IDENTITY and ACCULTURATION - Food Consumption by Greenlander in Denmark

7/27/2019 IDENTITY and ACCULTURATION - Food Consumption by Greenlander in Denmark

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IDENTITY AND ACCULTURATION:THE CASE OF FOOD CONSUMPTIONBYGREENLANDERS IN DENMARK

Working paper no 67

December 1999


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IDENTITY AND ACCULTURATION:THE CASE OF FOOD CONSUMPTIONBYGREENLANDERS IN DENMARK

Sren AskegaardDannie Kjeldgaard

SDU Odense UniversityEric J. Arnould

University of Nebraska, Lincoln


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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

1. The paper focuses on the a ccultura tion stra tegies employed by G reenlandic

consumers living in Denma rk a nd in par ticular how food products enter int o a

discourse of identity constr uction. The study of Greenland ic consumers in D en-

ma rk provides insight into a ccultura tion processes for consumers w ith a more

or less dua l cultura l background (due to the st rong Da nish cultura l influence in

G reenland). This dual i ty of cul tural identi ty means t ha t G reenlandic immi-

grants consumption reflects a well-known negotiation of Danish and Green-

lan dic consumer cultur es under new conditions, ra ther th a n a classic a ccultu-

ra tion process as in, eg, Pea losa s (1994) study of Mexica n immigra nts in th e

Uni ted S ta tes.

2. Our research is based on depth interviews wit h 20 G reenlandic consumers

l iving in Denmark. It demonstra tes how food products a re given another sym-

bolic meaning when consumers cross cultural borders between Denmark andG reenland a nd how food products become pa rt of a discourse of identity. The

interviews focused on border crossings between t he tw o cultures, consumption

pat terns in t he tw o cultures, special mea nings linking certa in types of consumer

behaviour to one culture or th e other, a nd expecta tions for t he future develop-

ment of a G reenlandic consumer society. A tra ined member of the G reenlandic

community made the interviews to ensure maximum empathy between inter-

viewer a nd informa nt .

3. The informa nts h a d a clear dichotomous expla na tion of G reenla ndic versus

Da nish food culture . In general , G reenlandic and D anish cul ture were organised

around the natura l versus the cu l tura l . Greenlandic cu lture, and the Green-

landic society, is organised around the na tura l environments in w hich th e

G reenla nders live. The provision of food is seen as t he ma jor orga nising vehicle

for the Greenlandic society in that social relations are structured around the

a cquisition, consumption a nd disposal of food.

4. Food consumption in G reenlandic food culture w a s organ ised around expe-

rience of scarcity scarcity of the provisions of the G reenlandic na tur a l environ-

ment a s well as th e provisions a vaila ble in the reta il environment. The expe-

rience of Danish food culture was dominated by a discourse of abundance

although the informants experienced scarcity of Greenlandic food products

when in Denmark.

5. The symbolic values of G reenlandic food w ere tied to auth enticity, a nd con-

sumption of Gr eenlan dic food was often associat ed with festivity. Da nish food

wa s chara cterised a s exotic and wa s seen a s more uti l ita r ian. The informa nts

food discourse wa s a na lysed a ccording t o J a mes (1996) four cat egories of food

discourse (G loba l Food, Nostalgic Food, Exotic Food an d C reolized Food). This

showed how the meaning of authentic and exotic foods are f luid as new food

ingredients move from one discourse to another and thereby become

authenticized.


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Int roduct ion 1

C onsumer a ccult ura t ion of G reenla ndic people in D enma rk 1

The situa t ion of the G reenla ndic people in D enma rk 2

Met hod 2

G reenla ndic a nd D a nish: S ome genera l perceived differences 3

Food a nd t he consumpt ion process 4

Acq uisit ion, consumpt ion a nd disposa l of food 7

C onclusion: Food discourses 13

References 16


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INTRODUCTION

The paper focuses on the a ccultur a tion str a tegies employed by G reenlan dic con-

sumers living in D enmar k a nd in par ticular how food products enter into a dis-

course of ident ity const ruction. The study of Gr eenlandic consumers in Denma rk

provides insight into acculturation processes for consumers with a more or less

dua l cultura l background (due to the strong Da nish cultura l influence in G reen-

land). This duality of cultura l identity means t ha t G reenlandic immigrant s con-

sumpt ion reflects a w ell-known negotia tion of Da nish a nd G reenlan dic consum er

cultures under new conditions, ra ther t ha n a cla ssic a ccultura tion process as in,

eg, Pea losas (1994) study of Mexica n immigra nts in the U nited St at es.

Our research is based on depth interviews with 20 Greenlandic consumers

l iving in Denmark. It demonstra tes how food products a re given another sym-

bolic meaning when consumers cross cultural borders between Denmark and

Greenland and how food products become part of a discourse of identity.

CONSUMER ACCULTURATION OF GREENLANDIC PEOPLE IN DENMARK

Economic growt h, the brea kdown of the Soviet-dominat ed economic and polit-

ica l syst ems, a nd globalizat ion processes in genera l (Appadura i 1990) have led

to a new kind of socialization process the socialization into becoming a con-

sumer as a n a dult . Several researchers have invest igated this process with a

focus on t he so-called tra nsforming economies (cf. B elk & Pa un, 1995; G er, B elk

& La scu, 1993; Lofman, 1993; Schultz & Pecotich 1995).

A relat ed process ta kes pla ce in connection w ith t he growing migra tion a mong

the worlds cultures, most of w hich goes from societies w ith fewer consumption

opportunities in general to societies with more consumption opportunities.

B a sica lly, the consumption system represents a doma in in wh ich immigra nts on

the one hand may seek to hold on to certain patterns from their own home

cultur e, but on the other ha nd often find t hemselves in a completely different

system w ith di f ferent possibi li t ies a nd restra ints , norms a nd t aboos. In spi te of

the relevance for understa nding problems of assimilat ion, integra t ion a nd

segregation, this t ype of research in consumer a ccultura tion processes has only

ra rely been ca rried out in indust ria lized countr ies.

A few notable exceptions are the studies by Pealoza (1994) on Mexican immi-

grant s in the United Sta tes, by J oy, et al (1995) on Ita l ian immigra nts in Cana -

da, by Ca glar (1995) on Turkish immigrant s in G ermany, and by G er and ster-ga a rd (1998) on second-generat ion Turkish imm igran ts in D enma rk. The la tt er

is typical of the predomina nt focus in severa l Eur opean research environments

on t he relat ively large group of immigrants f rom t he Middle East . However, in

Denma rk th ere is a n interesting but hithert o unexplored opportun ity t o discuss

consumer a ccultura tion of a r elatively numerous populat ion, especially com-

pared to the total number of people of this particular cultural background.

These individua ls a re born Da nish citizens but nevertheless f ind themselves in

an immigrant si tuat ion, set t l ing in a completely di fferent cul tural , geographica l

a nd sometimes a lso linguistic setting: G reenlanders of Inuit origin. Ma ny live in

Denma rk tempora ri ly, especial ly to get a n educat ion, but some set t le perma-

nently there because of new life opportun ities, spouses, or career possibilities.

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Many of these studies show that the old assimilat ionist model that assumed

immigra nts w ould be absorbed into dominant cultura l contexts over time is no

longer born out empirical ly. Instead, the al ternat ive accul turat ion a pproa ch

suggests tha t increasingly immigra nts a re the architects of their own identit ies;

they vary in their adaptat ion to the values and ideas nat ive to the receiving

culture. Of course, individual a ccul turat ion is constra ined by structural a nd

psychological forces within t he dominant cultur e and on the relat ive barga ining

power of the immigra nt a nd receiving cultures. Positioning oneself between

cultures, betw een borders, is a di ff icul t existential chal lenge. This is a highly

subjective one in which economic, social , cultur a l and symbolic capita ls are

mobilized to esta blish identity positions. It is also an ironic one in which the

cultur e of origin is often socially reconstr ucted as part of an a tt empt t o provide

a st a ble a nchor for identity in a new, fluid social context (Bouchet 1995; Ca glar

1995; G er & st erga a rd 1998).

THE SITUATION OF THE GREENLANDIC PEOPLE IN DENMARK

In the 14th century Greenland became part of the colonies under Danish rule

a s par t of the legacy of the Norse Viking sett lements from ar ound t he year 1000

and onwa rds. Eventual ly, the Norse set t lers died out in the 15th century but

missionaries sent by the Danish crown and clergy re-colonized the area from

1721. It remained a colony unti l 1953, when i t becam e an integrat ed par t o f

Denmar k with th e same stat us as other Da nish counties. Since 1979, G reenland

has had a home rule government with a portfolio including most local matters

but it remains a part of Denmark and is also economically dependent on sub-

sidies f rom t he Da nish government. Fishing is the a l l-dominat ing tra de and

a ccounts for 95 percent of tota l exports, but in t he hunt er districts of the outer

area s, the seal a nd wha le catch is of great importa nce, and i t a ctual ly forms a

stable subsistence base for one fifth of the population 1.

Approximat ely 55,000 people live in G reenland, predomina ntly of I nuit ethnic-

ity, but m a ny people are of mixed Da nish-Inuit origin. Around 20 percent of this

population (most of them Danes or people of mixed origin) were born outside

G reenland. G iven the small popula t ion, ma ny young Greenlanders go to Den-

mark for various educational programs since a critical mass to maintain such

program s in Gr eenland does not exist . Furthermore, ma ny ar e at tra cted by the

job opportun ities and the ea sier access t o a consumer lifestyle an d t o interna -

t ional t ravel in Denmark compared to Gr eenland. G reenlanders who are in Den-

mark temporarily for educational reasons or more permanently settled for

privat e or professional rea sons form the ba sis of our sa mple.

METHOD

We conducted twenty depth interviews with Greenlandic immigrants in four

Da nish cities. The informa nts, 14 women a nd 6 men betw een 22 a nd 67 year s of

a ge, were recruited part ly through volunta ry responses to invita tions to be a n

informa nt, posted on the notice boa rd in the G reenlandic community h ouses in

the various ci t ies , part ly by snowbal l e ffect . This, we real ise, represents a pro-

found bia s in our sa mpling, since only rela tively w ell functioning people are ex-

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1 Informa tion from the Gr eenlan d G uide Indeks: htt p://ww w.greenland-guide.dk/


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pected to have the psychological courage and energy to join the project as an

informa nt . And a l though the si tuat ion is a meliora t ing, a stereotypical portraya l

of the G reenlander in Denma rk is the alcoholic, unemployed socia l ca se. How-

ever, such losers in th e process of cultura l border crossings a re, though some-

times highly visible in th e streets due to their different ethnic appeara nce, the

exception rat her tha n the rule. Nevert heless, this stereotype continues to shape

Danes images of the Greenlandic people.

The interview s focused on border crossings betw een the tw o cultures, consum p-

tion patt erns in the tw o cultur es, specia l meanings linking certa in types of con-

sumer behaviour to one culture or the other, a nd expectat ions for the future

development of a G reenlandic consumer society. A tra ined member of the

Greenlandic community made the interviews to ensure maximum empathy

betw een interviewer and informa nt . Furthermore, G reenlandic being a very

different la ngua ge from th e Indo-Eur opean group of langua ges, it wa s necessary

to have some expertise in translating the meaning of various specific Green-

lan dic expressions employed occa siona lly, even t hough th e interviews w ere all

ma de in Da nish. Average durat ion of the interviews wa s a bout 90 minutes.

GREENLANDIC AND DANISH: SOME GENERAL PERCEIVED DIFFERENCES

Greenlandic immigrants to mainland Denmark const i tute an unusual social

cat egory in ma ny respects. Their border crossings a nd r e-crossings occur in a

context in which both tourism and experiential consumption generally are

dominant trends, and thus immigrant s s tories are inf lected with the tourist ic

gaze (Urr y, 1990) on t he one hand, and the desire for a uthentici ty th at drives

the emergent experience economy on the other ha nd. The rela xat ion of the

Danification policy and the absence of Act-of-God and economic privations that

motivate so many other modern migrants mean that Greenlandic immigrants

are to some degree relieved of the responsibility of making a definitive choice

between a D a nish or G reenlandic wa y of li fe. In a wa y their choice becomes

a nother ma rket choice, culture consumed a s it wa s (Fira t 1995). These culture

choices result in various combina tions of Greenland ic a nd Da nish, from the

qua si-na tionalistic focus on a nd pride in wha t is seen as a uthent ic, G reenlandic

cultur e to the Da nish cookie. In t a ble 1, some of the f indings from t he genera l

study a re shown, as t hey can serve as a n importa nt ba ckground for understand-

ing the building blocks of identity negotiation and their influence on various

a spects of G reenlandic food accultur a tion in Denma rk. A more thorough ana -

lysis of the general f indings can be found in Askegaard and Arnould (forth-

coming).

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The dichotomous categories of Greenlandic and Danish cultural identity and

the way they are characterised as nature and culture respectively refer to only

identif icatory perceptions. They do not necessa rily equa te t o everyda y experi-

ence in Gr eenlandic and D anish societ ies. One could say t hat part of G reen-

landic society is da nified (or westernised), a nd G reenla ndic cultura l encla ves

exist in Denma rk for the informa nts. Living in Denma rk does not necessa rily

ma ke the individual less Greenlandic for itself, nor does living in G reenland

necessarily ma ke you more Gr eenlan dic. The life worlds of th e respondents do,

however, involve the dichotomy explicated a bove, in th e ongoing negotiat ion of

identity: a negotiat ion part icular ly active at t he time of border crossings during

w hich food consumpt ion is u sed sy mbolica lly.

FOOD AND THE CONSUMPTION PROCESS

This intr oductory discussion a bout G reenla ndic foodway s w ill be based on th e

general impression our interviews have left us with as well as various other

sources of information concerning Greenlandic food and its contrast to Western/

Da nish food culture . Let us ma ke it very clear t hat both in t erms of raw ma te-

rials a nd prepar at ion m ethods, there ar e some very signif icant di fferences

between Arctic an d E uropean cuisine.

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Table 1. Summary of main general f indi ngs

General perceptions

of culture

space

t ime

social r el ati ons

ster eotypi cal cul tu r al

ident i ty

experi ence of cul tu r e

Consumer cul tur e

Greenlandic

Rooted in nature

Openness; close

relat ionship betw een

ident i ty a nd na ture

Dependent on natura l

conditions; sponta neity

Openness to other

people; large informa l

networks; sponta neous

social events

The Inuit

Immediate , sponta neous

(With ering ) gift

economy

Danish

Rooted in cultur a l forms

Closedness; busy

environment = >

claustrophobia

P lanned; scheduled

P lanned intera ct ion;

privacy

The Westerner

Contrived, schematized

Sta tus and money

economy


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Tra ditiona l Gr eenlan dic food consists m a inly of wh a t t he local hunt ing a nd fish-

ing condit ions could offer, obviously depending on the sea sons. The follow ing,

lengthy quotation may illustrate the major difference between European

cuisine and tra ditional G reenlandic delica cies.

Dr ied ammassat (smal l salmon-type f ish), dr i ed trout , bul lh ead, and hal i -

but. Deli cacies from the summer catch m ight be dr ied seal an d w hi te wh ale

meat [m att ak]. Specia l ti tbi ts were consid er ed t o be stale, sl igh tl y decomposed

wh it e wh ale tai l f i n and fl i ppers. Dr ied r ein deer m eat wi th pr eserved tal low.

Stomach and secti ons of gut fi l led w it h seal blood, wh ich were then d ri ed t o

make so-cal led caramels. Ber r ies pr eser ved i n crystal -clear oil fr om seal

blu bber. [Or ] fr ozen, gathered aft er fr ost has set i n. H erbs such as rose r oot

and w i ll ow her b, especial ly oil pr eserv ed i n skin bags. Some people woul d m i x

it wi th the vitami n r ich content of a r ein deers stomach. [] Fr esh pr ovisions

for a feast w ere: boil ed seal meat, a var iety of plu cked sea bir ds; Greenl and

hal ibut and red m ul let, wh ich mu st be boil ed j ust before the meal.(quot ed in

J an d a & B k gaa rd , p. 54)

Needless to sa y, toda ys G reenla ndic diet does not consist s olely of such provi-

sions from loca l na tur e. Since the second colonizat ion in t he 18th centu ry, there

ha s been a steady tra de between Greenland a nd the outside world, organized

through the trade monopoly KGH (the Royal Greenlandic Trading Company,

today known under i ts a cronym in G reenlandic: KNI) . Thus, G reenlandic food

cultur e ha s la rgely been sh a ped a lso by the (limited) va riety of goods bought in

the KG H t ra ding posts in most of the countrys towns a nd villa ges. This in-

f luence can be read in wha t is today the classic Greenla ndic Sua saa t (soup): a

wa y of prepa ring meat (wit h bones), boiling it wit h rice, onions, sa lt a nd pepper,

then serving meat a nd the rice soup in tw o sepa ra te pla tes. Also the ritua l of

ka ffemik (coffeepa rt y) is a rem iniscence of th e importa nce of imported goods

a nd t he supply offered by t he monopoly. As noted by one G reenla ndic immi-

g ran t : Once in a whi l e, I get a cravi ng for fi gs, a strong l ongi ng for th e sweetn ess

of figs, pr obably because i t was some of the only candy avai la ble in t he KGH

store when I was a chi ld .(Quoted in Nilsson, 1982, p. 52.)

The identit y const ruction a mong t he informa nt s could be expected t o be a resu lt

of different acculturation outcomes based on a cultural dichotomy (eg culture of

origin versus culture of immigra tion a s proposed by Pea loza , 1994) wh ere the

true G reenlandic cul tural identi ty is imagined to reside in Greenland . How-

ever, as already pointed out , in the case of Greenlandic consumers in Denma rk

the cultur a l doma ins ar e not so clea r cut. The influence of Da nish tra de has

been strong and growing a t least throughout t he 20th century. Da nish food, forexam ple, is widely a vai lable in G reenland a nd is often chea per t han tra di t iona l

G reenlandic food products a nd is therefore used for everyda y mea ls, wh ereas

traditional Greenlandic food products are consumed on special occasions.

The informa nts identif ication with G reenlandic and D a nish culture is not con-

nected to part icular places (ie Dan ish cultur e in Denma rk a nd G reenla ndic cul-

tur e in G reenland). Ra ther, the food consumption as identif ica tion and differen-

t iat ion refers t o abstra ct cultura l categories. One could say tha t because Da nish

a nd G reenlandic culture (as expressed by ava ilability a nd consumpt ion of food

products) exist in both places, the sy mbolic value of food must refer t o abst ra ct

cul tural categories. Furthermore, the meaning that G reenlandic food ca rries

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var ies with the loca tion of consumption due t o different consumption a nd iden-

tity contexts. In t his sense, the cultures from w hich th e symbolic va lue of food

consumption gets its m eaning ca n be sa id to be de-territorialized a key cha ra c-

teristic of globalization.

G reenla ndic food products a re consumed both w hen in Denma rk a nd in G reen-

land they enter, however, into different d iscourses a nd consumption ritua ls de-

pending on the location of consumption. The G reenla ndic consumers, therefore,

ha ve vary ing consumption practices depending on where they a re an d w hy. Tha t

is, the consumption pra ctices an d t he symbolic meanings of food products va ry

with the location ie Denmark or Greenland and these practices also vary

wit h t he purpose of locat ion ie perma nent r esidence, longer sta ys (eg educa -

t ion), hol idays. Many informa nts underl ine the importa nce of being in nat ure

wh en eating its fresh offerings, a newly caught f ish or a freshly killed seal. They

ta lk about t he view of the mounta ins or the sea, tha t goes along with t he food

and from w hich t he food originates. Furthermore, a close l ink between na ture

a nd th e intrinsic qua lity of the food is evoked, a s in the following exa mple In

th e meat fr om a n ewl y shot r ein deer, you can r eal ly t aste th e fr esh gr eens, it ate.Or th e her bs we tak e out fr om th e gizzard of the gr ouse to dr y th at i s all th e

good stuff wh ich t he grouse careful ly selected for i tself. Th at counts for th e fi nest

spi ce i n Gr eenl and ic food. (Quoted in Nilsson, 1982, p. 53.)

In contr a st t o the G reenlandic unity w ith na tur e feeling of community, G reen-

landic food, when consumed in Denma rk, ta kes on a qui te dif ferent mea ning.

Identit y forma tion processes a mong Gr eenlan dic immigra nts a re influenced by

something that differentiates them from other immigrant populations studied

in consumer research such a s Turks in Germa ny, Ita l ian s in Can ada , or Mexi-

can s in the US (Ca glar 1995; J oy, et al . 1995, Pealoza 1994). G reenlanders are

l imited in number a t home; in Denmark, their number is even smaller a nd their

tiny commun ities a re sca tt ered in Denma rks ma jor towns a nd cities, Copen-

hagen, rhus, Odense, Aalborg and so on. As a result G reenlandic immigrants

in Denma rk, unlike these other groups, a re confronted w ith a profound loss of

one of the key a nchors of identi ty, community. G reenlandic food, therefore ,

obta ins a different va lue when consumed in D enma rk since it is a n experience

lacking the sponta neous a nd social contexts tha t su rround such consumption in

G reenland. On the other ha nd, on more rare and specif ic occasions it helps

regenerate different kinds of community.

As th e discussion of Bell a nd Va lentine (1997) so apt ly demonst ra tes, food con-

sumption has t he power to crea te communities of aff i l ia tion on a va riety of

levels and in a variety of ways. For Gr eenlanders in Denmark, there a re tw oma in types of communities based on the food culture. One, wh ich is more con-

crete, reflects t he w ell-known ghett o-effect of clustering of immigra nts of simi-

lar origin and, in terms of food, is expressed through gat herings with com-

patriots ar ound a real G reenlandic meal . This can be ei ther on fest ive occa-

sions, or the gat hering ma y in itself be the occasion which engenders th e Gr een-

landic cooking. The other one, which is more abstra ct , is created through the

simple feeling of being r eminded of ones foreignness, a nd t hus a bout ones com-

munity of origin. This is th us a commun ity often creat ed in the a bsence of com-

pat riots, sometimes expressed positively in t he Da nes encouragement of immi-

grant s to be a posi t ive stereotype: to spea k G reenlandic, dress Greenlandic, eat

G reenla ndic; possibly in a sort of combined search for t he exotic a nd a uthent ic

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other a nd a backbone ba d consciousness of being th e old (and present?) colo-

nia l ma sters. Among Greenlanders this generat es a feeling of otherness,

wh ich is sometimes ha rd t o a ccept even if i t is well meant . Of course, the other-

ness ca n a lso be expressed negat ively by Da nes, wh o a re repelled by certa in

a spects of Greenlan dic (food) cultur e, but in a wa y such criticism seems ea sier

to ha ndle and reject tha n th e positive stereotype, a s il lustra ted by the follow-

ing quote Someti mes I l ong desper ately for cod gil l s many people l augh at me

but I love th e fr esh taste of seaweed an d salt wat er. Shoul d t hat be any m ore

str an ge th an peopl e her e who eat oysters?(Quoted in Nilsson, 1982, p. 52.)

Food consum ption is often linked to a divers e ra nge of socia l an d personal a ctivi-

ties: a consequence of the fact th a t th e G reenlandic economy wa s largely (a nd

still is to a la rge extent) built a round hunting a nd fishing. G reenla ndic food is

a ssociat ed with th e gift economy a nd the a ncient hunt ing and fishing tra ditions

of G reenland. The tra di t ional vi llage communit ies shared w ha tever cat ch w as

ma de, and success in hunting or f ishing wa s a lways a ma jor social event . Hence,

G reenlandic food is not just a symbolic conta iner tha t represents cultur e of ori-

gin w hen eat en. The wh ole consumption process ie acquisition, consumm a tionand disposal (Holbrook 1987) of food products acted as a major organising

vehicle for t ra ditiona l G reenlandic society. This continues t o have a deep impact

on the food culture a nd t he food accultura tion processes of G reenlanders in Den-

ma rk. In t he following pa rt w e will i l lustra te how the wh ole consumption pro-

cess of food is linked to a diverse range of cultural activities and consequently

becomes a constitutive part of what our respondents perceive as Greenlandic

cultur e. We have t hus chosen t o orga nize our a na lysis a round Holbrooks t hree

aspects of consumption.

ACQUISITION, CONSUMMATION AND DISPOSAL OF FOOD

Acquisition of food

The fishing a nd hunt ing tra dition is stil l very importa nt for the wa y food a cqui-

si t ion is perceived. In G reenland, when a good ca tch has been made or, as w e

sha ll see, wh en a young person shoots his f irst seal, a sponta neous celebra tion

often ta kes place in which family, friends and a cqua inta nces from th e commun-

ity joins in ea ting a nd par tying. Thus, the a cquisition of food is an element in

the str ucturing social l i fe in the commu nity, dispensing other a ctivities and

everyda y routines.

The ritu a ls surr ounding food consumption can occa sion culture clash es. Thefollowing quote, in which an informa nt is ca ught betw een the requirements of

his Gr eenlandic (mothers) family a nd his Da nish father, i llustrat es how the

perception of time in Danish and Greenlandic culture differ time in Green-

lan dic culture is organ ised around a food ri tualwhereas in Da nish cul ture food

r it ual s are organ ised in accor dan ce to a ti me schedu l e:

I r emember m y first cult ur al clash in Greenland . It was my first seal. M y

gran dpar ent s (mother s side) had a big par ty. So I di dn t come home for di nn er,

and m y father mad e a big deal out of that. You h ad to be punctual for d in ner.

H e coul d not accept t hat you can forget al l about t ime wh en a bi g event li ke th i s

one occur s.(Ma le, age: 34.)

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15/24

Another example of differing acquisition methods is the tradition of going to

the boa rd wh ere local f ishermen w ill sell their catch:

I : You say that you eat Greenl andi c food, but is there any part i cul ar Gr een-

la nd i c food th at you real ly m iss down h er e?

R: Yes, of cour se. Alt hough I can buy Greenl andi c food here at work, l i ke seal,

dr ied fi sh and matt ak and those ki nds of thi ngs, I reall y mi ss bein g able to go

down to the boar d an d bu y fr esh goods and th en go home and cook them []

You know freshly caught f ish, cod, red- f ish, father-lasher and cat f ish, and

lumpsucker an d seal and bir ds, you kn ow fr eshl y-caught, I r eall y mi ss that.

(Female, a ge 36.)

The board used to be the local retail environment where goods and money were

exchanged. Now, in the experience of our respondents, the board a cts as a sort of

delicatessen where an authentic Greenlandic experience can be had in the form

of buying freshly caught food. The boa rd helps mainta in the hunt ing a nd fishing

tr a ditions of Greenla ndic cultur e in the collective memory of consum ers. Thus,when t he institution of the board is not there, the food culture also cha nges.

Sur e, you cannot get fr esh fi sh down her e i n Denm ark , you cannot ju st go to

th e board and by a ki lo of th is or t hat accordi ng to season, so in th at sense

th ere is no doubt t hat I have chan ged m y food cul tu re. Star ted t o go to super-

ma rk ets wh er e you coul d get everyt hi ng i nstead of catchin g somethi ng your -

sel f.(Male, age : 34. )

Although ma ny informa nts miss G reenla ndic food a nd some of the ritua ls con-

nected to i t , they do see some adva nta ges in l iving in Denma rk with regards to

the a va ilability of food:

[I fi nd ] m ore exoti c goods wh i ch you w ont f in d as much back home, espe-

cial ly not in I lu l i ssat or small er towns and vil lages, just to menti on that . And

you see a l ot in magazin es, also about food, and see al l th ese th i ngs that you

can now acquir e down her e [i n D enm ark ] Ameri can food an d you nam e

it . And n ew r ecipes, new possibi l i t i es for cooki ng, M exican food and such

th in gs. Th ose you cannot tr y at home, since, of course, th ere are cer tai n i ngr e-

di ent s you cannot get.(Fema le, a ge: 34.)

On the other han d, ava i labi l ity ha s i ts problema tic sides as w ell . One aspect

wh ich is lost t o Greenlanders in Denm a rk is seasonality. The absence of na tur e

in connection with the food culture means a loss of this age-old experience ofdependence on t he season for the a va ilability of certa in food items. Some of our

informa nts evoked th is, but i t w a s most clearly expressed by a G reenlander

inter viewed in N ilsson (1982) M y stomach sti l l fol l ows the seasons. I thi nk it is

buil t in to my body from my chi ld hood. I n the summer I long for r aw r ein deer

meat and th e souri sh, hal f-di gested cont ent fr om the newl y cut u p reind eer s

stomach, it tastes li ke some kind of fr esh salad w it h yoghur t. L ots of good

vi tami n C. In the spr i ng, I want var i ous bir ds and fr esh eggs wi th dark yolk, and

freshly caught tr out. And in the wi nter seal w it h a good soup(Quoted in

Nilsson, 1982, p. 52.)

8


16/24

The possibilities of acquiring food, G reenlandic or other, for G reenlanders in

Denma rk reflect a dichotomy of scarcity a nd a bunda nce. There is a scarcity of

wh a t t hey like the most G reenla ndic food both beca use of the limited ava il-

abi l ity a nd the price level . On the other ha nd, there is a n a bundance of every-

thing else. However, the scarcity is somewha t a mbiguous, since scar city in i tself

is inherent t o tra ditional G reenlandic food culture, wh ere the ava ilability of food

could not be ta ken for gra nted. The provision of various food items in the

tra di t iona l Greenlandic diet wa s a nd is dependent both on season, weat her and

on the hunters fortun e. So nothing can be ta ken for grant ed in terms of ava il-

a bility, wh ich is a sha rp contr a st t o the consumer society.

Consummation

As ment ioned ear lier, G reenla ndic food is often consumed on festive occasions.

In everyday life Greenlanders also in Greenland primarily eat Danish food

bought a t the superma rket . Therefore , residents in Denma rk a ssociate G reen-

lan dic food wit h tra ditions of celebra tion, wh ether they be sponta neous part iesheld to celebra te one fam ilys good fort une in shooting a sea l; a planned par ty

such as a birthda y par ty or a s weekend food wh en the fam ily is a llowed to spoil

i tself. G reenlanders residing in Denma rk a re a lso given G reenlandic food a s

gifts wh en in Gr eenla nd on short br eaks. This used to be the only wa y for them

to obta in food products but G reenla ndic food is now becoming av a ilable in shops

at G reenlandic Community Houses across Denmark. In this regard, i t is not in-

significant that Greenlandic food used to be available mainly through the net-

work of kin relat ionships tha t connected immigrants t o the island. Now, i t is

more widely ava i lable on t he ma inland through commercial channels. At a

stroke the l ink betw een food a nd t he gi ft economy is cut , and a crit ica l

integument of that economy is reduced to a consumer choice like any other

(Fira t, 1995). Thus, the G reenla ndic emigran t ma y experience the double a lien-

a tion of l iving in a consumer society in ma inland Denma rk a nd of experiencing

G reenland a s a touristic experience on holiday.

As discussed ea rlier, th e close tie to na tu re in th e consumpt ion process of food

is perceived to be met, sometimes w ith a dmira tion (positive stereotyping), but

most of the times wit h negat ive reactions in the more cultura lly imbued Den-

ma rk, a s exemplified by the following quote from a G reenla ndic woma n inter-

viewed in a nother context: M any Danes tu r n up th eir nose at Gr eenl and ic food,

and I remember m y days at t he teachers college, wh en m y fr iends shu dd er ed an d

said Phew, do you eat th in gs li ke that, dr ied fi sh and rein deer stomach?

(Quoted in Nilsson, 1982, p. 52.)

From the Gr eenlan dic side, Da nish food is associat ed with a diverse range of

products from the quintessential Danish dish fried streaky bacon with

par sley sa uce to (the a vaila bility of) fresh vegeta bles to globalized dishes such

as spaghe t t i bolognese, p izza a nd l asagne. Pork d ishes , a major par t of t ra d i-

tional Da nish cuisine, is genera lly held in low esteem, wit h the preferred meat s

of expatria te G reenlanders being beef or lam b. Da nish food, when a ppra ised, is

a ssociat ed more utilita ria n va lue in the form of ava ilability, diversity a nd fresh-

ness (the la tt er for fruits a nd vegetables only). Da nish food is more or less

characterised as all food that is not associated with Greenlandic f ishing and

hunt ing. To the informa nts Da nish food represents the West in t he form of a

9


17/24

creolized food culture and Greenlandic food represent the authentic Green-

landic wa y of l ife. These two perceptions il lustra te th e situa tion of G reenla ndic

immigrants where they are in an ongoing negotiation of identity balancing be-

tw een t he (perceived) a uthent ic Inuit cultur e a nd a global citizens cosmopo-

litan consumer culture.

Dan ish food th at I l i ke? Hm, T-bone steak or somethi ng wi th bones in it . I

dont l i ke just meat, not the lean, dr y thin gs. I t mu st be pur e fat and bones

[] because in Gr eenl and we do not l ik e l ean m eat, th e taste is i n t he bones,

th e taste is i n th e fat, and we are not so afr ai d of bones, fi shbones,...(Female,

a ge 60.)

This quote reflects both the G reenla ndic tast e for bones; for prepa ra tion and

serving methods tha t m a ke the food look a nd t a ste a s na tur a l (non-processed)

a s possible. B ut a lso the creolization process of D a nish food, since the T-bone

stea k is a post WW II introduction in D a nish butchers va riety of cuts.

The consumpt ion of Da nish food is considered a relat ively utili ta rian a ct, a l-though there is an awareness of Danish food culture being highly ritualized.

Man y informa nts see themselves as rela tively periphera l to this, a nd refer to a

di fferent kind of r i tual izat ion of food: the togetherness. Thus, G reenlanders

seem to experience Da nish or w estern food culture a s highly dependent on the

presence of other ar tefacts. In t he Da nish context t his could be the usa ge of

specia l pla tes for va rious dishes, the decora tion an d presenta tion of the dishes,

ta blecloths, na pkins, candles, etc.The G reenlandic system of commu nica ting the

community and the togetherness around the table is considered simpler: We

di d not eat speci fi c food for par ti es wh en I was a chi ld . I f th e game or the fish

was fresh, then th at w as the part y food. We dont h ave so many r it ual s around

th e food as people her e i n Western Eu rope, we ate for satur ati on. Then, we went

from th e table to the livi ng room. That was the part y, bein g together ar ound the

cof fee table, chat t ing, laughing, tel l ing stor i es, looking at photos. And then, i f

Gr eenl and ic cake was ser ved, th ere would r eal ly be a par ty. (Quoted in Nilsson,

1982, p. 54.)

All in a ll , the consumpt ion of food in itself, a nd th e commu nity creat ed by the

sha ring of food is seen a s sufficient. This ma y be linked to the discussion of

abunda nce and scarcity above. As the q uote seems t o indicat e, food is f irst and

foremost seen a s a n ecessity. And tr a ditionally, wh en the food was f ina lly ca ught

or shot a nd brought home to the village, the mere presence of food was a n

occasion for pa rtying. Ca ke and cof fee, on t he other ha nd, belongs to the realm

of the superf luous a s regards nut ri t ion, an d a s a luxury since the ingredientshad to be bought at the store with whatever li ttle money the household had.

Coffee is, of course, a nother Da nish introduction to Gr eenlan dic food culture,

a nd the import a nce of the kaffemik, the festive ga thering a round the coffee

table witnesses the Greenlandic taking over the extremely important insti-

tut ion of the coffee ta ble, wh ich plays a ma jor role in the wa y Da nes furnish

their homes, especially th eir l iving rooms (cf. Djursa a & Kra gh, fort hcoming).

10


18/24

Disposal

Many of the artefacts that Greenlanders carry with them (such as tupi laks 2

etc.) a re produced w ith t he rema ins of food products su ch as bone or tooth . These

products then enter the gift economy and can become tokens of personal iden-

tity (obviously much disposa l also occurs t hrough industria l wa ste ma na gement

as in Denmark).

Through the use of such cultural identity markers in the host country Green-

lan dic immigra nt identity forma tion becomes h ighly self-reflexive. One a spect of

the G reenlandic immigra nt identity w ork is found in their expecta tions of, a nd

desires to avoid, cul tural misunderstanding, tha t then lead to accul turat ive

behavioural modifications as in this case where the artefacts produced by

remains of the Greenlandic food consumption system is perceived to be a poten-

tia l source of negative reaction from t he ma inland Other:

When I came from Gr eenl and, I brought my jewell ery, I cant l i ve wi thout i t .

I d ont wear i t here, but I had to brin g them. They are vari ous amu lets andth e li ke, mad e fr om bone or stone [] I tak e th em out occasional ly an d l ook

at them, but, uh-oh, I d ont wear th em because I t hi nk i t is a bit. . . I n Qaqort oq,

I often w ear them but h ere in D enmark people look at me and th in k: What i s

it mad e from? Oh, I t s mad e of bone! Poor animal ! So maybe it is mostly t o

spare people from that, that I dont w ear it . A bears claw I have or somethi ng

li ke th at would scare th em t o death . Ar e you i nt o voodoo or someth in g li ke

that? So you ar e a li t t l e afrai d of what people mi ght thi nk. You dont want

th em to bel i eve youre some ki nd of canni bal .(Occupation: student , gender:

female, a ge: 25, residence: from the Disco B ay, living tempora rily in Va nlse.)

The general atti tude towards disposal seems to reflect the harsh living condi-

t ions in Greenland, where everything f rom, for instance, the seal is used. Wha t

is edible is eaten, even in more or less decay ed sta tes w hich ha s proba bly con-

tribut ed to th e likes for ha lf-decomposed food, a nd skin a nd bones a re used for

tools and clothing. When this a tt i tude is confronted with t he abunda nce a nd the

wa st e production of a consum er society, some people seem to be filled w ith d is-

gust for w hat is seen as superficial a nd ma terial ist ic ways of li fe . Others, how-

ever, ma y ha ve problems in ha ndling the a bundance, and having developed no

wa ste cul ture, they have no schemes for ha ndl ing wa ste so tha t ga rbage is

thr own everywh ere. This, in turn, contr ibutes to the negat ive stereotypes of the

G reenlandic social case in Denma rk.

Summing up

The a cquisition, consumm a tion a nd disposa l of food enter int o the orga nisat ion

of social relat ions. One interesting fa ct in this connection is tha t in G reenland,

the food tr a ditionally goes thr ough a very limited chain of distribution and pro-

duction one could say that food consumption is much closer to its origin,

na mely na ture . When this is held up against t he fact t ha t our respondents

lar gely a ssociat e their experience and identif ica tion with G reenland in term s of

11

2 A tupilak is a sma ll grotesque figure car ved in narw ha le or wa lrus tooth or reindeer an tler. They were

origina lly evil spirits, but t oday th ey have become material expressions of Greenlandicness as well as popularsouvenirs.


19/24

nature and the natural we can see how food consumption is part of this

definition of Gr eenlan dic cultura l identit y a s something t o do wit h na ture.

Danish (western) food products and the consumption thereof are characterised

by a m uch more extensive distribution, ma nufacturing a nd ma rketing process

and is therefore not a ssociated with na ture and t he natura l . B oth w hen con-

sumed in Denmar k and G reenland Da nish food is a ssocia ted with the ordina ry,

whereas G reenlandic food is pa rt of extra ordina ry events. B elow the cha ra cter-

isations tha t our respondents ga ve of Gr eenlandic and Da nish culture in genera l

a s w ell as of food specifica lly summ a rise th e perceived dichotomous relat ion be-

tw een Da nish and G reenlandic cultura l identity betw een na ture an d culture.

12

Table 2. Summ ary of percepti on of D ani sh and Greenl andi c food cult ur es

Food consum pt i on

types of food

pr odu cti on

consumpt i on

di str ibu ti on

di sposal

fu nct i on

symboli c val ue

Greenland

M ea t (sea l , l amb, rei n-

deer, wh a le) & fish

U n i que, au th en t ic

Fresh/na tura l

N a t ur a l t im e

schemes a nd environ-

ments

Extraord inary food

The boar d, gifts/sha ring

(G L), G reenlandic

House (DK)

Processed into artefacts

(gift economy); nothing

disposed

St ructure a nd occasion

social relat ions

Scarci ty (expense,

avai labi l i ty)

Cultural experience

Denmark

Meat (pork) and

vegetables

Creol ized

P rocessed; imported/

cultural

Cu lt u ra l t im e

schemes a nd environ-

ments

Everyday food

The supermarket

Wa st e producing

consum er s ociety

Utilitarian (for Green-

landers) Highlyritua lized (for D a nes)

Abundance

U t i li t a r ian , exot i c


20/24

CONCLUSION: FOOD DISCOURSES

The negotiation of identities in Greenlandic food cultures is just as complex as

suggested by J a mes (1996) for t he B ritish environment, comprising discourses

of globa lism, of exoticism, of creolizat ion an d of nosta lgia. J a mes categories of

discourse are basically organised around two dimensions scope and compat-

ibility. U sing these tw o dimensions t he discourses can be organ ised in a t wo-by-

tw o matr ix as is shown in Figure 1.

B elow we dra w on th e prima ry a nd secondar y da ta used for th is paper t o ex-

plain t he food discourses a mong immigra nt G reenla ndic consumers.

Global food

Although the informa nts m a ke many references to aut hentic Greenland ic food,

they nevertheless have been exposed to global food for a considerable length of

t ime via the imported goods f rom Denma rk made ava i lable at K G H. Over t ime

this ha s obviously resulted in cha nges in diet. As ha s been noted earlier the

everyday meals of the G reenlanders ar e of ten char acterised a s Danish . Some

of these imported foods like the example of dried figs have become part of

G reenlandic food culture. However, the ra nge of globa l products ha s been ra ther

limited one example is the fact that Coca-Cola was not introduced to theG reenlandic market unti l the lat e nineties. Moving to Denmark, our informa nts

were exposed to a wider r a nge of globa l food in terms of dishes a nd ingredients

through the media a nd a vai labi li ty in t he retai l environment. The informa nts

a ssociat e these globalized food products (eg. pizza ) with Da nish food probably

since this is t he first experience of th e globa lized food cultu re for ma ny of th em.

The experience is one of unlimited choice and availability an experience un-

familiar to them from their native retail environment where scarcity charac-

terises the a vai labi l ity of g lobal a nd D anish a s w ell as G reenlandic food. In one

sense our informants make little distinction between Danish and global food,

but they do point to what they perceive to be quintessential Danish food (see

Expa tr iat e food below).

13

Fi gur e 1. Jam es (1996) food di scour ses in a t wo-by-tw o matr ix

3. Creolization

1. GlobalGLOBAL

SCOPE

COMPATIBILITY

LOCAL 4. Nostalgia

2. Expatriate

YES NO


21/24

Expatriate food (exoticism)

Discourse on Expa tr iat e food is simila r t o tha t of Nosta lgia (see below) in one

a spect, na mely tha t i t involves perceived a uth enticity. The difference between

the discourses is what this perception of authenticity refers to in the

Expatriate discourse one consumes food that is perceived to represent an

a uthent ic Other; in the Nostalgia discourse food represents t he aut hentic Self .

The concept of exoticism does not necessarily equate to something positive and

thereby a spira t ional . For ma ny of our informa nts t he typical Da nish dish in-

volves pork wh ich in genera l our informa nts dislike. As noted ea rlier, fried

streaky bacon with parsley sauce is mentioned frequently as an authentic

Danish dish although it is unlikely that this equates to the reality of dinner

tables in contemporary Denmark.

Food creolization

The mixture, or fusion, of food from var ious culinar y cultures is a nother dis-course w hich is part of th e globa lizat ion of food cultu re. Here food cultures from

var ious a reas of the w orld a re mixed producing dishes like Chinese pizza or

curry f ish an d chips (J a mes 1996). In our st udy t here wa s no explicit reference

as to how Greenlandic food was mixed with food products from other areas of

the world. The informan ts ma de very clear distinctions betw een wh a t t hey per-

ceived as being a uthent ic Greenlandic food and a ll other kinds of food as ha s

been noted earlier they more or less characterised all other kinds of food as

Da nish a lthough some kinds of food were perceived to be more truly Da nish

(pork) tha n others (eg Mexican food). However, implicitly in t heir a ccount s of

wh a t constit utes G reenlandic food, they m a ke references to dishes which con-

ta in ingredients not found in the Greenland ic na tura l environment. The exist-

ence of imported food from D enma rk (and thereby from t he rest of the world)

ha s indeed creolized t ra ditiona l G reenla ndic dishes.

Food nostalgia

Nostalgia was probably the most common theme among the informants a

longing for Gr eenla ndic food, a s w ell a s a longing for the contexts of consump-

tion (the boar d, eat ing G reenlandic food in na ture or close to nature). The

informants often referred to the social contexts of food consumption such as the

ritua ls of acquisition (going to th e boa rd) as w ell a s t he a ctual consumption of

G reenla ndic food. Moreover t heir accounts of wha t constitut es Gr eenla ndic foodabounded with examples of various food ingredients and meals and their

a ccounts were also highly emotive in their a ppraisa l of Gr eenla ndic food. So, in

their perception t here wa s a very clea r idea of wha t kinds of food represented

their authentic Sel f. However, the informa nts expressed that al though Green-

landic food could be obta ined in Denma rk, consuming it in a foreign environ-

ment w a s somehow not the sa me experience as consuming it in G reenland. The

informa nts could not , therefore , obta in what they experienced as a uthentic

G reenla ndic food consumption w hen in Denma rk.

14


22/24

Final Remarks:Movement of meals,movement of meaning

J a mes fra mework provides a useful ba sis for summ a rising our informa nts per-

ceptions of food as well as a good a na lytical t ool tha t ena bles us t o probe deeper

into informants accounts of perception of food in relation to cultural identity.

On th e basis of the a pplica tion of the fra mework w e also believe tha t i t enables

us to point out the dynamics involved in food discourses as food products can

move from one discourse to a nother. In Figure 2 we ha ve added exam ples of the

food products th a t w ere involved in t he discourses of our informa nts a s w ell a s

a n exa mple of movement of food betw een discourses.

The f igure shows how the auth entic G reenlandic dish S uasa at (as mentioned

earlier) has d eveloped. The ingredients rice and onions ha ve been imported t o

G reenland a nd w ere proba bly perceived a s ra ther exotic at t he time. The in-

gredients a re then m ixed w ith loca l ingredients (meat ) crea ting a creolized dish

wh ich, over time, enters into the discourse of nosta lgia.

The example given a bove is i llustra tive of one kind of movement. Other dy -na mics may a lso be at play in t he globa lization of food culture, for example

when food products move from discourses of authenticity to the discourse of

globalism (such as ha mburgers or pizza).

The dyna mic nat ure of food discourse shows us tha t the concept of aut henticity

can only exist a s a perceptua l construct on the basis of how a cultur e views its

Self an d Others . I t also shows t hat creol izat ion does not necessar i ly lead to

a n increa sing h omogeniza tion of (food) cultu re since creolized consum ption can

become a uthent icized a nd consequently reinforcing existing cultura l identity.

15

Fi gur e 2. The dynam ics of food discourse in Gr eenl and ic food cul tu re

3. Creolization

1. Global

GLOBAL

SCOPE

COMPATIBILITY

LOCAL

4. Nostalgia

2. Expatriate

YES NO

(eg Mexican food, pork)(eg pizza, Danish food)

(Greenlandic food)

Onion, rice

"Suasaat"Onion and rice

mixed with seal


23/24

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IDENTITY and ACCULTURATION - Food Consumption by Greenlander in Denmark