WALTER EDWARDSUniversity of Michigan

Housing Values: Images of Domestic Idealsin Modern Japan

ANALYSIS OF DOMESTIC IDEALS in contemporary Japan, as depicted in news-paper advertisements for prefabricated housing, shows a persisting attach-ment to values that deemphasize the individual in favor of family communica-tion, solidarity, and harmonious three-generation co-residence. Despite thegreater provision now routinely given to individual privacy within the home, thiscontinuing ambivalence toward individualistic concerns appears to be produc-ing new architectural arrangements that provide personal and intergenera-tional privacy without erecting permanent barriers between family members,[domestic architecture, family, advertising, privacy, Japan]

Japan will never be democratized or the principle of individual responsibilityestablished until Japanese are brought up in separate bedrooms with solidsound-proof walls and locks on the doors.

—Ronald Dore, City Life in Japan

ANEW BUT RAPIDLY GROWING PHENOMENON in urban Japan is thepopularity of the purehabu—the factory-built, single-family dwelling:the prefabricated home. The industry specializing in the manufacture

and sale of these homes is not yet three decades old. Its origin dates to the early1960s, when the first production models were introduced by several makers ofconstruction materials and electrical supplies. Within a decade these pioneeringfirms had been joined by more than 300 others. By 1985 the industry had cap-tured 15 percent of the annual housing market nationwide, and its share wasincreasing at a rate of nearly one percent a year (Nishiyama 1976; Jones 1985).

The spread of such mass-produced housing brings extensive changes in therelationship between the builder of a home and its occupants. When my wife andI commissioned a carpenter, back in 1978, to build a house on land we had pre-viously purchased in a mid-sized Japanese city, we were following a long-es-tablished procedure. We consulted closely with him on the design of our homefor six months before construction actually began—an extended dialogue inwhich our desires were continually reshaped to fit the constraints of our budgetand the peculiarities of our tiny, one-fortieth-acre plot. A strikingly different pro-cess is illustrated by the experience of a family whose prefabricated home wasbuilt in the same city just seven years later. After first selecting a particularmodel, similar to one they had actually seen at a housing fair, they then chose

30

HOUSING VALUES 31

from a range of options offered by the manufacturer for minor variations in thefloor plan, the appliances, and details of the interior and exterior finish. The en-tire process of determining their order took barely more than a month. Modularsections of the home were later produced at the company's factory and shippedto the site for assembly.

If the prefabricated housing industry is thus curtailing the dialogue betweenproducer and consumer—making it both shorter and more standardized—itsemergence has also spawned a new area of discourse of great interest to ob-servers of Japanese society. Like other commercial enterprises, these firms so-licit customers with advertisements that convey an ideal image of their product,an image intended to appeal to current consumer tastes. Accordingly, the hous-ing advertisements now found in various media embody manufacturers' esti-mations of the popular ideal of the domicile. As such they provide a window forexamining contemporary values of broad relevance, for the ideal form of thedomicile must at some level engage ideals about the shape of domestic life thatgoes on within.

This paper summarizes the findings of a study based on these assumptions, inwhich housing manufacturers' advertisements were examined for what they re-veal about values concerning the individual and the family in contemporary Ja-pan. The results suggest that modern architectural arrangements, while borrow-ing much in style from the West, nonetheless show a continuing Japanese am-bivalence toward the Western notion of individualism as a basis for social re-lations.

Background

The prewar Japanese home had indeed been the product of a society withlittle regard for the individual. The concept of privacy held no place in prewarJapanese thought, and no provision was made for it in architectural design.Rooms were partitioned by sliding paper doors inadequate for blocking outnoise of other family members' activities. Private use of a room was moreoverrare. Sleeping arrangements were typically communal, with two or three familymembers sharing a room regardless of whether more space was available.

The lack of concern for privacy in the physical form of the home was but oneaspect of the overall deemphasis of the individual in prewar society. The basicsocial atom was not the individual but the ie, a term denoting the domestic unitas a hierarchically organized group whose interests superseded those of its con-stituents. Nothing symbolized the ascendancy of the /e over its individual mem-bers more than its permanence, which the Civil Code of 1898 had in fact madea legally prescribed duty. Each household head was required to secure his suc-cessor in the next generation through birth, marriage, or, if all else failed, adop-tion. Accordingly, his authority over junior members covered selection of theirplace of residence and extended as far as the choice of their marital partners.But even the household head could not put private interest above that of thelarger group: as an individual he was little more than the "trustee of a materialand spiritual estate which is important to [all members] and which demands ofthem all that they subordinate their personal wills to its requirements" (Benedict1946:56). In the same manner that domestic architecture gave residents no pri-

32 CITY & SOCIETY

vote space within the home, prewar values gave individuals no autonomy in thesocial order.

Japan's defeat in World War II, and the experiences immediately afterward,fed expectations for significant changes in these values. One reason lay in thedetermination of American Occupation leaders to remold Japan into a West-ern-style democracy. The postwar Constitution they gave the Japanese accord-ingly made explicit guarantees for the autonomy of the individual, necessitatingrevision of the entire legal structure to incorporate this new principle. The por-tion of the Civil Code dealing with family law was rewritten in 1947, eliminatingthe ie as a legal entity along with most of the prerogatives of the householdhead, and guaranteeing individuals the right of free choice in matters of resi-dence and marriage. Those who drafted these reforms were consciously awareof the gap between explicitly formulated legal codes and more deeply rootedcultural values backed by the force of tradition. They felt nonetheless that legalchanges could help accelerate changes in values, and it was moreover believedby many that the processes of urbanization and modernization were alreadypropelling Japanese society in more democratic directions (Wagatsuma1950:425-426).

It was thus thought merely a matter of time before there would be a generalshift away from the traditional ie system toward an individualistic orientationsimilar to that of the West. A number of postwar phenomena have indeed beentaken as signaling such a change, including two that are directly related to do-mestic arrangements. The first involves the unit of residence: the steady increasein the proportion of nuclear families, plus the more noticeable decrease in thenumber of three-generation households, suggest a decline in the concern forhousehold continuity on which the ie depended (Koyama 1965:16; Fukutake1981:33). The second phenomenon is the emergence of a concern for establish-ing privacy in domestic architecture. From the early postwar years, house de-signs typically divided common, "public" areas of the home—principally the liv-ing and dining rooms—from the "private" bedrooms of parents and children(Nishiyama 1976:181-187,267-269). It is recognized that educational pressuresare partly responsible for this change, since the increasing importance of aca-demic placement makes many parents anxious to provide children with sepa-rate rooms so they can study harder (Ogita 1974:96-97). Regardless, the con-cern for domestic privacy is generally seen as growing out of a broader respectfor the individual.

If privacy for the sake of the individual and the nuclear family as the unit ofresidence have indeed become dominant ideals, then assertions that they signala fundamental change in values are compelling. Housing advertisements, be-cause they constitute a contemporary discourse that focuses precisely on do-mestic ideals, offer a valuable means of checking the status of these phenom-ena. I now turn to a description of the method I have used for making such anexamination.

Method

Materials for this study consist of housing advertisements taken from the Yom-/uri Shimbun, one of Japan's major newspapers. Such advertisements typically

HOUSING VALUES 33

feature a sketch or photograph of a house or its floor plan, accompanied by atext that varies from a few sentences to several paragraphs in length. They or-dinarily range from approximately 16 x 18 cm (one-sixth page) to a full page(50 x 36 cm) in size. A sample of 25 advertisements, representing 17 differentmanufacturers, was selected from issues of the newspaper appearing betweenMarch and August 1985. Duplicate advertisements for the same model wereavoided, and a few advertisements were rejected because their content wasdeemed unsuitable for analysis: one showed only the exteriors of a dozen dif-ferent models, with no accompanying text; another dealt exclusively with appli-ances and furnishings, rather than with the attributes of any particular model ormodels of houses. The sample represents the bulk of the advertisements duringthis period for differing models of houses, and is intended to indicate the gen-eral range of values that manufacturers hope to associate with their products.

The thematic content of the sample was examined in the following manner.The text of each advertisement was first broken into segments, each segmentcomprising a single theme. Every time a new theme was identified, it was re-corded on a master list and assigned a number. Initially, 103 separate themeswere noted for the entire sample; by consolidating similar themes this numberwas later reduced to 32. These are listed in Table 1, along with the total numberof occurrences of each theme in the sample, and the number of different adver-tisements in which each theme appeared.

The arrangement of Table 1 gives the themes in groups according to their in-creasing distance from the topic of the advertised product itself. Thus the firstgroup (Themes 1-5) comprises all statements relating to the physical propertiesof the house ("durable," "well-insulated"), while claims about qualities subjec-tively attributed to the physical structure ("charming," "functional," "conveni-ent") are included in the second (Themes 6-10). A third group (Themes 11-14)is composed of claims that the house is suited to specific activities, such as pur-suing hobbies, entertaining, or enjoying the garden or the house setting. The nextgroup (Themes 15-19) contains claims that the house supports a certain qualityof life, by promoting "relaxed living," "individuality," or "wonderful familycommunication." Statements in a fifth group (Themes 20-23) all involve thebuyer—whose needs, values, or situation the house is said to match. Those ofthe sixth (Themes 24-27) relate to the manufacturer or aspects of its service (as"trustworthy" or "experienced"). The seventh group includes all statements thatgo beyond straightforward reference to the product, the consumer, or the man-ufacturer. Some of these proclaim a general truth about domestic life ("Citydwellers know best the importance of being in touch with nature"). Others in-corporate a metaphoric or other comparative structure ("Sunlight and air arealso part of the family"), or back the manufacturer's claims with appeals to anoutside authority ("Praised for its refined exterior"; "Award winning"). Still oth-ers declare the product meets differing, and often contradictory, needs ("Pro-viding large window space while preserving privacy").

Analysis

Several themes are directly significant to the question of how far values maybe changing toward an individualistic orientation. One concerns the extended

34 CITY & SOCIETY

Table 1Themes in housing advertisements.

Number of Number ofTheme Occurrences AdvertisementsPhysical properties of house or materials1 Dimensions; existence or location of feature2 Durability, fire or earthquake resistance3 Insulation, ventilation, lighting4 Type or style of construction5 Miscellaneous physical properties

Attributed qualities of house or materials6 Charming or stylish appearance7 Functional, flexible, advanced design8 Convenience, spaciousness, quiet9 Energy efficiency, economy

10 Miscellaneous attributed qualities

Specific activities supported by house11 Relaxing, pursuing hobbies12 Entertaining, being sociable13 Enjoying outdoors14 Miscellaneous activities

Quality of life supported by house15 Promotes healthful, pleasant living16 Provides security, tranquility17 Promotes individuality, privacy18 Promotes family communication, solidarity19 Miscellaneous claims about quality of life

Buyer's needs met by house20 Matches lifestyle, personality21 Three-generation living, care of elderly22 Childrearing, future family needs23 Miscellaneous needs of buyer

Manufacturer's qualities and service record24 Company's trustworthiness, technology25 Company's size, past record26 Aspects of service or warranty27 Miscellaneous statements about company, service

Relational statements28 General truths re housing, domestic life29 Metaphoric statements30 Appeal to outside authority31 Multiple or contradictory claims32 Miscellaneous relational statements

Total 768 25

1133654199

3852191246

1511138

31592015

24212127

2212916

367141717

20111594

16169614

7856

1257910

1381011

10939

15591110

HOUSING VALUES 35

family (Theme 21), another relates to family communication and solidarity(Theme 18), while a third involves matters of individuality and privacy (Theme17). I examine these in turn.

Theme 27: Three-Generation Living, Home Care for the Elderly

Removal of legal support for the ie after the war was expected to contributeto the increasing nuclearization of the family. Claims that a particular house issuited to three-generation living, or that it aids the provision of home care forthe elderly, suggest rather that there is a persisting attachment to the extendedfamily ideal. Such statements were identified a total of 21 times in the sampleand were found in 8 of the 25 advertisements examined (see Table 1).

Claims about the potential for three-generation living are often based on thesize of the advertised model alone. "A roomy dwelling adaptable to three-gen-eration living," declares one advertisement, "here is room enough for parentsand children and grandparents to enjoy common living in three-generation co-residence." One manufacturer emphasizes rather its product's durability: "Aconcrete home for the 21st century. . . . You can continue to live in it until yourchildren's and grandchildren's generations." More common are references tothe ease with which a house can be adapted to future family needs. One makersimply portrays its product as "A dwelling that can be partitioned comfortablyamong three generations." Others give more specific scenarios for physicalchanges in the home to accommodate the family's eventual expansion. "A housethat changes with your lifestyle," begins an advertisement for a design that fa-cilitates subsequent alterations. "Your son marries, you live together, you wantto put another kitchen on the second floor. . . . " The modular panels of this homeare easily removable, allowing "minimal obstruction of your daily routine whenimprovements are made." Another manufacturer similarly depicts its design asadapting to the family's change to three-generation living, although here theflexibility derives from the home's ample space:

More than 1400 square feet proudly invite you to step into its dynamic interior.Here you find flexible space that can be freely partitioned to match changes inyour lifestyle. As a young married couple, make all of the first floor into a singleroom for leisurely living. When you have children, turn the second floor into a"childrearing heaven." Let the free-circulating floor plan and the flexibility ofthe design help nurture the children's rich potential. Later, increase the numberof rooms, or add a Japanese-style room, letting parent, child, grandchild livecomfortably together.

Statements concerning home care for the elderly were found in only 3 of the25 advertisements. They are significant nonetheless, for they point to the prob-lem posed by Japan's rapidly aging population, and to the government's en-couragement of private solutions over reliance on public social security pro-grams. The resulting burden on families for the care of senior members is seenby some as braking the trend toward nuclearization (Fukutake 1981:38). Onemanufacturer, in discussing the problems of the elderly, stresses its cooperationwith governmental requests to develop home-care systems.

36 CITY & SOCIETY

Thanks to improvements in the standard of living and in medical care, manymore are now living to an advanced age. Of course no one is healthy all thetime; there are times of sickness too. And because everyone must age as part ofthe lifecycle, and become more prone to loss of sight, hearing, and use of limbs,it can be said the home too must respond fo all states of health, meet the needsof the handicapped—becoming truly a "lifelong home." In response to the callfrom the Ministry of International Trade and Industry, we are participating in thedevelopment of domestic care systems for the elderly and the handicapped.

In another advertisement this company enumerates design features it hasadopted along these lines, including stepless entrances and elevators as amen-ities for wheelchairs, overhead tracks with motor-operated slings to providemobility for invalids, and a flexible bathroom design to meet the needs of familymembers with varying capabilities. The text of this advertisement moreover em-phasizes care for the elderly as an integral part of extended-family living. "It'sbest when the whole family dines together.. .. Two and three-generation co-residence becomes more feasible . . . the result is pleasant living for all."

Theme 18: Promotes Family Communication and Solidarity

Under the ie system the communal interests of the family were paramount;concepts of privacy and individuality were so alien that the language formerlylacked words for them. The promotion of these values after the war was seen tothreaten the solidarity of the family—the principle on which the ideology of thesocial order had rested—and was accordingly distrusted by many. It is thereforestriking to find in the sample a persisting emphasis on preserving family soli-darity, in advertisements that proclaim the ability of a house to promote com-munication and togetherness among family members. Such statements werefound in 9 of the 25 advertisements, and a total of 20 occurrences were identi-fied.

Sometimes it is simply the home itself that is portrayed in this fashion. "A four-bedroom house that supports family communication," announces one adver-tisement. Another provides a fuller argument: "Communication is of course amatter of the heart, but perhaps the home as setting can have some beneficialinfluence.. .. Man is a creature of his environment. And the home is part of thatenvironment." In several cases these claims were associated rather with partic-ular features of a house or its furnishings. One advertisement promotes a well-lit core area as "a place for communication, where each family member, whilespending his free time, can experience a serene solidarity." Another likens thelarge dining table, aptly dubbed "Community Dining," to the irori, the centrallylocated hearth of traditional homes:

Now as in the past the dining area is the premier place for family members tocome together as one. As the modern hearth, the dining table now serves as thestage where communication is nurtured. The togetherness of the hearth still livesin the midst of our home life. . ..

In the enjoyment of relaxed conversation is the serenity only families canknow. Remaining ai the table after dinner, the dining table becomes the placeof family intimacy. Drinking tea, enjoying TV or music. Telling each other of the

HOUSING VALUES 37

day's events, lending an ear to each other's dreams. And sometimes quarreling,too. The stage for close family contact. For this we offer "Community Dining."

The implicit contrast with the ideal of the past is telling, as communicationnowadays is felt to be more difficult to achieve. Sometimes physical changes indomestic life are blamed:

Time past there was the cha-no-ma [literally, "tea room," formerly the roughequivalent of a combined family/dining room in contemporary Americanhomes] where everyone from infant to elder would gather, eat, and spend thebetter part of the day. Today we call it the living room, outfitted with a massivesofa and Things-You'd-Better-Not-Break. An atmosphere that makes it hard forreal family communication.

Often, however, social changes are given as the reason. The same advertise-ment just quoted opens: "We've been hearing about a lack of communicationin the family for some time now. The husband being away from home, difficultiesof the children's education, etc. Even if these are not entirely bad in themselves,their influence in our lives is spreading."

Theme 17: Promotes Individuality and Privacy

Surprisingly little emphasis is given to maintaining privacy or promoting in-dividuality. This theme was encountered in seven of the advertisements, and to-taled only nine occurrences in all. In one case it is clearly privacy for the familyas a whole that is promoted: "Corner windows [of an octagonal floor plan] pro-vide privacy from neighboring lots and passersby." In another advertisement,which presents its product as designed "In consideration for the togetherness oftwo generations with differing lifestyles," the concern is with preserving the "in-dividuality" of senior versus junior members as groups rather than as individu-als. In two more occurrences of this theme the unit of reference is ambiguous:"Sound insulating qualities [of the building] protect privacy"; "A house for nur-turing your family's health and individuality." This leaves but four cases that un-ambiguously relate this theme to family members as individuals. In only two ofthese are privacy and individuality positively promoted in straightforward terms,moreover, and even here the emphasis appears mild. One advertisement simplyannounces "Private space, pleasant," in introducing the master bedroom. An-other declares, "The main bedroom and private rooms for individual use givelife to your family members' individuality."

In the two remaining cases, however, the themes of privacy and individualityare cited in tandem with the opposing values of family communication and sol-idarity. One advertisement claims its house can maintain both: "A four-bed-room house that supports family communication while respecting privacy." Inanother advertisement the implicit antagonism is stated more openly. Privacy isclearly on the losing side in this confrontation; it is promoted as a virtue only interms of its contribution to smooth family relations.

Because you're a family, you can't always be smiling and getting along togethereven if you want to. There will always be times when you want to be by yourself.

38 CITY & SOCIETY

Because you have a place to get away when you need to, you can enjoy thefamily circle all the more.

It doesn't have to be big. A small corner will do; just enough space for your-self. Being by yourself, listening to your favorite records. When you've had thatrelaxing moment and want company again you open the door to the family cir-cle. Then the harmony of that circle is a natural one.

The text goes on to hint that pressure to give children private rooms so they canstudy better has been detrimental to family solidarity. Another advertisementconcurs: "Recently parent/child relations have become a significant socialproblem. One of the many reasons frequently given by educators and architectsalike is that children are now given their own private space while still immature,eliminating close communication between parents and children."

Traditional Concerns and a Modern Solution

In sum, advertisements for prefabricated houses indicate continuing concernfor maintaining extended family living and preserving family solidarity againstinroads made in the name of privacy and individual interests. Due to a varietyof factors, both concerns have recently become more acute. The rapidly risingcost of land in major metropolitan areas has made mobility extremely difficult.Many families who already own land could not afford to purchase it at currentprices; for others the acquisition of land and house is now a once-in-a-lifetimeevent requiring careful planning. Frequent changes of residence are thus im-practical, forcing urban dwellers to make do with what they have to accom-modate family growth. This problem is exacerbated by the trend toward West-ern-style rooms. These are less amenable to multiple use than were traditionaltatami ones, making house form more rigid precisely as the need for flexibilityhas become more critical. The increasing importance of educational achieve-ment compounds the problem. Families with young children foresee the need forprivate study space later on, and try to provide rooms for this purpose. But doingso is felt to endanger family solidarity in the formative years considered mostimportant for fostering close relations between parent and child.

A recent response to this dilemma is to give the homeowner flexibility by notinstalling permanent interior walls. Rather, movable partitions doubling as clos-ets, storage cabinets, or bookcases may be used by the resident to create divi-sions where needed, and can be rearranged or removed as the family's needschange. One housing manufacturer thus pictures four variations on the secondfloor of its house, representing changes over four stages of family growth. In thefirst, the parents' beds and those oftheirtwo small children are pictured togetherin a single room. "Let's all sleep together while the children are still small!" criesthe caption, "The adjoining room doubles as a large play area and an office forfather." The desk is partly screened from the play area by a movable partition.In the next stage the elder child now has a desk and a bed in what was the playarea, while the younger child still sleeps with the parents. By the third stage, par-ents and children are completely separated, but the children are not yet givenindividual rooms: "When both children are in grade school their desks can beplaced side by side in the common room." Two small desks sit behind the par-tition, while the children's beds now occupy the former play area. Finally, the

HOUSING VALUES 39

partition is extended to cut the common room in two: "Separate rooms are pro-vided by a partition once the eldest reaches the age of entrance exams, so hecan study without interference."

The logical extension of this trend is to have interior walls that, like the parti-tions, can be freely installed and removed. At least two manufacturers have al-ready taken this step. One points out its design makes interior walls independentof the external structure, allowing for "smooth changes in the floor plan after thehouse is already built." The house frame is made of reinforced concrete; flexi-bility is promoted as enabling the resident to benefit most from the home's du-rability. "Rigidly constructed from superior materials. Plus a unique plan fortimely changes of interior space. Let it always be the vessel that envelops yourfamily life." Another manufacturer supplies interior walls that can be easily re-positioned by the resident, emphasizing the advantage offered for meetinglong-term housing needs. "Adapting room size to match changes in your dailyliving, you are ready to handle family births and growth, or a change to three-generation co-residence." Other benefits are recognized, moreover, by this so-lution to the seeming contradiction between permanence and flexibility:

A house that changes with your lifestyle . . . one with rooms that change as yourfamily grows or according to your daily whims. Couldn't there be such a dreamhouse? Our "changeable living space system" gives a clear answer. . . .

Large spaces are fun for Christmas or birthday parties, when many friendsgather. Couldn't this wall not be here for just today? Who hasn't had this prob-lem? If room size can be changed freely, the home becomes a broader stage forliving. Our "moveable walls" help make this dream come true. . . . Installationand removal are simple; walls are as sturdy as permanent when in place.

Conclusion

Lack of privacy in prewar homes was but one facet of the traditional distrustof the individual; the congruence thus shown between house form and valuesaccords with received wisdom on the relation between domestic architectureand culture. Within the limitations imposed by climate and technology, arguesRapoport, house form is determined by the "goals and life values of society,"for "the forms [of dwellings] are less the result of individual desires than of theaims and desires of the unified group" (1969:47). Postwar trends indicate thatthis congruence continues; moreover, changes in house form have paralleledchanges in values. Japanese homes no longer treat interior space with an indif-ference to privacy. Similarly, society no longer supports the dominance of thefamily over individual members with the enthusiasm or legal force known beforethe war; private interests of individuals and the right of each generation to anindependent existence now receive common recognition.

This study suggests that these changes in values have not been accepted une-quivocally. Privacy is not granted as an automatic right, nor is independenceseen as a permanent condition. The ambivalence of Japanese society towardthese ideals is expressed in advertisements that claim family solidarity is still aviable goal, achievable even in three-generation households. This ambivalencehas moreover begun to permeate the very structure of the modern home. Solid,soundproof walls are indeed everywhere in evidence in postwar Japan, but Jap-

40 CITY & SOCIETY

anese find them easier to accept when assured that they create neither perma-nent divisions of domestic space, nor irrevocable barriers between family mem-bers.

Acknowledgments. I wish to thank John C. Campbell, Paul Dresch, Robert J. Smith, andTheodore C. Bestor for helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.

References Cited

Benedict, Ruth1946 The Chrysanthemum and the Sword. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Dore, Ronald P.1958 City Life in Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Fukutake, Tadashi1981 Japanese Society Today. 2nd edition. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press.

Jones, Bronwen1985 Prefab Housing Polishes Up Its Image. PHP Intersect 1 (6): 13.

Koyama, Takashi1965 The Family in Postwar Japan. Journal of Social and Political Ideas in Japan

3(3): 11-16.Nishiyama, Uzo

1976 Nihon no sumai [Japanese dwellings], Vol. 2. Tokyo: Keiso Shobo.Ogita, Makoto

1974 Juseikatsu mondai no kenkyu ni tsuite [On researching problems of domesticlife]. In Gendai no seikatsu kukan ron [Papers on modern domestic space]. KazuoTatsumi et al.# eds. Pp. 95-108. Tokyo: Keiso Shobo.

Rapoport, Amos1969 House Form and Culture. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Wagatsuma, Sakae1950 Postwar Changes in the Japanese Civil Code. Washington Law Review

25(4)=405-426.