HARITA T INTI.. Vol. Y, No. ?44. pp. 7-26. 1985. Printed in Great Bntain

tllY7-3Y7s:85 $3.00 + 0.00 0 19x6 Pcrgamon Prcas Ltd.

Human Settlements: Building a New Resourcefulness*

JOAN DAVIDSON? University College London, UK

SUMMARY

Urban activity, like other sectors of development, has enormous repercussions for the global and local environment. Cities and their margins are the focus of many natural resource problems. Notions of sustainable development (which takes account of and husbands natural resources) apply as much to human settlements as to other kinds of activity, if not more so, for many people are directly involved, often the poorest. Drawing on the skills and energies of urban people to make better use of urban natural resources can benefit them now and build support for the wider goals of conservation over the longer term. Yet human settlements are still regarded as inimical to conservation activity; environmental management is considered to be the dispensible part of city planning. Paradoxically, many urban areas are ecologically rich; many of their natural assets are wasted. There are opportunities for resource saving which could bring human and environmental gains and help cities to become more self- reliant. It is the multiple benefit of these activities that should make them a priority for practical demonstration and investment. An integrated approach to urban resource management requires new attitudes, more experiment and some changes in organisation - all areas in which cities traditionally have the advantage of innovative thinking.

INTRODUCTION

The idea of more sustainable urban communities is an attractive one for a world in which large cities, however defined, have increasingly come to dominate the economic and social life of rich and poor countries. But among many problems, two stand out in translating the vision into reality - the prevailing conception of cities as parasitic, particularly in their consumption of natural resources and the apparent lack of thriving schemes in practice to counter this view.

This paper argues for a different approach and, drawing on a selection of examples, discusses some of the difficulties and possibilities for implementation. The text is wide-ranging and necessarily sketchy on many aspects of urban and environmental management. Wherever possible, notes and references provide a guide to other work.

* This paper was originally prepared for a workshop on sustainable development, sponsored by IUCN and UN University. Montreal, Canada. 7-14 April 1984. I am grateful to a number of busy people. and especially to John Davidson, for help in preparing this paper and to the Commission on Environmental Planning. IUCN and UNESCO for funding.

i-Address for correspondence: 69 Painswick Road. Chcltenham. Gloucestershire CL50 2EX.

7

Growth of cities

Within two decades it is possible that more than half of the world’s population of around 6 billion will be living in settlements which can be described as urban.’ While most people in the Third World still live outside these areas, there has been an unprecedented growth of cities and especially large ones. In 1950 only one of the cities of Africa had reached a million. By 1950 there were 19 and by 2000 there could be more than 60. Some of the least populated regions of the world are urbanising the most rapidly - some countries in southern Africa expect a quadrupling of their urban populations by the year 2000. However successful, over the longer term, are the rural development and population policies pursued by many developing countries, their major cities, where investment, production and exchange are concentrated, will continue to grow.

Living in cities

The appalling conditions in most of the world’s cities have been well documented. For the majority of those in the South, more than half their inhabitants live in poorly serviced (or un-serviced) informal settlements at the edge of development. Millions live in city centre slums - or on the streets. Shelter programmes are nowhere keeping pace with the need, even where governments and aid agencies have abandoned conventional housing pro- grammes in favour of site-and-service and settlement upgrading schemes. Urban unemployment, under-employment and the meagre, irregular incomes of those in work ensure a continuation of the poverty which allows no improvement in housing, nutrition or health and brings early death.’

Large cities of the North -once prosperous industrial and commercial centres - are now losing people and jobs; their problems are of a quite different order from those of the South. But there are striking similarities, perhaps especially between the larger settlements of the Third World and the inner areas of those in the North. They too, have become the focus of poverty and decay, with decrepit buildings, wasteland lying idle through inertia and speculation and communities disrupted by crime and violence. Large cities almost everywhere are becoming increasingly costly to run - to supply with essential materials and services. They are great sinks of unemployment - there is a desperate need to find new jobs and new sources of income. For parts of some cities in the North, as for most in the South, the characteristics of underdevelopment are well displayed - a realisation which has prompted one development aid agency OXFAM to justify assistance to two inner urban areas in Britain.

ENVIRONMENTAL CONSEQUENCES

Improving the conditions of city living, especially for the poorest. is a growing preoccupation of central and local government policymakers (although. in practice, it is often the informal and self-help urban groups that have acted most effectively on the ground).

Set against the need to provide better shelter, water and sanitation, fight disease and crime and raise local incomes. other environmental issues appear

trivial. Yet the expansion of human settlements has profound repercussions for the natural environment both inside and outside urban areas and these are beginning to impinge much more closely upon the ability of city administrations to make desirable improvements in living conditions.

There is growing evidence to suggest that urban expansion is directly damaging the long term sustainability of natural systems both close into development and away from it. Moreover, while cities become increasingly dependent upon distant and uncertain resource supplies - especially of energy, food and water - there are natural assets which could be better used to support city living that often lie idle within and alongside the urban environment (Newland, 1980; Davidson and Davidson 1981; Davidson 1983).

The environment outside the city - controlling urban growth

Limiting the amount of land lost to urban uses has been the major ‘environ- mental’ concern of urban strategists. As cities have grown, policymakers have tried to minimise the loss of good farmland, prevent the sterilisation of aquifers and safeguard natural areas for recreation and amenity. In the North, and especially in Europe, elaborate legislation (such as for Green Belts in the UK) has been designed to protect open land at the urban edge. There has been considerable success in retaining land free from building, though less in securing its positive use for farming, forestry or amenity.

Many Third World settlement strategies have incorporated this kind of ‘greenspace’ thinking but in practice the policies have proved hard to implement where there is so little control over the local land market, limited acceptance of planning regulations and rampant speculation which leaves large areas vacant. For most large settlements of the South, spontaneous urban growth has been forced into quite inappropriate places - good farmland and forest, steep, unmanageable slopes, mosquito-infested swamps and waste tips. Without substantial land reform (including greater public control over development and the introduction of mechanisms to recapture for community benefit the values accruing from that development) it is unlikely that the shelter needs of the poorest can be met. Nor will the continued destruction of productive land and potentially valuable habitats be reduced.”

Even where it is not directly built upon, land is heavily influenced by urban activity. The margins of many cities of the North are blighted by industrial dereliction and fragmented by urban services such as refuse disposal. Farmland and forest is often poorly managed where there is uncertainty about future land use, severance from road developments and problems of trespass.

Around the cities of the Third World, overcropping and overgrazing often result in permanent degradation of the soil which is followed by erosion, flooding or the encroachment of desert. Air and water pollution damage crops and livestock, fisheries and water supplies. Wild habitats are being lost which not only have cultural and recreational significance but may contain species of medical and commercial value, especially where tropical rainforest is being cleared. All these changes are often precipitated by the clearance of trees for fuelwood and charcoal (IUCN, 1980).

The environment inside the city

Within the city, concern for the natural environment has been very much with the visual. In the North this has come to mean the protection and creation of

.’ The land problems of Third World cities are documented in detail in Hardoy and Satterthwaite, 1981 and McAuslan. 1983.

greenspace, conservation of the urban fabric - especially of heritage - and in recent years, the reduction of air pollution and traffic hazard. There is now greater emphasis upon the use and creation of natural features in urban development both at the structural and site scales and a return, among a few architects, to the principles of climate-sensitive design. Even on some settlement improvement schemes there is increasing attention to tree-planting (Westn~ac~~tt and Blandford, 1980). But in the South and in the North, the ‘environmental’ emphasis remains essentially cosmetic, curative and temporary.

Just as those concerned with species and habitat conservation have ignored what goes on within and at the margins of settlements - seeing urbanisation as an unwelcome but inevitable destroyer of wildlife - so have urban strategists largely ignored the consequences of their schemes for natural systems and the opportunities presented by a whole range of intcracti(~ns between urban populations and the local resource base.

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOP~EN-r

Looking at cities differently, in terms of the natural resources they consume and the sustainability of that consumption is not a common view. A move towards greater self-reliance has to be concerned not only with reducing the damage that cities do outside their area, but with finding ways of supporting them more cheaply and more reliably with the resources they need and doing both in ways that improve the quality of urban living.

Some cities of the South still retain a close and symbiotic relationship with their hinterland in patterns of food and fuel supply and waste disposal (Chidumayo, 1983). More commonly, cities have outgrown the capacity of their margins to support daily needs and absorb urban wastes: they face an increasingly costly and uncertain dependence upon imported materials and energy (Newland, 1980). Water for Mexico City, for example, will have to be piped 200 km and pumped more than 1000 m to the city altitude (an operation which could consume a fifth of the country’s electricity production). Recent work in India shows that some cities draw in half a million tonnes of firewood annually, much on special diesel trucks, some on trains (Centre for Science and Environment, 1983). The low efficiency with which the wood is finally converted could mean that. overall, more energy is expended in transport than is generated for urban cooking.

In the North, it is commonplace for urban communities to be serviced from around the world. Every morning most of Britain’s 37 million urban dwellers consume breakfasts that are derived from cash crops grown in Third World countries (perhaps in competition with local food production). They ride to factories, shops and offices on fuel from the North Sea and the Middle East, use paper from the forests of northern Europe and work at benches and desks veneered from trees of the tropical rain forest (where me species is extinguished every 24 hr). In addition to the many other natural resources consumed in a day, they will produce, from their homes alone, 50,000 tonnes of solid waste, most of which has to be transported considerable distances to be dumped on open land.

This example of an urban morning illustrates the interdependence of global society, but it also has less comforting implications. Cities are highly vulnerable to fluctuations in the supply and cost of essential resources. as the oil price hikes of the seventies have amply demonstrated. Periodic shortages of foodstuffs and other essentials like cooking oil and bottled gas are comm~~n in cities of the Third World and the poor are always hit hardest. With the rapid development of substitutes, it would be unwise to forecast absolute scarcities for many natural resources. But politically and economically induced uncertainties are likely to

become much more common, particularly in fuel supply. A growing number of energy commentators argue that it would be wise to move away from the excessive dependence upon oil (and natural gas) though for most of the world’s cities there is little evidence of such a move in the major oil-using sector of transport.

The escalating costs of resource-dependence are crippling national and city budgets: some Third World countries are spending more than half their foreign exchange income on imported oil. There are other, if less spectacular, service problems as cities exhaust the capabilities of their hinterlands. In Singapore, where the volume of waste exceeds the supply of local sites for tipping, more than 1,500 tonnes are daily transported and dumped into fringe swamp lands at an unknown cost to the quality of groundwater and soils.

The notion of greater self-reliance

A number of recent studies have argued for a wider interpretation of the natural environment of cities and for a more resourceful approach to their management -one which recognises the interdependence of urban systems with other sectors of the national and international economy but also sees opportunities for cities to adopt a more resilient posture which offers greater adaptation to natural resource scarcity.”

The idea of small, self-reliant communities is not new and a number of interesting experiments are in progress, although these are most often applied to new settlements. The Livable City, urban report of the UK’s Conservation and Development Programme argues that there is great scope for existing human settlements to adapt and to do so in ways which not only conserve resources and build a more sustainable style of urban living over the long term but also generate some tangible benefits now (Davidson and MacEwen, 1983a).

Locked up in cities are wasted assets - energy, land, buildings, refuse - which could be managed differently to save money, create jobs, provide training in new skills, regenerate decaying neighbourhoods and encourage greater community participation. There are many opportunities to reap such benefits in urban areas - by saving energy in buildings, transport and equipment, renewing housing and infrastructure, reclaiming wastes, using vacant land more produc- tively and fostering enterprises which link resource-saving with local economic regeneration.

The rest of this paper looks at some developing areas of urban resourcefulness drawing upon local schemes in practice in both North and South which illustrate progress in:

the productive use of vacant urban land; energy saving; waste recycling.

The selection of topics and schemes is not intended to be representative of the great variety of resourceful initiatives around the world, nor in any way prescriptive of how cities should be managed. Examples have been chosen to illustrate the multiple benefits of urban resource saving which is locally based and involves the community. The emphasis throughout is upon action which is particularly (but not exclusively) concerned with the urban disadvantaged. A concluding section explores some common problems of implementation.”

’ The idea of local self reliance is central to Theme 11 of UNESCO’s Man and the Biosphere Programme which is focused on an ecological approach to settlements: see Boyden, 1979. The practical application of self reliance to cities of the developed world is the concern of The Institute of Local Self Reliance, 2425 18th Street NW. Washington, D.C. 20009 US. See Morris, 1982.

5 This paper concentrates upon the opportunities for using existing urban assets in new ways rather than the reduction of environmental hazards like air and water pollution. although clearly these are often the priority for action to improve city environments. For some examples of resourceful schemes see Centre for Science and Environment, 1983 and Sylvester-Evans. 1980.

17

LAND: GROWING AND GREENING

Cities of the North have long since outgrown the capacity of their hinterlands to supply enough food for local markets. But this is a recent phenomenon for developing countries: many of their cities face a growing and dangerous dependence upon food imported not only from elsewhere within the country but from abroad, as urban edge farmland has been built upon, blighted by speculation or turned over to cash crops for export (or exotics for specialist local markets). City food prices, even where governments hold them down, reflect the increasing costs of long distance transport and numerous ‘middle men’.

Many low income families are unable to grow food locally. Owned and rented dwellings in the city centre rarely have garden space; even on settlement improvement schemes at the urban edge, the plot size may be too small. Crop growing on vacant land is risky because of theft or eviction and water for irrigation may not be available or affordable. The husbanding of livestock is often prohibited in urban areas.

Recent work in some low income shelter projects suggests that nutritional standards fall and health deteriorates as families struggle to repay housing loans and service charges at the expense of an adequate diet from bought food (England and Alnwick, 1982).

Where urban families can cultivate a vegetable garden, this can make a substantial contribution to the family diet and often provide a supplementary income. There are cities in which locally produced food has always played a significant part in the urban diet. agriculture programmes.”

but only a few have continuing urban

A maior problem in most cities, even where land lies vacant, is for people to gain and maintain access to plots for food growing. Gardening is usually illegal and although it may be condoned, continued access is uncertain and cultivators may be evicted at any time to make way for scheduled urban activities. Locally, there arc severe problems of crop contamination, particularly from lead emissions along major routes but also from mining and industrial residues.

Away from such areas. much more vacant urban land could be cultivated, even if only temporarily, both in the North and the South. School grounds, balconies and rooftops can all be used. The need is for official recognition and the regularisation of urban gardening. The relaxation of restrictions, the granting of temporary leases and licences to use vacant sites and the provision of production supports (for example, tools, seed, water and fertilisers, storage space, credit for improvements, advice on appropriate crops and sustainable methods of cultivation and on marketing) could intensify the use of gardens and increase yields. Demonstration plots and training schemes are also needed, but few settlement improvement projects have the staff, funds or institutional capability to incorporate such developments - or maintain them. Yet all these measures would enable more families to benefit, not only nutritionally, but also in terms of income, increasing their capacity to pay for shelter improvements. The rate of urban population growth, the fragility of many of the world’s crop systems and the increasing variability of local climates suggest that improving the subsistence capability of settlements is not as frivolous as urban strategists have so far appeared to consider it.

“M’ayhurn. IW-l rclers to urban gardening: in Addia Ahaba which ha5 a system of community-administered lands (‘Lalwle\‘) in which plots are made available to the poor and unemployed to grow vegetables; in Panama u hcl-c a home and community gardens project is supported hy UNICEF; in Dhaka which has a ‘Green Belt :1round the tit!‘ pr~~y~-ammc to eatahlish vcgctahlc gardens and small farms in the urhan fringe.

13

LUSAKA: SELF-RELIANT UPGRADING

Zambia’s copper boom of the 1960s made Lusaka one of the fastest growing cities in the world. By 1979 the population had reached 500,000; on the present annual growth rate of more than 7% this will be a million by 1990. More than half of Lusaka’s people live in self-help settlements, unable to afford conventional housing. By 1972 the government had reversed its earlier opposition towards squatting and was committed to a policy of settlement upgrading in four of Lusaka’s largest townships: George, Chawama, Chaisa and Chipata which together house almost a third of Lusaka’s population. The city became one of the first in which the World Bank demonstrated its willingness to fund a new style of urban development based upon loans for self-help housing, service improvements (piped water, drainage, lighting, roads) and community facilities (schools, clinics and markets) (Hoek-Smit, 1982; Laquian, 1983; World Bank, 1983a).

Vegetable gardens are common throughout low density Lusaka, in richer and poorer districts, on commercial smallholdings at the urban edge and scattered on vacant land beside roads. In the upgraded settlement of George, half of all the families keep a vegetable garden near their home (of perhaps 30 sq. m) and more than half keep a larger ‘distant’ garden elsewhere in the city (of some 300 sq. m). As part of the community development programme associated with the settlement upgrading scheme, an ‘Urban Agriculture and Nutrition Project’ was started in 1977 by the American Friends’ Service Committee (AFSC) and UNICEF. Demonstration plots of maize and vegetables were planted in the squatter areas and in the urban fringe where land was made available for food production as well as residence. Local groups were helped with seed, fertiliser and tools - (Hoek-Smit, 1983; Wayburn, 1984).

When the squatter settlements began to develop, their houses were built of sun-dried bricks made locally; the holes were used for rubbish or turned into cornposting pits for vegetable gardens. Later houses were made of concrete blocks. Although these were more expensive and had to be brought in from outside the settlement, they were considered to be stronger and of higher status. As part of the upgrading scheme an intermediate technology has been promoted (with variable success) - the use of soil cement blocks. Prices are lower and more stable then for concrete blocks, they are strong, weather- proof and provide good insulation, they can be made locally, and by women.

Throughout the Lusaka upgrading programme, the AFSC has been an important catalyst, stimulating new ways of working - with the community, with the City Council and its Housing Project Unit and with the government. The AFSC has provided a vital link between different interest groups, it has trained community workers and faithfully recorded the successes and failures of trying to implement a self-help approach to shelter (Hoek-Smit, 1983).

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13

CITY PARKS AND GARDENS IN CHINA

It is in China that the idea of resourceful uses for urban land seems to have found most practical expression. At least 85% of the vegetables consumed by city dwellers in China are grown within the urban area - Shanghai and Peking are self-sufficient in vegetables (Wade, IYXI). Within Chinese cities. fish. small animals and tree crops arc intensively cultivated. Even urban parks - areas that would elsewhere be set aside and managed exclusively for

recreation - are also used productively (Cranz. lY7Y). Tea. fruit. spices and bamboo for building are all harvested in Chinese parks and lakes are stocked with crab and fish. Plants are grown for balms and medicines and to produce extracts for industry. Some parks’ departments process the materials grown. producing furniture. wine and cured tea for sale. All these commodities contribute revenue towards the cost of park management: by combining recreation with forestry, Nanking’s parks department can meet 70% of its costs.

Parks in most Chinese cities are linked by ‘linear greenspaces’ of trees planted along major routes which also produce timber. Professionals and volunteers are involved in these city greening programmcs - local com- mittees or&anise workers. students and schoolchildren to plant and maintain trees.

In contrast to the way in which greenspace is managed in many Western cities. the Chinese seem to have made the link, in practice. between environment and development. between beauty and utility.

Greening the cities of the North

Urbanisation is usually counted among the most damaging of man’s activities for wildlife. Yet even in the worst of the conurbations of the North, a remarkable network of ecologically rich environments has been bypassed by development and remain alongside rivers, canals and railways and in the grounds of large institutions. The extent of urban decay in some of the older industrial cities of Europe (and especially the UK) offers great scope for greening, for densities have been dramatically reduced and much land lies vacant.

One of the most successful conservation movements of the last decade has come through the activities of urban groups, working with local communities, to safeguard, restore and create greenspace in cities. In Britain, a great variety of greening schemes are in progress ranging from large-scale environmental improvements of degraded urban land to the planting up of vacant street-corner plots. A number of active urban wildlife groups are working under special government schemes to use young unemployed people on greening projects. Some local authorities have established special teams to assist them with funds, tools and advice.

This emerging emphasis on greening is taking a different form from the traditional concern of urban administrations to provide expensively manicured lawns and flower beds. Instead, the idea is to promote the low cost, ecological management of native trees and shrubs, meadows and urban woodlands (Baines, 1983). Some spectacular transformations have been achieved. The William Curtis Ecological Park, in the shadow of London’s Tower Bridge, was changed from a derelict tarmac lorry plot to an oasis of great biological diversity within three years. In some conurbations, the image of hard-to-let housing estates has been reversed after pioneering rehabilitation experiments have tackled the land as well as the properties.

There are clearly opportunities not just for voluntary groups but for local authorities and the private sector to be involved - local firms, developers and nationalised industries, indeed all those who hold urban land. There are inexpensive and rapid ways of greening, even if this is only temporarily, while land awaits another use.

These new-style greening initiatives have brought a number of local benefits to disadvantaged urban neighbourhoods - not least improvements in the image of these areas for living in and, potentially, for investing in. Trees and shrubs muffle noise, shade and aerate city streets and absorb pollutants and dust. Local involvement has restored a sense of community, for greening has proved to be an attractive focus for participation. Some schemes have generated permanent paid jobs and provided training in a variety of greening skills.

But the scale is small. In Britain, greening activities are hindered by the high cost of urban land, difficulties of locating owners and negotiating access. Much more could be done to enable local groups to work on vacant sites. Even then, the results may be piecemeal, temporary and largely cosmetic unless greening can be locked in more closely to the urban economy. While it remains a drain upon city budgets, however small the expenditure, it can never assume the importance in city management that an assessment of the intangible gains suggests it should have. Greening is among the first activities of local government to be cut in times of financial stringency (of the kind Britain now faces with impending legislation to curb the spending and powers of metropol- itan authorities).

But is is possible to make greening pay. Allotments, city farms, garden centres, plantations, hay meadows and the technical services associated with such enterprises can all generate profits. The challenge is to find appropriate mechanisms of financial and technical support to enable greening projects to become self-sustaining in metropolitan areas.

ENERGY: CREATING AND CONSERVING

Cities everywhere are voracious consumers of energy. The need to conserve, to look for alternatives to the increasing dependence of urban transport and buildings upon expensive and (for most countries) uncertain supplies of imported oil is common to cities of the North and South. In both, while the long term objective towards sustainable development may be to extend the role of new and renewable energy sources (such as solar, wind and biogas) in practice, the commitment is poor and the gains are likely to be slender over the next decade (Foley, 1981).

In the household sector and especially for those on low incomes. a major issue is how to make better use of the energy consumed. In the Third World, the overall priority is to increase the local supply of energy for poor families. Experiments in several countries show that it is possible to combine both of these objectives with other social and economic goals and to see improved energy management as a focus for local regeneration through a number of resourceful activities.

Urbun energy in the South: the woodfuel problem

In urban as well as rural areas in the Third World, firewood and charcoal remain the basic cooking fuels for poor families. Even where electricity is available, it is too expensive for most urban families to cook by. The increasing cost of alternative fuels such as kerosene or bottled gas (or even charcoal) means that firewood, bought or collected as a ‘free good’ (along with dung and crop wastes in some countries) can be the only practical source of energy for cooking.’

The destruction of forests for fuelwood is a major concern of countries trying to promote sustainable development. There is a growing emphasis, in develop- ment assistance programmes, upon tree planting schemes and the promotion of alternative renewable energy sources. But in all this, the special problems of urban areas have been largely overlooked. Yet the devastation of forests is concentrated around urban centres where trees are cleared not only for immediate use by local families but for the commercial firewood market (whose size has been grossly underestimated) charcoal burning, cultivation, tobacco curing and a range of other urban-based activities. Estimates in some countries show that these activities will outstrip available woodlands in less than 30 years and faster than the natural rate of regeneration (Chidumayo, 1979, 1983).

Energy use is linked to the condition of urban living in a number of ways. As with food, fuel competes with housing for an increasing share of severely limited incomes - leaving little over for improvements to housing. Reports from Bangladesh. Nepal, Pakistan and Zambia show that at least a quarter. perhaps even a half, of the cash income of poor urban families may be spent on fuel. Families who cannot afford to buy it go without cooked food, which affects nutrition and health, unless thay can collect wood (or use dung or crop wastes). As local supplies decline. women and children spend more time and energy walking long distances to find wood: the extra benefits of the food it cooks may well be dissipated in this way.

Fuelwood planting

The World Bank, UN and other agencies are now supporting a number of planting schemes. but few of these arc on the urban edge or linked in with city

Humut~ Seitlements: Buildirtg a New Resourcefu1rw.s.s 17

LAE: URBAN FARMING AND FORESTRY

Lae is Papua New Guinea’s foremost industrial town and second largest urban centre with a population of 45,000 in 1977 and an annual growth rate of more than 5% -twice the rate for the country as a whole (Newcombe, 1980). More than half of Lae’s large migrant population is housed in self-help settlements at the urban edge. Many people live on the lower slopes of the Atzera Range, to the NW of the town, where heavy rain has eroded once- forested land which has been extensively cleared for gardens, firewood and building materials. The lowland tropical forest continues to be depleted at around 30 ha/year while mud and debris eroded from the slopes bring much damage to roads and suburban land.

Gardening in Lae is common. Only a small proportion of residents are able to grow crops for sale but many women like to cultivate a plot to supplement bought food and for companionship. Recent work on the urban diet of Lae residents, which is changing under the influence of highly refined convenience foods, suggests that fresh vegetables from urban gardens will become a vital food source if nutritional standards are not to fall substantially. Lae has become more and more dependent upon imported foodstuffs (including vegetables) which take scarce foreign currency and increase the vulnerability of the economy (and the nutritional state of the people) to external factors.

Lae women do not like to travel far to their plots, for they fear the real and imagined dangers of unfamiliar bush outside the town. Urban and urban-edge gardens are therefore intensively used. and the soil rapidly becomes impoverished with continuous cropping. On sites which carry no legal tenure there is no incentive for regular composting and rotation.

To bring about a more sustainable pattern of urban agriculture, a series of experimental composting and gardening projects was begun in 1977 by Lae City Council (in a cooperative programme involving settlement leaders and a local research centre) as part of a UNESCOUNEP Human Ecology Programme based on Lae and its hinterland. The work has a number of themes including the provision of more space for gardening, the promotion of agroforestry and chicken-rearing and extensive advice to families on nutrition. The programme also looked at energy problems especially those of the non-commercial sector associated with the demand for firewood from informal settlements at the urban edge (which account for more than 70% of all the firewood used in Lae). On the Atzera range. 200 ha of fast-growing Leucuena are being planted for eventual sale. On the lower slopes, land is managed under an agroforestry regime combining fruit and vegetables with fuelwood production. The planting programme is part of an overall self- reliant energy strategy based upon using local resources (including wastes) and increasing efficiency. A network of firewood distribution centres has been established around the city, providing poorer families with cheap off- cuts from a local wood mill. Over the longer term, charcoal will be promoted for cooking and kerosene will be substituted by locally produced ethanol (from cassava and sugar cane) for lighting. Research continues on the relative efficiencies and acceptabilities of different cooking stoves. The Lae pro- gramme has already shown the value of tackling food and fuel issues together and of linking research closely to policy-making. A careful analysis of the food patterns and energy flows in different parts of the city provided the basis for assessing both needs and the opportunities for greater local self-reliance.

management. Fewer still combine the multiple needs of urban families for fuel. food, fodder. building materials and jobs. although these are commonly the objectives of rural ‘social forestry’ schemes of the kind pioneered in Gujarat and followed, with variable success, elsewhere. Experience so far suggests that while local participation in fuelwood plantations is essential to encourage responsible cropping, great care is needed over the choice of species. management regime and marketing policy if real benefits arc to bc gained locally and environmental damage avoided. The vogue for monocultural l3rc.alyptu.s planting has brought many problems: a recent study in the Indian state of Karnataka claims that the social forestry programme is failing to provide local firewood or employment and soils are deteriorating (Centre for Science and Environment. 1083). But there are more successful multi-purpose schemes in progress.

Much more action is needed closer to urban areas and inside them. Skilful planting can augment improvements in shelter and infrastructure for trees not only provide fuel. but also reduce run-off and flooding. stabilise soils. give shade and shelter (for crops and houses) and retain soil moisture, increasing the benefit of irrigation or reducing the need for it. All these advantages can be combined by planting fast-growing fuelwood species in association with urban and urban-edge vegetable gardens and smallholdings, perhaps also on other waste ground, along roads and on temporarily vacant sites. One cstimatc of family fuelwood demands suggests that even a small urban edge farmer can conveniently grow enough trees to be cropped in rotation (releasing. as fertiliser, other materials which may be presently used for energy such as crop wastes or dung). But as with improvements in urban agriculture, fuelwood planting rcquircs local pro- grammes of support and training and more demonstration projects to show that it can work. It would seem scnsiblc to combine fuelwood planting with settlement improvement programmes. in the way that sonic of these have incorporated food growing. More studies arc nccdcd of urban wood consump- tion patterns, the size of the market for wood products and the possibilities ot links with villages to supply fuelwood (Leach ct rd.. I%%): Ncwcombc ct rrl., IWO; Chidumayo, 1983).

Increasing the local supply of fuel has also to be linked to improving the efficiency with which it is used. A recent review of progress on kiln and stove design and the benefits that might accrue from the wider use of more cfficicnt charcoal-making and cooking equipment suggests that the gains will not be spectacular. If they are to be made anywhere, urban areas offer the best chance (Foley and Moss. 1083).

Whatever the rival arguments about coal or nuclear generation as the dominant component of Britain’s long term energy future. the cast for improving efficiency is now largely accepted. A number of studies have shown that substantial savings could be made. particularly in the domestic sector. Politically, the debate is about the most effective means of doing so. A variety of policies have been suggested (some already common practice in Europe) to accelerate progress and realise more of the benefits of energy saving. More effective conservation could increase consumer spending on other goods and scrviccs (and release the public capital spent on extra supply for other investments); it could reduce the environmental impacts of further energy generation and crcatc new jobs.

Present policy is to rely largely upon fuel pricing to induce saving. with some small financial incentives towards home insulation. and intcrmittcnt public campaigns. But fluctuating fuel prices arc notoriously capricious indicators of future scarcity and have so far had a limited effect upon domestic cnergq’

Humun Sert1rmenr.s: Building a New Resourcefuhess 19

NEIGHBOURHOOD ENERGY ACTION

Community-based energy projects, providing basic insulation for low income families, have been operating in the UK for almost 10 years. In 1981 the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (an NGO which supports local initiatives and advises government on the needs of the voluntary sector) extended the earlier work pioneered by Friends of the Earth. There are now more than 100 Neighbourhood Energy Action groups organising roof insulation and draught-proofing for pensioners, the disabled and others on low incomes among whom there is a great deal of fuel poverty.

NCVO’s coordinating unit, involved in promotion and training, is supported not only by government but also by charitable foundations and a consortium of business sponsors. The projects are funded under a variety of government support programmes for the inner cities and make use of home insulation grants. They employ volunteer and paid labour. Job creation is an important element: ‘Keeping Newcastle Warm’, which insulates some 250 homes each month, has annual funding for about 50 long term unemployed

but this temporary work can be the stepping stone to more permanent employment. Some NEA workers have subsequently set up insulation and repair cooperatives.

Community involvement plays a crucial role. Close contact between the insulating teams and their clients allows other families needing help to be identified. Advice can be given on many aspects of domestic conservation, not just energy-saving, but other services which can be organised locally like gardening and house repairs. There are other advantages - the demand for insulation materials provides an extra market for firms and there are multiplier effects in the local economy.

Neighbourhood Energy Action shows how relevant conservation can be for ordinary people - homes are warmer, there are jobs for some and the local economy can benefit. Indeed overall energy-saving plays only a small part in these schemes for they are designed to relieve fuel poverty by improving the efficiency with which low income families use relatively small amounts of energy.

conservation. Moreover, high and rising real energy prices penal& those on low incomes because they spend a higher proportion of their income on fuel and are more likely to live in poorly insulated homes with costly and inefficient heating systems. In 1981/2 Britain spent f149m on energy conservation but &30Om on fuel poverty allowances.

In response to this fuel poverty, Neighbourhood Energy Action experiments have been pioneered in several British cities over the last decade (see below). They illustrate well how some of the multiple gains of energy conservation can be realised at the local level and how improving domestic energy efficiency can become a low cost catalyst for a variety of other resourceful improvements (Owen, 1983).

WORK AND WEALTH FROM WASTE

All cities have a garbage problem: collecting and disposing of domestic refuse is a major drain upon city budgets and many urban authorities, especially in the South, have neither the finance nor equipment for regular collections. Wastes lie about to pollute air and water and spread disease. Around the world, city waste managers and consumers alike have been conditioned to want domestic refuse speedily and safely removed: most becomes landfill outside urban areas.

Yet this is not a sustainable approach to waste management. Some cities in the North and South have already run out of suitable local places to dump their wastes. Tips are getting larger, they remain active for longer and they are sometimes dangerous, even in the North. As land and transport costs increase, the long hauls to distant dumps become less and less a robust policy for the future.

Moreover, wastes are resources in disguise: at least two-thirds of what is thrown away could be re-used to save raw materials and energy. Metals, glass and paper can all be reclaimed or recycled. Food and crop wastes can be composted and returned to improve the soil of vegetable gardens. Vegetable refuse can be fed to animals and, with human and animal waste, used in biogas plants.

Third World waste

Many in the South are better at exploiting the values of the waste stream. Parts of some Third World cities have a vigorous local economy built upon waste recycling for little equipment or capital and few skills are required to start a business and the raw material is free. But there is still room for improvements to assist the poor who presently scavenge on urban refuse tips to organise better their recovery, conversion and marketing of usable goods and reduce the health hazard of working with garbage.

There is scope, for example, for waste paper from homes, offices and factories to be collected, sorted, baled and sold to local paper mills or made, on a small scale, into simple papers and containers. Paper can be converted to fuel, animal bedding or used in asphalt roofing sheets. Metal scrap - perhaps the most ubiquitous waste of the developing world - can be collected, sorted and sold or re-used to make tools, cooking pots and many other goods. As oil prices rise, the value of clean, well-sorted plastics will increase. Textiles, rubber and glass can all be recycled locally; many detailed practical examples of how this can be done are given by Vogler (1981).

UNICEF is one agency to have linked waste recycling with shelter improve- ments. In Hyderabad (with more than a million living in slum conditions) UNICEF’s urban community development programme has helped low-income

Human Senlemenrs: Building a New Resourcefulness 21

groups who make shoes from tyres to set up a cooperative, reorganise and market their own production. Removing middle men means incomes are now higher and more regular and the shoemakers can afford to begin housebuilding. In many cities, help with credit, storage, premises for recycling and with technical and marketing skills could allow more job opportunities in waste reclamation to be exploited and some savings to be made on the financial and environmental costs of conventional waste disposal.

Domestic waste in the UK

50,000 tonnes of rubbish are thrown out of British homes every day and more than 90% of this is dumped - as largely unsorted landfill - in the countryside. Most alternatives to this method of waste disposal are designed to reduce the bulk of the refuse that finally has to be dumped although there are 2 government-sponsored mechanical recycling plants that also sort glass, metals and combustible materials for fuel. A few local authorities operate energy-from- waste schemes which produce fuel pellets or heat for local housing. But the scale is small: on domestic waste recycling, Britain lags well behind her European neighbours.

Fluctuating markets, the low prices paid for reclaimed materials in a recession and problems of collection, storage and transport have all contributed to the poor record. But attitudes may be the most to blame. Defensive waste management departments, unused to treating rubbish in an innovative, entrepreneurial way, have not been willing to experiment with new collection or recycling technologies, seek out new markets or develop local waste exchanges. They have not built upon the willingness of consumers to sort their wastes. Nor is there, in Britain, any significant government inducement to use reclaimed materials or to encourage product design for recycling (Vogler, 1983).

Yet there are successful local schemes which demonstrate the benefits of a different approach. Where waste is treated as an asset rather than a liability. reclamation can make money, create jobs and provide a focus for community participation. A more resourceful approach to waste management, and to vacant land and energy in the city, would allow Britain, with her considerable potential for technical assistance overseas, to develop more appropriate advice on sustainable urban management.

ORGANISING RESOURCEFULNESS

These examples suggest that if some presently wasted urban assets were managed rather differently, a number of gains could follow.

- Consuming resources more efficiently makes some contribution, however indirectly, towards alleviating the global problems of accelerated resource depletion and countering the gross imbalance in resource use between North and South (IUCN, 1980; Brown, 1981; Eckholm, 1982). - At the national level, reducing raw material imports saves currency - essential for countries with limited foreign exchange. - Husbanding natural resources can point the way to building more adaptable, resilient cities, better able to face future uncertainties in the supply and cost of natural materials whether these are induced by absolute scarcity or political and economic circumstances. - But the final gain is in many ways the most persuasive. Making better use of urban resources can play a part in tackling some of the prevailing social and economic consequences of urban change - joblessness and low incomes, environmental decay and community breakdown.

22

COMMUNITY WASTE-SAVING: SWAP AND BRASS TACKS

SWAP (Save Waste and Prosper) is a waste-saving scheme in Leeds, a city of 700,000 in northern England. Coordinated by the City Council, SWAP is a partnership operation involving the local authority (who pay staff costs) with retailers, industry and the community. Together they promote the reclam- ation of a great variety of locally produced domestic waste - bottles, cans, paper, foil, rags. motor oil, even plastic soft drinks containers. There are 8 permanent collecting stations around the city, close to shopping centres; many more temporary collections are organised by volunteers at weekends. Provision of a permanent waste collection site is now a condition of planning permission for major retailing developments. Over the last financial year, SWAP raised f17,OOO for local charities. Since it began in 1977, 10,000 tonnes of useful rubbish have been diverted from the dustbin and there are other benefits - in community participation, reduced litter and a greater local awareness of resource issues. But the scale is small: SWAP processed around 3.000 tonnes of domestic refuse last year - less than 6% of the Leeds waste stream. The scheme’s manager estimates that 20 permanent collecting stations and 50 community sites could be sustained, such is the willingness of Leeds residents to sort and transport their wastes.

BRASS TACKS is a recycling workshop in Hackney. one of London’s poorest inner city boroughs (whose problems have been well described by Harrison, 1983). It was established by the Mutual Aid Centre. a charitable foundation which promotes small scale practical experiments in cooperation, especially those which create jobs. Brass Tacks. now funded bv the Local Authority and the government’s Manpower Services Commissi&, depends upon the donation of unwanted furniture and electrical goods from the local community. These are repaired and refurbished in the workshops and sold from a shop on the premises. Reconditioned goods at reasonable prices are of particular benefit to the old, disabled and those on low incomes who can also use the ‘call out’ service for house repairs and advice. Brass Tacks offers a year of basic training for 95 long term unemployed in skills such as carpentry, upholstery and electronics and this practical experience is supported by tuition at local training centres. Brass Tacks has a good record of finding jobs for its trainees after their year at the workshop: some have set up recycling enterprises of their own.

Human Seitlemenls: Building a New Resourcefulness 23

The gains so far have been small and localised, the experience is too limited to know how far resourceful initiatives can be extended or scaled up to make a more substantial and durable impact upon city management. But the years since the UN Habitat conference in Vancouver have confirmed that there are no urban panaceas. At best, increasing natural resource self-reliance can be one ingredient in making cities more sustainable and more livable.

But how can faster progress be made?

Changing attitudes

Attitudes remain a major impediment to action. Approaches to settlement planning have changed in a number of ways over the last decade. In the Third World especially, there has been a movement away from unrealistic strategies towards provision for the basic needs of human shelter by upgrading existing settlements. There is some concern for more appropriate technology and for integration in the delivery of settlement services. There is recognition of the importance of establishing suitable institutions for continuing urban manage- ment and of working with local people (World Bank, 1983a; McAuslan, 1983; Turner, 1980; Turner, 1983). But there is still a reluctance, both in the North and the South, to see the urban environment and its natural resources in a positive way, as providing not only constraints upon development but opportunities for gain. This is partly because the recognition of new environmental opportunities is masked by the execution of traditionally conceived urban activities -waste is seen only as material for disposal, vacant land is awaiting development, greenspace means parks.

Overcoming institutional inertia

Capabilities as well as attitudes combine to limit experiment. The possibilities for innovative action often lie outside the responsibilities of autonomous city departments constrained by staff and budgetary restrictions. Food production is a job for agriculture not housing departments, the growth of trees is the concern of forest services. Waste disposal is not considered by agencies whose job it is to promote new enterprises. In the Third World there may now be more inter- sector consultation, the links are recognised between infrastructural improve- ments, health care and employment. But on the ground, the developments of different urban departments are separate and environmental and natural resource issues fall between them. In developed countries the situation is often no better although some city authorities in Britain have established special environmental coordinating departments to link a number of related activities.

A major ‘failure to connect’ is reflected in the separation of environmental services from the economic regeneration functions of urban authorities. The traditionally conceived revenue-spending activities of environmental improve- ment are rarely related to the ethos of budget-saving and profit-making. We have come to see cities, says David Morris of the Institute for Local Self Reliance, only as wealth consumers, increasingly dependent upon the fortunes of big companies and central governments who become less and less willing to finance their costly services (Morris, 1982).

There are signs of a rethink. Some urban authorities have come to realise that their business support programmes can be more effective if they are part of ‘image-changing’ environmental improvement. Some have achieved substantial cash savings by adopting a resourceful attitude to certain categories of resource use such as energy or sewage. Saint Pauls, Minnesota, is planning a more comprehensive restructuring of its economy based upon the idea of local self reliance (Saint Pauls, 1983).

Partnership

Organising more resourceful cities cannot be the prerogative of any one urban group. Many initiatives have been motivated from outside local administrations and from the voluntary sector. But valuable though these are, initiatives which remain divorced from official activity run the risk of being shortlived, they vary in quality and are patchy in distribution. They may become dangerously dependent upon the energies and enthusiasms of particular individuals.

Experience suggests that the more durable schemes have been sustained by a pooIing of resources from the public, private and voluntary sector. Finding the right structure to harness the strengths of these different groups will be a critical element in further work.

The involvement of self-help groups in housing and service provision is now a major plank of city management around the world although the motives are not always laudable. Some see the aggressive promotion of self-help as a legitimis- ation of the failures of city authorities to improve basic services. In the UK, the fear is that the voluntary sector is increasingly bearing the burden of a government committed to rolling back the welfare state. What is not in question is that ordinary people not only want a say in how cities are managed but they can and want to play a more active part in it and need to be enabled to do so (Turner, 1983).

The importance of enablers

Changing the attitudes and internal working of city institutions takes time. One way round the inertia is for new (and possibly temporary) organisations to forge the new linkages, to provide a more responsive framework for innovation and experiment. The idea is gaining ground in particular development activities: in a number of shelter schemes in the Third World, separate agencies, in cooperation with the relevant city departments, have successfully introduced new ways of working with local communities (Hoek-Smit, 1982).

More of these enablers are needed to pull together cash, materials, expertise and other supports from all the many resources of a local c[jrnrnunit~/ (Falk, 1980). Groups (or individuals) working as effective ‘agents of change’ can put those with the assets (land, premises, wastes say) in touch with those who can use them. They can often procure seed capital. credit and business advice for new enterprises and assist in the free flow of technical information and the development of skills through training programmes. They may be able to reduce the risks of innovative investment through franchising opportunities.

In the UK a number of org~~nisations have emerged to play a catalytic role in new styles of resource management. Some innovative local schemes are being carried out by trusts of various kinds. One such is Groundwork Northwest. a large scale programme of environmental improvement around Merscyside and Manchester, which will mobilise, through 6 Ground~vork Trusts. resources from the voluntary, public and private sectors and aim to launch a network of self- sustaining environmental enterprises (Davidson, 1983).

In promoting greater resourcefulness, a lack of appropriate technologies seems to be far less of a problem than colnmunicating and testing existing ones. Many research findings are available, for example. on the potential uses for various waste materials; practical application of the results has not kept pace.

Demonstration

Much more action is now needed on the ground to learn and to demonstrate how resourceful urban management can work and what the obstacles arc. There must

Humar~ Seu/emenl\: Rttildirrg a New Re.sourcqfirlrte.ss 25

be more reporting of the successes and failures of experiment so that good practice can be extended. Pioneering demonstrations (for which it is often so difficult to get funding) could become a useful focus for communicating the wider ideas of sustainable development. Cities have always been important centres for innovation and the dissemination of ideas. In most countries, urban- based conservation movements continue to be successful in raising awareness and mobilising funds for environmentally sound and sustainable development policies elsewhere. With some extra support and experiment, urban people could be enabled to build more resourceful, adaptable and sustainable environments right where they live.

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