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Introduction
codas, and vice versa.” Similarly, Clements (1990, 303), who de!nes
sonority pro!le of the !rst part of the syllable [i.e. the beginning of the syllable to the vocalic peak] is independent of the sonority pro!le
"is chapter takes issue with this view in one very particular way. "is
ture. "is chapter presents such a theory, the split margin approach to
margin approach to the syllable can o#er new insight and explanation into a variety of typological and language speci!c phenomena. Speci!-
are no languages having CCV syllables but lacking CVC syllables). "e
development of onset clusters and codas. "e !rst case concerns dia-
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margin approach to the syllable o#ers a deeper explanation for the
netic explanations have been o#ered for Dorsey’s Law epenthesis in
The Split Margin Approach to the Syllable
(be it a singleton onset or the !rst member of an onset cluster). What
ters and the status of a word-!nal coda consonant, which, in some languages, has freer
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Onset Rhyme
Nucleus (Co a)
M1 (M2) P
!
M2
"e split margin approach to the syllable expands on Prince and
(2) "e
- +
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"e M
(3) "e
+-
"is theoretical approach a#ords us a number of advantages. "e M
segments more sonorous than rhotics are banned; Baertsch 2002). "e
is o$en in its release into a following vowel. On the other hand, the preference for
and (3) in parentheses. "is chapter only focuses on true consonants. "e pattern-
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555!0!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555!0 $6"!678"85559:";:8"5<-$6"!678"85559:";:8"5<-
Jarmo, a child acquiring Dutch as his !rst language. At around 24
From one perspective such a pattern is di%cult to grasp as speci!-
"e phonotactic evidence for a connection between onset clusters
English, Dutch, and German that disallows sequences like *plil, *&ilf,
nants from &anking both sides of a vowel only if there is a (marked) onset cluster. As Cairns (1988, 231) speci!cally notes, “this would sug-
place features with a following onset (Itô 1988). While we do not discuss these di#er-
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klull”. "e split margin approach
phonotactic restrictions then can be understood as re&ecting an OCP
"e following section develops the split margin approach to the syl-
On the Implicational Universal that Complex Onsets Imply the Presence of Codas
out. "is is contrary to Blevins’s (1995, 2006) typological survey of
vey of syllable types across di#erent languages, but on the formal prop-erty of syllable markedness. Speci!cally, they note that syllable rimes
ponent of the syllable. "ey assume that there is a formal constraint
complex onset) then it must allow for a marked (branching) rime. "at
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555!;!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555!; $6"!678"85559:";:8"5<-$6"!678"85559:";:8"5<-
"is section shows that this typological tendency has
We will then brie&y discuss whether there are true counterexamples.
(5) "e
(6) "e
"e conjoined constraints are intrinsically ranked with respect to each other (re&ecting the ranking of the component M
from other syllable-initial clusters and are o$en best analyzed with the sibilant (or
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favored onset cluster. "is is because *M
Exempli!cation from Spanish
"e patterning of (7) re&ects the constraint ranking in (8) with the
/l. "e Spanish analysis in (8)–(10) demonstrates how the
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555!%!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555!% $6"!678"85559:";:875<-$6"!678"85559:";:875<-
"is approach to the analysis of complex onsets provides a natural
single conjuncts. "is is shown in (11).
Faith
*M1/Obs&*M2/r
*M1/Obs *M2/r
"e consequence of this ranking is that if a language allows for an
we then consider syllable typology, we would expect to !nd languages
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"e main problem with (13) is that a potential candidate with a sur-
S'( (ranked above F)*+,). "e violation of *M
/S'(. "us, under the split margin approach
of the nucleus. "us, this chapter does not consider such languages. "ird, a number of languages cited as having a maximal CCV syllable
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%8!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%8 $6"!678"85559:";:875<-$6"!678"85559:";:875<-
syllable all take on a coda consonant under certain types of su%xation.
Haitian Creole, which some researchers consider to re&ect the gram-
maintains coda consonants. "is is somewhat mysterious given the
having the ranking shown in (12c). "eir lack of coda consonants has
language contact, these are not repaired. "is is a matter for future
The Parallel Development of Onset Clusters and Coda
onset clusters, speci!cally languages with the ranking shown in (12b).
Ndayiragije, and Nikiema (2008) speci!cally note the oddity of a language like Fongbe
"eir solution, working in the framework of government phonology, is to posit an
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%"!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%" $6"!678"85559:";:875<-$6"!678"85559:";:875<-
ond member of an onset in a parallel way re&ecting a link between
Campidanian Sardinian
sonorant. "is means that the relevant conjoined constraints are also
eliminate its coda. "is is because given the ranking for CCVC languages as in (12c),
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%7!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%7 $6"!678"85559:";:875<-$6"!678"85559:";:875<-
rhotic re&exes in CS as exempli!ed in (16) where Latin forms are indi-cated in capital letters. ("e lateral can occur syllable-initially in CS, a
or vice-versa. "e relevant tableau is shown in (18) where we assume
!!>"#$"%&$#%
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%=!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%= $6"!678"85559:";:875<-$6"!678"85559:";:875<-
‘!rst’
"e change follows naturally from the ranking in (17) under the split
/l. "us, it is expected that if Latin /l/ has
in (24). "us, our analysis under the split margin approach formally
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%0!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%0 $6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-$6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-
/primu/ [primu] ‘!rst’
triggers the change in a potential lateral coda as in (18). "ere are
Nonetheless, as re&ected in our
positions. "e parallel nature of the restriction is neatly captured
Bamana
ond members of onsets in a parallel way, re&ecting the M
Latin. Speci!cally, with the exception of a singleton coda [r], as in arbaCS obeys the Coda Condition. "is means that CS codas may include an obstruent only if it is the !rst part of a geminate (ignoring certain problems regarding the syl-labi!cation of s-clusters) or if it is homorganic to a following onset. While we do not
constraints. CS thus o#ers an interesting interplay of coda (M
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with Colloquial Bamana in (25). "rough vowel syncope, Colloquial Bamana has developed onset clusters and codas. ("e data and dis-
deletes a non-!nal high vowel, though a non-high vowel can be deleted if there are no target high vowels. "e e#ect of this is to make syllable
ana, which is basically a CV language. "rough syncope, Colloquial
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%;!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%; $6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-$6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-
"e examples in (26) make clear that the result of syncope does not
di#erence between Standard and Colloquial Bamana by a di#erence in
"e winning candidate in (28a) violates Syncope in that it does not undergo syncope. "e losing candidate in (28b) respects Syncope, but
since it has [r] in coda position. "e winning candidate has no codas
constraint below Syncope. "e ranking for Colloquial Bamana is given
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%!!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%! $6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-$6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-
"e winning candidate in (30b) has a sonorant in its coda. "e demo-
/S'(. "us, just as possible forms with a coda
form with a complex onset. "is is shown by the tableau in (32).
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%%!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%% $6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-$6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-
"is accounts for the output with a complex onset as seen by the tab-
intrinsic ranking.) Our detailed analysis of the di#erent varieties of
"ere are restrictions on Bamana syncope that are not discussed here but are
tions are disfavored in a single word. "at is, typically, only one deletion can occur
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%$!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555%$ $6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-$6"!678"85559:";:8=5<-
On Dorsey’s Law in Winnebago
"is section considers the application of the split margin approach
Our contention is that the split margin approach to the syllable o#ers
onset, as we see in (35). "e inserted vowel has the same quality of the vowel that immediately follows the sonorant consonant. ("e Win-
‘!ne’
sequences do not surface morpheme-internally or over a pre!x bound-ary (the /k/ in (35f) is a re&exive pre!x), Winnebago does allow a
over a su%xal boundary as in (35e) where /-ra/ is a su%x (or enclitic) marking de!niteness.
before the sonorant is misperceived as a vowel. "e vowel is perceived
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$8!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$8 $6"!678"85559:";:805<-$6"!678"85559:";:805<-
with stress.) "e di%culty we see with this phonetic explanation is
ing sequences occur as onset clusters with no vowel epenthesis. "us
contact (i.e. rising sonority over a syllable boundary). "e di%culty
has no re&ex diachronically).
obstruent-sonorant sequences not to surface. "e salient observation
) is dominated by Faith. "us, CVC reduplication as in (36) results
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$"!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$" $6"!678"85559:";:805<-$6"!678"85559:";:805<-
"is analysis thus far provides a principled account of the epenthe-
no overt evidence. However, the analysis of stem-!nal consonants in
Law does not apply over a !nal stem boundary and the obstruent-
Lack of Dorsey’s Law over a stem-!nal boundary
We suggest that stem-!nal codas that are not word !nal may, in fact,
straint requiring a stem-!nal element to be syllable !nal, i.e. AlignR
right edge of the syllable. "e /b/ in (38) is in stem-!nal position. "is
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$7!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$7 $6"!678"85559:";:805<-$6"!678"85559:";:805<-
and Fleischhacker (2002), rather it o#ers a deeper explanation for why obstruent-sonorant sequences are targeted to be broken up in the !rst place. "ere is internal systemic pressure from within the phonology
Conclusion
"is chapter has o#ered a detailed exploration of the relationship
Fleischhacker (2002) and Flemming (2008) o#er perceptual accounts of Dorsey’s Law epenthesis. "ey note that epenthesis is more likely to occur to split up an under-
cess (e.g., the process in Winnebago does not apply over a su%x boundary; also, the
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$=!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$= $6"!678"85559:";:805<-$6"!678"85559:";:805<-
been made, previous researchers have not o#ered a formal account
of the relationship between the coda and onset clusters. "is chapter,
2003, Davis and Baertsch 2005), !lls this gap by detailing the split mar-
under the split margin approach to the syllable) allowed us to o#er
Sections 3–5 show how the split margin approach to the syllable o#ers
are claimed to be covert CCVC languages. "is is a provocative claim that requires further research. Section 4 shows speci!c cases of parallel development a#ecting codas and onset clusters. Especially in the case
mately connected. "is also lays the groundwork for future research.
margin approach to the syllable speci!cally predict? Section 5 o#ers a
Law epenthesis in Winnebago. "e major criticism of phonetic discus-
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the syllable developed here o#ers a novel perspective and understand-
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!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$;!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$; $6"!678"85559:";:805<-$6"!678"85559:";:805<-
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!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$!!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$! $6"!678"85559:";:805<-$6"!678"85559:";:805<-
!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$%!"#$%&'()*+,&*()-.&/012344555$% $6"!678"85559:";:805<-$6"!678"85559:";:805<-