
period, about 1857, the Igbo consciousness was already pronounced even in Sierra
Leone.51 Both the role of the native converts and the Holy Spirit in the conversion of
the Igbo people have been a ~ k n o w l e d g e d . ~ ~
The other observation of histoiians is that there was hardly any dialogue between the
European missionaries and their would-be Igbo converts even if to seek a conlmon
ground on which to begin introducing C h r i ~ t i a n i t y . ~ ~ The result was an Igbo
convert's dialogue within himself giving birth to syncretism, secularism and
disill~sionment.~4
7.1.7 Relieious Ouest
There is a great deal of overlapping beiween historical, religious and socio-scientific
quests. Any point that has already been covered will not be repeated.
(a) The deeply religious quest of the Igbo, and their highly developed God-
consciousness more than anything else is used by religious scholars to account for the
understanding of the conversion of the Igb0.5~
49cf. O.U. Kalu, 'Traditionalization and Modem Evangelical Strategy in Nigeria', in 'West AFrican Religion' Vol. XVI, no. 2, (1975) pp. 23-31. 5Ocf. G.O.M. Tasie, 'John C. Taylor: A Biographical Note', Qua, a p p . 50-68; see also, 'C- - . . ' . . . narv F.nt-n the Niga Ilelta'. Leiden. Brill (1978) pp. 202-234. Also
1914-1918: Vol. XVI, 2, (1975) pp. 32-42. 5 k . 0 . ~ . Tasie, 'John C. Taylor' oo.cit.. pp. 54-55.61. For a comparison between the Igbo and Ihe Jews cf Equiano (1794) m, p20-21 5 2 0 . ~ . Kalu, l~rotestant Christianit" in Igbol:u~I, Milnograph (1980) pp. 1 1 - 15; see also E 1' 'I' Crampton. Christianitv in South-Eastern Nigcriq, Q& p. 281. 5 3 ~ p. 227. 541bid., p. 227. 55cf. C.C. O k o r o ~ h a , ~ M e a n i a g of I l c l i~ io~~s C o ~ ~ y c r s h h & h , ~ m ~ ; sw illso C.N. I Jball, 'Ilcligious Cllulgc among rllc Iglx, during Ilw Co1ooi;d I'criod', ie J#AXVIIl, I. (1988) pi). 70-88.
(b) The Igbo people did discard "gods" at will if their potency waned in their
primal religious practices. It could be argued then that when they saw the "God of the
Europeans" as more potent than their 'gods' they discarded them and convertdS6
(c) In the phenomenon of the New Religious Movements similar argument is
used. The New Religious Movements seem to exhibit more signs of potency than the
missionary churches, which make Igbo people to convert to them, with claims of their
spiritual needs being met..57
(d) '1'1~ nonchulant atlitudc: ol' the rnissionarics to contextuulization 01' thc gospcl
in Igboland is seen to have enhanced the advent of New Religious Movement and
therefore increased syncreti~m.~8
The general observation of some scholars about some traditional concepts of sacrifice,
such as the relationship between sacrifice and social (religious) orderliness, which
should have been utilised by the missionaries for integrating religion and behaviour
(moral and social), were not adopted. This anomaly can only be seen as a mistake.59
This does not in any way suggest that the traditional understanding of 'sacrifice7 is of
equal value to the Christian ~ o n c e p t . ~ o Primal religons may have prepared the Igbo
people for the gospel, but because they lacked literalure, [hey were bound to wither
a ~ a y . ~ l But religious customs come first before the writing of the literature as we can
see from the Old Testament experience. But in the case of the Igbo, a lack of
authentic dialogue between the people themselves and the gospel gave rise to
worshipping God in the Church and also sacrificing to the tradtional "chin.62 This
amount of influence the traditional culture-religious values still exert on the Igbo even
after conversion would pass for adaptation and accommodation rather than conversion
56cl'. V.C. IJclicndu, 'l'lic Igho of Sotrlhcilsl Nigccia, u)dL, (1965) PP. 38, 95. 1031'. 57~aroline V. Moller, 'Aladur;lChurches-, Nigeria',; see also Ndiokwere, l)loobecv aud, SPCK (1981) pp. 273t'f. 5 8 ~ . Isichei, Seven Varieties. opcit, %.A. Arinze, Bcrifice in Ibo Religion Ibadan University Press (1970) pp. 8-25. 60m
6 1 ~ . Ikenga-Meiuh, God and Man in Ati-ican Religion, a m p . 174f. 6 k . C Okorocha, The Meaning of Religious Conversion, on.cit.. p. 23.
to Christianity.63 But if the apparatus for sacrifice and religion were taken away by
the missionaries without adequate dialogue or replacement with valued alternative,
the people were bound to devise their own alte~native.~4 This is partly the reason for
the advent of the NRM where some traditional concepts are used in ~ o r s h i p . ~ 5
Some of the traditional values include the office of an elder in the family being
transferred to that of a prophet in the NRM.66 In a way, political as well as religious
factors account for the NRM. Search for salvation and "power" may also account for
both their advent and their popularity with ordinary pe0ple.~7 Religious quest on the
whole does not seem to be satisfied at the method of evangelisalion and the motives
the Igbo people had for c o n v e r ~ i o n . ~ ~ The persistence of traditional values and Primal
Religious values among converts even up to the present is embarrassing to the
sch0lars.~9 Some think that the ~ i s e of NRM is a welcome phen0menon.7~ The reason
is partly because of the inhesent good values in any people's culture that can not be
d c n i ~ d . 7 ~ Already wc have nolcd that lhc abscncc of c~~oss-ctil~ul.al dialogue will1
converts could account for some ambiguities in the belief and life of some converts.72
7.1.8 Socio-Scientific OW
(a) The advent of the Europeans to Igbo land raised many socio-cultural problems
for the Igbo and almost forced them into a selection process where only things that
6 3 ~ . ~ . Ubah, Religious Change Among Lhe Igbo' 71f. 6% a discussio~~ with A.O. Iwuagw~ in his office, as Bishop of A h (Anglican Diocese) in 1987. (j5scc: A.O. Iwongwu, T~!~w-L . . 11 lhc of N m ( A Selcclcd Slutly); 1'h.D. Thesis, University of Ibadm, 197 1. %aroline V. Moller, Aladt~mh Churches in Fastern N i g ~ k , op.c i~ 6 7 ~ . ~ . Okorocha, The Meaning of Religious Conv-, QW, dso his "Religious Conversion in Africa", QQ,&
68cf. F.E. Ekechi, 'The Medical Factor in Chrisliau Conversion in Africa'. opcit.. p. 290; see also Ikenga-Mewh, God and Mm' opcit.. pp. 169f. 69cf. C.I. Ejizu, 'Endwill~ce of Conviction', mcit.. p. 134. 7 ° ~ ~ p h e n Okafor, QJ,EZ& ao.cit. 7 l ~ . Arinze, j4nswering God's Call ,o~,ci t~ p. 22. 7 2 ~ . Isichei, Seven Varieties of Ambi~uity, oncit
enhanced life were preferred from the new change-agent, the European culture. This
naturally ended in syncretic tendencies in religion or at least suspected to lead to it.73
(b) The Igbo people felt inferior to the advancing European civilization and
submitted both to their rule and religion.74
(c) The economic changes brought about by the European government lured
many Igbo people into pursuing education in order to gain a position in the new order
of government.75 Education partly controlled by the Missions almost became
synonymous with conversion.
(d) The rise of new urban cities with very strong Christian churches meant the
migration from rural areas to these cities and consequently a break up of the
traditional communal life.76
Some general observation by the socio-scientific approach make reference to the
relationship that exists between socio-cultural change and conversion involving
selection from both the old and the new religions to form something agreeable to the
peoples' world-view? Although the advent of the European to Africa generally
enhanced such selection processes, some argue that such a process was already in
existence in Africa before the Europeans.78 There is also the suggestion of the
European military might frightening people to convert? So also is the scramble for
education termed conversion which was mainly to secure government posts.80 Others
make a link between disease, medicine and conversion.81 The point being that
73cf. R. Horton, 'African Conversion', oo.cil.: also his 'On the Ihionality' a c f . Ifeka-Moller, 'White Paper', QQ,&
7 4 ~ . ~ . Egboh, 'The Beginning of the End of Traditional Religion in Iboland, on. cit.. pp. 269-270. 75~feka-~oller, u; E.O. Egboli, Jbid. p. 272. 76cf. C. Achebe, -,a 77cf. R. Horton, 'Afr-ican Conversion'onci~; also, 'On the Rationalily of Conversion* ppcit; also, I<. Horton and I.D.Y. Peel, 'Conversion and Confusion', 78cf. R. Horton, 'On the Rationality of Conversion', o~.cit..$p. 228-229. 791feka-~oller, 'White Power' (1974) or>.cit. 80Jj&; cf E P T Crampton, Clhristimity in South-Eastern Niceria, &, p 197. 8 1 ~ . ~ . Ekechi, 'The Medical Factor in Christian Conversion in Africa'. (1993) on,ciL
medical care resting entirely with the missionaries became tools for c o n v e r ~ i o n . ~ ~ In
summary the position of scholars stand as follows:
(a) T h e first European experience o f the Igbo people was that of military
conquest.83 Therefore the people tended to associate Europeans with subjugation and
conquest.
(b) T h e missionary work presented a different picture to this emphasizing the
Gospel of love and peace, with the civilizing agent of Church and education to reach
the hearts and lives of the Igbo pe0ple.~4
(c) The Igbo resistance to the Europeans was for a while,85 but their conversion
was rapid and en m a ~ s e . ~ ~
(d) T h e encounter of the European and Igbo world-views produced a different
socio-cultural situation from the familiar traditional one, with both blessings and
(e) T h e rise of the NRM in Nigeria and among the Igbo people in particular
signaled both success and lailurc o r thc niissionarics and the Husopcan psescncc in
(f) The conversion of the lgbo people to date is seen by some to exhibit confusion
in spite of the extensive Christianization of the I g b 0 1 a n d . ~ ~ This last point i s the
worry of many scholars and the people alike even after all the points for and against
European presence are considered. Attempts to explain why and to suggest solutions
come from historical, religious and socio-scientifc inquiries whose theses w e have
presented above.
82m pp. 304-305. 83cf. A.H. Atigbo, W e s of Sand, &p. 296. 84cf. Elochukwu Amucbeazi, Cliorch and Politics in Eastern Nigeria 1946-1966, MacMillan Nigeria (1986) pp. 26-32. 85cf. A.E. Afigbo, Ropes of SanQ opcit.. pp. 306-307. %f. C.C. Agu, . . . boland, (1 989) 204. 87cf. E.M. Okoye, I Relieion and Its Encountec ~ L p p . 192- 194. %f. CC. Agu, Secularization, e p p . 282-289. 89cf. C.N. Ubah, 'Religious Change among Ihe Igbo during the Colonial Period', in W XVII, I, (Feb. 1988), p. 71; see also C.I. Ejizu, 'Endurance of Conviction: The Persistence of the Traditional World-View in Igbo Christian Converts', in NZM. 43-198712, pp. 125-135.
We join this quest, but approach it from a biblical (Lucan) point of view. Our task
now is to subject the discoveries and conclusions of scholars to a Lucan critique from
whence a key to underslimding the conversion of the Igbo people will emerge. We
shall treat this under the following headings:
(i) The will of God in Luke and the European presence in Igboland;
(ii) The Holy Spirit in Luke and the conversion of the Igbo people;
(iii) Previous world of converts in Luke and the search for meaning of the conversion
of the Igbo people;
(iv) The Gentile Question in Luke as a possible guide to understanding the conversin
of the Igbo people within the context of the New Religious Movements.
7.2 The Will of God in Luke and the European Presence in Igboland:
The main theses of scholars here about the presence of the Europeans in Igboland,
which Stephen 0kafo1-90 described as 'clash of cultures' is that it resulted in changes
in the traditional politics, econon~ies, religion and the general social life of the people.
Ifeka-Moller" could then argue from the point of view of this new socio-economic
class created by the while military power, to account for conversion of the Igbo
suggesting that it was a quest for improved living. For her, thc missionaries use of
education was only instrumental in propagating the church and creating a condition
for mass hunger to belong to the new 'elite' class the church seemed to be creating. R.
Hoizon and J.D.Y. argue along the same lines, seeing ihe European presence
as supplying the appropriate social change which enabled the Igbo to convert. This
appropriate social change was mainly in terms of commerce and trade.
We have to note that although some of these scholars recognize the distinction
between the European and the missionary presence, their work exhibits very close
')%.o. Okafor, f&w for -,ur>.a;. 911feka-~oller, Aladura Churches in Eastern Nigeria, on.cit, m d 'White Ibwer', 92cf. K. Horton and J.D.Y. Peel, 'Conversion and Confusion', un.cit.
association between the two almost presenting them as one to the reader." We shall
return to clarify this presently.
When this Eurdpean presence, which Uka summarizes in terms of "Christianity,
commerce, c o l ~ n i z a t i o n " ~ ~ is reviewed in the light of the conclusions on Lucan Will
of God within the context of salvation, a different picture emerges. Scholars are in
order in their association of the conversion of the Igbo people with the European
presence. This has become a fact of the history of the Igbo people. What now
remains is in fact how one views it, and this becomes a question of interpretation.
When lhis is considered from Luke's approach, it seems to !it into his theology of the
Will of God.g5
Luke sees the birth and mission of Jesus within the politics of the then world. Luke
does not see God acting within "Christianity" apart l'rom the events of the world
generally. Therefore God orders political events for his purposes as much as the
religious." Lucan Jesus therefore calls all peoples to reorder their lives according to
God's will. In Luke 2: 1, Caesar Augustus may give a decree, but Luke sees how this
could be used for divine purposes in the birth of the Messiah.97 It may be for the
same reason that Luke traces the course of the gospel to Rome in relation to the
Roman government in the Mediterranean world.
The passion and death of Jesus at the hands of the authorilies is described by Luke as
having a a "divine necessity" (cf. Luke 24: 26; Acts 4: 28). How does this enable us
to interpret the European presence in connection with the conversion of Igbo people?
9 3 ~ o r example V.C. Uchendu writes about the church as, 'Post-Colonial Cllurch', a designatiou the Church may not see as correct. While Uka sees the Church as "part of the European Progriune of Colonialization". pp. 11, 20-21; V.C. Uchendu, 'The Igbo', ~p .c iL 94 Ihici. p. 92. Uka, QL& p. 92. g5see chapter four above. E P T Crampton nlainlains hat first missionaries to Igbotmd were not Europeans but freed slaves of African or Indian nationalities. 96cl'. IS. Schwci~cr, W: A (!IhLIUI;I1& [lo I ' m & . SITK (1982) p. 39. 9 7 m
European colonialism in Nigeria should be seen from Luke's perspeclive as [he Will
of God? Scholars may decry [he dislocalion of traditional Igbo cullure by
colonialism, while admitling the good in education, health and political structures that
came with it. Pkrhaps, engaging in a battle with barely defenceless Igbo people by the
Europeans would hardly be praised, but before the advent of the Europeans lradilional
life was not I r w from terrors. E.O. Egboh9g has remarked ihat LIle pre-colonial
governments of the Igbo people were sometimes harsh and severe on the people. A
stubborn teenager could be sold into slavery or another 'dull' one given out to serve a
deity. My fatherloo [old me that the oflen high handedness of some secret societies,
which represented an arm of some pre-colonial Igbo governments left some people
intimidated, poor or killed, depending on the offence. And so many lived in perpetual
fear and dread of these societies. Therefore when the people responded positively to
the European colonialism and some converted to "Christianity", the converts were
making some conscious decision involving a choice.
When some scholars whip up sentiments about colonialism's harsh treatment of
people and at the same time use it as argument for conversion, it sounds odd to say
the least. What we mean is that converting to the religion of [he one who maltreats
one can either be conversion or con~usion. When someone like R. Horton responded
to such arguments and titled it, "Conversion and Confusion", he and Peel have a
point.101
The Will of God in relation to conversion in Luke takes a holistic view of all the
circumstances surrounding the convert. This is why Luke's understanding of
98cf. Max Warren, 'Ceasar: The belov~d Enemy' cited by E. Uka, Missio- Go ITome?'(1989) -p. 122; see also S. Neill, &&nialism , .. ., ' . London (1966). 99cf. E.O. Egboh, 'The Bepinning of the End of Traditional Religion in Iboland, pp. 273-274. lo0~ohn Enyim Nwosu, my father, when I interviewed him about the traditional govern~rient operative in Arnakama Umuahia before Uie advent of the Europeans gave this information in 1979, and was confirmed by my mother, Patience. l o 1 ~ . Horton and J.D.Y. Peel, 'Conversion and Confusion', (1976) op.cit,
conversion comes under the Will of God.lO2 The Will of God has to do with the weak
and the strong, the humble and the powerful, the ignorant and the wise, the gentile
and the Jew. Jesus becomes the focus of all.
Scholars who account for the conversion of the Igbo people should do well to take
cognizance of Luke's view of conversion as concerned with not just the individual but
his social environment as well.lm Igbo acceptance of new political order brought by
the Europeans, their education and health services, ought not be seen as alien to
conversion. For Luke, Kingdom of God has a social as well as spiritual dimension
(cf. Luke 11: 20). To argue that these material factors supplied the only basis for the
conversion of the Igbo is trivializing on the fact of the inextricable link between
material good and spiritual values. Nor are excessive references to some negative
effects of the European presence such as major loss of the traditional Igbo family
structure and ethos, any help in forging a new, good and lasting family structure for
the future. Luke's view of the Will of God in such circumstances points lo a hope to
strive for believing that God has a better purpose in his plan. Whether acts of terror
take place in pre-colonial or colonial Igbo they ought to be seen in the light of God's
overlooking of the time of ignorance which nevertheless fits into his divine will. John
the Baptist died in the hands of Herod, Jesus died in the hands of Pilate, and Stephen
died in the hands of the religious leaders. But in all, forgiveness in "His" name is
preached to all the peoples.
For Luke, the events in the life of Stephen happened according to God's Will ant! had
a purpose so we argue in the case of the European presence in Igboland that it was
God's will and purpose. Already some scholars associate the Gentile mission with
lo2cf. E. Schweizer, 'Luke', opcit.. p. 37. 1°3cf. Bruce J. Malina. 'Reading Theory Perspective: Reading Luke-Acts', in The Social World of Lnke-Acts, by J.13. Neyrey (ed). I-[endrickson, 1991.
the events surrounding the martyrdom of Stephen.la Perhaps [his is the place to
consider the evangelization of Igboland by the missionaries.
7.3. The Holy Spirit in Luke and the Conversion of Igbo People
We want to state briefly that it should be clear to us that a distinction existed between
the government and the missionary arm, of the European presence in Igboland. A.E.
AfigboIos has alluded to this in his trace of the State take over of school in the Igbo
speaking states of Nigeria after the civil war. Some confusions do arise in
presentation of some scholars to suggest that the two bodies were one. The
missionary bodies were different from the colonial government. This point need not
be over emphasized. The instruction given to missionaries as they take duties in the
fields make this even clearer:
Every missionary is strictly charged to abstain from interfering in the political
affairs of the country or place in which he may be situated.1°6
Arguing from the point of the introduction of the dichotomy between secular and
religious in Igboland by the Europeans, Revd. Fr. Agu makes this distinction between
colonial government and missionary bodies.1°7
This is not the right place to argue for or against the policy of the missionaries to
function "outside" the political set up. The point is that we need to distinguish in our
work, the activities of the missionary bodies and those of the colonial government.
lo4cf. E. Schweizer, Luke, QQ&.,-.~. 40. For an Igbo scholar's view hat fi-iendship between Lhe European and Igbo precluded any warmth of friendship cf. E.M. Okoye, . . . .
. . . . jts E n c o l ~ m wlth (Ihrwauly in Achebe's I\lyy2;1S, ou.cit,up. 167-168. lo5cf. A.E. Afigbo, 'l'hc Missions, [he Shte and Educadon in South-Eirstcrn Nigeriir 1956-1971'. in . . . . p, by Fashole-Luke, I\. Gray, A. Ilasthgs, alwl G.O.M. ' h i e (eds), Itcx Collir~s I , o r ~ h (1978) 1'1). 176- 179; scc i ~ l ~ his '('llribliiu~ily aad ~hlolriirl Socicty' irr . . . . of C h n s ~ l v in West Africa (ed) O.U. Kalu, Longman. 106r~rc~ceedin~s of the C.M.S. 1860-1861'. Appendix 11, inslructions of Ule Committee lo Missionaries in relation to political affairs, delivered on 28 September 18W, p. 234. 1°7cf. C.C. Agu, Secularization in I&oland. ppPcitt.pp. 260-261.
While one was missionary the other was political. W e take the two to be
inst~uments in God's hand. We have already considered this for the Igbo people from
Lucan perspective of the Will of God.
In considering the activities of the missionary arm of the European presence in
Igboland, we shall look at it from the perspective of Luke's role of the I-Ioly Spirit in
conversion. We have noted that the missionary presence which brought with it
education, health and improvcd cconomy welc contributing to thc conversion of the
Igbo people. In this vein, Kalu recognizes the role of native converts too,l08 just as
Okorocha argues for the quest of "Ezindu" on the part of the converts.l@) Isichei
suggests that not only did inter-denominational rivalries give converts choice on
which mission to belong to but it actually meant that more areas were covered in a
very short period with many converts. It is interesting to note that Isichei traces the
evangelisation of the Igbo people to Simon Jonas work in Aboh in 1841.11° We have
noted that in the tracing of the role of the missionaries mention is made to the role of
the Holy Spirit. Okorocha notes that only Kalu mentions it."' Tasie laments the
conspicuous abscncc of rcfclcncc to thc I-Ioly Spirit in scholars work.'l2 I-Ic: localcs
the Holy Spirit in the agenda of the C.M.S.113
Okeke"4 whose dissertation is on the work of the C.M.S. hardly mentions the Holy
Spirit. He praised the effort of the C.M.S. commiting Igbo language to writing but
lo8cf. O.U. Kalu, IkWdant ((Ihri-, Ipboland, pp. 309.31 1-312. lO9cf. C.C. Okorocha, The Meaning of Conversion in Africa, opxit.; also his, 'Religious Conversion in Africa, on.cit. 1 1 % ~ . E. Isiclmi, 1 ' , , . . ) Y ~ , Q L A l l lcf . C.C. Okorocha, D e Mean@ ot C.- 111 Afr . 1 . . h, W p . 12-13; see also O.U. Kalu, 'I'rokstail Christianity in Igbolaid', &pp. 3 16-3 17. l12cf. G.O.M. Tasie, Christian Missionary Enterprises in the Nieer Delta l864-l9l&' op.cil,. pp. 11 7, see also 107-108. l 1 3 w pp. 106f. l 1 4 ~ . c . Okeke, -lice of the (&I-
. . . . 1857-1929, Ph.D. for the University of Aberdeen 1977.
did not mention the role of the Holy Spirit.lls Tasie116 notices the role of the Holy
Spirit even among native converts and decries the lack of recognition on the part of
scholars of the influence of the Holy Spirit in the whole missionary enterprise in
Nigeria.117 Uka'S latest work covers the Christian missionary work in Africa till the
present time when some feel that Africans themsevles should take charge of the
mission but there is no chapter for the Holy Spirit in this work.l18 W e have noted
aboye that the Holy Spirit occupies an important position in Luke's understanding of
conversion. Every conversion is a miracle with God a s the principal actor and the
apostles and other elements as mere agents.' l9
In our investigation of Luke 18: 21 we concluded that the eschatological joy of Jesus
has to do with the realization in the Spiiit that the world would be converted at 1 a ~ t . l ~ ~
Luke makes a clear connection between the Spirit and the Word.121 W e see the
impact of this in the conversion of Cornelius (Acts 10: 44); the proconsel (Acts 13: 4-
12) and the crowd at Antioch (Acts 13: 42-52). Therefore the apostles begin to see
already that the joy o f Jesus in Luke 10: 21 has started to take effect even in the
accounts of conversion in Acts. Luke identifies Jesus' authority to heal and to
demonstrate the presence of the Kingdom as the 'finger of God' (Luke 11: 20). In the
same vein, Luke can talk about the power of the words of the disciples and the Spirit
with which they performed mighty deeds as, 'by the hands of the apostles' (Acts 5:
12). Having characterized Jesus as Man of the Spirit and the disciples as filled with
l 5 u pp. 22-23; but for the argument that the Holy Spi~it which inspired the writing of the Scripture also inspired its reading (hence the need and importance of Iranslation) cL C.H. I'innock, 'The Work of the Holy Spu-il in Hermeneutics', in (JlyI') 2, (1993) pp. 3-23, hel-e, pp. 2-4. 1 6 ~ . 0 . ~ . Tasie, . . , oD.cit,Dp. 192-193.
l 1 7 ~ p. 117. Uka, Missionaries Go Home? W p . 94f note 52.
l 1 9 ~ . Haenchen, ,&&, p. 3 15. 120see chapter four above. 121cf. Y. Congar, The Word and the Spiri!, Geoffrey Chap~nan London (1984) pp. 7P; also C.K. Barreu, Luke: TIe Historian in Recent Studies', on.cit.. pp. 48,69f, 72ff.
the Spirit, Luke makes the transfer of authority and mission complete by designating
the disciples as "ministers of the Word" (Luke 1: 2).122
Where and whenever the Holy Spii-it moved men and women ever since they cariy the
word as the same Spirit leads, guides and protects this 'word' to gei-minate.123
W e see this as the appropriate place to begin the story of the missionary societies.
Paynel24 traces the history of the C.M.S. for instance to the Spirit and the revivals of
the Puritan movements in the 18th century. Lucan understanding of the Holy Spirit
and especially the 'Penlecost' has always sewed as inspiration even to modern revival
movements.
Tasie, describing the emphasis of the C.M.S. on the Spirit says it is 'after the doctrine
of the Holy Spirit of Keswick convention'.l25 Tasie goes on to observe that even
their staff on the fields wese expected to show visible signs of being filled with the
Holy Spirit with a moral quality of life. Such were the missionaries on the staff of the
C.M.S. in Igb0land.12~ Scholars of the C.M.S. Mission to Igboland begin the story of
the conversion of Igbo people in the ex-slave settlements at S i e m Leone where
European missionaries made their first converts and organized regular revival
meetings.127 It was here that Samuel Adjai Crowther was converted and became a
missionary to his people in Nigeria.128 Tasie observcs that John C. Taylor an Igbo
122cf. K. Dillon, From WimessesUMinisW h e Word, on.cit. 123cf. C.1.I. Pimock, 'The Work of the Holy Spirit in Hermeneutics', in Jlrl'2 (1093) pp. 16-23. -.
~%E.A. Payne, 'The Growth of Ihe World Church: The Story of h e Modern Missionary Movement', London: Edinburgh (1958) p. 141ff. - 12%f. G.O.M. Tasie, 0 . . . .
, oD.cit..pp. 107-108. l261[hid --
127cf. D.C. Okeke, Policy and Raclice of Ihe C.M.S. in Igboland, opcit,. p. 8; see also E.A. Udo. 'The Missionary Scramble for the Spheres of Influence in South-eastern Nigeria 1000-1952'. opcit- p. 159. For a modern occurance cf. S G A Onibere, Ola-Ezi: A History of the Holy Spirit movement among the Isoko of southern Nigeria 1965-1981, NZM 39-1983W4 pp. 198-213 1 2 8 ~ . ~ . ~ . Tasie, 'John C. Taylor', Orita. OF.&.. pp. 50-51; O.U. Kalu, Proteskul Christianity' oo.cit,_p. 309.
ex-slave who was also a contemporary of Crowther, was converted in Sierra
Leone. 129
C.M.S. Proceedings of 1861-1862130 contain a note aboul a 'charismalid service with
a sermon by John C. Taylor in Igbo language in the at Sierra Leone camp of the ex-
slaves and how captivating the whole service was. Similar activities are reported
about Simon Jonas together with John C. Taylor in their mission to Igboland.131
Okeke notes that the C.M.S. evangelicalism at Freetown combined well with Igbo
cosmology to enhance conversion of slaves and the spread of Christianity.132 We take
Okeke here to mean thal the familiar Igbo belief in "spirits" probably made Igbo
audience to comprehend quicker, and to be receptive to the Word of the gospel. 'These
activities and signs we are highlighting seem to be signs and seeds of the Holy Spirit
even in the slave camps. From here one begins to imagine the Holy Spirit to be also
responsible for the move to evangelize Igbo land which some ex-slave converts
initiated.133
Under the missionary work of the Niger Delta Pastorate we come across the first
indigenous prophetic movement in the Nigerian mission field.134 This movement was
associated with Garrick Braide from Igbo speaking area of Bakana in Delta area.
Tasie looks at the movement from the point of the methodological advantage of
reaching the grass-roots with ihe Word. He contrasted it with the method of the
parent Niger Delta Pastorate Mission.135 Having come from Amakama-Umuahia
1 Bu 130'l'rocccdiags ol. tlic C.M.S. 1860-186lP, Q& pp. 32-33. l3lcf. G.E. Okeke, The Interpretittion of New Teslxnent 'I'e;rchiu8 on Ikath and Future J,ife in African Co~itexl, Ph.D. Thesis oC the Department of Religion, IJ~iiversily of Niger Ndukka (1981) p. 331; also cf. ME. Glasswell, 'Friedrich Bultmann (1812-1887): Missionary in Sierra Ixone 1837- 1861' in SI .BR, Vol. 11, (1969) pp. 15-30, especially p. 26. 132cf. D.C. Okeke, Policy and Practice of the C.M.S., a p p . 8,25-31. 133cf. G.O.M. Tasie, . .
5 " , oo.cit.,Dp. 15-16. 1 3 4 m pp. 168f. 1 3 5 m pp. 198f.
which used to be under Old-Umuahia District of the then Niger Delta Pastorate, now
it is part of the Diocese of Umuahia, we have an advantage in understanding Tasie's
deductions of the 'Christ Army Church' as the Garick Braide's movement later came
to be called.136 Tasie was right to observe that the movement was prophetic in the
interpretation and use of Scriptures and charismatic in mission as opposed to the
inwllcctuul iipp1.0~11 01' t h ~ Nigcr. D ~ l t i t P ~ W O W ~ C . ' l 'h~ I ~ I O V C I I ~ W ~ IX)W I ~ C 1 1 1 i t d ~ o f
the approach conducive for the people. The massive followership Braide had was for
Tasie the evidence that both the message and method went down well and should
have been adopted by the Niger Mission.
The mass conversion of the Igbo people may well lie with the religious fiactor as
Okorocha has argued.137 But we do want to emphasize that there is no account of the
quest for Igbo conversion which does not recognize the principal role of the Holy
Spirit that is worth the exercise. Hortonl38 arguing from intellectualist theory suggests
that Christianity was "a catalyst" for conversion in Aliica. Allhough he employed
ecological, economic and political factors to account for people's response to the
religious, Horton does not give room for the Holy Spirit.
It is the Holy Spirit which best accounts for Igbo conversioi~~39 This does take into
account the fact that not all are converted. This is a phenomenon of the Gospel. Luke
is aware of this.140 The whole complex story comes within his understanding of the
will of God, which accommodates and purposefully uses human actions.
l36~arrick Braide's movement extentled their campaign up lo St. Luke's Parish, Amakama,Umuahia, my home parish, in the late twenties and early thirties. 137cf. C.C. Okoroch, 'Religious Conversion in Africa', on.cit,,Dp. 170f 38cf. R. Horton, 'On the Rationality of Conversion', u p . 234.
139cf. D.N. Warnbutch, Study of Conversion Amone the Angx of Plateau Stale of Nigeria with Emphasis on Christianity, Peter Lang: Frankfurt (1991) p. 193. 140cf. E. Schweizer, Luke, m a p . 37.
When education was introduced and the bible translated into Igbo language 0keke141
observed that it enhanced evangelization of the Igbo people. The underlying agent
which used both education and learning for conversion is the Holy Spirit.142 The
missionaries did make some connection between the text (bible) and the Spirit. Luke
makes that connection between the "Word" and the "Spirit" in conversion. The
question why the Igbo people rejected their "gods", or redefined some of their
traditional values, and other such questions are better understood as the action of the
Holy Spirit upon the converts.l43 As we discovered in Luke, the same Spirit which
directs mission also determines the actions of converts. 'This Lucan understanding of
the role of the Holy Spirit in conversion holds the key to understanding the
conversion of lgho people. From Luke's infancy narratives, one can argue that the
Holy Spirit had been active even before the birth of Jesus as indeed it was active even
among the Igbo people before the Europeans. This same Spirit who made
missionaries God's agents also made converts of Igbo people.144
We need at this point to inquire about the role the previous world view of the Igbo
people played in their conversion.
7.4. Previous World view of Converts in Imke and the Search for the Meaning
of Conversion of the Igbo People
Of all the inquiries about understanding the conversion of the Igbo people, the
previous world view of the Igbo has provoked so much debate and even angry
reactions from many scholars. The Revd. David Barrett145 had carried out an
141cf. D.C. Okeke. Policy and Practice of Uie C.M.S., (1977) oncit.. p. 22. 142cf. C.H. Pinnock, 'The Work of h e Holy Spirit', pp. 3-4. See also N Onwu, 'Fo~mation of Christian Educational policy in Nigeria of llie 80's, ST ,RR 1981 (2) pp. 67-80 . -
143cf. N.S.S. Iwe, 'The Early Christian Beginnipis: Being a Svsle~natic Sludv of the March uicl Stralegy of Christianitv to the Non-Jew according to Acts of the Anostles', Merlin Books: Devon (1986) pp. 185-187. l4cf. M.E. Glasswell, The Ouest of an African Chris& Mi~neograph from the author )n.d.), pp. 114- 118. 14scl'. I);rvid Durrcu, Scllisln . , . . ., . AIII\ A , . I vw ..,. ( , ry. , ' I , ., I- - . . . ,, ! ,)" . Movenient~, London, OUP, 1968.
extensive research about the effects of the European presence in Africa as a whole
and is well documented in his hook. The main thesis of David Barrett, an Anglican
clergy himself is that the missionary approach to the world views of the Africans
before conversioh lacked sensitivity and therefore was an interference to the culture.
Chinua Achebe, a Nigerian novelist of Igbo origin characteiizes this apparent conflict
between the Europeans and the Igbo people regarding their world view and cherished
traditions in many of his novels.146 Achebe does appreciate the predicaments facing
the Europeans and the frustration arising from culture gaps. He nevertheless observes
that thc inability ol'thc Europeans to understand Sully thc lgbo world vicw and C L I I L L I ~ C
created a handicap for both the missionaries and their converts. For Achehe, what
happened to the Igbo people could hardly be accepted as an indepth conversion. The
passion with which Achebe writes and has distinguished himself internationally as a
novelist probably inspired Revd. Fr. Okoyel47 to undertake a research on Achebe's
works in relation to Igbo world view and its encounter with Christianity. One good
observation arising from Fr. Okoye's work is that he was able to demonstrate that
Achebe's criticism of the European presence has a note of hope for the Igbo world
~ i e w . l 4 ~ World views and cultures are not static, therefore Igbo contacts with
missionaries probably had a great advantage in the way people perceived the world
and life generally.
Isicheil49 has undertaken a study of the traditional Igbo society and its encounters
with Christianity. Because the traditional world view meant for the Igbo a link and
solid connection with the past, rnainly with ancestors, accepting Christianity meant
breaking with that past as the missionaries taught. For this reason many Igbo did not
convert. Isichei confirmed Barrett's finding that the traditional social structure and
14Gcf. C. Achcbc, , . :. . , Lontlon, I lc i~~c~~li i~ul, 1958; also his NoI.orlecl&, 1-ontloa 1960. 147cf. E.M. Okoye. . .
" ,oD.cit. 1 4 8 m pp. 192-193. 149~lizabeth Isichei, 'Ibo and Christian beliefs: Some Aspects of a Theological Encounter', in 88, Vol. 68,279 (1969) pp. 121-134.
values were attacked. Some of the people's "gods" turned into "demons". The
preaching sometimes turned into a psychological warfare between Christian God and
the "gods of the natives now turned demons".*50 She thinks that this was a necessary
psychology for winning Igbo people as it was for the early Christians. Isichei laments
the inability of the missionaries to have a dialogue with the people but rather chose
the path of encounter and confrontation. Some of the missionaries often made use of
new converts who had at that time hardly thought either biblically or theologically the
implications of their conversion in relation to their environment nor had any basic
understanding of what it actually meant in relation to their particular culture. Fr.
Ejizu argues along the same line.151 He p u b so nluch weight of the present confusion
of Igbo conversion on the fact that missionaries failed to engage into meaningful
dialogue with the custodians (elders) of the traditions of Igbo people and went ahead
to introduce education. The result is that even at the present moment, the force of the
traditional Igbo cosmology holds strongly on the Christian converts.152 Revd. Fr. Agu
has recently made similar discoveries and produced what one might call a "magna
carta" on the issue. He insists that Igbo traditional values must be recovered, and
God's message of salvation made to reach the people in the "clothes of their God-
given culture".l53
The problem as we have seen was that the castigation of the Igbo cosmology as
"pagan" meant that there was no ground for dialogue. Ekechi154 for instance reports
some incidents in Onitsha where converts were given strict and direct instructions to
disobey their people's social and moral laws and customs. Whatever the traditional
elders as the government of the day instructed was deliberately disobeyed by Igbo
l 5 0 ~ p. 133. For a view that similarity exists between African and New Testament world views. see A 0 Igenoza, Praver. Pronhecy, Ph.D Thesis, on.cit, pp. 10f. 151cf. C. Ejizu, 'Endurance of Conviciions', oncit.. pp. 125-135. 1 5 2 ~ pp. 130-135. 153cf. C.C. Agu, Secularization in Ighohnd, gpcit.. p. 355. see also E.E.Uzukwu, 'Incultration and Liturgy (Eucharist)', in Paths of African Theology (ed) R.Gibcllin'. Orbis Rooks (1994) p.95. lS4cf. F.K. Ekechi, Missionary Enteryise and Rivalry in I~boland, 1851-1914,I,ondon: (1971) p. 36.
converts without a second thought. This was part of the missionary instruction given
to the converts under the intense evangelicalism of the missionaries and converts.155
What we have said so far suggests that while the missionaries thought that Igbo
converts needed to abandon their world view and culture once converted to
Christianity, these scholars we have cited thought that Igbo world view could still be
useful to the convert afterwards.156 The fears of missionaries were that of h e converts
possibly relapsing into "pagan' life or world. The fears of Igbo scholars were that of
making Igbo people converts without valued culture. Can Luke's previous world of
converts help us here? In other words, what role does previous world of converts play
in Luke's narratives? These questions touch on the crucial question: what is
conversion in relation to a convert's world?
Nock157 probably started from this question to formulate his definition of conversion
which has influenced scholars for many generations but has only recently been
questioned. Nock defines conversion as:
"a reorientation of the soul ... from earlier form of piety to another, a turning
which implies a consciousness is involvcd, that tllc old was wrong and thc
new is right."l58
But R. M a c M ~ l l e n ~ ~ g has argued recently that this delinition is narrow and
psychologically limited. It does not take into consideration the converts culture and
world view but seems to concentrate on what is happening inside the soul. Moreover,
it takes a simplistic view of "right" and "wrong" which do not always make for easy
155cf. C.C. Agu, 'Secularizalion of Igboland', o~.cit,.$. 267. 1 5 % . N.S.S. Iwe, I-
. . 1' ' ,' e p . 187. see also I,.Osborn, 14~loring Ule Virgin:
The Gospel and Modern Culture. Mowbrays (1995) pp.197f. 157cl. A.D. Nock. 'm, ~ ~ & L p p . 6 - 1 1 , 1 5 8 ~ p. 7. 1 5 9 ~ . MacMullen, P A J E m D i r e . A I ) 100-40Q. New I-laven, Cuan. Yale University Press & London (1984) pp. 2-9.
judgmenrs. For MacMullen, Nock's definition recognized passionate and intense
rcligious experience and lorgets that for others it comes i n degrees with varying
interests as well. MacMullen demonstrates that early Christianity gathered traits of
cultures that were helpful in translating the Gospel from wherever the Goodnews
went. Therefore even adhersion for MacMullen is a stage of conversion and varies
from individuals and from peoples.160 For Nock, conversion is only reserved for
Christianity and Judaism. Oi~tsiclc thcsc two religions what gocs on is adhcrsion
when people change religions or cults. But MacMullen observes that adhersion goes
on even in Christianity and ought not to be rejected as a necessary step towards
conversion. B.R. Gavental" has undertaken a study oC conversion in the New
Testament with an attempt to locate the often quoted phrase "born again" where it
belongs within the New Testament evidence. She considered Acts of the Apostles.
We have treated Gaventa's view earlier in readiness for this particular investigation
into the conversion of the Igbo people. We shall briefly recap her arguments.
Gaventa begins with the understanding that thc world ol' h e convcrt was imporlanl to
Luke even after conversion. But because this world varies li-om one covert to another
in relation to how the converts themselves view it, Gaventa suggests describing or
' defining conversion into three categories.lb2 The first she calls "pendulum-
conversion". In this Nock's definition fils properly. The old world is seen in negative
terms and the new as good.163 The second she calls "alternalion7'. In this the old
world is not rejected as such but allowed to grow into the new world. Such
movement may not be radical but could still be painful but involves an internal and
external dialogue before a decision is reached.164 The third she calls "transformation7'.
In this the old is not rejected at all but rather il is seen in a new light and becomes
160 I ~ ~ B . R . Gaventa, From Darkness to Light, p. 10. ' 6 2 ~ pp. 10-11. 1631bid. pp. 9-10. 1 6 4 ~ 10-11.
enriching.165 These three aspects or categories of conversion find Lucan examples.
For "pendulum-conversion" she cites Paul.166 Rut the interesting thing here is that
Gaventa adds that it is Luke who sees Paul as this, but Paul in his epistles sees his
conversion as "tran~formation".~6~ NOW this raises an interesting question about how
a convert sees his experience.
Then Gaventa gives the Ethiopian eunuch as an example o f "alternation".
Presumably in his case, the old was still valid and u s e f ~ 1 . ~ 6 ~
W e have to note that so far as we can see, the previous world of some of these
examples can be said to be the Jewish religion. Does this Jewish religion place the
converts on a level different from others or not? We shall return to this question in a
moment. But we still need to cite a few more examples from Luke about the world of
the convert: W e shall limit our examples to three.
a) Acts 8: 9-25. We had come across this passage in our investigation and we
just need to concentrate on the "World" of Simon. The former "world" of Simon was
magic and some thought he was "a god" (Acts 8: This world knew of magic as
a trade or art which people paid for to acquire. Therefore to offer money to acquire
a what he thought was another "power" was normal to Simon. But he had to learn that
the Holy Spirit is God himself in action. Peter calls on Simon to "repent". Simon's
sin is connected with "paying for, and buying", withUmoney". One expected him to
ask Peter what to do to receive the Holy Spirit or how to pray that others may receive
it. Rut he assumed that it was to be bought. Perhaps, Simon's story would have been
different if he had made inquiries instead of offers. Rut this is only a conjecture.
Some commentators like to associate seeking 'power' in this way with what some
1651J&l, p. 92. 166rtzid p. 92. 1 6 7 ~ d L P . 92.. 1681&L p. 107. 169~0r a detailed discussion see W.A. Meeks. 'Simon Magus in Recent Research', B R 3 (1977) pp, 137-142.
converts in Africa and elsewhere seek in conversion.l70 Seeking 'power' as the
object of conversion can hardly be regarded as conversion. In any case, Luke here is
not so much narrating the conversion of Simon as what happened later after
conversion171
Reading back into the text that Simon's reason for conversion was to acquire power
may not be correct because the text does not say that. We need to remember that he
was amazed at Philip's signs and miracles but Simon did not ask Philip to give him
the power. It was after conversion and probably some days had elapsed before Peter
and John arrived. From what Simon saw from the apostles we could conclude that
this was the basis for his request. But the search for power amongst some of the
membersof the NRM who claim some miracles in prayer may be a different thing. 172
We shall come to this later. The previous world of Simon may have been magic, but
we are not sure that Luke meant this to be generalized for all Samaritans. Luke may
be suggesting in this story that the previous world of Simon, that is magic, is
incompatible with that of the apostles that is, in "His" name.
b) Acts 10-11 : 18 We have considered this text befol-e.'73 Luke describcs
Cornelius as "God-fearer". We looked at various interpretations of that term to mean
all who were in sympathy with Jewish faith and were non-Jews. They may or may
not be circumcised. Their attachment to the Temple or synagogues varies from very
close attachment to a loose association. In the case of Cornelius, he is described as
devout and well spoken of by the Jews. Despite Cornelius' devotion to God he was
not truly recognized or welcomed as true worshipper in Jewish terms. Luke brings
out the irony in Jewish worship in the way he makes the whole Jewish nation
1 7 0 ~ . ~ . Okoroocha, of Ileligi011s Co~~versiylliAlrica, on.cil.,and also, "I<eligious Conversion in Africa". I7lcf. I.M. Marshall. ms of the AQQ&S, 172E0. Egboh, 'The Beginning of the End of Traditional Religion in Iboland, op.citU pp. 275-276. 1 7 3 ~ e e chapters 3-6 above.
recognize the devotion of Cornelius but they turn round to attack Peter for having
association with Cornelius and eating with him (Acts 11: 2-3).
This story is important when contrasted with the one we just looked into (Acls 8: 9-
25). There, Simon's former world (magic) is seen as contrary to God's will. Also
here, the Jews see the "world" of Cornelius as contrary to God's will. In Simon's
case, Luke presents him right from the beginning as someone putting up himself like a
god. But on hcaring thc Gospcl Simon was convcrkd. Lukc prcscnls Cornelius as
God-fearing, and God approved him by granting the Holy Spirit before the talk of
Peter could get to repentance! But Cornelius' previous world was il stumbling block
to the Jews, now represented in the altitude of some disciples. This and similar cases
had to be taken to the Lucan Je~-usalem council, who had to be forced to redefine the
place of the Torah within the Jesus movement.174 The Lucan approach to the world
view of non-Jews as seen from Acts 15 serves as a precedent for mission inside non-
Jewish areas. Salvation can not depend upon the previous world being that of Jewish
religion, but only in 'His' name. Cornelius may have had some connection with
Jewish religion but the custodians of that religion would not accept him as a true
worshipper of God. He needed the Holy Spirit to intervene. The Holy Spirit
intervened to say that Cornelius previous world should not be seen as a hindrance to
God, and also to make the Jews to realize that not only were their attitudes wrong but
their world view is now questioned by the Holy Spirit. Therefore Luke entrusts the
whole mission question and the role of the previous world view into the hands of the
Holy Spirit who does not wish to lay greater burden than necessary on the path of
converts (Acts 15: 28).175
c) Acts 14: 8-23: The Crowd at Lystra
174cf. E. Haenchen, Am, oncity pp. 446. 175cf. C.C. Agu, gpcit.. pp. 363-364.
This story. is unique in Luke because it is one of the rare stories of the Gospel
reaching out to the Gentiles who had not had any contact with synagogue. We had
looked at it earlier and here now we want to consider it in relation to the world view
of converts.
The content of their preaching made use of the people's world view to talk about God
without giving the impression that the people lacked God's knowledge or that idols
were real, hence the use of 'vain' to describe it. In other words, Lucan Paul started
where the people are to bring in the knowledge of God in Christ.176
Some missiological clues on how to inti-oduce the Gospel into a different cullure are
supplied here.177 Luke shows himself to be a pastor and a sensitive evangelist. He
seems to have so much confidence in the power of the Word that he does not seem to
make any impression at all that any force needs to be applied to present it in any
context. Again, the world view of each convert is seen as an important place on
which to begin. It is interesting that often in Luke's narrative of the preaching tours
of the apostles and Paul, he uses the words "arguing", "debating", "lestifying" to
describe their method of delivering the Good News. And these suggest that the
a converts were involved in questioning and debating issues, probably making use of
their previous world views in the d i s c u s s i o n s . 1 7 ~ e need lo bring in at this point
Gaventa's view that conversion has two perspectives to it.179 Gaventa sees Luke
describing Paul's experience as conversion, but Paul himself describes it as
transformation. Is there any conflict in this? Conversion for Gaventa means a
rejection of the previous world, but transformation sees the previous world in a new
light widlout rejecting it. That means that for Paul his previous world as a Pharisee in
certain respects is seen in negative terms but at other times in a more fulfilled light.
17%e43 V.N. Umunna, p. 139. 177cf. N.S.S. Iwe, . .
i 1., e p . 187, see his- . . . -, ~ i ~ e r i a , ( 1 9 7 $ ~ ~ . 68-74,94-119. 178'lhis was probably a Jewislt proselylizing melhod. Sce chi~pkr 5 abovc. 179cf. B.R. Gaventa, owi t . . pp. 11-1 2.
We think that Lucan presentation of Paul would agree with this. Tn a way it can be
said to be the general attitude Luke takes about the converts I'ormer world. Not all
things from the former world are helpful. And yet some of it can be helpful in the
dialogue with the new, and could be built upon and transformed.180 The conversion of
the Igbo people can not be seen in terms of rejecting the previous world-view, instead
that world could be 'transformed' to wear the image of Christ. Okorocha has already
advocated this position.181 Many scholars now feel that this is the way forward. For
A.F. Walls, the African needs to recover his past which was lost to colonization
before bringing that past to the present for authentic Christian dialogue.182 The task
facing scholars, students and pastors of the Igbo people is to see how the Igbo world
view can then be used to translate the Gospcl so hat the converls can participate in
the fruits of the one but universal Gospel. Our inquiry has demonstrated that Luke
gave some clues on how this could be done. Scholars on Igbo need not dwell so
much on the agony that it was badly done in the past. We have the present to address.
That same Holy Spirit, who we argued above was with the missionaries and used
them to plant the Gospel in Igboland, will assist all reverent quests for understanding
the conversion of the same Igbo.
t We have to caution that care should be used in describing the co~iversion of the Igbo
people. Luke gives no definition of conversion. The previous world of converts
could still be useful in timslating the Gospel during and after conversion. Therefore,
Igbo converts even up till the present should be understood as continuing this
dialogue with their previous ~ o r l d . 1 ~ 3
180cf. A.F. Walls. 'Culture mid Coherence in Cliristimi History', Mimeograph, (nd), from the author, pp. 222-225; see also his, "I'he Gospel as the Prisoner and Liberator of Culture', in 'Missiollalia' 10 (3) (1982) pp. 93-105. 18'cf. C.C. Okkorocha, 'Religious Conversion in Arrica' (1992) opc i~ . 182c1'. A.1;. Walls, "l'hc Gospel As Llie l'risoner and Liberator of Culture', opcit.. p. 104. 183m Also see A 0 Igenoza, Pmver. Prophecg R1.D Thesis, Manchester m&, p.1028.
Wrestling with former worlds of converts is not just an Igbo convert problem but, in
Pict it is abundant in Christendornl84. Conversion has to do with the Kingdom of
God. Conversion is not an end in itself but aims at engulfing the entire people or
nation, winning them as a people back to God. The Igbo converts, as well as
wrestling with their previous worlds, need also to work in their situation to win their
nation to God. They can only do this when they have learnt to minister to their people
taking their whole world view, culture and context into full account. We shall then
consider the question of the New Religious Movements in this context and see what
further light it throws on understanding the conversion of the Igbo and the quest for
meaning.
Many works have been carried out on the NRM but our concern here is to discover
the role the previous world of converts played in their approach and how this can
assist in our quest for the conversion of the Igbo.
7.5. The Gentile Question in Luke as a possible guide to understanding the
conversion of Igbo people within the context of the New Religious
Movements
8 The Gentile question in Luke-Acts is part of the general issue of how the Jewish
world view regarded the non-Jewish world view before and during the time of Jesus.
This led to the Lucan gentile question. We have looked at this in details earlier.185
Our conclusion is that Luke does not make world views a necessary condition for
accepting the Jews nor to be a barrier to accepting gentile converls.186 We will see
how this particular Lucan view fits into undcrstanding h e rolc o f the: Ncw Rcligious
Movements. We have three assumptions guarding this investigation: i) The resolve
lg4cf. J.D.Y. Peel. 'The Christianization of African Sociely: Some Possible Models' in, -nit" iq -a, (4) E. Fashole-Luke', R. Gray, A. I-Iaslings, and G.O.M. 'I'asie, Rex Collins London (1978) pp. 443454, here pp. 447,449, see also 1, Osbom, R e s l o ~ ~ . . andModern Mowbray (1995) pp 137-140. lg5see chapler 3 above. 18%f. N.S.S. Iwe. The Early Christian Beeinnings, pn,cit,. p. 39.
of the gentile question in Acts 15 encourages a combination between missological
quests and pastoral compassion in mission situations and selling a precedence.187
ii) New Religious Movements owe their origin to the European and missionary
presence in Africa intthe modern period.1g8 And iii) Whether these movements are
regarded as political,l*9 nationalistic,~90 or according to Ndiokwere a "prophetic
~ u v o l u t i o n " , ~ ~ wwc rcgard tlicm as a rctigious (Cliristin~i) strugglc 1i)r wlcvancc a11d
meaning in terms and concepts the ordinary people can worship God.'" In this
attempt being made by the New Religious Movements risks are involved and
sometimes mistakes which are h e usual paths to serious quests.193 We shall consider
in brief the general characteristics of these Movements. Ifeka-Moller194 call-ied out an
extensive research into the Aladura Church in Igbo-speaking areas. She discovered
that underlying their quest was a combination of holding on to some good and helpful
traditional values in Igbo world view and making sense of the Christian faith. For
example, the office of a prophet in the Aladura church is a combination of that of the
Igbo traditional elder (village head and leader) and the apostle (a pillar of the
apostolic New Testament Church). In this way the Aladura church sees their role as
that of interpreting and formulating the biblical texts and principle with [he familiar
traditional concepts for the ordinary people. The European presence created two
classes of people. One was the educated professional and the klites. The other was
the marginalized and those caught up with new urban developments and dislocation
187cf. C.C. Agu, SeculaFl?allon . . , m L p p . 363-364.
188fI.w. Turner, 'Penlccostal Movements in Nigeria', in 'Q&',VI, 1, (1972) pp. 39-47; also 'The Place of Independent Religious Movements in the Modernization of Africa', in hm'b in Africa, 11, i, (1969) pp. 43-63. 189cf. J.K. Olupona, 'New Religious Movements and the Nigerian Social Order' in, New Reli~ious Movements and Society in Nigeria, Bayreulh African Studies Series, W. Germany (1991) pp. 31-37. 190cf. S.A. Adeweia, 7 1 1 e n C . . .liurch &.) 1901 -1986: A S v w m , Olusegi Press Ltd, Ibudan (1987) p. 9. 191cf. N.I. Ndiokwere, m-~fm- . . .
lo B I b l l c a l , London, 1981. 1g2see W.R. Shenk, 'Mission Agency and Afiicai Indeyendent Churches*, in W L X I I I , no. 252 (1974) pp. 475-491, here p. 490. l93cf. 'Tik Tienou, 'E'omiing Indigenous Theologies', in T o w ~ d the 21st Century in Christian Mission by James )I. Phllips 8c Robert T. Coote (eds), Eerd~nan Michigan (1993) pp. 246-248. 194~aroline V. Moiler Aladura Church in Eastern Nigeria, g~,c iL
of tribal family units.19"n another paper Ifeka-Mollerlg6 continued to argue that as a
result of the dislocation of traditional family units and values, and the consequent
confusion, theAladura church emerged as a kind of reaction to resist such moves and
to preserve native customs. Stephen Okafori97 whose work mainly centered on the
outcome of the interaction between European presence and Igbo culture is an attempt
to discover how Christianity in Igboland could be made authentic after the clash of
cultures. He believes the 'African Independent Churches' are making this effort.
Okafor recognizes that although the NRM have given this lead, care needs to be taken
to preserve the essentials of Chri~tianity.19~ R. Horton's works199 on conversion in
Africa arose out of his observation that even when European presence should have
supplied all the needs of modern life including religion to the traditional African, it
was still observed that their acceptance of this new social order was purely on
selective basis. Wherever Christianity or Islam went, the converts did not accept
everything but proceeded by selection and choosing, with a retention of some of their
traditional world view values. Horton looks at how religion works generally and
relates that to sociological factors and comes up with a hypothesis which he called
"Intellectualist Theory". In this Horton suggests that religion has the tendency of
"explaining, predicting and controlling" a people's world, and the people themselves
always struggling to make sense of the religious in social terns. And because no one
religion has all the values people need, there is bound to be this process of
selection.200 Although Horton argues that religion including Christianity does not
have to play any role which initiates this desire for selection of values and God
consciousness, except as a catalyst, he nevertheless argues strongly that if religion in
1 9 5 m 196~feka-~oller, 'White Power', npcit. lg70kafor. Tile Anthe-n the ChusrcanUy of S o u t h - F i . . . . . .
' , M.Phi1 tbesis, Leicester (1980), oD.cit. 1 9 8 ~ lg9see R. Horton. 'African Conversion', in Africa Vol. XLI, 2 (1971) pp. 85-108; also 'On the Rationality of Conve~sion', in Vol. 45, 3 (1975) pp. 219-235; 373-399; also IIotlon and Pcel, 'Conversion and Confusion', in 'CJAS', Vol. 3 (1976) pp. 48 1-498. 2%1'. I~ccl, "llm Christii1niz;rtio11 of Aliicirn Swiciy', on.cil,.p. 447.
Africa is, to survive at all it is not on the basis of "explaining, predicting and
controlling", but on the principle of "communion".2~1 Many scholars202 may
disagree with Horton on some points but we need to take seriously his point about the
church in Africa Surviving as a "communion". In this sense we take Horton to mean
the willingness to accept the inevitability of 'the new growing out of [he old' and the
idea of living together as brothers and sisters instead of legislating about what to
accept in the previous world of converts and creating destructive walls out of that.
We do riot see how any one can disagree with that in principle, but the problem as
usual is how far can one go without losing the "core" of the gospel? Of course
Horton does not say. But Horton's worry is the main question here. The tendency to
"choose" values or concepts which enable the convert to translate the Saith well,
especially when the incoming faith meets the converts' own traditional culture and
world view. All converts are bound to face this problem. The Igbo converts faced it
and are still wrestling with it.
Looking at the missionary presence in Nigeria for instance, they had a definite
inst iw~ion before the missionaries lek for field work.
"The one object of the C.M.S. is to provide for the preaching of the Gospel of
Christ to those who have not yet received it; and to train up the Christian
converts in the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England."203
It seems that many Igbo converts were brought up according to this instruction. The
Igbo converts themselves had the tendency to believe that evangelizing the natives
201cf. Horton, 'African Conversion', op,cit,. p. 107. 202cf. Ikka-Moller, 'White I'ower', (1974). op.ciL; Ikenga-Metuh, 'The Shattered Microcosm: A Cri~ical S~~rvey of Expl;m~ion Conversion i n Africa', i n 1\11X 4 I - 1985M, pp, 24 1-254; C.N. 111x111, '12cligious Clwge hno~rg lllc Igbo during Lhc (hlolrial Ikriod', in J1ZI\ XVII, I. (1988) 111). 85-87; sce also D.N. Wrunbuda, A Studv olConversioo Amone Lhe Aaaas of 1'1;3eaa S l w of Nigeria with Emnhasis on Christimily, I'eter Lmg, (1991) pp. 195-219. 203p,,,d,,,, the CW860-1861. Appendix 11, instruc~ions of h e Co~runiwe to Missionaries in relalion to political affairs, delivered on September 28, 1860, p. 233. For a view that the gospel was not properly integreted wilh the European cullure and so presents a false view of Cluistianity cf. Anton Wessels. Europe: Was it Ever Reallv Christian', E T John Bowden, SCM (1994) pp. 3f, 47f, 161ff.
with their Qwn people seemed to be pr0per.~O4 This evidence surfaced in Sierra Leone
among the Igbo freed slaves as early as 1857. Tasie narrates the relationship between
an Igbo ex-slave The Revd. John C. Taylor and The Rev. A. Crowther another ex-
slave of Yoruba Otigin. Taylor was brilliant in Igbo language and in organizational
skills. Me advocated evangelizing the Igbo people by Igbo converts.205 Crowther and
Schbn, both of C.M.S. staff, misinterpreted that enthusiasm for pride and radical
prejudice and made it impossible for Taylor to continue his mission among the Igbo
people.206 Tasie narrates that the famous "Niger Crisis" of the Nigeria C.M.S. mission
arose because of the cry that Africans should minister to the Africans as opposed to
thc This suggcsls that whal those on the Niger Della Pastorate wanted
was their own people not the Yoruba missionary staff who were dominant then, this is
to say that such a move was not so much of a resentment against the E~ropeans.~O8
A connection is made between this cry and the Garrick Braide Mo~ement .2~) This
first Nigerian Christian indigenous movement210 which matured in 1915 in the Igbo
speaking area of the Delta Pastorate, according to Tasie was seen by the people
themselves as an interpretation of Christianity in their local language and culture, and
by their own son, Braide.2H Tasie saw it as a grass root movement. But Bishop
,Johnson of Yoruba origin among other things saw it as a rise against Yoruba
domination. An attempt to legislate against it gave birth to a secession of followers
2046.0.~. Tasie. 'John C. Taylors, 'Oritas on.cit.. pp. 53ff. 2 0 5 ~ pp, 57ff. 2 0 6 ~ pp. 60ff. 2 O 7 m pp. 53f. See also E.A. Udo, 'The Missionary Scramble for Spheres of Influence in S.E. Nigeria 1980-1982', in The tlistor~ of Christianitv in West Africa (ed) O.U. Kalu (ed) Lampua (1989) pp. 173-174. 208Tasie, 'John C. Taylor', ao.cit..p. 54. 2O9cf. G.O.M. Tasie, 'Christian Awakening in West Africa, 1914-1918', XVI, 2 (1975) pp. 32- 42, here p. 37. 210cf. H.W. Turner, 'Pentecostal Movements in Nigeria*, in Ori(a, VI, I, (1972) pp. 39-40. 211~hsie, 'Christian Awakening in West Africa, 1914-1918', WAR XVI, 2 (1975) p. 37.
which formed the "Church Army" denomination which still exists in Nigerian Niger
Delta area till the p r e ~ e n t . ~ ' ~
In my study213 (if the history of our local church, St. Luke's Anglican church
Amakama-Umuahia, I came across some documents making references to the Gai-rick
Braide movement. Oral information confirmed that our local people at Amakama
resented some of the church staff then who were mainly Yoruba or from Delta areas
because of their nationality. Thcy supported the Garrick Braide cause because his
method of reaching to converts involved using their local language and images as well
as Braide himself being closer to them than the Yoruba. This sounds like bcing
nationalistic or even tribalistic. It calls for more investigation.
What was it that made native people to wish and to ask for local people as mission
staff? Taking Garrick Braide movement as example, Tasie noticed that the movement
was, in the language of the ordinary people, translating the Christian message to their
needs. The fact was that this part of Igbo has a common dialect understood by the
majority. Garrick used it at a time the missionaries were trying to make Igbo
language to be uniform from its hundreds of dialects, for easy communication. But
Garrick made use of what was available,2l4 Garrick Braide also attacked idols, gin,
adultery, stealing, murder, which were common then. But he allowed the traditional
family structures of big families and extended lhmilies and polygamy at a time when
some of the missionaries were experimenting on 'Christian homes' for converts only,
separating them from their families. Braide's movement was strongly biblical.215
2 1 2 ~ . ~ . ~ . 'Tasie, 'The Prophetic Qilling: Garricks Okain Braide of Bakana (d 1918)', in Varieties of . . -m&, (ed) E. Isichei, pp. 99-1 15; also 'The Church in tbe Niger Delta', in v in West Bfrica: 'he- . .
. ' (ed) O.U. Kalu, on. pp. 323-332, here, pp. 326- 327. 2 1 3 ~ n elementary researcl~ into Ule history of St. Luke's Anglican Church, Punakana-U~nuahia, carried out by me between 1977-1978. For the spread of Garrick Braide, cP. E.A. Udo, "I'he Missionary Scramble for Spheres of Influence in South-Eastern Nigeria 1900-1952', in T W o r v of
111 W. Africa, (ed) O.U. Kalu p. 173-174. 214~asie, 'Christian Missionarv Enterprises'.o~.cil,np. 168-201. 2 1 5 ~ .
But because it was indigenous and anti-foreigners, including the Yoi-uba, the Church
authorities castigated it as anti-government and used the government to convict
Braide as preaching against gin which result in loss of revenue. In d ~ e end Braide was
imprisoned and died shortly after his lease. ?his of course heightened the resentment
of the natives against foreigners. It is interesting to note that missionaries later
adopted some of Braide's methods of teaching, worship and spirituality.216
One thing seems to emerge from this evidence which suggests that local converts and
customs are essential in the conversion of the Igbo people. The responsibility of
translating the gospel within the people's world view so as to win the people to God
must rest with the natives themselves and the Holy Spiiit.217 This is pailly the reason
why so inany take seriously now the study of the NRM. From Sierra Leone to Nigeria
over these years, to "translate" the Gospel into peoples' "language and culture" and to
let the 'Word' incarnate into peoples' world view had not been vigorously
pursued.218
The NRM emphasis on recognition of traditional family structure, respect for elders
as the wise, community Spirit and living and honoui-ing the ancestors need to be
encouraged. Some of these vaiues, combined with the emphasis on bible teaching on
the Holy Spirit, and expectant prayer life cause many natives to be attracted to the
NRM. These are only indications that the gospel needs to be relevant to felt needs of
the people. Christianity needs to be organized towards incorporating into worship the
world views of converts.219 This seems to be what NRM are labouring to do.220
2 1 6 r n
217~cc: Ihc plca of Ilogu for a c~uuful undcrsc;mdiog of Ihc cllbrls of the 'Africiur lodcpcrvlcot Churches'. cf. E. Ilogu, 'Independent African Church in Nigeria', in IRM in LXIII, no 252 (1974) pp. 492-498. 218cf. 1I.W. Turner, 'The Contribution of Studies on Religion in Africa to Westcrn Religious Studies', in, 'N.T. Christianty For Aliica tuid the World, Essays in IIonour of flarry Sawyerr', (cds) M.E. Glasswe11 and E.W. FasliolC-Luke, SPCK (1974). cf. C.C. Agu, Secularization, uo.cit, pp. 383-384. 219cf. J.A. Omoyajowo. Cherubim and Seraphim: The History of an African Independent Church NOK Publishers: New York (1982) p. 220. 220cf. E.A.A. AyandeIe, Why Christianitv in Africa, Wiversitv of Ibadan Historv Post-arad~rate Seminar Paper, October 29 (1970) p. 15. For a positive view of culture in the gospel proclamation see
How does this fit into the Lucan Gentile Question? We have noted that in 1857 John
C. Taylor argued with Adjai Crowther and J.F. Schon on the issue of translating Igbo
language and evahgelising the Igbo people by the I g b ~ . ~ ~ l By 1888, the issue of
Africa cvangclized by Africans led to the founding of thc Native Baptist Church in
Lagos.222 By 1892 at the instigation of Bishop Crowther Archdeacon Dandeson
Crowther launched the Niger Delta Pastorate.223 The cry there was Africans to
evangelize Africa. By 1901 the issue of religion and the culture of the people led to
the founding of the African Church which started in the residence of Coker in
Lagos.224 By 1915 when the Garrick Braide movement the first Nigerian indigenous
revival movement appeared it was as a result of a cry for native and cross-culture
based Christianity in the Niger-Delta mission area.225 By 1920 the Aladura and
Cherubim and Seraphim Movements, both Yoruba based broke away from the
missionary churchcs on the issue of relating faith to pcoplc's world vicw.22Qy 1950
the National Church of Nigeria was launched. Here the cry was both political and
religious - Africa for Africans. This was a mainly Igbo people movement.227
About the year 1975 in Lagos, Godianism as a religion was launched. This was a
, movement aimed at bringing traditional religious beliefs, not only in Igboland but
E W Fasliole - Luke, ' The Quest for an African Chrislian Lheology' in E.R. Vol, 27 no. 3 (July 1975) pp. 167-268 [pp.259-2691 221cf. G.O.M. Tasie, 'John C. Taylor', 'W, w p . 59-61. 222cf. S.A. Adewale, The African ChurUinc) 1908-1986 w. 11. 223cf. G.O.M. Tasie, Christian Missionary Enterprises, opcit.. pp. 120-121. 224cf. S .A. Adewale,
. . ' ' , Q-, pp. 132-133.
225cf. G.O.M. Tasie. ChristlanM . . Isslonary m, or?.cit.. pp. 168-201. 226cf. J.A. Omoyajowo, 'The Cherubim and Seraphim Movement - A Study in Interaction', in 'W', IV, 2, @ec 1970) pp. 124-139, here pp. 125-126. For the spread of the movement to lgboland see Omoyajowo. diversi it^ in 1Jnit~: Vie Development and Expansion of llle Clierubim and Sermhim Church in Nigeria', University Press of America, New YorWLondon (1984) pp. 92-100. 227cf. J.K. Olupona, 'New IZeligious Movements and Uie Nigerian Social Order', in New Religious
v m Niperia, (4) Gudrun Ludwiu-Ene, Bayreulh African Studies Series, W. Germany (1991) pp. 35-37.
from otl*r parts of Africa as well, and some Christian beliefs into a system of the
religious peculiar to Gordianism - a religion advocated for the A f r i ~ a n . 2 ~ ~
One common dehorninator of all these movements is their emphasis on "Africa",
" ~ i ~ e ; i a " , "Yoruba" or "Igbo". While some may be genuinely Christian, others are
doubtf~11.229 Their religious consciousness was inspired by the European presence in
Africa at the modern time. The NRM referred to as Aladura churches are seen by
some to be authentic Christian But some missionary churches are still
reluctant to recognize them as Christian. Okorocha wonders a t the present trend of
thought about Christianity in Africa whether in fact the methodologies and practices
of these NRM might not be the appropriate way fo~ward for Christian relevance in
Africa.231 It is Idowu who is often referred to when it comes to the question of
indigenisation of Christianity in Afiica.232 But the same concern appears in one form
or another in scholarship or pastoral concem.233
Ilogu in some of his works has called on mission churches to recover Igbo world view
and incorporate some of this in worship and theology and in fashioning the moral and
ethical ethos of the people.234 Ilogu advocates indigenisation of Christianity in
2281bid. pp. 36-37. 229~odialism for inslance talks about "God of Af~ica". This concept needs clxificatior~. cf. Olupona, Ibid. pp. 35f. 230cf. A.F. Walls, "l'lc Gospel As Lhe lrisoner and Liberator of Culture', in Misslollalia 10(3) 1982, pp. 93-105, here see pp. 95, 102-103, 105. See also 1I.W. Turner, 'Pentecoslal Movements in Nigeria', in 'Orita' VI, 1, (1972) pp. 39-47, here p. 47. 23 lcf. C.C. Okorocha, 'Religious Conversion in Africa', &L 2 3 2 ~ . ~ . Idowu, 'Towards An Indigenoos Church', London: Oxford, 1964; see also his, 'Faith in Interaction' in IV, 2 (1970) pp. 85-102. 233cf. J.S. mi t i , The Crisis of Mission in Africa, Uganda Church Press, 1071; see also G.O.M. Tasie, 'Christian Awakening in West Africa, 1914-1918: A Study ill the Significance of Native Agency', in WAR XVI. no. 2 (1075) pp. 45-60; see also Kwesi A. Dickson, 'Towards a Theologia Africans', in 'N.7'. Christiaoilv 17)r Africa and the World'. T~ssavs in hono~~rqf I I;IITV Sawyerr', (eds) M.E. Gl;lsswcll i ~ n t l 17.W. 1:;~sholC-I.ukc, SPCK (1974) pp. 198-208, scc illso Ikulga-Mcll~uh, Contcxluali.~ation, a; sce also Kwme Dediako, ' l 'bolor~ & Iclcntily, Oxlbrd (1992) pp. 1-8. 234cf. E. Ilogu, 'Some Hidden I~lfluences of Christianity in Iboland', in WAR, no. 7, (April 1067); also Christianilv and Cr~llural Change in Africa, Mineograph, (nd); Aulllor. pp. 29-58; also Christianity and Ibo Culture, Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1974.
Igboland (Africa).235 What Ilogu may call indigenisation, Okeke probably refer to
as contextualization.236 His work on New Testament future life is approached from
"an African context", which has an Igbo b i a ~ . 2 3 ~ And according to Okeke, he is
following in the steps of African interpreters such as Mt1iti.23~ On the other hand,
Kalu expresses the same desire for authentic Igbo Christianity, but argues from the
approach of some Old Testament prophets such as Ezekiel whom he said,
"traditionalized the message to succour the people."239 Therefore Kalu calls for an
indigcnisation which is I'rcc I'rom what Ile calls "Westcrn ~nissio~lary theology".24"
Looking at Ilogu's 'indigenisation', and Okeke's 'contextualization' and Kalu's
'traditionalization', they have at least one common ground. And that is that
Christianity has to become substa~ltially Igbo without losing the universal relevance
which will enable it to be at the same time both uniquely Igbo and Christian. It may
be reasonable to assume that they all agree on this, but as usual 'words' hamper some
meaningful discussion on such matters.
Indigenisation and traditionalization ~nethodologically begin from Missio Dei
whereas contextualization begins from Missio Christi. Indigenisation is "making
nat i~e",~4l and assumes that God is already at work is such a mission (Christian)
situation. Traditionalization is "recognizing that God has always revealed himself to
pe0ple",~4~ and we are simply to corporate or participate in this act of grace with
235cf. E. Ilogu, The Indigenisation of 'Imported Religion. How Independell1 are our Religious Ideas?', . . in 1 XVll, 1-2 (1 9) pp. 121 -128; see also 'Independent African Church in Nigeria', in !l3M LXIII, no. 252 (1974) Pp. 492-498. 2 3 6 ~ . ~ . Okeke, -0 .. . achlnp . of N 1' 'I'e . ' De . . ulus I,~fe 111 an Afncan ContexL P1l.D. 'Thesis of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, 1081; see also A 0 Igenoza, Pmyer, Prophecy, Healing, Ph.D Thesis, ~d, pp. 6-8, 10-1 1,802f, 1028f, 1030. 2 3 7 ~ see the Abstract and the Preface (pp. iii-ix). 2 3 8 ~
239cf. O.U. Kalu, bTraditionalization md Modem Evangeliml Strategy in Nigeria', in lY& XVI, no. 2, (1975) pp. 22-31, here p. 29. 2 4 0 ~ See also his, 'Church, Mission and Mo~atorium' in the ~llstoo/ ,,, ww Africa', (ed) O.U. Kalu, Longnan (1989) pp. 365-374. 2 4 1 ~ . Ilogu, The Indigenisation of "lmported Religions"', nn.clt,,_p. 121. 2 4 2 . ~ . U. Kalu, "l'raditiondization and Modern Evangelical Strategy in Nigeria', w. 27; see also, "Modern responses in the West African Church', in 1 . . . . (ed) O.U. Kalu, pp. 333-334.
Christianity as change agent to that effect. Contextualization already assumes that
Jesus, the Christ, and therefore Christianity, is the final revelation to which cultures
and world-views have to appropriate in accordance to the tenets of Christianity.243 As
we have said above, whether scholars talk from the point of view of Missio Dei or
Missio Christi, as far as they are talking as Christians, there ought to be no
disagreement. Glasswell's words should be decisive on the issue:
'Then cannot be the African Christ as distinct from the European Christ. He
comes as a stranger to us all. He was, of course, individually and historically
a Jew of the first century and hence incorporates in himself individually the
peculiar significance of Israel for all peoples. But he came as a stranger even
to the Jews, who rejected him in order that he might not be theirs alone and
cxclusivcly. This was ... God's rorcknowlcdgc ... his universal purposc in
Christ. So he cannot be the possession of any one people or be enclosed in
any one culture, but available to each.'*44
Glasswell recognizes that Africa needs to be stripped of the cultural layers by which it
has been covered when the Gospel was preached by Europeans in Af1-ica.245 Neither
can we say that it ought not to be the case, humanly speaking, that the Christianity
brought to the Igbo people should be covered in the in-coming missionaries' culture.
Provided this human problem is recognized, held in correct perspective and the
Gospel quickly allowed to take its course and root where (i.e. in the context) it is
planted. This is of course purely by the agency of God and his Spirit as we have seen
above, the missionaries being agents at God's hands for such work. This seems to be
precisely where our problem begins. Immediately we "receive the Word", to use
Luke's phraseology for conversion, the 'Word' becomes our own in such a way that
this word is shaped in our image and made to exhibit the same characteristics for all
2 4 3 ~ . ~ . Okeke, The New TeslameDt on D d and Future,oo.cit. . pp. 11 1 f. 2 4 4 ~ r ~ . ~ . Glasswell, 'The Quest of a11 African Christ', o w i t , p. 114. 24 5~
peoples. . Soon this word in our image becomes a parameter with which to classify
others and judge them to be on the side of God (Christ) o r not. One of the effects of
this is of course making converts wear our own image instead of God's. 'The apostles
probably made a 'similar mistake and learned that gentiles who convert to Christ do
not have to be Jews before assurance of salvation. Neither do gentile converts have to
be Jews in outlook and thought before being accepted as Christians. If some scholars
of the conversion of the Igbo people to Christianity notice that the converts are more
European than Igbo, it is an important discovery that should be taken seriously.
These scholars and pasiors are not innovators, but actually echoing the voice of
Luke.246 If the NRM go ahead to use thc Scriptures and to translate the Gospel within
the Igbo world view, and some Chrisiians, pastors or scholars ot>ject,247 ahen the issue
of Lucan Jerusalem Council may have been raised yet again but in ihe context of the
conversion of Igbo people. How does Lucan Jerusalem Council resolve the Gentile
question and what light does this throw on the Igbo quest?
(i) The first part of ihe question deals on Lucan covenant motif we looked at
above. Lucan Jesus makes the covenant accommodate peoples other than the Jews. It
was on the basis of the covenant that ihe Jerusalem Council resolved the Gentile
question. Let us briefly recap the main points which clarify the position which the
Lucan Jerusalem council takes. In Lucan covenani motif we discussed the place of the
Law.248 Here we concluded that Lucan Jesus does not abrogate the law. Instead, the
law points to and is fulfilled by Jesus. We also observed that the community into
which converts belong are organized according to the Jewish Jubilee ethos where both
the rich and the poor, tlle strong and the weak are recognized and expected to play
their parts intra-dependently in the spirit of a convenant community. Salvation
246cf. O.U. Kalu, 'Church, Mission and Mamtorium', in The History of Christianit" in West Africa, (ed) O.U. Kalu; Longmans (1989) pp. 565-374. See J s o E. Uka, Missionaries Go Ilome?, o p t , 247cf. Andre Droogers, 'The Africanization of Christianity: An AnU~ropologist's View', in Missiology: An International Review, Vol. V, No. 4 (1977) pp. 443-456. See also N.I. Ndiokwere, Propllec~ md R e v o U ' pp. 273-277. 24X~ee chapters 3 & 4 above.
therefort: does not belong exclusively to Jews as a nation but depends on accepting
Jesus as not just God's son but also saviour of the world. Salvation now is only in
'His' name. We discovered that Lucan sin - sinner is applicable to everyone and
therefore Lucan kospel becomes that of repentance and forgiveness in 'His' name for
the nations, beginning from Jerusalem.
How it is that the death and resurrection of Jesus is in line with God's saving events in
the his to~y of the Jews but now transcends that to include all nations is described by
Lucan Paul as "the whole plan of God" (Acts 20:27).Therefore, for Luke, conversion
has the Kingdom of God as its goal. This Kingdom is both earthly and other-worldy
to which Lucan converts are called on to strive for in all its aspects. Faith for Luke
becomes both an important ingredient in discipleship and the sum total of all
relationship to God. Faith can save. Faith is synonymous to Christianity in Luke. In a
way, it transcends Christianity. With such richness and depth in Lacan covenant motif
the God of the Jews becomes the God of the Nations. Lucan Jesus inaugurates this.
The Holy Spirit authenticates and confirms it. Belonging to the people of God is no
longer the prcrogutive of the Jews, but from cvcry nation God IWW calls people to
himself. Lucan Samaritans not recognized by the Jews as belonging to the covenant
are clearly presented as belonging to it by depicting them as having the fear of God
and showing examples to the Jews (cf. Luke 9:51-56; 10: 25-37; 17:ll-19). The
apostles have to witness to the fact that they can receive the Word and the gift of the
Holy Spirit (cf. Acts 3: lffJ Lucan Gentiles show evidence of faith that is never seen
even in Israel (Luke 7:l-10). Cornelius, a Gentile not approved by the Jews has
already been approved by God before meeting with Peter (cf. Acts 10: 1-2).
The Sumarilans, lhc Gcnlilcs, in lhc sigh1 ol' Lucan Jcsus, as wc have sccn, urc
classified with sinners and tax collectors. Lucan God accepts their faith to forgive
them. Lucan Jews, the custodians of the Torah do not recognize Samaritans and
Gentiles as capable of a piety acceptable to God. It needs Lucan Jesus to declare
God's good purposes for these people, and to demonstrate that they can be pious and
rich in faith, mercy, compassion and gratitude, and can be converted. They all receive
Jesus. They received the Word. They are given the Holy Spirit. All these form the
background to Lucan Jerusalem Council deliberation and decision. God does not
show partiality (Acts 15: 9). The hearts of the Gentile believers are cleansed by faith
and the gift of the Holy Spirit. Through the grace of Jesus, both Gentiles and Jews
shall be saved (Acts 15: 8-11). Demanding from converts to fulfill the law is seen to
be tempting God (Acts 15: 8 -11). The council recognized the role of the Spirit and
entrusted the future into his hands. (Acts 15: 28).
In this way, Luke makes both Jew and Gentile converts belong to the one convenant
of Abraham, Moses, David.249 Thus Limn Jerusalem Council sets what we can
describe as a paradigm for Christian pastoral missions outside Jewish areas.
(ii) Turning now to the second half of the qucstion as to what light this throws on
the Igbo quest, certain discoveries emerge: Igbo conversion to Christianity was en
masse. But evidence suggests that by conversion, the Igbo was virtually stripped of
their Igbo world view. This does not agree with our discovery about Lucan
understanding of conversion where world view plays a part, albeit undergoing a
transformation. Igbo converts involvement with the NRM phenomenon brought the
issue of world view into sharper focus and addressed it. The current debate about
their position regarding authentic Christian faith should be looked at from the 1,ucan
Jerusalem Council position.
Glasswell shows closeness to Luke's mind in these words:
249cf. Jacob Jervell, . . s on I.&, Augsburg: Minneapolis (1984) p. 99.
"African theology should be theology which is conceived by Africans on the
basis of African religious insight and emphasis and which serves the African
understanding of Christian faith and advances it."250
The cry of the conversion of the Igbo people to go together with their world view is
as old as the missionary presence in Igboland itself. One may say that it was perhaps
an accident of history that this was not vigorously pursued.
When John C. Taylor protested 10 Bishop Crowther and Schon in Sierra Leone that
bible translation into Igbo and the reduction of he Igbo language itself is better done
by an Igbo, it may not be the whole cry for laking Igbo world view inlo consideration
in conversion, but it is an important and a basic protest.251 We have argued that these
reactions and protests which started as early a s 1858 in Siei-ra Leone, and took various
forms since them, gave birth to the NRM. According to Ndiokwere these religious
movements are African expressions of Christianity.252
Our conclusion is thal Lucan Jerusalem Council recognized Lhe place of the previous
world view of gentile converts as constituting no hindrance to their coming to God.
This agrees to the attitude of NRM in Nigeria. As far as this goes, NRM represent
better what may be called an African expression of Christianity. Therefore, both
scholars and pastors should take the NRM a little more seriously bearing in mind that
Luke's gospel is more of praxis than science, a Gospel where the poor and sinner are
made to speak out and justify God more than the mighty and the powerful.253 It is the
ordinary worshippers, in Lucan material known as the anawi,254 who seem to justify
25%.~. Glasswell, 'Can tliere be an African or Black Theology' in Modern Churchman Vol. XVIII, 4, (1975) p. 164; see also Fashole-Luke, "The Quesi for Afric'm Christian Ilieology", a. 251cf. G.O.M. Tasie, 'John C. Taylor'. oo.cil.._pp. 59-61. 252cf. N. Ndiokwere, I-'rophecy and Revohtion, opcit., pp. 275-276. 253cf. G. Theissen, 'Sociolom of Early Palestinian Chrislianitv'. Fortress Press (1977). 254cf. R.E. Brown, 'Anawi' in The Birth of the Mess& a-pp. 350ft'. For the view lhat sometimes the genuine experience and view of ordinary Christians are not represented in iniellectual work see J.D.Y. Peel, 'Some Characterizations of Afiican Society: Some Possible Models' in
God more,.making it more essential for Luke to interpret the Scriptures from the
perspective of the humble rather than the mighty. But this is part of the story. Luke's
conversion aims at the entire "nation" returning to God. Therefore the Lucan goal of
conversion becomes the Kingdom of God.255 HOW does the conversion of the Igbo
stand in relation to this?' In our investigation so far certain conclusions which will
help us address the issue of the Kingdom of God in the conversion of the Igbo are as
follows:
(i) The dichotomy between religion and society introduced by the European presence
was foreign to traditional Igbo world view.256
(ii) The Igbo world view was not regarded as important in the early conversion
enterprises.257 The result was converts with "foreign culture" at best or 'no culture' at
worst.
(iii) Christianity in Igboland emphasized religion almost in opposition to society.
This becomes the brand of Christianity popular in Igboland at present.258
(iv) The NRM's attempt to emphasize the traditional values as compatible with
Christianity is a struggle because Igbo society is not static The NRM are left with the
current tendency to "spiritualize" religion almost to the neglect of any meaningful
and sustained social action relevant to the present situation in Nigeria.
We notice then that the Igbo society is made up of a suffering people at the hands of
two artificially created dichotomies. The first is the dichotomy between the religious
beliefs of Igbo natives and Christianity on the one hand. And secondly, is the even
bigger dichotomy between religion as a whole and society. Luke does not know of a
- -- -
. . . . p, (eds) FasholC-Luke, Gray, Ilastings, Tasie, pp. 443-454, here p. 447. 2551'~ingd~m of Israel" in some respects in Luke is equiviilent to "Kingdom of God". This is only so in the sense that the entire "nation" retoms back to God and represents the true people of God. The entry of h e Gentiles completes the Kingdom of Is~xel which now includes the 'nations'. cf. J. JerveH, The IJnknown P a l , ~ n . c i L pp. 98ff. 256cf. C.C. Agu, Secularization, oa.cil..pp. 260-268. 257cf. V.N. Umunna. 'Nigerian Paganism as a Preparation for the Gospel', cm.citu pp. 139-145; see also E. Isichei, 'Seven Varielics', in JRA Vol. 3 (1970) pp. 209-227. 25%~'. 11.C. Okeke, j'oliw and lJr;kclic~, Q&&, pp. 29-38.
faith that is divorced from society. We have argued above that the Kingdom of God
in Luke is held in such a balance that both ils earthly and heavenly aspects impinge on
one another without any contradictions. If the world view of the Igbo were held in
balance at their conversion, without introducing a dichoton~y between 'faith' and
'society', perhaps a better expression of the Kingdom of God by the converts in their
society would have been visible. Rut as it is, this is not the case at the moment. An
Igbo convert has been taught to see the 'church' as different from the social 'world'
which in any case had been designalcd dernonic and cvil. 'I'hcrcl'ore for ~nos l convcrls,
Kingdom of God is an article of belief and also other-wordly having little or no
bearing to this world. The NRM's prophets and healers together with other faith
healers may pray over a sick person and the one recovers, but they are yet to make a
connection between sickness and being honest about taxes paid and disbursed for the
insulation of icgular running clean water in villages and cities which may reduce the
rate of sickness. Tfeka-Moller may be right in suggesting that search for European
economic power was a motivating factor to the conversion of the Igbo.259 One has
only to see how many Igbo people are "successfu1" in economic terms and as
individuals at thc momenl even after losing a devaslaling war! Bul there is no
sustained plan for the well being of the general Igbo populace. It is alright to argue
from Equiano's position in 1794 that Igbo had not beggars.260 But now beggars
abound in Igbo villages and cities. One only has to visit some local congregations on
Sundays to watch great display of wealth and indeed charity. But at various villages
and towns life is not comfortable for ordinary people. Some people still live in
absolute poverty. There is little or no adequate programme for seeing to the basic
needs of such peoples. It could be that the Igbo indeed acquired European economic
power which sees human life in terms of commerce more than anything else .
Okorocha argues that search lor power in he form of manna was the one factor which
259cf. Ifeka-Moller, 'White Power', opcit, 260cf. M.J.C. Echeruo, 'A Matter of Identity', in Ahiajoku Lecture, Owerri (1979) p. 12.
motivated, the Igbo people to convert to Christianity believing Christianity to possess
this p o ~ e r . 2 ~ 1 If we take [his to be true then we have two points to make:
(i) The first is that Luke does not know of a convert responding to the Gospel
because the persorl is searching for power or manna. This may account for why some
Igbo converts revert to their old gods at being disappointed by the Christian God.
(ii) The second point is that the Igbo people have been so success orientated, that
at best this makes them "success seeking" and at worst "less communal" that is
individualistic. This may account for a great individual success of the Igbo but a
neglect of more meaningful communal effort which could result in a sustained
communal life and care.
Ifeka-Moller's "white power" has marginalized people and created what Okorocha
has recognized as a 'missionary field at each person's door step'.262 And this is true
also of the Igboland. The whole question is understandable within the bigger question
of the dichotomy between religion and society, an influence from modern European
presence in Igboland.263 But Luke does not know of a dichotomy between the Good
News and the society or Christianity against Instead Christianity in Luke
is at the service of the society and exists for the world. The Gospel unfolds the plan
of God for the world. God in Luke is very much active in the world even before the
advent of Christianity. This suggests that when the gospel presented to the Igbo
people is subjected to a possible Lucan critique it may probably be found to bear this
dichotomy that is not evident in Luke. The world is one in Luke to which God is
concerned, and in which his will is done, as indeed his Kingdom has been established,
through the presence of Jesus. Therefore the Lucan theology of salvation comes to
include the entire world. We have come to the stage in which we can address the
question whether the conversion of the Igbo people is a confusion, syncretic,
*%f. C.C. Okorocha, 1 1 ~ Meanine of Religioss Conversion in Africk (1987) 0- 262cf. Ifeka-Moiler, 'White PowerP,oD.cit..; also C.C. Okorocha, 'Religious Conversiorr irr Africa', on.cit.,especially p. 177. 263cf. C.C. Agu, Secularizalion, w p . 40-60,260-268. 264cf. J.A. jlarr. On Character Building' p.24
schizophrenic or ambivalent. When these descriptions of Igbo conversion are
discussed under our conclusion that the advent of the missionaries and the Europeans
created dichotomies between 'Christianity' and Igbo world view on one hand and
religion and society'on the other, two facts begin to emerge. One is that at the root of
religious confusion or syncretism or ambivalence is a creating of dichotomies where
otherwise meaningful dialogues could serve as a bridge from one to the other instead
of a gulf. This is certainly the case with Igbo conversion. Since this dialogue did not
exist, how justified are some references to the conversion of the Igbo as ambivalence
or syncretism? The NRMs who are making frantic effort to address this issue need to
be commended rather than condemned. Syncretism at best is a phenomenon of
Christianity itself, and at worst it is part of the dialogue process for as long as it takes.
This makes' us to argue that syncretism is not peculiar to the conversion of the Igbo
people but a phenomenon of Christendom. Obeng265 has already noted that
Christendom cannot be absolved from syncretism if syncretism is regarded as sin. It
seems then that at the heart of the question is where and how to draw the line. For the
early missionary presence in Igboland, the boundary was easy to determine - the
entire world view of the people and their culture was evil. Two hundred years after
that, the boundary has shifted to include some of the people's world-view argued by
some scholars not to be evil at all. Hence the NRM are increasingly being regarded as
African expression of Christianity. Therefore, the Sin of Syncretism or call it
schizophrenia or ambivalence cannot be discussed as being peculiar to Igbo converts
only. It is better taken as a current phenomenon of Christendom, wearing different
looks according to different nationalities. Jewish disciples of Jesus were ambivalent
in their attitudes to the gentile converts but for the intervention of the Holy Spirit.
2 6 5 ~ . ~ . Obeng, 'Syncretism in West African Christianity? The Case of the Spiritual Churches', i11 ATJ, Vol. 17, no. 2, (1988) pp. 106-117.
41 4
Some scholars have already argued that apart from the fact that culture is never static
that it is wrong to assume that the Igbo people totally abandoned their culture when
they converted to Christianity.266 They may have lost a lot of their culture as a sesult
of European presellce, but not all. If this is true this is well and good for they were
not expected to discard their world view as such. Certainly our investigation of Luke
does not agree with such understanding about conversion. Rut this does not suggest
that everything about the Igbo world view is acceptable to the gospel. Certainly not
everything about the Igbo, past and present, would pass the test when subjected to the
truth of the Gospel. This is where again Lucan understanding of the role of the Holy
Spi r i~ in conversion plays a prominent part.
For Luke, the phenomenon of the Holy Spirit is older than Christianity.267 Ellis has
made a similar discovely.268 It is also confirmed by Jacob Jervell who observed that
Lhe people of God, Israel, recognized this, even this is evident in Lucan materials.269
Therefore scholarly approach LO h e conversion of the Igbo may not be enough on its
own. Luke's understanding of the role of the Holy Spirit in conversion can assist
Igbo scholars even more in their quests. The Spirit is the author of Mission. The
Spirit is the Spirit of the Scriptures.270 Igbo converts have the Scriptures. They also
have the rest of Christendom. This ought to be their guide as they wrestle in their
world view to present what can be accepted as an Igbo expression of Christianity.271
If we take Jervell's272 thesis [hat Lucan Holy Spirit predates the Christian community
and is used by Luke to legitimize converts as belonging to the people of God, then we
266cf. E. M. Okoye, The Traditional Religion and its Encounter with Chrislianitv in Achebe's Novels' Peter Lang (1987) pp. 192-193. 267cf. Luke 1-2. 268cf. E.E.. Ellis, 'In Defence of Early NorUi African Cluislianily', in N.T. C- for Atr . . Ica & lk W o r l d . n o u r of (eds) M.E. Glasswell and E.W. Fashol6. SPCK (1974) p. 164. 269~acob Jervell, 'I'he Unknown Paul, &p. 97. 2 7 0 ~ p. 10. 271~0r a balanced approach on how to make use of traditional world views cf. J.D.Y. Peel, 'The Chrislianizalion of African Sociely: Some possible models', in Christianitv in Independenl Africa, (eds) Fashol6-Luke, Gray, Eiastings, Tasie Rex Collins: London (1978) pp. 443-454; see also N.S.S. Iwe, The Earlv Chrislian Beninnings, op.cit.. p. 187. 272cf. J. Jervell, The IJnknown Paul, on.cit.,pp. %-98.
argue that it,is the same for converts of Igboland. H ~ r t o n ~ ~ ~ may not have mentioned
the Holy Spirit in his intellectualist theoiy of conversion in Africa but he accuses
Christianity of trying to control people's world view through what he called
"explanation, prediction and control". Horton goes on to suggest that if Christianity is
to survive in Africa, it has to be in the form of "communion" rather than controlling
of w o r l d - ~ i e w s . ~ ~ ~ This view to our mind expresses in another way what the Lucan
Jerusalem Council stands for.
7.6. Pastoral ilnplication of Lucan Underslimding of Co~~version ns n guide
to understanding of the Conversion of the Igbo people.
Luke has no definition for conversion, but i n t e r p r e t a ~ i o n s . ~ ~ ~ This approach avoids
the error of 'explanation, prediction and control' and allows the Holy Spirit to
determine how conversion should go.276 Igbo conversion right at the beginning ran
into problems because their world view was totally rejected as evil and not used in
any meaningful way. This situation contradicts Lucan understanding of conversion
where our investigations discovered that he world view of converts played some part.
Some of the Igbo world views, not all, could have been relevant for the translation of
the Gospcl whercby people could express their Christianity as Igbo. This unusual
approach to make "pure converts" without Igbo cultural expressions gave rise to the
impossible dichotomy between "faith and society".277 It is highly probable that one
of the consequences of this accounts for what some scholars describe in the
conversion of the Igbo people as ambivalence and possibly syncretism.
273cf. R. Aorton, 'African Conversion', on.citn. 107. 2 7 4 ~
2 7 5 ~ f . P.F. Knitter, N o O t h e r Orbis Books (1985) p. 181; see also B.R. Gaventa, b -,I,ighl,pp. l l f . 276cf. N.S.S. Iwe, The Emlv Christian Bepinnings, (1986) op.cit.. pp. 185-186. 277cf. R. F. O'Toole, Luke's Position on Politics and Society in Luke-Acts, in Political Issues in Luke- && (ed) R.J. Cassidy and p.J. Scharper Orbis Books (1983) p. 2.
The NRM's are making conscious efforts at rehabilitating Igbo world view, a concern
of all Christians in Igboland. Igbo converts do indeed exhibit signs of ambivalence,
syncretism and schizophrenia. But this is best understood within the context of a
phenomenon that Christianity everywhere constantly faces and addresses. To what
extent it is totally eliminated is a matter which is beyond this investigation. The one
way we observe Luke's approach in addressing such issues is through his pastoral
insight.
~ a r r e t t 2 7 8 and Franklin279 have noted some pastoral emphasis of Luke. Wilson280
decries indepth study that is lacking in the discovery of Luke as a pastoral theologian.
~ a r r i s 2 8 1 calls for pastoral quest as a new paradigm for the study of Luke in these
word:
'Luke uses the souce of Christian tradition available to him to answer the faith
questions of his communities. In consoling, guiding, and challenging them, he
is like a good pastor who creatively adapts traditions to speak to both the felt
and real needs of the people ... creatively varying his methods ... and being
aware of his inability of resolving all problems ... but nevertheless enables his
communities to keep faith.'
Karris talks about a pastor as consoling, guiding, challenging, creatively adapting
traditions to speak to both the felt and real needs of the people. Commentators who
see Luke as a pastor agree that a major motive in his work is to redact the traditions of
Jesus to the felt and real needs of his community, consoling and challenging them at
278cf. C.K. B;uret. New -, London SPCK (1972) pp. 86-87. 279cf. E. Franklin, 'Luke: Interpreter of Paul, Critic of MatUlewS, in Sup. 92 (1994) p. 34. See also his 'Christ the Lord', QQ&. p. 175. 280cf. S.G. Wilson, The Gentile and the Gentile Mission in T.uke-Acts, QD. cit., pp. 68,69,73,75, 80. 281cf. K.J. Karris, 'Missioanry Communities: A New Paradigm for the Study of Luke-Acts', in i(lBa 41 (1979). pp. 80-95, here p. 83.
the same time.282 With such a Lucan pastoral insight what implication can it have for
our quest for the conversion of the Igbo people?
This question can be briefly discussed within the felt and real needs of the people
under the three broad areas of the European presence, the previous world view of the
Igbo people, and the NRM. We have argued that the European presence disturbed the
peoples' valued primitive civilization and disrupted lmrmonious cultural existence by
subjugating the people through the force of a r m ~ . ~ g ~ Viewed through the prism of
Lucan Will of God some good such as education and learning did come out of it.284
Under the rubble of the disrupted cusloms a paslor seeks a new social structure on
which to build solidly in order to serve the needs of the pe0ple.~85 These disrupted
customs include certain traditions that are still useful such as the family structure in
all its extended systems, communal living, care and respect for elders and
ancestors.286
Luke respects tradition. This is why the Old Testament history of the people of God
forms the basis of his salvation story. The apostles play characteristic roles in his two
volume work in ensuring continuity. Luke does not seem to see "a Christian"
different from a religious Jew in behaviour or morals but only in what God through
his Spirit does in Jesus for the world through belie~ers.~87 Luke has concern for the
poor and the rich alike. Lucan Pharisees may be described as 'lovers of money'
precisely because they colluded with the ruling class to extort the poor. When Jesus
confronted them, on behalf of the poor, the weak and the Sinner, they crucified him.
28%~. E.11. Peterson, Five Slnooth Stones for I-'astoral Work, Eerdmans Grand Rapids. Michigan (1980) pp. 17,178f. 283cf. Isicheis 'Seven Varieties', on. cil.. pp. 209-227; also Agu, Secularization in I~holanQ on.cit.. pp. 282-286. 284cf. Okoye, The Tradilion,?l Religion, Q&& pp. 192-193. 285~1. I'wn)~l, ~.'ivc, 11)). I IC. 28%. J.E.E. Njoku, l l e I~hos of Nigeria: Ancient Rites. Changes and Survival, in African Studie~ vol. 14. The Eklwin Mellen Press, Lampeter (1990) pp, vii-19. See also El' T Crampton, Christianity in South-Fastern. u, p. 199. 287cf. Franklin, Luke: Jnterpreter of Paul. Critic of Matthew, op.cit, p. 317.
The Igbo people and their scholars may moan in vain about European presence
destroying their valued communial life if they themselves in various forms make life
unbearable for ordinary people and turn a blind eye to the jubilee life of converts as
opposed to the position-seeking and money conscious zeal of the P h a r i ~ e e s . 2 ~ ~ The
Kingdom of God as the goal of Lucan conversion is prayed for in this world as a
i.cflcction of llcavcn.2~WI;os Luke this has a clitcct hcasing o n how tllc mighty and lhc
weak, the rich and the poor, the righteous and the sinner live side by side. Perhaps the
European presence in Igboland has given a glimpse to one aspect of this co-existence
- the mighty and the weak. It has become part of the story of salvation for the Igbo
people. Through their presence, God called the Igbo people, that is election which
means to have a place in God's salvation plan. As Igbo converts follow in the
footsteps of Lucan Jesus in whose name repentance and forgiveness is preached, they
find their place in the covenant. In other words what Igbo people do from now on
have direct bearing and affects on other peoples and nations and consequently God
himscll'. This is why in Luke politics and pcoplc go hand in Iluntl boll) serving tllc
express will of God in the world.2" We will continue to talk about and discuss Lucan
conversion within the Igbo context so long as there exists a class that rules and make
policies or lives in such a way that does not recognize that our lives affect our
neighbours for good or for ill. Perhaps, it has become a matter of historical interest
rather than a reality to note Equiano's assess~nent in 1794 that the Igbo were 'hard
working, knew no idleness and had no beggarsI.291 As Far as this is not entirely true
of the present Igbo, so long will the call for the conversion of the Igbo continue.
288cf. N. Onwu, 'Religion and Nalional Unity in Nigeria: Problems and Prospetcs', in U 111 (1986) p. 37. 289cf. R.F. O'Toole, 'Luke's positial on politics and society in Luke-Acts', in W i u e s in 1.uke-
(eds.) RJ. Cassidy and P.J. Scharper, Orbis (1980) p. 2. 2 9 0 ~ p. 2. 291cf. &herno, 'A mailer of Identity', pp. 11-12; see also ~ N . C . Okigbo, 'Towards a Reconstruction of the Political Economy of the Igbo Civilization', io Ahiaiol\u, Oweri Imo Government (1986) pp. 2-3.13-19.
The other area we need to address is the previous world view of the Igbo people. By
counting this as immaterial and evil, the missionaries created a condition conducive
for ambivalence and syncretism. Luke has regard for previous world views of
converts basically as' God-given. The whole question of the place of gentile converts
within early Christianity is pastorally handled in the Lucan Jerusalem Council. The
previous world of the gentiles caused the Jews not to accept the piety of the gentiles
as genuine and acceptable to God. Only by becoming Jews, in other words adopting
Jewish world view were they reluctantly accepted. But Lucan Holy Spirit wades into
this issue as it were pastorally making allowance for each nation's or people's
idiosyncrasy. Of course, God is the God of the entire human race and the world.
People's world-view - how they think, what symbols they use to converse with nature,
the people's whole life philosophy can hardly be bereft of God and his intluence.
Luke made a number of allusions to this. Igbo world view need to be rehabilitated or
re-converted for it to become a strong vehicle of communicating the gospel to the
people.292 Igbo symboles of 'Ofo na Ogu' which stand for justice and righteousness
need to be integrated into Igbo Christian expression, thought and practice.293 Igbo
theological works at present are mainly conducted in other languages.294 We are yet
to see main Igbo biblical commentaries on the book shelves. We need to engage our
pastoral approach to cover all these disturbing anomalies because invariably they
create conditions for ambivalence and syncretism. When we are not in real dialogue
with the world view of the people we can hardly claim to be communicating the
gospel. When we are not communicating the gospel to them because we do not see
the use of their world view for such a ministry, we can hardly be justified when we
complain of the people as religious schizophrenics.
292cf. A.F. Walls, 'The Gospel as the Prisoner and Liberator of Culture', & pp. 104f. 293cf. V.C. Uchendu, 'The Iglm of Southeast', op.cita. Also Okorocha, Ihe Meaning of Reliaiou~ Conversion, opcit.. p. 294cf. O.U. Kalu, 'l~roteslant Chtistianily in Igboland', in in West Africa: The . . . , w, (cd) 0.11. Kalu, or,. cil.. p. 3 18.
The other area to address is the NRM phenomenon. May it not be as a result of a
failure to address the Igbo world view pastorally that many feel attracted to the NRM
who make some efforts in encorporating traditional values and concepts in
worship?2" Duringgthe Biafran War, the majority of Igbo people appropriated almost
the entire bible almost seeing themselves as the Hebrews. The texts were translated to
reflect their world view and aspirations.296 Although there are some pastors and
scholars who take it upon themselves to judge what is pure faith from what is
syncretic, it is still a fact yet to be disproved that much of the keeness people have for
the Christian faith now is because they bring their own world to bear upon the
scriptural texts and see the word become alive to them. If Horton is right in pointing
at the inhibitive tendency of modern Christianity which exhibits the characteristic
'explanation, prediction, and control' of people's world views, we may need to
consider afresh the Lucan Jerusalem Council pastoral approach to the whole issue.
Let us learn to let the Holy Spirit be God to his people wherever they may be.297
This applies also to the conversion of the Igbo people.
295cf. W.R. Shenk, 'Mission Agency and African Independent Churches' in I W LXIII 252 (1974) pp. 475-491, here p. 490. 296c(.. AS'. Wi~lls, 'ltcligion ilwl ll~c I'ross i l l Il~c cncl:lvc io Nigcri;i~\ Civil Wiw', in wu w n d e n t A € c u , (eds) kshole-Luke, Griy, Hatings, 'l'asie, Rex Collins Imdon (1978) pp. 207- 215; see also N. Onun, 'Igbo Religion: It's Present Situation', in Afrlca XIII, 2, 1985. 297cf. E.1-I. Peterson, Five Smooth Stones, oo.cit,, p. 236.
General Conclusion
We have tried in our investigation to let each chapter develop and lead into another, and
each has its own chclusion. What we want to do now is to bring the entire investigation
into a general conclusion.
Luke is the only New Testament writer to take the story of Jesus further to show how a
religion is not just for the Jews only but for the whole world.' Although it is one religion
by virtue of the fact that it is about the story of Jesus, Luke presents it in such a way that
seems to make it take root in each nation with relevant and distinctive characteristics.
The Lucan Jews found this unbearable and did the human thing by insisting on
controlling 'the religion of Jesus' according to Jewish world view. The Lucan Holy Spirit
led them further on to see the Will of God for the salvation of the world. When Jewish
believers crossed boundaries to preach the good news to the gentiles, Luke makes the
point that it is becnuse God calls the gentiles as he called the Jews (election) so that all
are co-workers with one another and with God (covenant). For Luke, 'His' name brings
all believers and nations into one, or aims at this. Therefore salvation is through Jesus
only.
Luke's redaction of Mark, Matthew and possibly his special sources presumably sewed
him this purpose - Jesus for the nation^.^ What goes on in politics as well as in religion is
the concern of Luke's God. Therefore under the intense heat of Roman politics and
Pharisaic precisim, the saviour of the world, Jesus, was born. From calling a nation
(Jews) back to God through the Ministry of John the baptist, Luke universalizes the
lcf. J.P. Taylor, Chrislianit~ is Born: A Creative Approach lo Acts of the Apostles, St. Paul Publication (1988) pp. 9-1 1. 2cf. E. Franklin, 'Luke: Interpreter of Paul, Critic of Matthew,' on. cit.. pp. 34-35, 165.
calling of nations (Jews and gentiles) back to God through the Mission of Jesus. The
gospel therefore becomes the gospel which requires conversion with Jesus at the center.
We noted that Jew$ knew about conversion and probably resewed it only for the Jews.
But Luke makes conversion the need of both Jews and gentiles by making the Holy Spirit
responsible for bringing it about. The attitude of Jews to the Torah, and the
transformation of the covenant through 'His' blood prepared the ground for the inclusion
of all peoples, through repentance and forgiveness in 'His' name. This is where the Igbo
people in their struggles to understand their conversion come in.
The world view of converts and their nations are important for Luke. This is because the
converts need to translate the gospel in order that holistically (culturally, politically,
socially, sdigiously) cvcrylhing about Lhc pcoplc is givcn back to God who placcd cach
nation in its habitation.
The European presence and the antecedent Christian Missions to Igboland were agents of
God in calling the Igbo people to belong to the covenant. But as Jews wrestled with the
gentile conversion, so Christian missions wrestled with the conversion of the Igbo people,
not quite sure how or where to classify it. While some are willing to let the Igbo converts
have a dialogue with their world view and express their Christianity in such [elms, others
cry syncretism. The NRM phenomenon raised as much a pastoral as a theological
question regarding the conversion oT the Igbo people in particular and Africans in
general.
What we have presented here is an investigation calling for a Lucan understanding of
conversion and suggesting how the conversion of the Igbo people falls in line with it.
Having cautioned that 'everyone's door step is a missionary field' now, we advocate that
only a Lucpn pastoral approach to the issues will appreciate that the conversion of Igbo
people will do well to address some basic issues that were tragically left out in their God-
given world view. Some discovery of 'ambiguity' in the conversion of the Igbo people is
viewed through a spectacle of a particular mission to Igboland. Rut when this is viewed
through Lucan understanding of conversion with pastoral concern, ambiguity and
ambivalence may well give way to concrete conversion of a L i m n type. This is the way
we will need to understand the conversion of the Igbo people still bearing in mind that the
Christian in Igboland as well as Luke,
"is aware of his inability of resolving all problems ... but nevertheless by
creatively adapting the traditions of Jesus to speak to his (her) felt and real needs
and those of his community, he and his converts are enabled thus to keep faith3
cf. R S K;~rris, "Missionary Com~~u~ri~ics", &, p. 83.
424
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