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CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF TRADITIONAL HOUSE COMPOUNDS IN TERENGGANU LONGUET CHRISTINE @ ROHANI BINTI ABDULLAH A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Science in Architecture Faculty of Built Environment Universiti Teknologi Malaysia FEBRUARY 2007

House Compounds in Terengganu as Cultural landscapes

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Page 1: House Compounds in Terengganu as Cultural landscapes

CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF TRADITIONAL HOUSE COMPOUNDS

IN TERENGGANU

LONGUET CHRISTINE @ ROHANI BINTI ABDULLAH

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the

requirements for the award of the degree of

Master of Science in Architecture

Faculty of Built Environment

Universiti Teknologi Malaysia

FEBRUARY 2007

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To my dear husband, Wan Othman Wan Abdullah, and to my beloved

children and grand children who all helped me each in their own ways.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am truly thankful to my supervisor, Associate Professor Zainul Hakim

Mohd Zain for his judicious suggestions along the research, for having patiently

edited the many versions of the thesis, coaching me toward intellectual progress

even under the pressure of time.

My gratitude goes also to Associate Professor Dr.Ismail Said for his help in

the literature review, for many fruitful conversations and the warm hospitality of his

family.

I owe a lot as well to the inhabitants of villages in Terengganu who

welcomed me in their compounds and generously volunteered a treasure of

information.

Finally, I wish to thank Ms. Jarina Mohd Jani and Mr.Yorgo Georgiou for

their kind assistance during the final stage of this work.

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ABSTRACT

As it was observed that Terengganu traditional residential landscapes are

disappearing fast, it seemed obvious that something had to be done before oblivion

sets in. Therefore, taking the traditional houses compounds as basic building blocks

of the traditional villages, a survey on 16 house compounds found mostly in the

valley of the Terengganu River, was conducted. The study was aimed at

demonstrating i) that these units have a particular identity, ii) that they are valuable

assets to the state as cultural landscapes. The 16 house compounds have been

divided into four categories or types, based on socio-economic differences amongst

the inhabitants reported in background literature on Terengganu, i.e: “rakyat”,

“aristocrat”, “clan heritage” and “farmer”. The investigation entails the use of

pictures, interviews, lists of features and sketch plans of the house compounds. The

findings are presented in tables of frequencies revealing priorities for each type:

“rakyat” - household activities, “aristocrat” -status symbols, “clan heritage” -family

ties, and “farmer” -harvest and storage. The resulting “portraits” are then analysed

against a series of seventeen criteria for cultural value drawnd the literature on

cultural landscape assessment. In conclusion, the landscape in the house compounds

are found to present varying identity types, homogeneity, variety, symbiosis and

ethic norms, and hence qualify as cultural landscape. This can be considered as a

valuable indication for the rest of the house compounds in ancient villages. The

research intends to serve as a first stage framework towards further course of action

to document and /or to preserve what remains of the identified heritage in

Terengganu.

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ABSTRAK

Menyedari bahawa landskap kediaman tradisi di Terengganu sedang

menghilang dengan cepatnya, sesuatu patut dilakukan sebelum ia luput untuk

selamanya. Dengan menganggapkan perkarangan rumah tradisional sebagai asas

kepada kewujudan kampung tradisi, satu penyelidikan terhadap 16 buah

perkarangan rumah yang kebanyakannya terdapat di lembah Sungai Terengganu

telah dijalankan. Penyelidikan bertujuan untuk membuktikan i) bahawa perkarangan

rumah tradisi mempunyai identiti tersendiri; ii) dan bahawa ia adalah sesuatu yang

bernilai bagi negeri Terengganu sebagai landskap budaya setempat. Enam belas

kediaman dan perkarangan tersebut telah dibahagikan kepada empat kategori,

berdasarkan perbezaan sosio-ekonomi di antara penduduk dan kajian awal negeri

Terengganu, iaitu: “rakyat”, “bangsawan”, “warisan keluarga” dan “petani”.

Penyelidikan ini menggunakan gambar, temuduga, inventori dan lukisan pelan

ringkas kediaman dan sekitaran. Hasil kajian disenaraikan dalam bentuk jadual yang

menunjukkan kekerapan beberapa elemen yang mendefinasikan sebilangan ciri ciri

khas bagi setiap jenis landskap. Gambaran tersebut kemudian dibandingkan dengan

17 kriteria yang telah digunakan oleh pakar dalam bidang senibina dan landskap

budaya bagi mendapatkan nilai budayanya. Pada kesimpulannya, perkarangan

rumah tradisional yang telah dikaji telah terbukti mempunyai pelbagai ciri identiti

tersendiri seperti: berkategori, mempunyai persamaan, pelbagai, simbiotik, beretika

dan adalah layak sebagai landskap budaya. Ini boleh dianggap sebagai petanda yang

kuat bagi lain lain kediaman tradisi yang masih ada. Kajian ini diharapkan dapat

menjadi langkah pertama ke arah tindakan lanjut dalam mendokumentasi dan

seterusnya memelihara warisan yang telah dikenalpasti di Terengganu ini.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER TITLE PAGE

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv

ABSTRACT v

ABSTRAK vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS vii

LIST OF TABLES xiii

LIST OF FIGURES xiv

LIST OF APPENDICES xvii

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Problem Statement 3

1.1.2 Assumption 6

1.2 Objectives of the Study 7

1.3 Scope of the Study 8

1.3.1 Stage of the Study in a cultural Conservation

Process 9

1.3.2 Common Boundaries with other Disciplines 10

1.4 Definition of Terms as understood in the Thesis 11

1.4.1 Landscape 11

1.4.2 Culture 12

1.4.3 Cultural Landscape 14

1.4.4 Traditional Village, kampong and Garden 14

1.4.5 Elements, Features and Attributes 16

1.4.6 Glossary 17

1.5 Significance of the Study 17

1.5.1 Originality of the Thesis Subject 17

1.5.2 Preservation of the esthetic Diversity 18

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1.5.3 Awareness of the Significance or Implications

of cultural Changes 18

1.5 4 Education and Learning 19

1.6 Summary of the Chapters 20

CHAPTER 2 LITTERATURE REVIEW

2.0 Introduction 23

2.1 Evolution of Landscape Perceptions 23

2.1 1 Natural Environment as a Source of Danger,

Food, Medicine and Moods 24

2.1.2 Political Implications of Landscape Management

Decisions 25

2.2 Theoretical Approaches to Cultural landscape 27

2.2.1 The Preferential Model and experiential

Approaches 28

2.2.2 Landscapes seem through holistic Lenses 29

2.2.3 The historical Perspective 31

2.3 Cultural Landscape Assessment Methods 32

2.3.1 The problem of assessing Heritage Value 32

2.3.2 Heritage Registration 33

2.3.3 Recapitulation of theoretical Approaches to

Landscape and derived cultural Landscape Criteria 34

2.4 Conclusion from the conceptual Approaches Review 36

CHAPTER 3 OVERVIEW OF THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE

OF TERENGGANU

3.0 Introduction 38

3.1 Kampung Nostalgia in the Collective Memory 38

3.1.1 A romantic Archetype 39

3.1.2 Novels and short Stories 40

3.2 Terengganu natural Environment 41

. 3.2.1 Geography 42

3.2.2 Wild Flora 44

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3.2.3 Natural Landscapes 44

3.3 History, Economy and Society of Terengganu 46

3.3.1 Historical Background 46

3.3.2..Economy: from Success to Obsolescence 48

3.3.3 A hierarchised Society 50

3.4.3 The Particularity of the Terengganu Village 51

3.4.1 The kampung in scholarly Studies 51

3.2.1 The Terengganu Village Lay out 52

3.2.2 Terengganu House Architecture 53

3.5 Villagers Beliefs and Relationship with Nature 53

3.5.1 A mystical Interpretation of Nature 55

3.5.2 A psychological Bond 58

3.5.3 Quotidian Use of Nature resources 58

3.6 Conclusion 59

CHAPTER 4 METHODOLOGY

4.1 Theoretical Framework 61

4.1.1 Cultural Landscape Components 61

4.1.2 Role of the cultural Value Criteria as Guides

in the Study 63

4.2 Dynamics of the Demonstration 65

4.3 Prerequisites to the Investigation 66

4.3.1 Sample Acquisition 66

4.3.2 Objectivity: Observer previous Knowledge and

Involvement 68

4.3.3 Range of Data Collection: Profusion and

Parsimony 69

4.4 Operative Classification 70

4.4.1 Heuristic Types of House Compounds 70

4.5 Field Inventory Procedure 72

4.5.1 Check List of Elements and features 74

4.5.2 Interviews 75

4 5.3 Site Survey Procedure 76

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4.6 Structured Information Supports 80

4.6.1 House Compound Sketch Plans 80

4.6.2 Inventory Tables 80

4.6.3 Ethnobotanical Table and Charts 81

4.7 Exploration of the House Compounds 81

4.7.1 Sample Identification 81

4.7.2 House Compounds Classification and Code 84

4.8 Field Surveys and Informants Response 86

CHAPTER 5 INVENTORY, ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS

5.0 Introduction 88

5.1 Most Frequent Features 88

5.1.1 Flora 89

5.1.2 Ground Features and Garden Accessories 96

5.1.3 Architectural Features 101

5.1.4 Fauna 106

5.2 Particular Features of cultural Significance 107

5.2.1 Particular botanical Features 107

5.2.2 Particular architectural Features 108

5.2.3 Particular Ground Accessories 108

5.2.4 Particular Fauna Features 110

5.3 Measurements, Space Articulation and Patterns 111

5.3.1 Zones 115

5.3.2 Differences in Space Organisation

according to Type 117

5.4 Ethno-botanical Compound Analysis 123

5.4.1 Plant Species Habits 125

5.4.2 Geographical Origin of the Plant Species 126

5.4.3 Husbandry 127

5.4.4 Function of the Plant Species 128

5.4.5 Location of Plant Species on the Grounds 129

5.5 Summary of Findings 134

5.6 Inventory recapitulative Tables 135

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CHAPTER 6 EVALUATION

6.0 Introduction 151

6.1 Characterisation 151

61.1 Characterisation Limits and Bearing 166

6.2 Cultural Value Assessment by screening to Criteria 167

6.3 Results from the Screening 169

6.3.1 Sample cultural Values and Priorities 169

6.3.2 Summary of the Results 171

6.4 Empirical Verification 172

6.5 Practical Use of the Results 176

6.5.1 Conservation 176

6.5.2 Modern Use of traditional Accessories and

Plant Species 176

6.5.3 Re use of ancient Lay out and Space

Organisation 178

6.5.4 Contribution to and Collaboration with

other Disciplines 178

CHAPTER 7 PERSPECTIVES AND CONCLUSION

7.1 Generalisation 183

7.2 Contribution of the Study 185

7.2.1 Investigation Method and further Research 186

7.2.2 Brief Reference to other Studies 187

7.2.3 Theoretical Aspects of Terengganu cultural

Landscapes 188

7.3 Recommandation Urgency of Documentation 191

7.4 Conclusion 192

REFERENCES 195

APPENDICES 21

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LIST OF TABLES TABLE NO. TITLE PAGE 4.1 Cultural landscape criteria from various

theoretical perspectives 64

4.2 Adjustement of heuristic types 72

4.3 Rakyat house compounds identification and code 84

4.4 Aristocrat house compound identification and code 85

4.5 Clan heritage house compounds identification and code 85

4.6 Farmer house compounds identification and code 86

5.1 Ethnobotanical analysis of a “Rakyat” House

Compound (R4 ) in Pulau Ketam 125

5.2 Recapitulation of flora species features: a,b,c,d,e 136

5.3. Recapitulation of ground features 145

5.3 Recapitulation of architectural features 148

5.4 Recapitulation of fauna species. 150

6.1 Screening of the sample of house compounds to criteria

for cultural value 168

6.2 From cultural components to examples in

the surveyed house compounds 173

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LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE NO TITLE PAGE

1.1 “Timeless scenery” in a Terengganu Village 2

1.2 Changes in Terengganu house compounds 5

1.3 First stages of the Burra Charter sequence 9

1.4 Flow chart of research procedure. 22

2.1 Map of cultural landscape theories 34

3.1 Paintings of village scenes in Terengganu 39

3.2 Relief map of Malaysia with details on the

state of Terengganu 45

4.1 Terengganu house compounds as “total landscapes” 61

4.2 Dynamics of the demonstration 74

4 3 Detail of the research sequence. 66

4.4 Filled-in example of “Field Survey Data Set”

C1 Haji Yusof in Kuala Hiliran 77

4.5 Example of sketch plan, clan heritage compound C1 79

4.5 Sketch map of location of surveyed house compounds 83

5.1 Some of the most frequent trees species 90

5.2 Some of the most frequent shrubs species 91

5.3 Some of the most frequent herbs species 92

5.4 Some of the most frequent climbers, epiphytes

and palms species 93

5.5 Most frequent ground features 99

5.6 Most frequent architectural features 105

5.7 Examples of wild native species, favoured or planted. 108

5.8 Particular ground and architectural features 110

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5.9 Particular fauna and accessories 111

5.10 Difference of orientation house//compound (pictures) 114

5.11 Difference of orientation house //compound (sketch plan)

access to R4 from the road 114

5.12 Analysis of a typical compound zones in relation with the

neighbouring part of the house 117

5.13 Spatial organisation according to house compound type 119

5.14 Four examples of sketch plans 120

5.15 Analysis of plants habit, uses and location in R4,

in Pulau Ketam) 126

5.16 Functions of the plants species in the sample 130

5.17 Example of location matrix applied to the house compounds 132

5 18 Summary of Findings 134

6.1 Clues Rakyat 153

6.2 Clues Aristocrat 154

6.3 Clues Clan heritage 155

6.4 Clues Farmer 156

6.5 Recapitulative portrait Rakyat compound 157

6.6 Recapitulative portrait Aristocrat compound 157

6.7 Recapitulative portrait Clan heritage compound 158

6.8 Recapitulative portrait Farmer compound 158

6.9 Research results 170

6.10 Clan heritage 3, components 3 (nature resources)

and 9 (history) 174

6.11 Farmer 1, components 5 (knowledge) and 7 (activity) 174

6.12 Aristocrat 1, component 6 (construction principles)

and 9 (historical events) 174

6.13 Clan 1: components 6 (construction principles)

and 9 (historical events) 174

6.14 Clan 1: components 1 and 2 (cosmic orientation

and Islamic culture) 175

6.15 Farmer 2, components 3 (nature resources)

and 4 (way of life) 175

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6.16 Aristocrat 3: components 2 (beliefs) and 8 (status) 175

6.17 Farmer 4, components 5 (knowledge) and

6 (construction principles) 175

7.1 Pulau Ketam: jar from Patani, component 9 (history) 184

7.2 Pulau. Ketam: open fence, component 3 (way of life) 184

7.3 Merang: feet washing, jar and slab: component 3

(way of life) 184

7.4. Pasir Panjang: morning sun façade, Gerai bersalin

platform, peles boards, components 1 and 2

(cosmic orientation and Islamic culture) and 6 and 3

(architecture principles and way of life) 184

7.5 P.Duyung: Platform under kapok tree by the river,

:component 3 (way of life) 184

7.6 Kpg. Bahri: curtain of palms leaves and cloth line

: components 4 and 3 ( nature challenges and way of life) 185

7.7 Bukit Tumbuh, platform with veiled and batik

clad ladies on a background of a house on high stilts

and coconut grove, components 4 (way of life)

and 3 (nature resources and challenges) 185

7.8 Kpg. Losong, “wave stairs”: components 6

(construction principles) and 9 (history) 185

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LIST OF APPENDICES

APPENDICES TITLE

A Reference Documents

1) Burra Charter Sequence

2) Spheres of the Ecological Hierarchy

3) Total Human Ecosystem Ecosphere

4) Dunn’s shema of the Cultural system of the Temuan

5) National Park Register Criteria

B Examples of filled in Information Supports

1) Field Inventory Data sheets

2) Etnobotanical tables and Charts

3) Comparative Charts extracted from the Inventory Lists

C Glossary

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The state of Terengganu in Malaysia was for a long time synonym with

“unspoiled beaches”, “charming fishing villages” and “pristine forest hills”. Then,

over the last fifteen years, transformation of natural landscapes was noted, both by

visitors and by residents (Chang, 2000). The estuary of the Terengganu River lost its

fringe of sands and coconut fronds. Kuala Ibai lost its dream-like lagoon. Merang

hill’s sweeping perspective over the sea and the land, the grand approaches to the

Gajah Terung hills in Kuala Berang, these and other views that were for centuries

part of the beauty of the land, disappeared. In the rural vicinity of the capital of

Kuala Terengganu, rice fields and orchards have been replaced by rows of terrace

houses (Marzuki et al.1999). In Seberang Takir, on the northern bank of the

Terengganu River, hectares of mangrove palm have been replaced by a giant low-

cost housing esplanade.

However, inside the villages, as illustrated in Figure 1.1, the traditional

scenery with houses on stilts and laid back atmosphere described in guidebooks had

remained untouched.

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Figure 1.1: A “timeless” scenery in Pulau Ketam, an island in the estuary of

the Terengganu River. (Picture by author, 2004)

Then, from years 2000 to 2005, drastic changes occurred, starting in the most

populated areas of Terengganu such as villages around towns, and on the coastline.

One example is the beach agglomeration of Marang –facing Pulau Kapas, a former

successful tourist attraction with its “cowboy town” planks walkways and fishing

village lagoon. Development made without attention to the sensorial assets of the

place destroyed all its charm to the eyes of outsiders. As one guidebook puts it:

“Marang “was”, because Marang is not anymore. No reason at all to stay

there”. (Guide du Routard, 2003, translated from the French by the author).

The paradox is that, while this study is conducted, its subject, the Terengganu

cultural landscape, is vanishing. According to the figures from the State Economic

Planning Unit, from 1980 to 2004, although the pace is one of the slowest in the

country, the population in some areas of the state has doubled (Unit Perancang

Ekonomi Negeri Terengganu, 2004). Changes are deemed to happen. The

phenomenon is global. The media echoes of protests in China and Africa where the

numerous losses brought about by the spreading onslaught of traditional settlements

are deplored (Three Gorges Probe, 2002, BBC World Africa, 2005).

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Global trends in economy, including the rising scarcity of land and traditional

materials do not presage well for the newly appreciated assets. As expressed in the

following statement of the International Council of Monuments and Sites

(ICOMOS) in Mexico.

“Due to homogenization of culture and global socio-economic transformation,

vernacular structures all around the world are extremely vulnerable, facing

serious problems of obsolescence, internal equilibrium and integration,”

(ICOMOS 1999).

At the same time, the value of the previously overlooked or taken for granted

heritage is re-asserted:

“The built vernacular heritage is the fundamental expression of the culture of

a community, at the same time, the expression of the world’s cultural

diversity”

(Ibid.1999).

The vernacular built environment, especially in the tropics, includes the floral

background that frames traditional structures. Under the Burra Charter on the built

Vernacular landscapes heritage (ICOMOS, 1981), landscapes and gardens may be

considered as places of cultural significance and part of the human heritage.

In Malaysia, landscape architects Kamariah Kamsah (1997) and Nor Atiah

Ismail (2003) among others, have expressed their concern for the Malaysian

landscapes which now demonstrate the “identity loss” and “placelessness” reported

as characteristics of modern landscapes which “lack identity and personality”

(Antrop,1997). Apart from warning of the physical disappearance of the vernacular

landscape identity, these Malaysian authors have also emphasized the importance of

vernacular landscape documentation for future planning: “There is a need to create a

richer base of resources to design” further explained Nor Atiah (2003), studying the

planting composition in rural Malay residential Perak.

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1.1. Problem Statement

The disturbance of traditional vernacular landscapes raises social and

anthropological questions. Do outward cultural changes such as those occurring in

landscapes affect a people’s sense of identity? Is the loss of the material supports of

a former identity prejudicial to the people? A second series of questions are more

technical: How to identify cultural values in a place? How much culture is

embodied in dwellings and the built environment? How to demonstrate that a place

warrants to be considered as cultural heritage?

A landscape architecture approach affords an answer to the technical

questions by providing an inventory of landscape features. These features, such as

architectural traits, plants species, gardens lay out and ground elements, may be

shown to express a people’s culture and their historical, artistic, economic and social

achievements. The identified heritage may then be used in planning future

development.

The task at hand for this particular study is to provide such an inventory and

to demonstrate that there are good grounds to consider a series of house compounds

in Terengganu as cultural entities or repositories of a culture. If the assumption that

a cultural heritage is embodied in Terengganu house compounds is verified, then,

further steps can be taken to document, preserve or use the identified assets.

Another aspect of the problem is the scale and the pace of the changes

observed directly by this author in a growing number of house compounds in

Terengganu. The speed and the large scale of the evolution are due to cumulative

factors. Vernacular compounds are today submitted to numerous influences

including abandon, demolition (internal influences), introduction of new materials

and replacement with new standards (external influences),as illustrated in the

pictures of Figure 1.2

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a) New materials (Pulau Ketam) b) Abandon (Kuala Terengganu)

c) Demolition (Nisan Empat,K.Terengganu) d) Replacement (Pulau Duyung)

Figure 1.2: Changes in Terengganu house compounds. (Pictures by author, 2005)

Gradually modified, some of the residences reach a turning point where they

disappear to leave room to new cultural categories. Renovated or new habitations

are called “bungalows” (Anglo-Indian) “terrace houses”, “villas” (Latin) and

“Taman” gardens (promoter’s language) where garden space is minimal.

Documentation of the still extant traditional houses compounds is urgent

because the features that characterised the vernacular landscapes in Terengganu are

now transformed by the forces of material globalisation. The change is not

evolutionary, nor “involutionary” -an evolution from within, as described by Voss

and Meekes (1999 ) in a study on the types of landscape changes.. It is more radical:

“In many areas, landscape history reflects a shift in man-landscape relations

from involution towards replacement that strongly determines an over-all

tendency towards decreasing characteristics, biodiversity, scenic values,

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sustainability.”

ICOMOS Charter, Mexico (1999):

The evolution, in Terengganu, is fast. New generations are brought up

interiorizing psychologically new concepts that have no links with the past. A new

psyche, a new world vision is being formed. That is not the gradual “involution”

observed in Europe by Voss and Meekes (1999). What is seen in Terengganu, in

these authors’ terms, is “replacement”.

1.1.2 Assumption

However, it is still reasonable to assume that Terengganu cultural landscape

exists and that the house compounds in the villages may be considered as cultural

entities in their own right. In fact, the assumption is supported in various ways:

1.1.2.1 Observation

It had long been obvious to visitors in the East Coast state that Terengganu

village landscapes had a striking personality made of the natural assets associated

with the vernacular architecture and the practice of traditional trades and crafts

(Sheppard 1949). Furthermore, living for more than thirty years in such a village, the

author had ample opportunity to notice that houses and the grounds around them

showed constant characteristics as well as visual differences that were not obviously

linked to the natural background and, so, may be cultural.

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1.1.2.2 Circumstantial contextual evidence.

The vanishing of the traditional house compounds observed today is

interpreted by visitors as well as by villagers as an effect of the modernisation of

building techniques and of the way of life of the inhabitants. Cultural landscapes are

not only value related but also context dependant. Therefore, seeing that the

Terengganu village landscape is affected by contextual changes, one may assume

that the village landscape in Terengganu is fundamentally cultural.

1.1.2.3 Architectural Evidence

The existence of a Terengganu cultural landscape has been previously

acknowledged through the bias of its architecture. It has been recorded for example,

at the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia in a collection of measured drawings on 14

houses in Terengganu (Pusat Kajian Alam Bina Melayu, 2002). It has been the

inspiration behind elegant reconstitutions made by Tengku Ismail Tengku Su in

hTanjung Sabtu (Yong, 1997), and Dato’ Raja Bahrin Shah in his beautiful Aryani

resort (Kee, 1996). Both princes, pillars of the traditional heritage of Terengganu,

have dismantled and reconstructed ancient houses and some of the landscape around

the buildings.

Another Terengganu aficionado is tourism businessman Alex Lee (2000) who

in Jenang near Marang has gathered ancient houses and artifacts from the past.

Today, exclusive hotels like the Tanjung Jara in Dungun and a few private

residences reproduce the features that composed the traditional atmosphere. They

seek the “feel” of the Malay village –Terengganu style-, with full sensorial

experience, using timber architecture, gulai and ulam treats, herbal baths, music,

flora and fauna. The trend may have started in Bali and Thailand and could be

influenced by cultural heritage of these countries, but the gathered features are

indigenous (Joshua Lim, personal communication).

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The Terengganu State Museum has also relocated palaces and ancient houses

showing the variety of the traditional style, including even a “fisherman’s house”.

1.2 Objective of the study

Observation, contextual change dependency, and recognized architectural

specificity- are as many reasons to suppose that a Terengganu cultural landscape

embodied in its villages exists. Yet, a bibliographical survey shows that, from an

academic point of view, it does not. Documents about the compounds, their lay out,

the buildings in them, the ground accessories, plants use and garden composition are

still too few to demonstrate the existence of a “Terengganu village cultural

landscape” and to establish its characteristics.

In consequence, the objective of this thesis is to begin to substantiate the

existence of this landscape, and to prepare for an exploration of its cultural value.

Referring to global efforts towards identification and evaluation of vernacular

landscapes -such as International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN)

seeking to identify “on the ground cultural landscapes of universal value” (Roberts,

1994), the thesis focuses on one essential feature of the Terengganu landscape, the

house compounds that composed until very recently the building blocks of the

residential structures in villages and even towns in the state.

The title of this thesis deliberately contains an assumption that these house

compounds of Terengganu may be considered as cultural entities. The goal of the

study then is, through a preliminary assessment of a series of house compounds in

the state, the verification of the assumption. To reach this goal, after a review of the

literature to elicit theoretical and vernacular backgrounds, it will be proceeded to

(i) Investigate features and lay out principles of the considered house

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compounds to contribute to the identification of the Terengganu landscapes;

(ii) Refer these features to their roots and role within Terengganu cultural

context and substantiate through examples the significant relationship that exists

between landscape features and a cultural heritage.

1.3 Scope of the study

The target of this study is the houses and their compounds. This includes the

buildings, the flora, the fauna and the grounds on which these elements are found.

At first, the chosen subject may appear to be vast. It needs to be circumscribed by

defining its boundaries.

1.3.1 Stage of the study in a cultural conservation process

The proposed demonstration is a preliminary exploration. It is a first step

towards a proper assessment.

If one refers to the Burra Charter cultural preservation sequence (ICOMOS

1999) for the conservation of places of cultural significance (available in Appendix

A), this study is at the beginning of the sequence, at the “Understand significance”

stage as shown in Figure 1.3.

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ASSESS SIGNIFICANCE

GATHER AND RECORD INFORMATION ABOUT THE PLACE SUFFICIENT TO UNDERSTANCE SIGNIFICANCE Documentary Oral Physical

IDENTIFY PLACE AND ASSOCIATIONS

PREPARE A STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE

Figure 1.3: First stages of research in the Burra Charter Sequence, with the

scope of the present study enlightened in grey.

After completion of these stages, the option would be opened to proceed to

the further stages of the sequence towards preservation or full documentation

provided in the Charter.

1.3.2 Common Boundaries with other Disciplines

As the field of cultural phenomena is multifaceted and “landscape issues are

of interest in many disciplines “(Tress et al. 2001), it is necessary to precise the

scope of this thesis in relation to other disciplines related to the field of cultural

landscape.

1.3.2.1 History

In general, the material witnesses of the past remaining on the field are

considered in this work in their modern role as part of the inventory of today s

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landscapes, not for their historical value per se. However, the author believes that

historical reference is essential to help select significant features and link these to

the culture of the people who live in the given area. It provides proof of the

documentary value of the considered compounds if these are eventually submitted to

criteria for historical value.

1.3.2.2 Other disciplines

“Cultural” phenomena include man’s psyche and his natural environment.

The exploration of the Terengganu landscapes from a cultural perspective includes a

reference to disciplines such as sociology, psychology, architecture, botany and

ecology to identify as well as understand the significance of the encountered

features.

1.3.2.3 Spatial and temporal Determination of the Subject

The physical or geographical field of the research has historically determined

boundaries. The areas of potential material are settlements mentioned in the

literature on the history of Terengganu (Muhamad Saleh, 1992; Sheppard,1949).

They have been habited for more than three generations, are known for historical

personages, or particular events, crafts or products establishing a long existence of

the settlement. They are scattered following traditional economical patterns along

river valleys (travels, trade and fishing), around estuaries (trade, fishing and

international networking), and on the fringes of the forest (hunting and forest

products gathering) (Mohd Taib, 1997).

To illustrate the existing diversity, the house compounds sample should be

gathered from such varied areas in the state.

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1.4. Definitions of the Terms as understood in the Thesis

The literature shows that there have been considerable shifts through times

and places in perception of nature, earth and man’s environment. Concepts have

expended and taken enlarged meanings, starting with the term of “landscape” itself:

1.4.1 Landscape

Vidal de la Blache (1903), founder of the French School of Geography,

which introduced the relationship between physical and human elements in

geographical studies, had given a simple definition:”Un paysage est ce qui peut etre

percu d’un seul coup d’oeil “ “A landscape is what can be grasped at a glance-”

John Brinckerhof Jackson, pioneer of landscape architecture who in 1951

founded “Landscape Magazine”, further detailed the perception:

”Landscape consists of two root words: land and scope. While land

refers to the physical and tangible things that we see and feel such as trees,

lakes, mountains, buildings, flower beds etc. scope refers to how these

physical phenomenon are translated and perceived in the mind.”

(Jackson, 1984)

In both definitions, although the human observer is involved, there is a

dichotomy between the object, the landscape and the onlooker, the subject. The

second definition begins to involve more the senses and the mind as tools that

influence the perception of the considered space.

Today, the inhabitant is seen as he invests himself in the landscape in an

interactive relationship. The concept of landscape perception has been extended by

the tenants of the School of Environmental Psychology to all the senses (Appleton,

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1975, Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989). Its realm is now limited only by what the viewer’s

mind and heart can grasp during a very long lasting “glance” while experiencing his

environment.

Additionally, following those who emphasize the importance of history in

planning the future (Yahner and Nadenicek 1997; Marcucci 2000), it is necessary as

well to consider the third protagonist not literally written in the word “landscape”

yet essential, that is “time”. For these authors, a landscape is the result, through

centuries, of both -events in nature and impact of man, a perspective which confirms

that the concept of landscape is inseparable from the concept of culture.

1.4.2 Culture

Culture is generally referred to as:

i) “Ensemble des structures sociales, regligieuses etc. des manifestaion

intellectuelles, artistiques etc. qui caracterisent une societe” –“A sum of

social, religious etc. of the intellectual, artistic etc. manifestations that

characterise a society” ( Larousse,1982).

ii) “The customary beliefs, social forms and material traits of a racial, religious

or social group”. (Webster, 1977)

These two definitions refer mainly to the social and spatial aspect of culture

at a certain point in time. There is also another, more encompassing, vision of

culture.

iii) ”The integrated pattern of human behavior that includes thoughts, speech,

action, and artifacts and depend on man’s capacity for learning and

transmitting knowledge to succeeding generation” (Webster, ibid.)

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This last dictionary definition is normative. It implies a judgment of values. It

has many other implications. Culture is seen as synonym to civilisation. It involves

the array of man’s devices to project himself in time, to overcome death after his

own individual demise through his teachings, his art and his built environment.

Closer even to the present research perspective is the definition of culture

given by Wan Salleh (1991).

“Culture is a kind of self actualization process, continuous, consistent, and

self sustaining for any given community . It is a way of life typical of a

group referring to beliefs and perceptions, values and norms, customs and

behaviour. They share the quality among the group in a consensual way,

passing on to others through the socialization and education of a new

member in the society.”

This last definition expresses well the wide ranging role of the culture in

traditional communities such as in Terengganu villages.

1.4.3 Cultural landscape

A “cultural landscape” is, literally, a landscape affected by a relation with a

culture. Carl Sauer further defined the particular dynamism attached to the concept.

“The cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape by a culture

group. Culture is the agent, the natural area is the medium, and the cultural

landscape is the result”

Sauer (1925, 19)

Anthropologist and sociologist Amos Rapoport, refers to the same

parameters:

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“Cultural landscapes are defined as the result of the human action on the

“primeval” landscape over long period of time”.

Rapoport, (2004, 1)

A mirror for anthropologists, a cultural landscape expresses the identity of a

people on a considered land. Beyond this, the rich semantic aspect of cultural

landscapes implicated by the dynamism of the concept is today well appreciated by

researchers from multiple horizons. Studying an area in southern France, Roberts

(1994) observed the “multiple-functional layers” that characterize the landscape and

“make it a narrative text of overlapping and oscillating meanings”.

1.4.4 Traditional Village, Kampong and Garden

There are numerous definitions of what is “traditional” and “they apply to

much more generally than just the built environment” writes Rapoport (2004). To

simplify, a “traditional village” is taken to mean a small settlement, established at

least for more than 50 years by people united by a common origin or economical

activity, following a common customary rule (Birbaum, 2002). When used in this

study, the term refers to that definition. It may be added that, in Terengganu,

traditional settlements are often found established since more than three generations

of Malay inhabitants who share the same religion and customs (Muhamad Saleh,

1992).

A “kampong” (or in Malay “kampung”) is not synonym with “village”

because in academic writings, the vernacular expression has anthropological

connotations of “Malayness” which brings a perspective other than landscape

observation. When used in this study, it implies these connotations.

“Compound”: According to the dictionary, the word “compound” comes

from the Malay language. It is, “by folk etymology, from Malay kampong, group of

buildings, village; a fenced or walled area containing a group of buildings and

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especially residences.” (Webster, 1977). It is a physical unit composed of houses

and grounds that implies material or symbolic boundaries.

“House compound” refers to a residence, -a house, and the grounds -the

compound, on which it is located. It is the subject, and the basic unit of this thesis.

In Perak, Nor Atiah (2003) has chosen the term of “residential garden” to elicit the

cultural value of the “planting composition” in the rural residences. However, this

author does study the relationship between the house parts and the garden space and

planting organisation. Nor Atiah demonstrates how house and grounds are a physical

unit that tells a researcher how the inhabitants live, how they perceive life and

interact with their natural environment. The scope of the present study includes as

well other aspects of cultural significance such as architecture and ground features.

Hence, the two words unit “house compound” has been selected as appropriate to

describe the field of the research.

The term of “garden” is used by landscape architecture researchers in

Malaysia (Ismail Said 2000, Nor Atiah, 2003,) when describing an area with plant

species associated to a residence. A convenient, professionally explicit term; it may

not be exactly adapted to the reality in Terengganu. A “garden”, literally, is

“guarded”. From these researchers’ observations, one particular feature of the Malay

village “garden” is that it has not usually delimited by material borders or fences.

The term generally used in this study is “grounds”, except for the designation

of separate zones around a house when the term of “yard” would not sound

adequate: “back garden”, “side garden” are preferred to “backyard” and “side yard”.

1.4.5 Elements, features and attributes

Terms related to landscape components commonly used in descriptive

analysis such as “elements”, “features” and “attributes”- are understood here

according to the chosen perspective, in order of progressive abstraction respectively.

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Therefore “Features” refer to the visible and outward aspects of landscape

components; “Elements” are the components considered as parts of the landscape;

“Attributes” refers to characteristics in the landscape which are found not separable

from its identity and “Markers” , idiosyncratic features of a landscape may emerge

among the attributes. But it would be premature to seek to determine these in a

preliminary study. “Feature”, understood as a descriptive term without particular

connotation is the preferred term at this stage of the research.

1.4.6 Glossary

Definition of terms that could not for various reasons find a place in this

chapter or in the text of the following chapters signaled by an asterisk(*) in the text

are available in Appendix C.

1.5. Significance of the Study

The present study hopes to bring a new contribution to landscape architecture

through its multidisciplinary approach of landscape units and the documentary value

of its inventories. Its results may benefit other disciplines as well such as

architecture, anthropology, planning and sociology.

1.5.1 Originality of the Thesis Subject

Studies on small scale landscapes such as the Mormon homesteads in Utah

and “farmersteads” in Arizona have been the work of American geographers

(McClalland et Al., 1990). Similarly, in Europe, geographers have identified and

studied regional individual habitats such as the “souf” of Algeria or the Normandy

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farm in France, the “hacienda” in Brazil, as part of chorography discipline (study of

places or regions), (Bruhnes, 1960).

As mentioned earlier, a number of researches have been conducted on

villages in Terengganu from the architectural and environment planning point of

view at Malaysian universities (Pusat Kajian Alam Bina Melayu 2002, Wan Fadhila

2003, Mohd Sarhil 2003). Both series of studies give views on the land and

compounds as well. However, the perspective chosen in the thesis is presently

relatively unexplored. A study covering house compounds as integrated units of

landscape or “wholes”–building, grounds, flora and fauna- has not been made yet in

the east coast state.

Referring to a holistic ecology perspective, the study intends to emulate the

efforts of international agencies such as the International Council of Monuments and

Sites (ICOMOS), as well as those of individual nations including the Malaysian

Ministry of Art, Culture and Heritage, towards increased awareness of the heritage

value of vernacular landscapes. In Terengganu, particular points of significance may

be stressed as follows.

1.5.2 Preservation of the esthetic diversity.

The research may help reduce the process of oblivion of the material and

visual diversity of Terengganu cultural landscape. It can bring some material

towards further identification of the features of a “Malay garden” and may

contribute to the preservation of the “zahir” (the visible) part of this type of South

East Asian gardens.

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1.5.3 Awareness of the Significance or Implications of cultural Changes.

If the house compounds are in effect found to be cultural and to embody the

world-view of their inhabitants, the normative element of these landscapes (Arnesen

1998, Rapoport, 2004) will be emphasized. Once it is shown that the identified

“cultural units” (the house compounds) carry values (norms), and that these values

may disappear with them, it is the hope of the author that awareness of the

significance of the changes will be triggered or reinforced. The social and moral

issues alluded to previously may be examined. Are these changes really necessary to

the inhabitants or wanted by them? Are they ineluctable? What are their far reaching

consequences?

The transforming traditional Terengganu landscape is particularly worthy of

scholarly attention because it is associated with a known rich historical and artistic

heritage (Sheppard 1978; Syed Ahmad Jamal,1994).Trying to decipher that heritage

through its remains in the landscape will help increase the awareness of an

alienation threat brought about by the changes.

Alienation, for anthropologists is expressed in a feeling among villagers of

being strangers –alien- or by-standers on their native land. The impression of “on-

site uprooting” was previously reported as experienced mostly by indigenous tribes

“when their attachment to the land is removed” and by dwellers of suddenly logged

forests (Colin, 1996).

Furthermore, “losing landscape is threatening social cohesion in the affected

groups. It may produce what we could call landscape induced alienation” (Arneson

1998). The point is that not only knowledge, art and skills disappear, but also that

the effects of that disappearance on the Malay villagers are still rather uncharted. On

the positive side, with studies such as the present one, a measure of continuity may

be envisioned.

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1.5.4 Education and Learning

This study is expected to illustrate the didactic function (Rapoport 2004, 4) of

the built environment in a traditional culture such as the one in Terengganu where it

would have played the role of an ever available teacher. In fact, the house compound

unit has still today a pedagogic role for a researcher who has the opportunity to read

the “live” lessons from the past.

In the past, preservation in writing was not necessary as the culture was

written in the way of life of a people. “The vernacular built heritage” was “the

fundamental expression of the culture of a community” (ICOMOS 1999) and the

“memory bank of social groups” (Arnesen, 1998). Education was made by

environmental information and oral transmission. Informal interviews conducted for

this study continue the tradition. The research attempts to capture knowledge

consigned on nowadays fragile material supports such as the vernacular landscapes

and the memory of elders.

1.6 Summary of the chapters

The first chapter states the problem of the rapid landscape changes and

presents the study’s approach, a preliminary assessment of the cultural value of

some Terengganu house compounds landscapes. This involves the assumption that

these house compounds in Terengganu can be considered as cultural entities to begin

with, an assumption that will be verified by substantiating their cultural value.

Chapter two reviews the literature on (i) the perceptions of landscape through

history and (ii) the theories on cultural landscape that are potentially pertinent to

Terengganu. The various theories are summarized in a conceptual map and the

criteria for cultural value derived from the various perspectives are introduced.

.

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Chapter three gathers background information on the state’s geography,

history, architecture, flora, literature, and evokes the links of the Terengganu people

with surrounding nature. This information is particularly important because of the

necessity to know beforehand the components of the vernacular culture in order to

find them embodied in the features of the surveyed house compounds.

Chapter four presents the conceptual framework of the research, together with

a diagram of cultural components and a table of criteria for cultural value derived

from the literature. Heuristic “types” of compounds are proposed. The investigation

tools and information supports such as tables of features and plan sketches are

presented as well as the selected house compounds.

In chapter five, tables of features frequency yield findings on the general

aspect of these landscapes. Observation of less frequent but conspicuous features

brings about the more specific Terengganu character. Observation of patterns in

space organization and. ethno-botanical surveys complete the findings

Chapter six presents a characterization of the sample deducted from the

findings and confirms the value of the exploratory typology. Then, the surveyed

house compounds are screened to the series of cultural value criteria derived

previously from the literature. The screening is followed by an empirical verification

of the results. The results are found to be positive and the assumption of cultural

value is verified. A brief review of implications of the results is made.

In conclusion, Chapter seven suggests an extrapolation of the study results to

similar landscapes in the state of Terengganu. Finally, the importance of elaborating

a conceptualisation of the Terengganu’s house compounds landscape architecture is

envisioned. The process is illustrated in the flow Chart presented in Figure 1.4.

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Assumption A series of House Compounds in Terengganu qualify as Cultural Landscapes Literature review Methodology of Research & Conceptual Framework for Research Design Field Analysis & Findings Synthesis, Discussion and Perspectives

-What is a cultural landscape? -Components of a Cultural Landscape from theories, then applied to T’gnu background: Nature, History, Society

Main features in each landscape element: Particular features Findings from space lay out & articulation Relationship inhabitants/nature

Characterization, including types Screening to cultural criteria Discussion and empirical verification Results: cultural value of the sample Generalisation to Terengganu Conceptualisation and recommendations Conclusion

Qualitative Investigation -Sample acquisition: 16 cases -Classification in heuristic types -Interviews history & significance -Sketch plans -Photographs

Quantitative investigation -Sites inventory recapitulation: -Tables of features frequency, averages by case, by type and for the whole sample, -Charts of ethno-botanical data

What criteria help identify a landscape of cultural value? Experiential, holistic, historical etc. perspectives 17 criteria

Fig.1.4: Flow Chart of Research Procedure & Demonstration.

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CHAPTER 2 LITTERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction:

This chapter presents the theoretical background behind the concept of cultural

landscape as understood in this study on Terengganu. It retraces the steps of the

evolution of the concept from perceptions to theories obtained from the literature

review.

2.1 Evolution of Landscape Perceptions

The literature review shows that there has been an evolution in landscape

perceptions through history and in different parts of the world. That evolution has led

to the modern approach of man’s habitat and to the concept of “cultural landscape”.

The modern approach focuses on the semantic layers written in landscapes that reveal

the stages of the relationship between the inhabitants of a place and their natural

environment through time.

The idea of “reading” a landscape for its significance is now considered as

fundamental. Searching for the historical ecology and the “cultural sequences” of a

landscape is a recommended practice in planning the development of an area (Vos &

Meekes, 1999, Marcucci, 2000).

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However, landscapes had been long regarded as two-dimensional views of

arrangement of nature and human intervention that referred only to themselves. When

Jackson Brinkerhof Jackson, founder in the 50ties of the “Landscape” magazine

whose vision had been influenced by years of travels including in “old” Europe, said,:

”I see things that other people don’t see and I call their attention to it” (Jackson,

1984), the semantic interpretation of a landscape was new, especially to the American

public.

Landscapes or surrounding nature had previously been considered differently:

Nature had been (i) a wilderness to be tamed, (ii) a source of food to be exploited, and

(iii) an occasion for esthetic emotions or (iv) for meditation on the design of the

universe. Then, (v) political and (vi) moral implications behind land management

decisions were identified. These interpretations are listed below as they retrace the

history of a human perception and attitude, some aspects of which may be shared by

the Terengganu inhabitants in their relationship with their natural environment.

2.1.1 Natural Environment as a Source of Danger, Food, Medicine and Moods

It was not only in the jungle-covered lands like Malaysia or even the hilly

Champa that nature was commonly considered as dangerous (Winstead 1981, Po

Dharma, 1992). As late as the eighteen century in Western countries, forests were the

abode of fearsome creatures. Nature was “hostile and forbidding “(Roberts, 1994). In

the 17th century, French writer Madame de Sevigné (1971) in her “Lettres a Madame

de Grignan”, commiserates with her daughter for having to live in the “savageness of

the country”. During the reign of Louis XIV (1638-1715) the “Sun King”, who

commissioned the gardens of Versailles to Le Notre, landscaping was the art of

creating gardens to frame a palace in a carefully domesticated version of nature

(Booth, 1983). It was a way to reassure oneself against the perceived disorder of

natural environment. Labyrinths would cater for the adventurous.

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However, throughout the Middle Ages, with indigenous knowledge and

Islamic influence, a more scientific trend in botanic and horticulture had persisted

There had been utilitarian gardens of herbs and medicines around monasteries and

functionally designed gardens of tamed nature in ordered landscapes (Booth, 1983 )..

In contrast to the fear and the awe or the aesthetic and the horticultural

attitudes, another way of benefiting from nature’s gifts appeared. In Europe. the

“Romantics” like French writer Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) surrendered to

their natural environment and regarded nature as a most suitable pedagogue (Roberts,

1994). In the 19th century, the movement spread from literature to painting with

Constable and the impressionists. Music in Germany celebrated landscapes. Views

(skopein, the visual part of landscape) inspired artists, and their moods.

In China of the 6th century, another artistic and quasi-mystical trend had

already developed. Represented by the Ch’an school of painting, it was expressed in

”meditation scrolls” (Bankroft, 1979).Waterfalls and rivers were part of the arhat

(hermit) spiritual experience. The hermit contemplative stance, in turn, was

represented as physical part of the landscape. This attitude had an echo in the Malay

man in search of knowledge (ilmu) who retired (bertapa) in the forest or wild areas.

Yet the retreat was not meant to be an immersion in nature. Nature was often a path to

other -mystical or magic, quests (Winsted, 1981).

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the shifting perspectives that

presented landscape and environment as sometimes alien to, sometimes part of human

psyche, found a stabilising ground in the environmental or ecological movement. The

founding fathers of environmentalism were a forester like Aldo Leopold, agriculture

engineer like Rene Dubos, or scientists like Bertrand de Jouvenel. Knowingly or not,

meeting with religious thinking (Islamic stewardship of the earth and Buddhist respect

of life), they clearly stated the responsibility of man and his solidarity with nature. A

vision shared today by modern Malay Muslims (Mohd Taib 1997) and in their own

way by traditional villagers, particularly (Coatalen, 1982) on the east coast of

Malaysia.

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2.1.2 Political Implications of Landscape Management Decisions

In parallel, another type of awareness had taken shape. Landscapes can be

considered as arenas for ideology or power confrontations. Ingerson (2002) evokes

“the invisible politics of visible landscapes”. She quotes scholars from various

horizons, a geographer, a landscape archeologist and an urban historian, who all speak

of landscapes (the “land” part of the concept) as the center of a debate because they

are intrinsically linked to land use, lebensraum (living space), and territory.

“The cultural landscape is the physical and symbolic arena for the social

process of production, the accumulation of wealth, and the resistance to

unequal accumulation. The cultural landscape…is both a tool and the context

of cultural change”

(Hood, in Ingerson 1996)

“The study of urban landscape needs to be embedded in both the aesthetics of

experiencing places with all five senses and the politics of experiencing

places as contested territory”

(Hayden, in Ingerson 1996)

Ingerson (2002) further points out:

“These scholars drew attention to the different and often conflicting meaning

of a single landscape to those who owned the land and those who worked it

those who painted it and those who wrested a living from it.”

The confrontational aspect of land use is part of a long standing contestation of

the right of land ownership when ownership is not associated with actual work on the

land. In that context, “Ownership is theft” claimed French socialist theoretician

Proudhon (1840). Soon, unilateral land management politics would be denounced as

imperialist or totalitarian. Indigenous communities would have to be informed about

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technocratic decisions that could change the lands. They would be called to

“participate in the decision making process” (UNICED Rio 1992).

After the straightforward territorial struggles of the past, politicians and

planners have become more aware of the deeper significance of the impact of man’s

action on the land, including within one's frontiers.

Land use and landscape planning are now understood not only as a matter of

space control and development but also as a proclamation of one’s beliefs. They are a

statement of a people’s idea on the management of their parcel of earth. “Landscape

enters life and politics, and touches upon important aspects of social life such as

shared memory and validation, group identity and acceptance” (Arnesen 1998). One

of the results of this study then will be to see how this interpretation of space

organisation as a political, social and religious statement is expressed in the traditional

Terengganu house compound.

Research on the concept of landscape during the last three decades have

extended that field in depth and range, to almost all aspects of life. Landscape studies

include the effects of landscape on the human psyche and the far reaching

consequences of a change in a landscape. They cover from anthropology to politics,

from archeology to economic prospective. Landscape studies have become trans-

disciplinary (Tress et al., 2001). This epistemological evolution has helped to

understand better the cultural aspects of landscapes, to read them in a useful (i.e.

prospective) way, beyond plain record. It has allowed elaborating theories reaching

farther than the basic definition of a cultural landscape and yet to rate landscapes for

their cultural value. A few of these theories are reviewed in the following section.

2.2 Theoretical Approaches to Cultural Landscapes

Referring to the definition by Rapoport (2004) of cultural landscapes as “the

result of human action on the primeval landscape over long periods of time”, at one

level, the “human action” is caused by the need to feel safe, provided for and

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comfortable in one’s environment. That need results in particular “preferences” in

environment. Identifying these preferences to design better habitats is one of the

objectives of the environment psychology school of thought.

2.2.1 The preferential Model and experiential Approaches

In her study of the rural Perak Malay Residential garden, Nor Atiah (2003)

relies on the psychological approaches of the study of landscape design elaborated by

Rachel Kaplan and Stephen Kaplan (1975) further developed by Appleton (1975) in

the “Prospect-Refuge Theory” to show how some Perak house compounds exhibit

culturally responsive features in their planting composition.

To identify the basis for man preference in a landscape, Kaplan and Kaplan

(1975) applied the “Preferential Model” and selected “four informational variables”:

“coherence, legibility, complexity and mystery”, as characteristics of a landscape

responsive to human psychological needs, -a landscape that is cultural, by opposition

to purely functional or decorative.

This approach is useful in establishing the components that contribute to the

sensorial attractiveness of a residential area as well as inspire the attachment of the

inhabitants to some landscapes perceived as particularly suitable to them. In the case

of Perak, Nor Atiah (2003) found it appropriate to express the “cocooning” feeling

created by Perak rural landscapes. The Perak garden, she observed further, also

catered for material and religious needs and so, did qualify as totally culturally

responsive from the preferential and experiential perspective.

After years of being constantly referred to and effectively used in landscapes

study and planning, the psychological approach was tested by Arthur E.Stamps III

(2002). Stamps found that the method has its drawbacks. An exploration on large

numbers of studies using the informational model of environmental preference (IME)

resulted in mitigated conclusions: It did appear that questionnaires designed to find

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out the correlation between the identified factors and the index of satisfaction gave

more reliable results than random interviews. Yet, subjective appreciations by

respondents and heterogeneity of data often prevented scientific replication.

This approach also leads far from actual historical and anthropological

documentation on existing sites. Claims to cultural value by house compounds in

Terengganu are expected to be more numerous and more specific. Some of the state’s

buildings (as the Kota Lama Duyung and the Tukku Paluh residences) have already

been identified as historical places, so their compounds, if examined as cultural

landscapes, are expected to answer to more culturally stringent criteria than the

psychologists experiential variables.

.

2.2.2 Landscapes seen through holistic Lenses

Another way to consider landscapes is the holistic ecology perspective

propounded by Naveh (1995) and his colleagues since a few decades. It may be

connected to the terms “primeval” and “over a long time” in Rapoport’s definition of

a cultural landscape, in the sense that it places any environment within the frame of

the evolution of the planet. Envisioning landscapes as part of the global system,

Naveh (1995), referring to “the general systems theory of Bertalanffy” dating back to

1968, brings the significance of landscape onto a cosmic plane. Describing the

“ecological hierarchy”, he writes:

“Its central holistic concept is the Total Human Ecosystem as the highest

level of co-evolutionary complexity in the global ecological hierarchy, with

solar energy powered biosphere and fossil energy technosphere landscapes

as its concrete system”.

(Naveh,1995,16)

Scientific disciplines, understood in an ecological sense, are comprised in the

study of the “ecology of man and his environment”. ”As the integrative science of the

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Total Human Ecosystem, landscape ecology acquires a unique position, bridging the

bio-ecology disciplines and human ecology” (Naveh 2000,15). The schema of this

“hierarchised, trans-disciplinary” concept is reproduced in Appendix A

The Total Human Ecosystem-Ecosphere includes the geosphere, the

atmosphere, lithosphere and hydrosphere, the biosphere and the technosphere.” We

live also”, adds Naveh (2000), “in the conceptual space of the human mind, the sphere

of human mind -the “noosphere” (from the Greek noos – mind)”.Each of the “co-

evolutionist” and “co-existent spheres” is present simultaneously in man’s “multi-

dimensional” cultural ecological reality.

In the holistic ecology perspective, Terengganu house compounds landscapes

are “ecotopes” -i.e. places with their individual environment-, located within the

human ecosystem. They are also “holons” -from the greek :”holos” = whole +

“proton” = part” (Naveh 2000). They are “wholes” -as microcosms, through the

complex of biological, cultural and historical features that compose their existence,

and “parts” -as emanations of larger South East Asian cultural and biological systems.

This view highlights the far reaching consequences of landscape changes, as in

a system, as all parts are interdependent. What happens in a part has a repercussion in

the whole. Material changes, like those occurring in Terengganu village landscapes,

are a sign that something is happening as well in other spheres such as at the

noosphere, the biosphere and the technosphere.

Another concept evoked by Naveh (2000) is the “supersystem” idea. The

structure of a “super-system” is constituted by the relation between systems. It is a

dynamic, “overarching” encrypted (“implicated”) structure. The “super-system”it

refers to is different from a “world view” or a religious belief as these are made

explicit from time to time Naveh (2000). A “super-system” is the more effective

because, being implicit, unsaid and unwritten, it cannot be challenged.

This conceptual construction helps understand the cohesion of traditional

societies such as the Terengganu village communities where the fundaments of the

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customary rules were not taught explicitly, but transmitted together with their material

supports, from one generation to the other. These communities are now measured to

another implicit, mondial “super-system” which is not mapped, not tangible, but

encrypted in the trends of the networks of global development.

The holistic ecology system concept helps explain metamorphoses that take

place at the level of an “implicate order" (Naveh ,2000 ), behind the scene so to say,

when material changes occur in a landscape, such as house orientations or water

source relocation for example, affecting the traditional and tacit order of things. A

traditional society is replaced not only because its material objects disappear but

because they have lost their network of meaning or semiotic correlations. This view is

advanced as well by Tor Arnesen (1998) who explains how “landscapes are semiotic

resources” and studies “How landscapes are lost”.

Already, in 1975, anthropologist-archeologist-medical researcher Dr. F.L.

Dunn, studying a group of Temuan rain forest collectors and traders in Malaysia has

given a similar holistic view of “a cultural system”, where the “supernatural world” is

represented as part of the same cultural schema as “energies, artifacts and social

organization".(Dunn(1975).Dunn’s shema is reproduced in Appendix A .

Dunn’s study, focusing on the Temuan environment, represent also a model

of multidisciplinary approach suitable for landscape studies. It includes flora, fauna

and the relationship between the inhabitants and their environment. It includes as well

the prehistory, the geological history and evolution of the Temuan forest environment

as part of today’s reality. That latter view is shared as well by the tenants of the role

of an historical perspective in landscape theory and planning.

2.2.3 The historical Perspective

The definition of cultural landscape as the result of “human action on nature

over time” (Rapoport 2004) involves a number of common features related to a

people over time. With time passing, constant landscape features become the

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expression of the relation of a community with its environment. They become

valuable documents on the people’s history as well as on human process of evolution

in general.

.

The historical perspective in landscaping is at first linked to conservation of

monuments and sites such as in the National Park Service of the USA. ”Period

research”, studies on changes over time, evaluation, integrity and significance of a

landscape, all implied solid historical founding ( McClelland et al. 1990).

However, the historical perspective should be furthered in prospective,

explains Marcucci (2000) who presents “Landscape history as a planning tool” and

historical research as a sine qua non base for planning the future:

”A landscape is a contextual phenomenon, embedded in a world that is both

spatial and temporal, or, if you prefer, geographical and temporal. Yet while

methods to study the geographical attributes of landscape are increasingly

understood, methods to know their temporal contexts are not”

(Marcucci, 2000,68)

Marcucci re-asserts that:

“A landscape existing today results from previous conditions and events in that

locale, and it follows that landscapes of the future will be legacies of the

elements and processes occurring today” (ibid. )

In Marcucci’s view, studies on the pre-historical, archeological and long run

historical evolution of a place will help determine the type of development suitable

for an area. Development then is not conceived as mere innovation, continuation or

even revival of sometimes obsolete activities of the past, but as a re-appreciation of

the natural assets in relation with the use of these by a population through ages.

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2.3 Cultural Landscape Assessment Methods

2.3.1 The Problem of assessing Heritage Value

Theoreticians (Taylor 2002) have attracted attention to the present state of

landscape “fragmentation” of the major part of the earth surface by global

development: Any landscape impacted by man is cultural. Even those left apart may

be considered as deliberately (cultural decision) put apart, thus cultural too.

“Cultural landscapes can be thought of as any landscape bearing the impact of

human activity, historic or prehistoric. It is a concept emerging from

increasing recognition that human beings are part of nature”

(Taylor, 2002)

The word “landscape” even becomes synonym with “cultural” and “cultural

landscape” becomes a pleonasm:

From the point of view of landscape documentation proper, there may be a

problem. If all landscapes are considered as cultural because one way or another they

are impacted by human presence, any landscape can be considered as significant in its

own right. Then, landscapes that are historical or specifically culturally significant

may be by-passed in the plethora.

2.3.2 Heritage Registration

Fortunately, in this fragmentation context, national agencies in various

countries and world organisations created to preserve world heritage have come out

with criteria and methods to identify landscapes worthy of conservation. There are

also provisions for landscapes worthy of documentation, for cases when preservation

is not an option.

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The cultural evaluation criteria would deserve a study to themselves which

would be beyond the scope of the research. Some criteria, for example those from the

psychology school and those from the U.S. National Park Register have been clearly

defined. Others have been deducted for the purpose of this study by the author from

the relevant theories. The criteria that will be later referred to in Chapter four

(Methodology) and six (Evaluation) are introduced briefly below along with a

recapitulation of the relevant theories.

2.3.3 Recapitulation of Theoretical Approaches to Landscape and derived

Cultural Landscape Criteria

Authors from different disciplines have devised various theories on the concept

of landscape and on the role of landscape in human life from different points of view

summarized in Figure 2.3.

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Landscapes to be lived in Landscape being interpreted Psychology Philosophy Function Significance What it is What it tells Realm of landscape Studies on concepts & Architecture design design in relation to beliefs & norms Space articulation & use Awareness of reference system Focus on human needs, well being Multidisciplinary approach Natural assets and survival Focus on paradigms identification Practice Policies Landscape as an image of a society Sociology

Informational Preference Model (i)

History of man & nature together (v)

Cultural Landscape Man Environment

Environment – Behaviour Studies (iii)

.Experiential Theory (ii)

Holistic Landscape Ecology (iv)

Figure 2.1: “Map” of a number of theories and disciplines concerned with

cultural landscape. (Schema by the author)

The map shows how varied are the perspectives from which a landscape may

be considered. The numbers in brackets in Figure 2.3 refer to the theories that are

summarized clockwise below. Ensuing cultural evaluation criteria are proposed.

(i). Informational Model for the Prediction of Preference (IPM)

Stephen and Rachel Kaplan (1978) have stressed the role of the sensorial

perception by inhabitants and observers in the evaluation of a landscape. They have

Used the Informational Prediction Preference Model to predict the value attributed to

a landscape. The four basic variables (coherence, legibility, mystery, complexity)

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these authors had identified have long been used as criteria for the cultural value of

landscapes (Nor Atiah, 2003).

(ii) Experiential Approach

Sensorial perception in landscape appreciation and design does not express

fully the role of a landscape for the inhabitants, later remarked Taylor et al (1987).

They advocated focusing as well on the reciprocal interaction of the inhabitant with

his environment, -“his direct experience” of it- as part in the evaluation of the cultural

value of a landscape. “Introducing the Prospect/refuge theory” Appleton (1975)

stressed the psychological effect of space organization on the human psyche.

(iii) Environmental-Behaviour Studies (EBS)

EBS studies were developed over more than thirty years since1969 by Amos

Rapoport who deciphered “model-systems” of communities reactions to changing

context from observation of the environmental evolution in developing countries. This

approach connects landscape studies with anthropological and sociological

approaches (Rapoport ,2004).

Theories (ii) and (iii) relate to the sensorial appreciation and functional

interpretation of an environing landscape by individuals as well as by communities.

The ensuing criteria are identified by the author as (1) “benefit” (usefulness or

function), (2) entertainment and relaxation and (3) socially significant use of space.

(iv) Holistic Landscape Ecology

Holistic ecology (including the “THE” -Total Human Ecosystem) is related to

the system theory. Naveh (2000) summarized the concepts of the holistic

constructions as applied to landscapes where the global, semiotic and multi

dimensional content of man total environment is taken into account.

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The approach is translated in this work into criteria for cultural value such as

landscape features connected with (1) beliefs, (2) rites and (3) status, which all imply

a collective world view (“noosphere”) and (4) activity, which refers to survival

(biosphere) and skills (technosphere).

(v). The US National Parks Registry

On their part, the National Parks of the USA have listed five criteria for the

registration of landscapes of historical and or cultural value, particularly in Bulletins

18 and 38 ( McClelland et.al.1990, Birnbaum 2002). These criteria, presented in

Appendix A, concern places related to (1) historical events or (2) persons, (3)

antiquity, (4) information and (5) art. Answering to one of some of these critereia are,

for a monument or a site, the first stage towards eventual conservation.

2.4 Conclusion from the conceptual Approaches Review

Whatever are the chosen reference theories, the conceptual background of

landscape studies does appear to be multidisciplinary. Therefore, studies of particular

landscapes have to be similarly based on a multidisciplinary approach involving a

broad knowledge of the vernacular culture. As Birnbaum (2002) explains in the

National Parks Bulletin.No36 giving directives for a Cultural Landscape Report:

“Landscapes can be read on many levels –landscape as nature, habitat,

artifact, system, wealth, ideology, history, place and aesthetic. When

developing a strategy to document a cultural landscape, it is important to

attempt to read the landscape in its context of place and time”.

To read the Terengganu landscape in such a way, it is necessary to have a good

measure of familiarity with the culture of the inhabitants and with the geophysical

environment of the state. This is expended in the following chapter three dedicated to

introduce the Terengganu “context of place and time”.

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CHAPTER 3

OVERVIEW OF THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE

OF TERENGGANU

3.0 Introduction

The chapter retraces briefly the cultural background of the state of

Terengganu. This background is made of closely interrelated material and

immaterial components. The components are obtained from multiple sources, from

artistic works to architectural material witnesses as well as scholarly documents and

previous professional research by the author in the fields of ethnobotany and local

history.

3.1 Kampong Nostalgia in the Collective Memory

Cultural landscapes have been associated as “memory-banks” with the

collective memory of a people, a mental representation of what belongs to them and

to their past (Roberts 1994, Arnesen, 1998). There is, in the urban population in

Malaysia, just as in the rest of the world, a growing nostalgia for the original village,

whether it still exists or not. The country life is idealised by the distance and by the

aura of childhood first loves. The formerly “untouched” East Coast states of

Terengganu and Kelantan are particularly reputed for such idyllic views.

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3.1.1 A romantic Archetype

Kampongs scenes in water colour like those of painter Ismail Zain (who

hailed from Besut) are bought for hotels for guest to enjoy the scenery without the

lack of comfort. Banking corporations buy painter Chang Fee Ming’s (who was born

in Dungun) village lines of batik to decorate their grey walls. Figure 3.1 shows

reproductions of such paintings made in Terengganu by artists the works of whom

are nowadays sought after by amateurs, not only because of their artistic value, but

also because of their emotional and cultural contents.

Keith Miller: untitled, Pulau Duyung (1989) Chang Fee Ming “Sail”, P.Duyung (1987).

Figure 3.1: Paintings of Village Landscapes in Terengganu. (Author private

collection and in Chang, 2002)

In Keth Miller’s painting, the sekuci boat evocates the river and the near-by

sea; culture is represented by the shape of the boat, the timber houses with belanda

roof and Singhora tiles. In Chang Fee Ming’s work, nature is felt as the cloth is

blown away by the monsoon winds, while the batik colours and patterns evocate the

hand of the Terengganu crafstmen..

In Malay language, kampung -village- means “home” as well as a particular

place. The whole village is the mental habitat of the villager. Perhaps ancient

experiences of collective migrations have played a role in forging this strong link.

As Dellios (2002) in her study of the Malay village perceptions reports, “and at the

base of every man’s and woman’s sense of self is his or her village…In South Asia

you are not from a village, you belong to it.”

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The kampung archetype is more than any original village with rural traditions

and family values. It is shaped by closeness with the country luxuriant flora and

fauna, the dramatic nature, the monsoons and rivers, padi fields and palms estates,

virgin forests, misty highlands and sandy coasts bordered by the waves of the ocean

where the Malays used to find their rezeki livelihood even at the risk of their lives

3.1.2 Novels and Short Stories

In contemporary Malay novels, the village “background” is part and parcel of

the story, almost a character in its own right. In “Hari Hari terakhir Seorang

Seniman”, Anwar Ridhwan (1979) describes a well and its surroundings, ablutions

in quietness of the morning to prepare for the drama of the brutality of a Japanese

occupant.

In Angin Timor Laut by Othman Kelantan (1969), a fisherman is sitting on

the lambuh verandah of his house, facing the monsoon. The boundaries of his

compounds are the waves.

In “Empangan” Zakaria Ali (1990) shows how villagers become aware of

their personal preferences, amongst feuds that reflect the importance of the change

that a dam will bring to the landscape and the life of the inhabitants, and what values

are at stake.

French “planter-writers” Henri Fauconnier (1930) and Pierre Boulle (1951),

who have lived in Malaysia in the first part of the twentieth century have given a

good place in their novels the natural landscape surrounding villages, and to “l’ame

de la Malaisie” (the “soul of Malaya”) inseparable for them from that landscape.

British writings, often made by Government servants, give a more academic

view of the places but some, as the short stories written by Hugh Clifford (1897), do

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reflect the particular atmosphere of the Malay village where nature is omnipresent,

particularly on the more secluded Eastern part of the Peninsula.

3.2 Natural Environment in Terengganu

The State of Terengganu is described as a coastal state when compared to the

other states in Peninsular Malaysia. Yet the land is far from flat or monotonous. A

relief map of Malaysia with the location of Terengganu is shown on Figure 3.2

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Figure 3. 2: Relief Map of Malaysia with details on the State of Terengganu.

(Source: Polunin 1988.)

3.2.1 Geography

Beginning at about 6 degrees north of the equator, the state of Terengganu

stretches for about 600 km along the China Sea. The relief is divided vertically. On

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the West are the counterforts of the Banjaran Titwangsa, the Main Range,

culminating at 1518m (Gunong Lawit) in the North and 1479m (Gunong

Gelemat)in the South (Direktorat Pemetaan Malaysia,1988).

Further east, on a lower hilly terrain, rubber and palm oil plantations expand

down to the coastal low-land Dipterocarps forests, belukar (secondary forest), padi

fields, mangrove and long stretches of sand beaches.

In turn, rivers divide the land horizontally, flowing from the high hills inland

toward the sea. The Kemaman, Dungun, Marang, Terengganu, and Besut rivers

give their names to the main districts of the State. The estuary of the last two rivers

spread fan-like in a Northern direction towards the Gulf of Siam.

The rivers begin as streams that cut their path through limestone rock creating

a landscape of boulders and caves, cascading down in water falls and “jeram

(rapids) to become the wide and deep waterways that used to be the main roads in

the past. For a few days in the year, joining the high tides of the full moon during the

rainy season, they flood some of the surrounding lands and villages (Chang, 2000)

The climate is humid with precipitations the heaviest in Peninsular Malaysia

(Polunin 1988); but winds up to 60 km/h from the monsoon full force and breezes

from the sea and from the land ensure that the most populated areas along the

corridors of the rivers or around the estuaries are well ventilated.

The soils are generally considered as poor, formed of red soil (laterite) and a

thin layer of humus, suitable for padi, orchards and vegetable gardens (Yvan Biot,

personal communication ). There are fresh water fish and wild animals, deer, wild

boars, elephants and tigers. Cattle (buffaloes and cows herds) are seen in Besut and

Dungun area. Cows favour the warm roads for the night and goats are still roaming

freely in villages

The vegetation was once so overpowering, that Crawford (1856) in his

dictionary, could write about Terengganu: “of this area nothing certain is known…

nearly the whole is continuous jungle in its present state of very little use to man”.

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3. 2.2 Wild Flora

With a relief undisturbed for so long, Malaysian flora is includes species

contemporary with the dinosaurs such as the Cycas -common on Terengganu

islands, which can be traced back to “150 to 200 million years ago” (Hsuang Keng

1978). The Malaysian Peninsula is also a passage way for winds, birds and boats

from the far away shores of the Indian and Pacific Oceans and a cross road for all

kinds of migrations from the north down to the warmer lands of the Tropics.

The feature that strike visiting botanists (Deverre 1985, Hume, 1984) is the

diversity of species. That is especially true of Terengganu. The state is located

within the region where most of the 27 endemic genera of Peninsular Malaysia are

found. The richest flora of the Malay Peninsula occurs in south Kelantan,

Terengganu, north Pahang and eastern Perak (Corner, 1952, Hsuan Keng 1978).

Species from Asia, America, Africa, the Middle West and even Australia strive here,

auguring well for the resources at the disposal of the inhabitants.

With the giants of the Dipterocarps forest reaching heigths above 50 m,

there are Rubiaceae, the family of the gambir and coffee, Apocynacea full of

alkaloids, spicy smelling Lauracea and Annonacea, herbs like the Gingiberacees

including the endemic Geostachys. There are the lotus-like Eltingera elatior, palms

and bananas species, giant ferns and mangrove species growing stilts and aerial

roots forming the most exuberant and entertaining of the natural landscapes.

3.2.3 Natural landscapes

The tropical landscape in Terengganu differs from temperate regions of

Europe or of northern America as the “fragmentation” (Taylor 2002) is not evident.

Balance between the amount of nature and culture is obviously unplanned. Not all

the owners of the land exploit their property. Villages are rich in semi-wild areas

that provide a striking backdrop to the house compounds. (Polunin 1988).

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Habitations are hidden not only among planted fruit trees and coconuts trees

but also below the foliage of wild species such as the renggas (Gluta sp.), cengal

pasir (Hopea odorata) and meninjau (Gnetum gnemon). On the coastal area, houses

are interspaced with mengkuang (Pandanus sp.), Nipah, gelam (Melaleucca

leucadendron), putat (Barringtonia sp.), bebaru (Hibiscus sp.), all wild species with

attractive fruits or flowers.

As one walks around and in the villages, as the author had continual

occasions to do, living on the field and during years of ethnobotanical research, the

natural landscape of the villages appears grandiose. At the turn of a path, wild floral

species gather in gigantic clusters. Coconut trees or nibong (Oncosperma tigilaria)

are wrapped in climbers used by other climbers to reach the sun forming visually

entertaining compositions. There are the violet flowers of Ipomeas and Aristolochia

with a parachute shaped fruit. The background is filled with the arches of bamboos

and the strong green of banana leaves.

The round fruit of the mangrove gurah, (Euphorbiacea) hang like rustic

ornaments over the titian timber planks paths that cross swampy areas. In the

perspective, village houses are framed by the dark fronds of Nipah palms contrasting

with their brightly coloured walls.

Epiphytes bring more visual interest with the red flowers of the dedalu

(Loranthus sp.) or the long hair of the rambut puteri (Cassytha filiformis). After a

rain fall, the white beads of the pigeon orchids decorate the coconut trunks.

The village wild fauna, especially the birds, adds colour, sound and

movement to the views: On a sun exposed river bank, blue headed doves rest on a

branch under the fragile flowers of a bongor (Lagerstroemia sp.) Metallic green

dollar birds perch on dead coconut trees. Yellow orioles dart toward the red flowers

of tamarind trees. Sea eagles circle with twirls of warm air .Dozens of butterflies

gather around the sweet smelling flowers of a Mengkudu (Morinda sp.)

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3.3 History, Economy and Society of Terengganu

In times in history when travel by sea was frequent, the beaches and sheltered

estuaries of the Terengganu coasts had attracted people (Weatley 1966) Limestone

caves hidden in the forest hills of the interior offered attractive refuge from wild

animals and weather challenges.

3.3.1 Historical Background

3.3.1.1 A Harbour and a Land of Passage

One of the first descriptions of Terengganu landscape is -befittingly- seen

from the sea. It was recorded by a Chinese traveler, Wang Ta-yuan in around 1330:

“Ting-Chia-Lu (Terengganu) is a triangular island separated from

neighbouring districts by a creek which acts as an important waterway. The

island is high and desolate. The fields are middling to poor, but even the

poorest folks have enough food. There are heavy rains in spring and the

climate is somewhat warm”.(Wheatley 1966, 80).

For an approaching boat, hills emerging along the coast may make

Terengganu, (now the area where the capital city is located) look like an island

(Wan Ahmad, personal communication). Older folks remember paddling to the

market on a small river from the bank of the estuary of the Terengganu River to

Tanjung, on the other side of Bukit Puteri Hill (Wan Endut , personal

communication). Much of the area was a swamp marked by names of areas in the

city such as Istana Kolam, Kampung Paya Keladi, with Bukit Besar and Bukit Kecil

hills emerging on another side of the swamp.

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The Chinese travelers may have ventured further inland perhaps following

the Nerus river where one of Admiral Cheng Ho junks is said to have been stranded

in Jeram around 1410 (Longuet 1984). Name of places such as Padang Air, Lubuk

Kerbau, Padang Hangus, Banggol, Gong Tok Nasek etc. evoke a land often flooded,

with holes and emerging monticules.

3.3.1.2 Early Inhabitants

Relics have been found in the hills and on the coast, pointing to pre-historical

settlements on the coast and in the interior. Manik potteries, bones from prehistoric

times, drums with the sun and star patterns of the Dong Son culture (Sorensen

2002), Sailendra or Majapahit burial jars (Mohd Taib 1987). Both coasts and hills

have been places of passage or dwelling, showing that Terengganu was frequented

from the sea and on land by groups of peoples coming probably from the north and

the north east.

It seems (Muhammad Salleh1992) that the first organized government was

an emporium located up the Terengganu river. The “Terengganu stone” sets the

existence of a Muslim ruler (Telanai) in Kuala Berang as early as 1304 AD. That

connects Terengganu with the future destiny of the rest of the Peninsula where Islam

was going to give a new face to the formerly Hinduised states.

3.3.1.3 Sultanates

By 1726 a royal family had been established (Muhammad Salleh 1992; Khoo

1991). In the middle of the eighteen century, Sultan Mansur developed crafts and,

then mostly maritime, trade. Later, Baginda Omar (1839-1875) actively favored

technology transfers, inviting foreign experts in tembaga metal working from Yunan

(Daud Mohamad, personal communication), boat building from France (Gibson-

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Hill, 1949) and batik from Java (Mohd Taib, 1997). The harbour of Kuala

Terengganu was thriving:

“For many years, traders from Europe never ceased to call at Kuala

Terengganu, which, in the mid-eighteen century was regarded as one of the

busiest ports between the Indian Ocean and the China Sea.” (Khoo 1991, 88.)

In the first part of the nineteen century, something happened in Pattani that

would have much repercussion on Terengganu. The Malay ruler who had the

support of the Terengganu court was ousted by the favorite of the Siamese (Abdul

Halim Bashah, 1994,). His partisans had to run away. Unable to take refuge for long

in Kelantan where the Siamese ruler had much influence, they sought Baginda

Omar’s protection Baginda gave them land and they were often trusted with official

duties. (Mohd Taib, 1997)

According to previous researches by the author in Trengganu family

genealogies and interviews of the inhabitants of the villages, it appears that many of

the new comers were originally part of the diaspora of the ancient Malay kingdom of

Champa (Wan Endut, personal communication, Longuet 1991). Accepted within

the Terengganu ruling class, they brought to the state their knowledge in Islamic

religion, in administration and their experience in trade. They also brought their

traditions in wood working: carving, house and boat building. Many of them were

able nakhoda (sea captains) and sea men.

Assisted by Haji Ngah (Datuk Amar), Sultan Zainal Abidin II (1881-1918)

the descendant of Baginda Omar, continued the tradition of an active maritime

international trade with export of songket, batik, dry fish exchanged for ceramic,

cotton, silk, rice and opium. Clay bricks, charcoal and salt were carried on coastal

routes along the Gulf of Siam (Sheppard 1949, Wan Ahmad, personal

communication).

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3.3.2 Economy : from Success to Obsolescence

In “Papers on Terengganu”, Sheppard (1949) has described the industrious

atmosphere of the last of the great Sultanates of Terengganu: Crafts, songket, batik,

weapons making, weaving, fishing, boat and house building, were shaping a

sophisticated landscape of Terengganu, the traces of which are still visible today.

After 1945 and the difficult years of World War II with Japanese and Thai

occupation and even three weeks of Bintang Tiga communist rule, peace returned

and the economic environment evolved. Transport by sea became less profitable

(Wan Ahmad “Khoda”, pers.com.). Roads replaced the sea and the rivers as means

of communication. The landscape on the water changed with engine motored

fishing. On land, industrial rubber and palm oil agriculture replaced part of the

forest. Iron ore was exploited in Bukit Besi (Khoo 1991).

Yet, the numerous village activities involving working with tembaga

brassware, cloth weaving and dying, boat building, carving and painting, musical

instruments, mats, hats (terenduk) baskets making and food preparing, all still

existed about twenty year ago.(observation by the author). These crafts products

found outside markets among amateurs and were still used by the locals in their

daily life The handcrafts activities conducted below the houses on stilts contributed

to make the villages landscapes lively. Meanwhile, fishing with trawls (pukat

harimau) was thriving. Boat builders and Jeragan (trawler skippers) built spacious

timber houses and went to perform the Haj.

Since about 15 years, there are no more perahu besar (salt trading schooners)

entering the estuaries all sails open. A few tigers and elephants in search of lost

territories prowl in new gardens. No more licenses are issued for coastal fishing.

The new 80ft trawlers have to compete with the cheaper labour of Thai fleets. Padi

field are replaced by housing estates that have become a more profitable way to use

land.

For a long while (1974-2001) Petroleum offshore provided a source of wealth

for the state, large roads and a fairy tale illumination on the Kemaman coast.

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Tourism brought tall hotels on the sea shore and resorts mushroomed on the offshore

islands.

Today, the Terengganu government is promoting a “new civilisation”.

“Tamadun Baru bemula di Sini” was the slogan of the “Terengganu Monsoon Cup”

in November 2005, an event which involved world rated sailors. The future is now

turned towards international modernity and vast projects that, it is hoped, will

accommodate the needs of the inhabitants by bringing a new prosperity.

3.3.3 A hierarchised Society

In 1984, Shaharil Taib Robert, studying the society in Terengganu, wrote

(that was later confirmed by Gullik (1987) on the West part of Malaysia) : “The

ruling class and the subject class formed the main elements in the Malay social

system”. However, added Shaharil (1984) “this division of classes was blurred at its

borders.”

The members of the Terengganu ruling class influenced the image of the

present built environment (Shaharil 1988). They had the means to create residences

and compounds that reflected their rank and would benefit a few generations after

them. Often traveling abroad, they were aware of international styles and techniques.

The ruling class carried the “burden” of teaching religion, making the land

prosperous and maintaining order. Capital was earned and re-invested in land and

maritime trade, agriculture, fruit trees, rice, pepper, rubber, and given to charity in

the form of schools, mosques, surau* and wakaf* (Shaharil 1988)

Family connections were all important. A group of relatives, orphans,

retainers, servants and craftsmen lives on the fringe of an aristocratic family under

their protection and on their land.

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The “subject class”, the commoners, or “rakyat biasa* “, had been further

described as divided in threes categories “the fishermen, who dwelt along the coast,

the artisans who inhabited the capital and other coastal town as well as the villages

in their immediate vicinity, and, finally the agricultural population who occupied the

villages scattered over the rest of the country” (Khoo 1991): Life was to work

physically, “at times very hard” (Clifford 1961), and bring up the children that will

take care of them later. The “rakyat” frequented the surau and saved money for the

one time pilgrimage to Mecca. Women baked cakes, wove songket*, mats or hats.

Men opened batik* or wood workshops below their house or close by. Crews for

sailing and fishing were in demand. Mobility was frequent as men followed

employment opportunities.

Within the hierarchy, charisma and power (keramat) of the leader ensures the

loyalty of the followers. There is permanent interaction between neighbours and

members of a same surau chapel. Work stops on days when a villager passes away

so that everyone can participate in the funeral rites.

Beside hierarchy, stability was the second characteristic of the Terengganu

society. At the end of his study, Shaharil (1984) notes that the social structure was

not altered by the colonial presence. It has not been drastically altered until today

(Khoo, 1991).Villagers’ ancient perception of the social hierarchy persists.

However, numerous members of the ruling class have now moved out of

Terengganu, towards responsibilities with the Federal government or greener

pastures, leaving the ancestral family compounds to the ward of elderly relatives.

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3.4. The particularity of the Terengganu Village

3.4.1 The kampung in scholarly studies

Today, some urban Malaysians discover that they have no more kampung to

go back to wonder what will be the meaning of the word for new generations (Karim

Raslan, 2002). Furthermore, the word “kampung” carries connotations of lack of

civilization. A stigma of poverty remains. In some areas, rural living is still quite

rudimentary.

.

Studies made in the 1970s from a socio-economic point of view in Perak, in

Kelantan and in Pahang give villages lay out plans and explain the social fabric of

some communities and their livelihood (Wan Hashim, 1978; Kuchiba et al.,1979,).

However, the correlation between the traditions of the villagers and the shaping of

the landscapes is not particularly considered.

In the Encyclopedia of Malaysia, Chen (1998) sums up in a sketch the

general features of a Malay village lay out. The represented features can be observed

in Terengganu: a river, coconut trees, houses on stilts, a mosque, fields and winding

paths; yet the portrayed settlements are not located in Terengganu: There is no

apparent unity of orientation of the houses, no rules of village lay out nor a

particular architectural identity, when these three elements have become apparent to

the few authors who observed the state residential areas.

Architect Raja Bahrin (1988), studying the Terengganu timber houses,

remarked that mental expectations inherited from western approaches may be

inadequate to Malaysian reality such as the Malay villages:

“The kampong is in essence, not a residential ground in the sense the

term is defined in sociology text books. The definition of the village as a

territorial group is based on the European image of a settlement and is strictly

not applicable to the Malay village settlement.” (Raja Bahrin, 1988, 1)

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Munshi Abdullah, a Malay writer from the West coast, would misunderstand

the setting of the habitations Kuala Terengganu which he visited in 1836:

“The houses are in all jagged rows, (“congkah mankih”} and different

following their fantasy , their fences are in zig - zag (“bengkang bengkok”), the

high roofs made of palms, with dirt and rubbish all the way down below where

heaps of coconut husks are kept to burn at night to chase mosquitoes.”

(in Muhammad Saleh, 1992, translated by the author)

3.4.2 The Terengganu Village Lay out

It is usual to see the habitat and the lay out of the Malay village described

as “dispersed habitat” (Mohd Taib, 1997).having a “random lay out” (Lim, 1987).

These terms evoke a certain disorder or lack of rules in the settlement; but rules are

present in the lay out of a Terengganu village. The first thing that an observer

would notice, particularly in the morning, is that the houses are all facing the same

morning sun direction. The second is that the houses are –mostly- placed in

quincunx. A reason for this was explained by the religious requirement of not

obstructing the light or the view and not intruding on the privacy of a neighbour

(Mohd Yusof, 1997).

Raja Bahrin (1988) suggests that one way to identify the boundaries of a

village would be to measure the distance to which the call to the prayer carries, (-a

distance that, he remarks, moves with the direction of the wind). Neighbourhood is

also defined by a circle of forty houses around one’s residence. From the Islamic

point of view, the inhabitants within that circle are neighbours and should be invited

to share familial festivities.

The cadastre was introduced in 1919 (Muhamad Saleh 1991). Yet, it is

probable that the study will confirm that the boundaries of a residential compound

are similarly marked more by custom (adat) and pragmatism than by law.

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. One other constant feature is the above mentioned rule of orientation of the

roof of a house main structure (rumah ibu,* ) toward North West, the Kiblat or the

direction of Mecca, the holy city of Islam. writes

“To devout Muslim today, this might be the main consideration in the house

orientation: the short side of the house facing Mecca.”

(Raja Bahrin, 1988,40)

This traditional feature is independent from the style of the buildings. It is

mentioned as well by Lim (1987) in his description of the traditional Malay house. It

is not recorded as been systematic in other states of Malaysia (except in Kelantan

and Kedah, states which share common historical features with Terengganu).

3.4.3 Terengganu House Architecture

Following Sheppard (1970), and Raja Bahrin (1988), the Terengganu houses

have at first been described in terms of the number of their posts. That was perhaps

according to the inhabitants practice of identify a house by its size: one simple

building is rumah bujang *, one larger building, rumah tiang dua belas*, or a

double (twin ) buildings, rumah kembar*. Some of these houses were decorated by

timber roof ends finishings (mempeles), carvings (sobek) and trimmings (kumai).

The previously mentioned records of fourteen architecturally significant

residences from Terengganu described in the archives of the Pusat Kajian Alam

Bina Melayu KALAM (2002), at the Faculty of Built Environment in Universiti

Teknologi Malaysia illustrate the variety and the value of the state’s architectural

heritage.

As new styles have been introduced, new denominations have been adopted

by house builders and inhabitants. Like the boats by their sails, houses architectural

style in Terengganu are now more defined by their “top sides” -by their roofs

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features. Recapitulating data made at the occasion of research on the history of a

number of houses in Terengganu, the author had distinguished a chronological

prevalence of styles (Longuet 1991).

- From unknown date to 1900: The “rumah berpeles*” with tunjuk langit*

- From 1900 onward the lima bungkus*

- From around 1935 onward the atap Belanda* with buah gutong*

- Later, after the 2nd world war, came glass windows and the “A” frame

roofs structure (@1948).

Finishing decorative elements mark the status of the owners and the period of

the building. Foreign inspiration is present (Chinese, European, Indian) yet

integrated to the vernacular design.

The basic tripartite composition or lay out of the house remains constant: luar

“outside” which is in fact inside the house but is an area reserved to visitors- dalam

“ inside”–dapur –“ kitchen”. It is noted by Lim (1987), Raja Bahrin (1988) and still

exists today. The open-end design which allows ulterior modifications of the

buildings is integrated in the construction.

Another architectural feature is the house basic shape resulting from an

adaptation to the climate and natural environment. The practical design confers to

the buildings their striking visual identity with high roofs, stilts and the organic look

due to the use of materials from the local forests. The later source was abundant

because of the sub-tropical location of the state and its geology “relatively stable for

over fifty million years” preserving a thriving biodiversity (Hsuan Keng 1978).

3.5 Villagers Beliefs and Relationship with Nature

Back in the fifteen century, Wang Ta Yuang (Weatley, 1966) already

observed about “Ting Ka Lu” that “The supernatural plays a large part in the life of

the people”. At the same time, nature was primordial.

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3.5.1 A Mystical Interpretation of Nature

“Life” for the villager meant constant relationship with a powerful and

often fearsome natural environment Later, Western researchers have been puzzled

by the juxtaposition of “animism” and staunch Islamic belief within the Malay

psyche which could be “shaman, magician and sufi” (Winsted, 1981). The world

“animism” does not render well the spiritual link with nature that is experienced by

the Malay villager.

Furthermore, according to Coatalen (1982) who bases his remarks on

Kelantan boat designs and Mohd Ghouse (1995) who bases his on classic Malay

dances, Hinduism, in a way, may have prepared the Malay to monotheism. The

Malays had once adopted a Brahmanist vision of the universe. Shiva was the giver

of life and the giver of death. Various divinities, perhaps assimilated to spirits and

fairies, ruled nature. But behind nature, there was one Giver of life.

Muslim religious teachers in Terengganu, the Sheik and Syed of Middle East

and Patani origin (Mohamad Abu Bakar 1987), eager to fight the Hinduist

mythology even in the puppets of the wayang kulit, did not fight so vigourously the

native practices and superstitions as long as the fundamental tauhid, belief in one

God, was upheld.

3.5.1.1 Unity of man and nature

The relationship of the Malays in general and of the Terengganu people in

particular, was always one of unity with nature and is quite officially recognized:

“Daya tarikan pantai yang menuysur panjang turut mempengaruhi karakter

rakyat Terengganu yang tidak di nafikan wujudnya hubungan alam-manusia zaman

berzaman”. “The charm of the long stretches of sand by the sea has influenced the

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character of the Terengganu people for whom, it is a fact, the relation between man

and nature has existed since the beginning of time.

(State Development Economic Planning Unit (2004,170)

Traditional healers or bomoh* explain their knowledge as part of a holistic

world view. Nature, for example, has “urat*”, structural lines and energy paths

There are urat designs on wood and coconut, and urat of the blood veins. For the

Malay bomoh , there is no structural difference between man and his natural

environment. (Longuet 1984).

This is not an anthropocentric interpretation, but the ontological* perception

that man and nature, animals, plants, mountains, are ruled by the same rules of

balance of life elements: air, water, earth and fire.

3.5.1.2 Superstition transcended

The Muslim ulamak* did not sever the link with the forces of nature. The

attitude of fear and respect was not condemned, but Islamised. To sail on the ocean

or enter the forest, the villager would still place himself under the protection of the

invisible but the original mantera* was completed by a final dua kalimah* or

replaced by evocations of the tutelary prophets for the sea and the forest (Wan

Khadijah, personal communication).

When the people in Terengganu became Muslim, nature became Muslim too.

The ancient pattern of relationship with nature was re-interpreted As an elderly

village woman ( Hajah Wok, personal communication) confided: “Pohon menjadi

tinggi, tinggi adalah doanya kepada Tuhan” –“The growth of the tree is its prayer to

God”-.

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3.5.1.3 Artistic creation

On their part, Malays artists and craftsmen such as the Terengganu tukang *

seek to interpret the symbolic messages written in nature and translate them in their

work. (Abdul Razak, 1999, Ismail Said, 2001). For them, nature itself is a symbol

emanating of the ultimate Reality. In this, Malay craftsmen, Islamic scientists and

mystics read the world the same way:

“Nature in itself is not a divine entity, but a symbolic form which manifests

the divine” (Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas, 1989, 3)

Furthering the spiritual significance given to the environment by the Muslim

Malays, researchers such as Muhammad Affandi (1995) in Kelantan have recorded

mystical interpretations of house architecture. The building itself is an esoteric

lesson in religious knowledge, just as nature is a veiled revelation for the Muslim

scientists to decipher.

3.5.1.4 Cosmic triangulation

Sea voyagers as the Malays of the north-east were, they put great importance

to the knowledge of their position compared to the sun, the stars, the date in the year

and the time of the day. A proper house in the past could not be erected before a full

analysis of the proposed site was made in relation to the tangible and intangible

forces that may influence the future life of the inhabitants.

In the Besut district of Terengganu, traditional healers and foresters (Ariffin,

personal communication) refer to the “Tajul Muluk” . This book is a compilation of

diagrams and formula to find out auspicious days, and, for choosing the site of a

house, interpret the land shape, earth colour and taste. Orientation of the land and

buildings, placation of the spirits of the place, wind directions, each is taken in

consideration.

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3.5.2 A Psychological Bond

Nature is a companion through life, invited to the celebration of rites of

passage, to birth, marriages, illnesses, and burials. Floral species were at hand.

Their fragrance pervaded the houses, alternating with the more common smell of the

daily spices and signaling familial events (Longuet 1984).

In competitions and games, animal champions gave a measure of the owner’s

strength or cunning. Wau kites playing with the air masses in movements imitated

the soaring of the sea eagles.

Men and animals shared permanently an experience of life or death. A poet

and fisherman living in Seberang Takir, a village tugged between the sea and the

estuary of the Terengganu river, expressed that intimacy in a few words:

Sewaktu minyak tumpah di laut

Ikan hidupku

Dalam kematian.

J.M.Aziz “Kembang Selaut” (1988)

3.5.3 Quotidian Use of Nature Resources

The role of nature in the Malaysian traditional “pharmacy” has now been well

documented (Burkill, 1966; Gimlette, 1971; A.Samad, 1982, Wiart 2000). Nature

was -and to some extend still is- a seemingly inexhaustible reserve of resources and

knowledge for the villagers in Terengganu. Wood carvings of floral elements

contribute to good ventilation and place the house in continuity with its surroundings

The repetition of Convolvulacea patterns on door lintels (Ismail 2002) and

Trichosanthes wallichii on boats (Coatalen 1982) expresses the close link between

nature and man’s daily life.

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The red flowers of the Erythrina tree marks the end of the monsoon and the

beginning of the sailing season for the perahu besar* (Wan Ahmad, personal

communication). Plants provide materials for traps, cages, wrappers and household

accessories such as the popular penyapu lidi, a multipurpose kind of broom made of

coconut rib, the sound of which frighten marauding cats.

Some animals such as cats and merpati pigeons, favored by the Prophet are

kept as pets. Goats, chicken, enliven the compound life with their intrusions in the

houses or gardens. Wild fauna participate to the life of the house compound they

have adopted as their territory. Magpie robins sing their early duos, an eagle dines

on a sea snake in a particular cengal tree and the biawak giant lizard sneaks under

the houses hunting for young chicken. All are part of the rich texture of the

compound landscape.

3.6 Conclusion

The background overview has shown that society and landscape in

Terengganu was rooted in history, culture and religion as well as indigenous ways of

using human and natural resources. Having attempted to capture some of the essence

of the Terengganu culture will help understand better the features that will be

observed during the house compound surveys. It also allows devising a methodology

suitable to the multifaceted subject of study.

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CHAPTER 4

METHODOLOGY

House compounds nested in rural or anciently established areas such as the

state of Terengganu, are usually considered as traditional. They are automatically

seen as loaded with features significant for the community where they are found,

and so generally deemed to be culturally valuable. Yet, to prove and substantiate

that claim is complex. This chapter explains how this will be done. It presents:

1) The theoretical framework of the study;

2) The investigation procedure;

3) The inventory tools and information supports.

4.1 Theoretical Framework

The study research procedure is based on the holistic ecology theoretical

approach (Naveh 2000). Cultural components and criteria for cultural value

constitute its guidelines.

4.1.1 Cultural Landscape Components:

The tri-dimensional perspective of the Total Human Ecology places features

observed in the house compounds within the broadest context of a human and

natural heritage It covers data in space and time, as well as the permanent dynamic

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exchange between the present and the past in the various fields of a community life

(Naveh 2000)..

For the purpose of this study, the concept of spheres central to Naveh’s

holistic ecology has been found suitable. A simplified pattern, similar to Naveh’s

“construct” was designed to interpret the cultural background of the Terengganu

house compound. Three groups, equivalent to Naveh’s spheres, were identified: (i)

the “collective psyche” –equivalent to the “noosphere”, (ii) the “group survival”,

equivalent to the “biosphere*and (iii) the “state history”, equivalent to the

“technosphere*. Figure 4.1 shows the schema of this operative interpretation:

A multilayered. interactive roots system

(biosphere) GROUP SURVIVAL

Terengganu House Compound

Ethnic groups Way of life & Accessories

Architecture, techniques & principles

Prehistory, first settlements Indianised civilisations

Economical activities

Social organisation

Political & historical events

Practical knowledge Experience

Natural environment Challenges & Resources

Beliefs – world view Interpretation of nature

COLLECTIVE PSYCHE (noosphere)

STATE HISTORY (technosphere)

Figure 4.1 : A typical Terengganu house compound interpreted in a holistic ecological

landscape perspective (schema by the author).

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Within the three main groups of cultural components, nine environment

factors or more detailed components of Terengganu cultural identity have been

further deducted from the overview in Chapter 3

(i) The first group of components, “Collective psyche” comprises of

a) Prehistory, first settlements, Indianized civilisation;

b) Beliefs, world view and interpretation of nature.

(ii) The second group, “Group survival” includes:

a) Ethnic groups way of life and accessories;

b) Natural environment challenges and resources;

c) Practical knowledge and experience.

(iii) The third group,”State history” is composed of:

a) Political and historical events;

b) Social organisation;

c) Economic activities;

d) Architecture, techniques and principles.

The whirl of the pattern aims at illustrating the overlapping dynamic structure

of reality behind the landscape. The schema emphasizes the permanence and

continued role of the tacit components “below” the “above”-more immediately

visual- components. This interpretative schema is used as a guide particularly in the

first and last two stages of the research as explained below.

4.1.1 1 Role of the identified cultural Components as Guides in the Study

During field surveys, the multilevel components schema helps spotting the

significance of features of cultural that could be overlooked or explained only by

their function. For instance, the high benches (bangku) found in the villages are not

simple benches. They are particular garden furniture of areas where floods were

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63

frequent and people sat crossed legged, and lived outdoors (“Group Survival”

components). Significant as well are the small “pagar” not only “mini gardens” but

fences to protect a few plants species in communities where larger fences were rare

or signalled status (“State history” components).

In the final stage of the study, the groups of cultural components provide a

reference framework when, as a result of the study, a number of house compounds

features are presented as material expressions of the culture of the inhabitants, but a

specific connection with the cultural roots still has to be shown.

Throughout the field surveys, the “trans-disciplinary” (Naveh, 2000)

approach allows reading the past alive in the present and to connect what is seen

with the unseen. Decorative roof features, such as the tunjuk langit and the buah

gutung, may then be connected with the history of the northern Malays' diaspora

(“State history” components) as well as with symbolism in architecture, an

important trait of the Malay world view (“Collective psyche” components).

4.1.2 Role of the cultural value criteria as guides in the study

The second set of guidelines is found in the criteria briefly elicited in Chapter

two. These are particularly useful in interviews, to prepare questions to respondents

on antiquity and events (National Parks Registry criteria, McClelland et al., 1990)

as well as to obtain more subjective data, from inhabitants’ perception and

experience of their habitat (Kaplan1975, Appelton1975, Taylor, 2002). Table 4.1

recapitulates the 17 selected criteria:

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Table 4.1 Cultural landscape Criteria from various theoretical Perspectives

No Theories Criteria 1 Informational preference model: Stephen and

Rachel Kaplan (1978)

Coherence, legibility, mystery, complexity

2 Experiential Approach Taylor et al (1987) & Environment-Behaviour Studies Rapoport (1960, 2004)

Benefit, entertainment, relaxation, space social role,

.

3 Holistic Landscape Ecology Zev Naveh (2000) & Historical perspectives: Daniel J.Marcucci (2000)

. Religion, rites, status, activity

4 US National Park Registry (Bull.18 &38) Antiquity, Historical Events, or persons, Information, arts,

Perhaps, using one or two series of established assessment criteria (Nor Atiah

(2003), could be considered sufficient; but the multi-faceted approach is necessitated

by the intrinsic richness of the subject. The house compounds respond to a wide

range of criteria which determine ”cultural” from a variety of perspectives may

answer to a wide spectrum of criteria.

It could be advanced as well that some the criteria have been arbitrarily

deducted. However, in this preliminary exploration, the criteria are used in a

heuristic manner. They are needed on the field to seek features that may have

cultural significance.

Finally, the criteria will be used to screen the investigated compounds for

cultural value. The screening is a recapitulation of the findings to obtain

quantitative data. The frequently responded to criteria will further reveal priorities in

the choice of values of the inhabitants as expressed in their built environment.

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4.2 Dynamics of the Demonstration

The above dual theoretical framework –components and criteria- results in

two paths of reasoning that leads to two sets of results: one focuses on the building

of the identity of the Terengganu cultural landscapes, the other on the demonstration

of the cultural value of these landscapes. In the centre of the process, field inventory

yields data that are gathered and interpreted on these two paths as shown in Figure

4.2.

Reasoning path Observations Reasoning Path

Identity Illustration Demonstration

Assessment of Cultural value

Cultural “portrait” of the sample

Consequence: Toward a conceptualisation of the Tgnu Cultural landscape

Empirical verification: Links Features and T'gnu Cultural Components

T’gnu Cultural Components

Criteria for Cultural Value

Field inventory Detailed data

Types & other characteristics screening

Elicitation of principles & priorities

Implication: possible Extrapolation to other Hse compounds in Tgnu

Figure 4.2: Dynamics of the Demonstration The investigation is represented as an interactive triptych. The columns show

respectively (i) the building of an identity, (ii) the observation and description of the

subject and (iii) the logics of the demonstration.

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4. 3 Prerequisites to the investigation

The investigation would not start without considering a few aspects which

may influence the reliability -understood as “likeliness of consistency of the

observations” (Babbie, 1975, 98) and the validity -understood as “accuracy of the

deductions” (Babbie, ibid.) of the study. These are: the method of sample

acquisition, the objectivity requirements and optimum size of the data collection.

4.3.1 Sample acquisition

Finding appropriate series of house compound to serve as research sample is

not a straightforward process because of the recent developments occurring in the

state of Terengganu.

4.3.1.1 Selection

A random selection sampling was at first the objective chosen as a mean to

acquire field data. According to Babbie (1975 ), a random selection process is one in

which “each element has an equal chance of selection that is independent of any

other event in the selection process”. Any house compound located in Terengganu

within the frame of a certain quantity of house compounds pre-selected on the base

that there is a compound and an habitation, could be surveyed

(i) Actual selection process

Unfortunately, more and more residences not obviously rooted in the

vernacular architecture and cultural context border the roads of the state. To save

time, areas known from historical records (Muhammad Saleh 1992) as having been

established since at list three generations were used as base for the research. .

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As most of the population of the state is Malay and follow the same

customs (Unit Perancang Economi Negeri Terengganu 2004), the reliability and

validity of the results of the study, in case, for example, one would extrapolate from

the sample or proceed for future similar studies, is narrowed to “traditional” house

compounds in Terengganu..

An initial total of 25 cases of such residences composed of house(s) and

grounds, were identified. In some cases, the apparent garden was not structured

enough to qualify as ground belonging to the residence. For instance, in one site, in

Lorong Haji Jamil, in Kuala Terengganu, a cluster of ancient houses linked to a

common ancestor Haji Awang Besar seemed to be organised on both sides of a

picturesque timber path. Interviews showed that the path was a gift made by the

township authorities to the residents. It was a compensation for the floods caused by

road development around their urban kampung. The compound was not included in

the 25, but a neighbouring cluster, answering the criteria (house and compound) was

retained.

From the base of 25 preliminary surveyed, 16 cases were selected on a quasi-

random basis determined by ulterior travel and time opportunities. Some house

compounds were found in the same village, some were the only unit surveyed in one

village. The initial sample size was modified in favour of the more manageable16

units, remarking that Nor Atiah, (2003) was able to work with a survey 9 rural

residences. However, the larger number of 16 house compound was retained to

accommodate the variety of units as, even during the first surveys, visual differences

between the types of house compounds were obvious.

(ii) Integrity*

“Traditional villages” by name are still a majority in the state, but, in reality

traditional features within these villages are rapidly disappearing. As the house

compounds are undergoing a process of transformation, there might be a variable

degree of cultural “integrity”* of the house compounds on the field. There is a risk

that fewer and fewer features worthy of being identified as cultural can be found in

the considered residences.

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4.3.2 Objectivity: Observer previous Knowledge and Involvement

During field surveys, observation is to be kept objective, avoiding on the field

subjective interpretation which may impact on the sites ability to deliver their

specific elements.

The author, living and working since more than thirty years in the field, has

accumulated an experiential image of a Terengganu house compound landscape. In

the process of building evidence for this study, the author may unconsciously select

the compounds that are still relatively whole (to comply for the US National Parks

“integrity” criteria for example) or those that are more easily readable examples

(“legibility” criteria) of cultural value. As Babble (1975, 200) wrote

“The researcher who undertakes the selection of cases on an intuitive basis

might very well select cases that would support his research expectations or

hypothesis.”

The remedy is random sampling. “This procedure serves as a check on

conscious or unconscious bias on the part of the researcher”, further explains the

Babbie (1975). With the quasi-random opportunistic selection process of 16 cases

from a previous larger number of 25 house compounds chosen here, the observer

potential bias may be considered as reasonably kept in check.

Further validation of the findings such as verification through “inter-

subjectivities* (Babbie 1975) -where results from other researchers are used, as well

as empirical verification, will be considered in the final stages of this research.

On the other hand, the author previous ethnobotanical and historical

knowledge, is also an advantage as understanding of feature significance may be

enhanced by background knowledge while trust is more easily built with interviews

respondents.

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4.3.3 Range of Data Collection: Profusion and Parsimony

The range of features in the four landscape elements, namely plant species

ground elements, architecture and fauna, to be surveyed to obtain a holistic view of

the house compounds and the profusion of information inherent to cultural reality

presage a rich harvest.

However, the object of the research is not an exhaustive survey of house

compounds or a thorough characterisation, but an elicitation, through investigations,

of a number of cultural features to warrant consideration of these rural residences as

cultural landscapes.

To guide and limit the exploration of data, and for verification of the

assumption purpose, it was resorted to “parsimony*”, a method from the social

research discipline described by Babbie (1975,44 ):

“The social scientist attempts to gain the most explanatory power out of the

smallest number of variables”

The idea is to consider only enough data -the smallest number of variables- to

demonstrate a point. Here, these data will be chosen to prove the existence of

cultural features or characteristics in Terengganu from the observation of a series of

house compounds. In other terms, identify the landscapes only enough to prove that

they are cultural.

For this purpose,the inventory needs not to be exhaustive. However, an

appropriate amount of data must be collected. “Enough” here will means relating

solely to the objectives of the study, i.e.: (i) allowing a simple statistic treatment of

the information such as determination of the frequency of occurrences of features,

(ii) spot particular features and (iii) express the relationship between the inhabitants

and the flora of their compound.

Similarly, the findings or priority traits or characteristics elicited from

analysis of the inventory lists do not have to be exhaustive. At the present stage, for

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the purpose of the demonstration, only the verification of the cultural value of a

number of frequent features found in the house compounds is necessary.

4.4. Operative Classification

To extract the culturally significant features from the mass of documentation

gathered, a classification system has been sought.

The World Conservation Union has underlined the importance of

“classifying, assessing and prioritizing” threatened landscapes(Green and Vos,

2001). Their goal is to help select those of the landscapes that will qualify to be

registered for preservation as world heritage. The same approach of classifying

systematically and assessing valued landscape is used here for the house compounds

in Terengganu.

4.4.1 The heuristic Types of House Compounds

Typology is one way of classifying. In this research, operative or heuristic*

types were identified from previous experience in the field, corroborated by

literature.

Shaharil (1984), Khoo (2002), have agreed that the society in Terengganu

during the last three centuries was clearly stratified according to status and

occupation. Privileges were expressed in the way of living and residences of the

“Ruling Class”. Even if society may have changed since, the houses that are seen

today were built and the land was organised during these historical times, so a

classification based on the historically documented social structures is still relevant.

At the beginning of the study, following Clifford (1961), Shaharil (1984) and

Khoo (2002), the house compounds were divided in four types, corresponding to

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socio-economic categories of the Terengganu population, observing that the

compounds where they lived were marked by signs of belonging to these categories.

The preliminary classification distinguished: (i) Aristocrat; (ii) Fisherman; iii)

Farmer; (iv)Town dweller.

“Aristocrat” house compound was the vast, brick and stucco or carved timber

residences surrounded with an equally vast compound indicating the power and

wealth of their owner. “Fisherman” compound was the rudimentary sea side

dwellings and “farmer” designed the more upriver agriculture based settlements.

Both these two “types” exhibited the tools of their trade in their compounds. Then,

corresponding to the twentieth century’s urbanisation with the growth of

administration, education and businesses, especially around the capital of Kuala

Terengganu, during the twentieth century was the “”town dweller” type of

compound. The later, though, was still, until the around 1990, quite rural. The

capital of the state was a gathering of villages with only a few urban arteries very

similar to the description Munshi Abdullah has made of it in 1836 (Muhammad

Saleh,1992). There were a rural looking areas inside town where it was even

possible to go “botanizing” (Hume,1984).

The first type classification was challenged during the preliminary

explorations: Some house compounds could not fit into the proposed categories.

Although they were based upon vernacular social archetypes, the categories were

not adequate. “Fisherman” (“nelayan”) house compound was not comprehensive

enough to include other occupations. “Town dweller”, (“orang Bandar”} was too

general to reflect the actual variety of the compounds within the “urban”

agglomerations.

The proposed types were modified to follow field observations as illustrated

in Table 4.2

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Table 4.2 Adjustment of the Heuristic Types No Literature

on“State History” and “Group Survival”

Preliminary types of house compounds

Final types of house compounds

1 Fisherman

Rakyat

2 Town dweller Aristocrat 3 Aristocrat Clan heritage 4

Politics, society Architecture, economy Relationship with nature

Farmer

Trial Field observation during exploratory surveys

Farmer

The finally proposed category of “Rakyat” covers a wide range of

occupations: school teachers, policemen, craftsmen, small traders who live in town

areas as well as in the villages. The Malay word ”rakyat” has been retained as other

terms such as ”commoners”, “people” or “citizen”, carry superfluous connotations.

Rapoport ( 2004) encountered similar difficulty in defining what is “vernacular”

local, people’s architecture etc. the French “populaire” seemed adequate to

Rapoport (2004) but it had other meanings as well and so could not be used here.

“Clan heritage” could be considered as a sub-category of “Aristocrat”; but it is based

on a very distinctive ground and building layout that justifies setting it apart.

At this point, it may be advised to limit the study to only one type of house

compound. However, the hypothetic “types” are proposed categories in the process

of being identified, and cannot be considered as reference before sufficient amount

of facts are collected. The historical and socio-economic based typology is not yet

confirmed by further anthropological research. Therefore, it was not suitable to

select only one of these.

4. 5 Field Inventory Procedure

The research follows the sequence recommended for studies in “material

culture” or “built form” (Rapoport 2004 ) which involves observation, inventory and

interpretation. Similar sequence is recommended in the National Parks Register

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Bulletins on rural residential sites: (i).field investigation, (ii) analysis and (iii)

assessment.

Research is qualitative and quantitative. It is conducted through case studies

on the field and followed by recapitulative tabulation of data. It refers to practical

guidelines for landscape surveys and Cultural Landscape Report from the USA

National Park Registry Bulletins (Birnbaum 2000) which have been used as well by

the National Heritage Trust of Malaysia, (Badan Warisan 1990 ).

“To document existing conditions, intensive field investigation and

reconnaissance should be exchanged at the same time as documentary

research is being gathered.”

(Birnbaum 2000)

Then, because of the difference of stage in the heritage preservation process,

and following the principle of parsimony evoked earlier, the intensive investigation

will be limited to obtainment of some computable (frequency) data, and to a number

of characteristics of the vernacular identity. The research may be intensive and

extensive but not exhaustive.

From the spectrum of data gathered in the field on the plant species, ground

features, architectural features and the animals that live there or visit, as well as from

the interviews, the research will extract some landscape characteristics. The data

will be narrowed and screened to elicit those which answer to criteria for cultural

value, obtaining the targeted assessment in five steps shown in bold characters on

Figure 4.3.

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: Data collection: Inventory Flora, Grounds, Architecture and Fauna

Analysis: Quantitative approach Frequency of feature occurrence

Analysis Qualitative Approach Particular features Ethno-botanical data

Findings elicitation: General traits and Characteristics

Screening to criteria for Cultural Value

Preliminary Assessment

Fig. 4.3: Detail of the research sequence from the site inventory to the preliminary cultural assessment To guide the field surveys, a standard check list of landscape features is used

referring to previous surveys in Malaysia ( Ismail Said et al.,2000, 20-23 ) together

with a short list of questions for interviews; then, on site, sketch plans are made and

photographs are taken. The results are collated on individual data sheets.

4.5.1 Check List of Elements and Features

(i) The compound in general: neighbourhood, general setting, size, access and

boundaries; one house with a garden or a group sharing a ground; enclosed or not; or

a house with ancillary buildings in a compound; proportion flora and built elements

(ii) The main building, the “house”: style of the building (s), proportions in

height, in width, number of roofs, materials, and number of buildings attached and

transition areas, veranda and stairs, entrances, and accessories.

(iii) The grounds: general aspect and lay out; garden, hardscape, water features and

other accessories,; general aspect: symmetry, order, or fantasy, harmony or

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disorder; trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs; colours, foliage branching, leaves

flowers and fruit.

(iv) Plant species: arrangement: systematic, traditional, spontaneous; plants in pots,

wild species. Uses of these by the inhabitants: deliberately decorative (gardening

and horticulture) or ethnobotanical uses: food, medicine, cosmetic; boundary

markers, accent and shade.

(v) Fauna domestic: selected species by inhabitants: chicken, turkeys, ducks, geese,

cage birds, monkeys, goats and cattle; wild species.

4.5.2 Interviews

This part of the field investigation is important as, to be qualified as cultural,

a landscape must be connected to the life or the worldview of the inhabitants and

express it (Robert1994, Birnbaum, 2002).

The statement by the inhabitants of a link between their life and a particular

feature, a ground accessory, or a plant species, is a clue of the cultural value of that

feature. Interviews were semi-structured. They were conversations guided by non

formal questionnaires designed to obtain context data while avoiding intruding on

the privacy of the respondents. Amongst the necessary data were:

(i) Date (s) of construction of the house, age of the present inhabitants, their main

occupation, the one of the founder and his origins as well as the other significant

details concerning the family.

(ii) Information on features names, origins, uses and particularly on the relationship

existing between the inhabitants and the plant species.

(iii) Historical and socio-economic data on the significance some “particular

features” or potentially idiosyncratic features.

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4. 5. 3 Site Surveys Procedure

The material tools used for gathering field information are: note book for

field notes interviews and drafts sketches; a camera, a measuring tape and a

compass.

The first step is to obtain permission to conduct the survey. It is often

accompanied by a first interview. The pictures are taken: front view of the

compound, facade of the house, main entrance view, side and back garden. Details

prominent at a glance are recorded. Voluminous sketch notes were taken at the

beginning. These were later simplified as the data became organised in field data

sheets to be filled in. The tape will be used mostly to verify the height of the post of

the buildings.

As a result, one house compounds generally has an investigation file

comprising of photographs, interviews reports, field notes, data sheets and draft

sketches plans. Figure 4.4 and Figure 4.5 give an example of filled in data sheet and

sketch plan, for one “Clan Heritage” house compound located in Kuala Hiliran.

Further examples of house compounds data sheets and investigation files are

available in Appendix B.

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Field survey Data Sheet

Proposed category: “Clan Heritage House Compound"

Front view, linked houses Location: Kuala Hiliran Kuala Terengganu

Main resident(s) usual Name(s): Haji Yusof Kelang and descendants Features

The compound - neighbourhood …Kuala Hiliran, 2km from KT, ancient wealthy families. Religion and trade by the Terengganu River. general setting atmosphere orientation…a hamlet around a “surau” chapel under centenarian fruit trees. east west compound orientation - boundaries and circulation…a concrete wall on the south side, tall trees, a bitumed path leads through the compound to the surau and the river side. - size (1 ekar = 7 lots)…@ 2 ekar. - access…Through the river (jetty); main entrance at a small road. - one house with a garden or……………… - group sharing a delimited ground :7 houses around the path and the surau - house with ancillary buildings in a compound,……………………………… - proportion flora and built elements within the compound .. Flora 5, built 5. The buildings: - style of the main building …each of T’gnu traditional styles + indications of Tudor roofs, and even “Art Nouveau” inspired floral motives.

- orientation of “rumah ibu”…”Kiblat”. - proportions roofs, walls, stilts…8’/9’/7’. - length, width, ……………………… - number of roofs …at least 2 for each house, + kitchen and extensions. - materials and colours …painted timber, mix colours. - number of buildings attached …variable. Window on house 4 - transition areas, …pelantar corridors, titian passages between houses - verandahs …a few, on top of entrance staircases. - stairs and entrances …protected by roofs… - windows : shutters, glass, shapes and colours…varied incl. foreign inspired patterns. - ancillary buildings …. - movable accessories…. - contents of the space below the house …cars garage, ancient sampan, furniture and jars store. - kitchen drying rack jack roof. - status signals: verandah, balconies, fences and gates, carvings.

Fig.4. 4: Example of Field Surveys Data Set: C1, Kuala Hiliran.

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The grounds

- category: courtyard garden, plantation…residential orchard. - lay out, various parts….focal center surau, yet as houses f standar

ollow d lay out, gardens around these do too.

lines with batiq, baskets, platforms for dry fish, coconut

and benches…Not seen.

sts) y, symmetry or not)……………………

post.

bitants knowledge)

- hard features…bathroom (see below) - soil…. turf, sand, earth, bitumen. - drains … around the houses. - communal bathroon around a well …, elaborated “outdoor bathroom Former outdoor Bathroom (hse 2) disused.wild gingers grow in the former large kolah .- toilets hut… with well on South side - outdoors indicators of activity…(cloth dehusker, pounding devices. - garden furniture: resting beds - special cages for chicken and roosters… Flora (see individual compounds check li- plants organisation (systematic or not, harmon- planted species in pot:.. some, conscupious use of Asplenium nidum at the foot of porch- on the ground list………………… - wild species……………………… - function of the plants (apparent & inha decorative (deliberate gardening and horticulture)…… food. ……mangoustan, mangoes, bananas, jambu, rambutan medicine & cosmetic …………………… boundary marker ………………………… accent: entrance, center piece……………………. shade……………………………………… religion & rites………………………………………

others (game, seat, building and tools material)………- habit: trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs, palms… - colours, foliage branching trunks flowers and fruit……

: cats

Kitchen with peles & jackroof (hse 4) - seasonal variations…… Fauna - domestic , chicken, peacock, turkey, geese, pigeons and doves or goats, monkeys, moscovi ducks

ed to the species of trees and foodstuff attraction ……………

o take photos, make sketches and measurements …+ guided visits.

)…Haji Yusof and descendants.

dern corporate businesses .Visits by

s reported by the informant…decoration and medicinal.

d garden design, architecture

(social markers!) - wild : usually relatInterviews - permissions: t- date of construction and shifts …@1900-1930-1950. - identity of inhabitants (those who lived the compound ethnic/geographic origins, religion …Cham, Indian Muslim. social status/occupation …Sea captain, trader in iron ore, mo Sultan Suleiman. - use of the plants aResults: - grounds an , history, sociology. Haji Yusof curbing a kongsi revolt

n

ge

Fig.4.4: Example of Field Surveys data sets, C1, continued.

received land in Kelang from the British. conclusion: type as deemed? Yes : Genealogy of the Clawritten in the group of buildings: link between houses 3 and 4 still exist at the top of the stair cas.e - particular lessons from the considered compound: Clan style aristocratic; reproduces T”gnu villalay out; for Terengganu,villages in general: Ecclectism in architecture.

(Pictures by author, 2004)

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.Records

açade elevation Side elevation Details ora

1. Pictures: F2 .sketch plan of the general lay out: buildings and fl

3 4 5

2

1

6

ig.4. 5: Example of Sketch Plan, “Clan Heritage Compound” C1, Kuala

FHiliran.

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4.6.4 Collation of Data on structured Information Supports:

Information from the field inventory is recapitulated on sketch plans, tables,

and charts which constitute an analytic grid. These are:

4.6.4.1 House Compound Sketch Plans

As Raja Bahrin (1988) has found, the compound boundaries were often

imprecise, marked on one or two sides and unclear on other sides. The sides that

were visually obvious were counted in steps. One step is equivalent to about 50 cm

The approximate measurements of distance between ground elements, plant species,

main building(s) and ancillary sheds were reported on field sketches. The field

sketches were later copied on millimetre paper, and finally reproduced on tracing

paper to obtain the sketches plans.

The compound sketch plans collate the pictorial inventory of the features of

the four elements of the compounds, flora, architectures grounds and fauna. They

also provides details of lay out and spatial organisation. These sketches carry

information of cultural significance such as constants and patterns which would be

difficult to find out without referring to them: location of ground elements, house

entrances and compound access orientations etc.

They are not to scale as the distances have been only estimated. They also do

not follow a regular south-north orientation because the plant species names have

been written as seen on the field, viewed from the compound most usual access.

4.6.4.2 Recapitulative Tables of Features Occurrence

Four series of recapitulative inventory tables record the data collected from

the surveys on the four considered landscape elements: the flora, the grounds, the

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architecture and the fauna. The total of most frequent features highlighted on the

tables provides the general characteristics of the house compounds landscapes. The

tables allow as well comparison between house compounds species density at one

glance.

4.6.4.3 Ethno-botanical Tables and Charts

A series of complementary data based on botanical sources and inhabitants’

interviews provide more information on the observed plant species and on the

present relationship of the inhabitants with them. Individual lists of plants species in

each house compounds are tabulated. They indicate: habit of the plants species,

geographical botanical origin, uses, location on the compound and horticultural data.

Charts are used to illustrate the proportional uses of the species in each

compound. These findings can then be analysed to derive more specific

characteristics.

4.7 Exploration of the surveyed House Compounds

4.7.1 Sample identification

The targeted traditional landscapes are expected to have been formed through

decades or even centuries of history. Therefore, areas known locally and from

literature as ancient settlements had been selected. Exploratory forays led to hills of

the Malaysian Main Range in Kampong Pasir Raja where people caught wild birds

with glue on the Erythrina trees or to the belacang shrimp paste makers in Kampong

Bari on the northern coast.

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The original total of 25 compounds was down-sized to 16 quasi randomly

picked up (following opportunities), mostly the estuary of the Terengganu River.

This area is rich in settlements reputed for being the residence of famous religious

teachers, traders, sea captains and craftsmen. Such are the connected islands of

Pulau Duyung and Pulau Ketam ( 3 compounds), the villages of Kuala Hiliran,

Losong, Paluh (3 compounds), Sungei Rengas (1 compound) on the southern bank,

and Kampung Batin (1 compound) on the northern bank of the river.

The capital city of Kuala Terengganu is bordered by the estuary of the

Terengganu River on one side and the China Sea on the other. Some of its interior

villages are linked to episodes of Malaysian history such as the selected compound

in Lorong Haji Jamil. Until very recently, clusters of timbers houses such as the one

surveyed in Jalan Hiliran were frequently seen in the city and surroundings.

One compound is located in a fishing villages area on the northern coast in

Batu Rakit and one is a farm inland, up the Sungai Gawi river, close to the Kenyir

Dam Lake. Other farms are found at Padang Air in the north of Kuala Terenganu,

and Kampung Belara and on the south east in what was until a few years ago ”the

rice belt” of the city, and in Bukit Cempaka, a village known for its top spinning

champions.

Figure 4.6 shows a sketch of the locations of the surveyed house compounds

on the map of the State of Terengganu.

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4.7. 2 House Compounds Classification and Code Identification

The Sixteen house compounds were selected following opportunities, within

the total of 25 house compounds gathered previously from villages known to have

been settled since more than three generation on the base that there was an apparent

compound unit, a residence and grounds. Potential “types” appeared during the first

surveys and were adjusted as described above. In the end, the “Aristocrat” category,

although conspicuous by the deliberate ordinance of its settings was elusive,

probably because wealthy inhabitants have modernised their ancestral home or have

moved away and the collection was limited at three samples. The “Rakyat” category

was more frequent (5 samples).

After having noted significant features relating to the socio-economic status

of the inhabitants and occupation, it was possible to classify temporarily the selected

compounds according to the proposed types and to give them an identification code

as shown in Tables 4.3, 4.4, 4.5 and 4.6.

Table 4.3: “Rakyat” House Compounds and Identification Code

House Compound Code

Village or street

District Physical area

Builder owner Occupant*

Activity Past Present

R1 Batu Rakit

Batu Rakit Coast Pak Su Yusof Mak Su

Juruselam, food seller “Goreng pisang”

Passed away**

R2 Jalan Kamarudin

Kuala Terengganu

Town En.Yusof En.Mansur

House builder Retired policeman

R3 Pulau Ketam

Kuala Terengganu

Village on island in river

Wan Muda Che Da Wan The

Fishernan Mengkuang Weaver

As in the past

R4 Pulau Ketam Kuala Terengganu

Village on island in river

En.Hamzah Army Entrepreneur

R5

Sungai Rengas

Kuala Terengganu

Village, riverside

Pak Su Man “Castro” and Wife

Miner, traditional healer

Passed away Qoran teacher

*The more prominent members of the family are named here, with their most commonly known “title”

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**Are noted as such only those inhabitants that passed away during the time of the research

Table 4. 4: “Aristocrat” House Compounds and Identification code

House Compound Code

Village or street

District Physical area

Builder owner Occupant

Activity Past Present

A1 Kampung Batin

Kuala Nerus Village riverside

Engku haji Long Engku Maimunah

Schools inspector

Land owner

A2

Pulau Duyung Kecil

Kuala Terengganu

Village in island in river

Dato Biji Sura Tok Hakim (Judge)

A3

Losong Haji Mat

Kuala Terengganu

Ancient Village

Haji Embong Businessman Land owner

House Compound Code

Village or street

District Physical area

Builder owner Occupant*

Activity Past Present

C1

Kuala Hiliran

Kuala Terengganu

Village, river side

Haji Yusof “Kelang”& descendants

Businessmen Iron ore

Land owners

C2 Pulau Ketam

Kuala Terengganu

Village in river island

Haji Ibrahim & descendants

Nakhoda Juragan Academic

C3

Kpg Paloh

Kuala Terengganu

Village riverside

Tokku Paloh & descendants

Religious teacher & royal advisor

Teachers

C4

Table 4.5: “Clan heritage” House Compounds and Identification Code

Lorong Haji Jamil

Kuala Terengganu

Old town Haji Awang Besar & descendants

Boat owner Trader & stockist

Property owner Architect

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Table 4.6: “Farmer” house Compounds and Identification Code

House Compound Code

Village District Physical area

Builder owner Occupant*

Activity Past Present

F1

Padang Air

Kuala Nerus

Village Haji Da & spouse

Healer, tops maker

Healer (bekam)

F2

Bukit Cempaka

Nerus Village, padi & orchards

Haji Yusof Farmer, land owner

Passed away

F3

Belara Selat

Nerus Village, padi & orchards

Haji Wok & Children

Farmer. Land owner

Farmer, son entrepreneur

F4

Pasir Dule Hulu Telemong

Village forest

Mek Senik Midwife Forest collector

Midwife, plant nursery entrepreneur

4.8. Field Surveys and Informants Response

The surveys were conducted between January 2003 and February 2004,

complemented by verification visits in 2005 and January 2006. The exploration

surveys were made in three visits of two to four hours each. The time chosen were

early in the morning around 7 a.m. to 10 a.m., when the inhabitants are back from

the surau or the market, and are sweeping the ground or watering plants and in the

afternoons around 5 p.m. when they burn the rubbish and take some time to rest.

The first met respondents were third or fourth generation inhabitants,

encountered by chance during their free time (teachers, and other government

employees), entrepreneurs and gardeners just back home or retirees who quasi

permanently live on the compound. Some of these, after answering to a few

preliminary questions, re-directed the author towards an elder, a grand parent or a

parent who “knew about those things from the past”(Hajah Wok’daughter in law in

F3) and had the leisure to speak. The dean of the respondents was 85 year-old Haji

Da a jovial bomoh bekam traditional practitioner (Farmer house compound F1), then

came Haji Yusof, 82, the gasing top spinning specialist and Hajah Wok,80, the duku

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lady . The young adult generation -around 40 of age, was knowledgeable as well and

would help explain a word embedded in local pronunciation of their elders. The

children would guide the author all around the compound, mentioning vernacular

names of plants species -and birds- which were later confirmed or identified on

samples by the elders. In most of the cases (Clan C4 in Lorong Haji Jamil,

Aristocrats in Losong and Seberang Kampong Batin), elderly adults above sixty of

age, born during or a few years before World War II had knowledge of the origins

of the family as well as of the approximate date of the compound settlement, the first

building of the house and the provenance of some decorative elements.

Concerning the three respondents who passed away during the three years

span of the research, the interviews were resumed with their children or their spouse

who took at heart to continue the dialogue.

During interviews, very rarely, some questions were uncomfortable for some

respondents because private aspects of the family history would surface such as

matters of rank between wives, or heritage division etc. On the other hand, historical

events (such as bombing of Pulau Kambing, Bintang Tiga communist brief episode)

family ties, ancestors activities related to the compound are willingly recalled.

Function of plants and ground elements, ancient accessories are volunteered as well

Measurements of the buildings (with a tape for stilts or posts height) and

land, even by simple means such as counting distances in steps, was perceived as

slightly infringing on inhabitants privacy by the author; so was taking pictures of

personal accessories (fish traps, jars, looms,). However, permissions were given by

the inhabitants willing to assist in the collection of information on a passing or past

way of life.

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The interviews were conducted at the leisure of the respondents, letting them

reminisce of the past. At the same time, precisions would be obtained on date of

construction and modifications of the house and grounds, identity, origins and social

status/occupation of the inhabitants. The oral information from the interviewees was

compared to the status signals on the house and compound. Usually a good

consistency was observed.

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CHAPTER 5

INVENTORY, ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS

5.0 Introduction

The findings presented in this chapter are derived from analysing the data on the

house compounds collated on supports introduced in the methodology chapter. These

finding are: -the most frequent features in the sample of 16, -particular features of

cultural significance, -space articulation and patterns and, finally, -details on the

relationship between the inhabitants and the plant species of the compounds.

5.1 Most Frequent features

The lists of the house compounds features obtained from the compound surveys

are available on the recapitulation tables gathered at the end of this chapter. The most

frequent of these features, which give their general character to the compounds have

been extracted and are reported in the following paragraphs.

5.1.1 Frequent Flora Features

The information on plants species is presented according to botanical habits:

trees, shrubs, herbs, climber and epiphytes and palms. Local and scientific names have

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been recorded on the field using the author previous knowledge and the assistance of

the inhabitants, verified in Burkill (1966), Gimlette(1971), Dunn (1975) as well as,

occasionally, in Polunin (1988), Chin (1999) and Ismail Saidin (2000) for pictorial

comparisons..

i) Tree Species:

The total of species of trees in the sample is 54 . 11 Species are most frequent.

These are: mempelam (Mangifera indica) (11 occurrences), jambu (Sizygium aquae)

(9), betek Carica papaya (8), asam jawa (Tamarindus indicus) (8) duku (Lansium

domesticum) (7), durian (Durio zibethinus) (7) semeta or mangis (Garcinia

mangostana), kuini Mangifera odorata, rambutan Nephelium lappaceum, nangka

Artocarpus heterophyllum, meninjau Gnetum gnemon (6) .

Confirming literature on Malaysia and Terengganu landscape , tree species bring

an overpowering visual contribution to the landscapes (Nor Atiah 2003, Hume, 1984).

Although not particularly grown for aesthetic reasons, trees still bring variety, shade

and add interest by their diversity of shapes and size and the colour of their foliage, the

texture of their bark, the shapes of their branching to the landscapes.

Amongst the 11 most frequent species of trees, towering rambutan (Nephelium

lappaceum) and slow growing manggis (Garcinia magoustana) rivals in height with the

fertile mangoes. The jambu rose apple carries its wiry, low and yellowish grey branches

at the level of the pale green papaya and of the dark waxy leaves of the meninjau

(Gnetum gnemon). The latter, a botanical primitive species (Hsuan Keng,1978) bears

small bright red fruit. Adding more visual variety in the farmers compounds, are the

lanky trunks of silvery old durian (Durio zibethinus) trees. Everywhere the nangka

Artocarpus is conspicuous with its enormous fruits wrapped in batik cloth.

Trees were planted originally sufficiently apart, but nowadays their crowns have

joined and create a canopy roof over the grounds of ancient compounds (C3, C1),

littering the ground with dead leaves, and in season, a superabundance of fruit Figure

5.2 shows some of the most frequently encountered tree species.

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Mangifera indica Artocarpus heterophyllum with fruit (Pulau Duyung) wrapped in batik cloth (P.Duyung)

Gnetum gnemon Sizygium aquae Lansium domesticum (Kuala Terengganu) (Kampung Paloh ) (Kampong Paloh) Figure 5.1: Some of the most often encountered tree species: (:pictures by the author, 2005) (ii) Shrubs species

A total of 31 species of shrubs is recorded in the whole sample. There are 5 most

frequently observed shrubs species: cekur manis (Sauropus androgynus) (8), bunga

raya (Hibiscus rosa-sinensis) (7), pecah periuk (Ixora coccinea) (6), limau kasturi

(Citrus microcarpa) (6), ubi kayu (Manihot utilissima).(5).

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Flowering shrubs bring colours to the landscapes at eye level with the red or

white of the bunga raya Hibiscus and the sun loving red and yellow pecah periuk

Ixora, the dark leaves of the native cekur manis (Sauropus androgynus) vegetable and

aromatic green limes. The South American red twigged tapioca plant ubi kayu

(Manihot utilissima) which replaced rice in troubled times is successful to the point of

running wild in the belukar* .Figure 5.1 b) illustrate some of these species:

Sauropus androgynus (PDuyung) Hibiscus rosa sinensis(P.Duyung)

Ixora coccinea (Bukit Cempaka) Citrus microcarpa (Pulau Ketam)

Figure 5.2: Some most frequent shrubs species (Pictures by author 2005)

(iii) Herbs species:

72 species of herbs have been observed. 7 are most frequently encountered:

halia and lengkuas (Alpinia spp.) (11 occurences), banana (Musa parasidisa) kadok

(Piper sarmentosum) (9) serai (Cymbopogon citratus) (8), kunyit (Curcuma domestica)

(6), pandan (Pandanus odoratus) (6), bolai (Zingiber cassumar) (6)

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Herbs are the realm of ornamental flowers, spices and flavours. Their number

heralds flavoured cooking. Feet in the water at the back of the houses, –except for the

lemon grass which likes drier soil, they thrive in patches of sun. The bananas Musa

parasidica long rectangular leaves provide their fruit as well as wrappers for numerous

kinds of dishes. Some of these are illustrated in Figure 5.4 .

Piper sarmentosum (P.Ketam) Alpinia languas (Sungai Rengas)

Cymbopogon citrates (P.Duyung) Curcuma domestica (P.Duyung)

Figure 5.4: Some of the most frequent herb species ( Pictures by author,2005)

(iv) Palm species

The total number of palm species in the sample is 11.The most frequent palm

species is kelapa (Cocos nucifera) (10).followed by pinang (Areca catechu) (3). Palm

species are only a small number yet they often define the skyline. The trunks of the

coconuts trees draw vertical lines on the village landscapes and the shadow of their

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fronds is projected on the ground. Here and there, the orange muff of the nuts of a

pinang Areca nut tree reminds of former betel chewing traditions.

(v) Climbers and epiphytes

The number of recorded epiphytes and climbers is 26. The most frequent species

of climbers and epiphytes encountered in the sample are: paku langsuyir (Asplenium

nidus) ( 9), bunga loceng (Allamanda cathartica (3), pitis pitis (Drymoglossum

piteseloides (3), and wild and cultivated Orchid species.(3 ).

Climbers and epiphytes confer to the landscapes an air of inextinguishable

energy of nature, climbing on other species. The South American poisonous Allamanda

is easy to grow. Its yellow colour reminds that the city of Kuala Terengganu is the seat

of the royal palace. In the sample, it is seen in fences and in pots in “Aristocrat” and

“Clan heritage” compounds as shown in Figure 4.5.

Orchid sp. on gate (C4) Allamanda at entrance (A3) Drymoglossum on Eugenia

Figure 5.5: Some of the most frequent epiphyte and climber species (pictures by

author, 2005)

5.1.1.1 Findings from the Inventory of Plant Species

The inventory of plants species evocates a picture of natural abundance and

illustrates the variety of a tropical landscape. The list of the most frequent species

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further indicates constants preferences for some species and entails a level of

homogeneity in the landscapes as well as a particular physical character.

(i) Tropical Floral Variety

A total of 194 species have been inventoried, 54 trees, 31 shrubs, 72 herbs, 11

palms, 26 climbers and epiphytes. The average number of species by house compound

is 39, with 28 for the “Rakyat”, 49 for the “Aristocrat”, 40 for the “Clan Heritage” and

39 for the “Farmer’s” categories. The figures confirm botanists (Hsuang Keng 1978,

Hume 1984) evaluation of the richness in species of this area of the Malaysian

peninsula.

Exact comparison with the results from other researches is not readily possible

as the parameters chosen by various authors differ from the ones of this study. For

instance, only medicinal species are listed, or wild species are not part of the surveyed

samples (Ismail et al., 2000), or a whole village is taken as subject study or a

community (Dunn 1975) increasing the number of species sighting. With only 16

residential compounds surveyed, the sample total of 194 species is high considering

that Nor Atiah (2003) recapitulates total of 31 species for three selected house gardens

in one village in Perak and that a total of 101 compound species -42 trees, and 9 shrubs,

herbs, ferns and climbers- is a number of species observed in Malaysian villages over

the whole of Malaysia (Ismail et al., 2002, 71-73).

(ii) Floral Homogeneity among the Compounds

In a hierarchic society, with a variety of species to choose from as in

Terengganu, one could expect some quantitative or qualitative difference between the

house compounds or at least between the socio-economic types, but the inventory

shows that this is not the case, as the most common species are found in the majority of

the compound. Some differences appear, due to individual preferences in horticulture

increasing the number of decorative plants irrespectively of the type such as in R2 and

R4, where owners are army and police retirees, and in A1 and C4 where the owners,

an aristocratic lady and a retired architect, are devoted amateur gardeners.

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Charts analysis of the number of species are available in Appendix B .The

number of species does not always reflects the number of individual plants, so these

chart are only indicative of the variety. (The sketch plans, which indicate the location

of the floral features, give an idea of the plants distribution and visual density on the

ground.)

The number of 24 species occurring repetitively or most frequently (5 to 11

sightings within the sample) evocates a common pool of botanical species affording a

degree of qualitative uniformity to the landscape.

Taking in account individual variances, land surfaces and number of cases by

types, calculation in percentage of average occurrence of the number of species of trees

in each type of house compound were made. The obtained average number of tree

species in each type of house compounds ranged from 9 to 14 per house compound.

This indicates a certain quantitative uniformity in the number of tree species across the

sample whatever the type.

Further analysis of the recapitulative tables for other plants habits confirmed a

measure of floral homogeneity amidst the botanical variety. The quantitative similarity

across the types (similar relative density of species) associated to the uniform

occurrence of certain species indicates transmitted knowledge concerning nature

resources. That socio-cultural consensus based on common knowledge is part of the

“survival component” of the Terengganu cultural context.

(iii) Verticality

The rather large amount of tree species (54 occurrences) compared to the

shrubs (31 occurrences) results in a landscape drawn on the vertical plane, even at

times covering the sky corresponding to the mystery psychological variable (Kaplan,

Stephen, 1975). There is rarely a horizon line, but as Nor Atiah (2003) has observed in

the villages in Perak, visually enticing perspectives are framed by large shade-giving

trees evocating the Perspective-Refuge theory (Appleton, 1975)

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5.1.2 Ground Features and Garden Accessories

A number of 82 “ground features” have been catalogued on the field. These

include hard -scape features, garden furniture and accessories. For convenience, they

have been listed in relation to their function: “water”, “daily life”, “rest and

entertainment”, “space articulation markers” and “trade and work structures”. These

features are closely related to the “survival component” of the common cultural

background. Information were gathered from the inhabitants and from the author

observations, as much as from the literature.

(i) Water Features:

The most frequently observed water related features are: Slabs at the foot of the

main stairs (14 occurrences), wells (11) and accessories (11), bucket stands (7), kolah

basin (7), running water pipe (7).

Water related features introduce some hardscape elements on the grounds in the

form of step stones and masonry around the wells. Bottom of stairs slabs (made of

concrete12, of timber 2) were used to keep feet clean while pouring water over them.

A minor accessory, together with their former inseparable water jars, they are

significant remains of a society were people used to wear open sandals or walked

barefoot, and where visitors and inhabitants remain barefoot in the houses.

Wells (11) and accessories such as a round concrete base around the walls of the

well (11,) a table, a pail on a support (7), were an essential feature in the compound.

The well was a place of meeting, used by various groups of family members at

different times of the day. The sound of the timba pail and the splashing of the water on

bathing people are still part of the auditory landscape, although less regularly heard

nowadays.

“Kolah” basins made of brick and concrete of prescribed size (@ 75cm x 1m)

had replaced in the nineteen fifties the clay jar collecting rain water on the side of the

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stairs. A tap would often be fixed over it. Taps and pipes are now as frequent as jars

were in the past, but the water is used to water the flowers pots and the garden.

(ii) Daily life features

Besides water features, the most frequent features of the inhabitant’s daily

routine are related to fire, they are rubbish disposal fires (9 occurrences) and the

outdoor cooking tripods (8 occurrences).

The burning rubbish fire is omnipresent on the grounds. In the wet climate, with

rains and floods, rubbish never seems to be fully consumed. Vegetal and household

wastes are burned in small heaps. With them come rakes and short lidi brooms made of

coconut palm ribs (8 occurrences).

Iron cooking tripods of different size have also been sighted on the grounds of

even in the more aristocratic compound in Losong (A3). The smaller tripods are for an

occasional “ikan golek” fish in coconut sauce cooked over a slow fire of coconut husks

(R3), the larger ones for kenduri familial feasts.

(iii) Rest and enjoyment elements

The most frequent features in that category are the flower pots (15 occurrences)

and the “gerai” multipurpose platforms (7) which are called “pangkin” in standard

Malay. The total of 7 occurrences includes various styles, some high and table-like,

some with a back rest, other like low beds or round planking circling a tree.

Flower stands and pots are in every compound. The fashion today in potted

plants goes to strangely shaped cactus, Heliconia, Aloe vera, Portulacca and other

ornamentals. The plants are hanged below the bendul *at the foot of the façade of the

house in the “rakyat” compound in Kuala Terengganu (R1) and the “aristocrat” in

Kampong Batin (A1), or simply disposed on the stairs steps. In some areas as in Pulau

Ketam (R4), they are displayed on planks nailed on posts high above the ground out of

reach of floods and passing-by goats.

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(v) Space articulation markers

The only frequent space markers in the sample are the fences -and these are

rather flimsy structures confirming. Except for the deliberately planned space

organisation of the aristocrat and clan compounds that include a wall (Kota Lama in

Pulau Duyung, A2) or some vegetal and chain-linked fence (A1 in Losong), the

compounds limits are marked only by trees or a few shrubs. At first sight, this gives an

impression of disorder as Munshi Abdullah remarked (Muhamad Saleh 1992).

The boundaries are immaterial or unobtrusive, with loose, interrupted fences (15

occurrences) made from various materials: branches, shrubs, metallic wire and, in two

occasions only, made of brick and stucco walls (A2, C1) as well as planks.

There are –however, definite zones around the house, as Nor Atiah (2003) has

found in Perak, but no material indication of these.Tthere appear to be a tacit agreement

on the “zones” respective uses, which are in continuation with the function of the part

of the house they are close to, a fact that will be further examined during the space

organisation analysis.

(v) Trade and work structures

Various types of cages (12 occurrences) serve as lodgings for the animals

inhabitants of the compound, which in the sample are mostly gallinaceans. These

shelters are individual ground cages made of wire mesh on a trapezoidal (for stability)

frame, “condos” on stilts, or compartments under the house. A monkey in the “farmer”

compound in Bukit Cempaka (F2) had well organized “apartments” arranged up in a

fruit tree and underneath its shade. There are also workshops, shelters and baluh rice

granaries looking like the houses in reduction (11 occurrences).

Accessories are found in the storage area under the house. The most frequently

occurring are sampan small boats (5) and jars (5).

Figure 5. 6 illustrates some of the frequent ground features found in the sample.

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Well (A1) Bench (with roof and flower pots in R1)

Water Jar with Zingiber cassumar (A3) Resting platform with lidi broom (F3)

Figure 5. 5 : Most Frequent ground features (Pictures by author 2004 & 2005)

5.1.2.1 Findings from the Inventory of the most Frequent Ground Features

The inventory of the grounds most frequent features evocate landscapes made

for living in them as well as for living outdoors. They are full of ancillary buildings for

work and animals and many types of resting furniture.

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(i) Life outdoors

The numerous resting platforms are found under or around trees or underneath

the houses where elders particularly like to rest. The senior inhabitants’ “outdoor

couch” is so placed that they benefit from the coolness of the shade and enjoy a good

view of the activities around the compound (Hajah Wok in F3 , Haji Da in F1). .

The garden furniture reflects behaviour inside the house. Family communal

platforms illustrate a permanence of traditional seating cross legged on the floor and

half laying reclining postures. Some “garden furniture” is high as if on stilts like the

houses, (benches for example) because of the muddy ground, and because, sitting on

these, the feet are not meant to reach the floor. “Tables” (no chairs in front of these) for

outdoor washing and cooking preparation, can be occasionally sat upon as experienced

during an interview in Pulau Ketam (R4). However, in three compounds (F3, C3 and

R3) while the platforms were still in use, a set of concrete tables and chairs have been

introduced, reflecting outdoors the frequent adoption of western or modern ways of

seating inside the houses especially in the visitors areas.

(ii) Religious compliance

Daily accessories show a preoccupation of following religious requirements.

Cleanliness, staying away from najis (religious impurities such as blood and others)

from animal or human origin is part of Islamic duties. .The preoccupation of cleanliness

is obvious in the omnipresence of water features, brooms, rakes and rubbish fires.

Noticing the author approach, some inhabitants would come down and sweep the floor

of some dry leaves in (C3, C4); (perhaps was it as well a polite way to enquire of the

author’s purpose)); some inhabitants would even apologize for not having yet cleared

the path (A1, A3).

Wells remain an omnipresent feature, still used, for a cool shower, for watering

plants (A1), or washing feet after work in the kebun vegetable garden . The kolah basin

of proper size for wuduh ritual cleanliness in brick and concrete, collecting rain water

was built to replaced the small jars at the foot of the main entrance stairs. Today a pipe

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is placed over it (F 1, F3); but shoe-wearing has diminished the use of it the jars as well

as of the kolah.

The clan compound in Paluh (C 3) has three wells corresponding each to a group

of users. For the women the well is at the back of the row of houses, while for the men

of Tukku’s household or close disciples, it is on the left side in the front part in the

middle of the orchard part of the compound (it still has water but is not in use) and for

the public, a larger well is in front of the large kolah (ablutions basin) of the surau on

the eastern entrance.

(iii) Differences between types

Some differences appear between the types of house compounds in the ground

features compound element. For example, gates are present in Aristocrats and Clan

heritage types; pangkin and workshops are not seen in the Aristocrat compounds, when

they are essential feature in Rakyat compounds and the granaries are present in the

Farmer house compounds.

5.1.3. Frequent Architectural Features and related Findings

54 Architectural features have been selected from the visual (landscape) point of

view. They are divided in: (i) house components, (ii) decorative elements and (iii)

materials.

The most frequent and conspicuous architectural feature are the stilts, or posts

(16 occurrences) and the multiple or additional roofs (16 occurrences). The findings

related to the cultural significance of the architectural landscape components, are

indicated after mention of the most frequently occurring features.

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(i) Stilts

Stilts contribute much to the visual character of the Terengganu house. The main

stilts or posts are part of the structure of the buildings (tiang). Some posts are added

timber supports below the houses (tongkat). The feature is seen from the hills of

Vietnam (Dalat) to the Malgaches highland dwellings of Madagascar (Longuet 1984).

It is reported (Sheppard 1959) that the posts were previously planted in the ground

(nineteen Century). Today, the posts are resting on from 100 mm to 300 mm high

concrete blocks (pelapik) which are buried 25 mm or 50 mm in the ground as described

in Killman et al. (1990).

The method allows the insertion of wedges between the posts and the concrete

blocks, in case of shift of the ground, or if strong winds have weakened the timber

structure causing the house to tilt. Moving houses without dismantling them as often

done in the past and, as late as 1991 for the Kota Lama Duyung, is facilitated as the

houses can be lifted from their ground base.

(ii) Roofs

The abandon of the “planting method” of anchoring the house is an important

detail for the general appearance of the landscape from the point of view of the

architecture. It shifts the role of the actual support of the house from the posts to the

roof whose strength and weight holds the building. Culturally, the primacy of the roof

is known as a Chinese concept, perhaps related in Terengganu to the north eastern

origin of some of the influential Malay families in the state (Longuet 1991).

The tukang or carpenters have also developed great skills in roofs structures

especially at the delicate points of slopes junction and proper slope angle so as to avoid

rain water leaking, a feature essential during the monsoon. “Balek angin” was the term

used by traditional house builder Ibrahim Yusof (personal communication) referring to

the lowest limit of slope steepness beyond which the former Nipah palm roofing would

be lifted by the wind, showing how natural material could influence visual architectural

features such as the slope of the roofs.

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The Terengganu multiple roofs over sprawling habitations such as those of the

aristocrats (A2, A3) seen in the sample are related to the organic character of the

habitations (open end concept), conceived to grow or diminish with the need of

families living in them (Wan Fadhilah, 2003).

The orientation of the roof ridge of the main building (rumah ibu), constant in

all the sample (toward the kiblat and the sunset, @ 285 degree north west) heralding the

Muslim faith of the inhabitants (Raja Bahrin,1988) may also serve as a compass

reference for travellers to find their way in the village landscape.

(iii) Decorative house finishing elements

The most frequent finishing features are the “buah gutong*”, the roof ridge

skittle finials (10 occurrences). These skittles are also called “buah buton” in other

parts of Malaysia. In Pattani, they are called “wak mutong” (spelling given by Puetai et

al., 2002). In Java, the diamond shaped fruit of the Barringtonia is called “buah buton”

(Burkill,1966) . However, in Terengganu, the Barringtonia is common in riverside

mangroves and is called the “putat” tree. There are variations on the top part of the

buah gutong, the pointed ones apparently copied from Kedah, the flat square type being

found on a few buildings. In the sample, most are of the small round knob type. They

are not only decorative but functional as they hold the roof ridge and the barge boards

of the roofs in an atap Belanda* styled roof .

The buah gutong, a feature found in classic residences in China, may be related

to Hindu or Buddhism by its levels symbolising ascension from the underworld

towards the divinity or steps for the divinity to descend to the earth. Since, the feature

has probably been endowed of the same Islamic interpretation as the tunjuk langit,

(Muhamad Affendi, 1995), then, the symbolic significance has been hidden under the

common tree species name. The buah gutong, a major feature of the traditional

compound landscape is aesthetic, functional and symbolic.

The other important feature is the presence of the “bendul”, (16 occurrences) a

timber member that run at the bottom of a wall on the exterior, covering the joint of the

planks with the naga trussle. The bendul is straight (“lurus bendul” is proverbial for an

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exceedingly honest person) is decorated with kumai carvings along the ridge. Both

elements are related to the craftsmen tradition of covering joints. It indicates the

importance of “propriety” in building (Ibrahim Yusof, personal communication) and

the concept of respectability in a residence.

Vertical planking is the most often observed (12 occurrences). It has a cultural

significance behind the elegance of the building method. It is a sign of financial means

as longer planks are more expensive. A favourite with the orang bandar (town people)

as it is less easily open than the vertical style type by marauders (Daud Mohamad,

personal communication).

(iv) Integrated dish dryers

Frequent too are the prosaic dish dryers, integrated in the kitchen house wall and

overhanging (l3 occurrences), a functional feature made possible by the height of the

house. Dripping water runs with the waste waters streamlet among the gingers and

pandanus species at the back of the house.

(v) Materials:

Glass windows (12 occurrences) became frequent right after World War II

(building or renovation dates of some houses in A1, C1, R1, and F2). There are thick

and/or tinted .for reasons of strength and privacy, as these more “modern” houses were

built lower on the ground.

Singhora tiles (11 occurrences) used for the roofs of the houses indicate links

with the Malay province of Pattani, Chinese and Malay clay makers and the boats that

carried the tiles (Wan Ahmad, personal communication). The tiles are both cool and

historical as they are extremely difficult to find nowadays. They are presently been

replaced by thicker, larger, glazed mechanical tiles as has been done in a few houses in

Kuala Hiliran (C1) during the time of the research..

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Cengal (Neo-balanocarpus heimii) (10 occurrences) is used as construction

material in most of the houses, demonstrating a society that was had a sense of quality

and financial means.

Figure 5. 6 shows some examples of the architectural features the most often

encountered in the sample:

a) Buah Gutong, “Singhora” tiles (C4) b) Sprawling habitation (R5)

c) Buah Gutong and multiple roofs (A1) d) Stilts (+ tiered and berpeles roof) in C3

Figure 5.7: Most frequent Architectural Features encountered in the Sample

(Pictures by the author, 2005)

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5.1.4. Fauna Features Inventory and Findings

.

The most frequently observed or heard animals in the sample are, for the

domestic species the chicken (8) and the cats (3).

Animals appear to be invested of status signal. No chicken (except trespassers)

nor Moscovy ducks are seen on the clean grounds of the aristocrat or clan compounds.

Noisy and aggressive geese are acceptable (observed in A2) because they act as

gardians. Goats poach on everyone garden around and in the Rakyat house compounds.

Probably due to timing, wild animals (they move early and out of human reach)

have not been especially noticed during the surveys except one flying fox in Kampong

Paloh. The fauna features were represented mostly by familiar birds that flew by, such

as the orioles, wood peckers and sterlings, contributing to the acoustic as much as to the

visual landscape such as a magpie robin perching on a buah gutong, bulbuls on a

Lansium domesticum tree and the loud and big Malkohas whisling in every corner of

the compounds (Glenister 1971).

5.2. Particular features of Cultural Significance

Features less frequent than the ones catalogued above may hold a wealth of

meaning for the inhabitants as well as valuable anthropological or historical

information for the researcher. They may be the only remaining witnesses of a by- gone

era.

5.2.1 Particular botanical features

True endemic species to Terengganu have not been identified in the house

compounds and were not expected as these are found more in the unihabited forest hills

(Hsuan Keng 1978); but, evocative of ancient times where the forest was close and its

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resources essential, are trees such as the jering (Pithecellium jiringi) and rambutan

(Nephelium Lappaceum). Culturally significant botanicals too are the Lansium

domesticum of the duku variety that is found in Vietnam as well (Burkill 1966)

(perhaps pointing to the Champa connections) and the bone setting, frothing, terajang

(Lepisanthes rubiginosum) (“Survival” cultural component). The medicinal sweetener

tebu gajah (Albizia myriophylla) (Longuet 1987) is found planted in the farmer’s

compound F2 but has been collected ‘from the now erased hills” said Haji Da, the

farmer cum traditional practitioner. The Durian trees in the half wild farmer compound

F4 by the forest edge in Pasir Dulang are said to be two hundred year old. Noticeable

too is the persistence of in the gardens the native mango species such as the kuini

(Mangifera odorata) and the pau (Mangifera pentandra).

Usually, wild areas around or sometimes penetrating in the villages compounds

are called “belukar”. The term is translated as “secondary growth”, evoking images of

bushes reclaiming the land, with small Malvacees, Mallotus, Ficus or even lalang

Imperata cylindrica. The belukar observed in the sample includes native species

characteristic of the area such as the Barringtonia racemosa (in R4), Justicia gandarussa

and the majestic Hopea odorata (in C3, and R3). This means that the primary

vegetation is present in its original habitat, on the villagers’ house compounds, or

introduced from the forest as the medicinal Ficus deltoidea in Figure 5.7.

a) Hopea odorata b) Ficus deltoidea c) Barringtonia racemosa Cengal kampong P. ketam Mas cotet, P.Ketam Putat ayam Figure 5.7: Examples of Wild native Species favoured (a) and (c), or planted (b)

(Pictures by author, 2006)

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Further information on the plants with a particular link with the life of the

villagers in the surveyed houses compounds is expended in the ethno-botanical analysis

further below in this chapter.

5.2.2 Particular architectural Features

Some house compound features, although rare nowadays, are part of the

architectural image of the state. They have been mentioned earlier in the literature

review (Raja Bahrin, 1988, Killman et al., 1994, Pusat Kajian Alam Bina Melayu,

2000) like the pemeles* roof end boards, the tunjuk langit* and the intricate carving of

the janda berhias ( or jendela hias) literally “decorative windows” (Abdul Razak,

1999) that have become “decorated widows”. There are also the “wave stairs”, which

have curved forms in harmony with the pemeles, so befitting to former sea traders

communities and reminders of a still little documented history.

5.2.3 Particular Ground Accessories

Humble daily accessories do not lack in significance: One interesting type of

gerai observed in the sample (A1, F3) are low (around 50cm above ground) 2 meter in

length, 60cm wide resting and working platforms. These are originally gerai bersalin

or confinement beds made of spaced planking letting heat from a brasero placed

underneath go through in order to warm up the mother during the traditional post

delivery treatment. Later, covered with a mengkuang Pandanus mat, they serve as an

outdoor day bed. The custom of “roasting the mother “(Gimlette, 1971) is apparently

not recorded anywhere else. Similar post-partum practices have been described in

Kelantan and in Cambodia, but after travels in remote areas of South East Asia, the

particular “gerai bersalin” has been noted by the author only in Terengganu.

.

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The clothes lines used to be almost diagnostic views of the east coast of the

Peninsula. A few batik -the bright, light coloured, Medan or Cirebon inspired (Wan

Azahar, personal communicaiion), made locally, rectangular pieces of cloth almost

blown away by the monsoon winds were enough to evoke a coastal village in

Terengganu. As shown in chapter three, these views have even become a hallmark of

the state in artist’s paintings. Today, the hand-made charm of true batik is rare, so are

becoming the “kain” sarong as everyday clothing.

Another, rather private but characteristic feature of the clothes lines are the

mother and child similar post-partum garments in two sizes, (observed in Pulau Ketam,

C2): batik for the mother and white cotton for the child, with ribbons, related to the

forty days after delivery confinement (Longuet, 1984).

Jars (A3, R5, R1) of particular designs, now collectors objects, have been seen

often in the sample. The larger ones, made of unglazed clay, recall the times when the

perahu besar (the Terengganu schooners) carried them from Pattani. They had been

made there in Malay or Chinese cottage industry (Wan Ahmad personal

communication) and are particularly elegant in shape. According to one neighbour on

site in kampong Losong, some were filled on the way sailing down “from Siam” with

“tabelok” talcum made from rice powder. Once emptied, they were used as water

reservoirs. Having one of these marked a connection with the sea trade, schooner

captains and the Terengganu merchants community active during the 19th and early part

of the 20th centuries (Khoo, 1991, Mohd Taib, 1997) .

The others jars, each with the shape and the diameter of the opening related to

the contents were told to be used to keep mostly jeruk pinang (preserved areca nut), or

budu fish sauce (R1). They are found in the sample in the more rustic households.

One particular internal “boundary” feature is functional small fences (pagar)

that create gardens within the compound. This feature is not related to a deliberate

space organisation. Small (@1400mm x 2000mm) fences are erected to protect one or a

few young trees from animals. One compound, (C2 in Pulau Ketam) where the owner

breeds fighting cocks and other chicken, has even four of these protective fences.

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Some particular, perhaps potentially idiosyncratic features are illustrated in

Figure 5.8.

a) “Jenda berhias” (C3) b) Water Jar from Pattani (A3) c) “Wave stairs”on surau (C3)

Figure 5.8 a),b), and c): Particular ground and architectural features (Pictures

taken by the author 2005)

5.2.4 Particular Fauna features

The inventory of fauna features lists a working pig-tailed monkey that had been

seen in a farmer compound (F2 in Bukit Cempaka). Later, his owner being sick, the

coconut and petai (Parkia speciosa) plucking beruk had been adopted for a while by

someone else. Its lodgings were still in place.

In the clan house compound C2 in pulau Ketam, Pak Majid explained how he

treated his fighting cocks, showing the massaging oils and the vitamins that he kept in

his “clinic” below his house. He confided his sadness at having to send some of his

wards for combats “Anyway, they are fighters” he said. He carefully separate them in

siblings groups putting them by turns in cages and coops on stilts so that his grounds do

not become a battle field. Figure 5. 9 shows some of the features of that compound.

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a) Pagar fishing net fence

b) Medicines in the “clinic” c)Young Fighting cocks

Figure 5. 9 a), b) and c) Particular fauna and accessories in compound C2

( Pictures taken by author,2006)

5.3. Measurements, Space Articulation and Patterns

The landscape inventory includes a brief study of the space organisation in the

surveyed house compounds.

(i) Measurements and compounds boundaries

As mentioned earlier, from observations and from literature (Raja Bahrin 1975),

the compounds did not have precise continuous boundaries. Like the villages, they

appear to be delimited by the influence of the owners and their energy in claiming their

property as they plant trees, install a cloth line, or simply clean and sweep the area.

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. The Rakyat compounds tended to have boundaries made of neighbours’ fences

and building or communal paths. The boundaries of the farmer compounds were

blurred by informal orchards (F4, F3,) or meadows (F1) laid in continuity with the

residential grounds . The aristocrats had evident boundaries with bricks, chain kink

fences or hedges framing the gates on the front of the compound but the back garden

was bordered by a mangrove and a stream (A3) while a belukar cum fruit tree area on

the third side was shared with a relative. Even the brick and stucco wall in the

compound A2 was not built all around and only the continuity of the some masonry

work (colonnade, kolah basin and brick bathroom) indicated the compound limits.

Still, measuring internal distances between the most conspicuous ground

features trees and building(s), as well as measuring the lengths of the most clearly

delimited sides, it was possible to estimate the sizes of the compounds enough to draw

them on millimetre paper. The final sketches are not to exact scale, yet they represent

as faithfully as possible the sites proportions..

The smallest “Clan heritage” house compound with a length of 48 steps –

approximately 24 m- in Lorong Haji Jamil, in the heart of Kuala Terengganu is smaller

than the largest of the “Rakyat” in Sungei Rengas which has a length of 100 steps -

approximately 50 meters-. However, on average, the “Rakyat” were smaller than the

other types, with the “Clan heritage ” types such as Tokku Paluh’s compound (@ 123

meters long ) being normally the larger, as expected .from the number of houses on

their compounds.

(i) Location of the main building

In all the cases, except in the particular circumstances of the “Clan heritage

compound”, the main building was located approximately in the middle of the grounds.

–a feature observed in other villages in Terengganu. In Kampung Jeram, Manir, Wan

Fadhilah Wan Hitam (2003) has found out that this was deliberate and related to the

modular or open end organic concept of the habitation as additional buildings can be

built following the family growth without intruding on neighbour’s land.

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(ii) The double Orientation of the House Compounds

Observations from field survey with a compass confirmed by the site sketches

and by photographs showed that the compounds and the buildings are not similarly

oriented.

The orientation of the roof ridge of the main building ( tulang rabung rumah

ibu) is, in all the samples, except for a variation of a few degree in Lorong Haji Jamil,

toward approximately 285.degree west which, in Terengganu is the direction of kiblat.

However, the compounds may be seen as oriented differently from the house. If one

considers the main or gated entrance, it happens that the direction of the ground area

varies at right angle from the direction of the house main roof (s).

The move may be determined by individual preferences, mostly the facility of

communication with a neighbouring relative or by the proximity of a road. The shift is

frequently towards the southern side as in R1, R3 and in the farm house compound in

Belara Selat (F 3) that has turned towards the main road, situated in the south of the

compound for transport of harvest. In two other instances, the compound access is from

the north. The aristocrat house compound in Pulau Duyung (A2) has an official access

from the sea (north) where the owner’s boats were moored. Access to one rakyat

compound (R4) is from the north because a road has been newly built along the river

on what was before the northern side of the house compound as shown on Figure 5.11.

a) Compound entrance from the south (F3) b) Compound entrance from the north (R4)

Figure 5.10: Difference of orientation house/compound

The plan sketch in Figure 5.14 illustrates the shift.

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accessentrance

frontyard

Back garden

Right side garden

Left side garden

North

Figure 5.11: Access to compound R4 from the road (north), entrance of the house,

on the south east side

The above pictured compound, wedged between a road and a stream, has

numerous domestic activities (chicken coops, food species, coconuts heaps) gathered

on the left part of the front of the house; yet a row of hanging plants in pots, sitting

platform and benches still evoke a welcoming front yard area.

Further observation of the houses entrances indicate a predilection for the south

location of the stairs of the house (climbing towards north) in the sample, confirming

Raja Bahrin (1988)’s sketches. Stairs inside the ground floor of the Kota Lama, (A2)

follow that orientation as well, opposing or turning at angle from three closest

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compound gates. From the sample, it appears that the most preferred direction for a

house entrance as well as a compound access, when possible, is from the south.

5.5. 3 Zoning

Even with unclear boundaries, the “core” of the compound is overall readable.

There are definite zones around the house, as Nor Atiah (2003) has found in Perak..

The zones are not marked by any material indication, yet there appear to be a tacit

agreement on their respective function.

The front yard is a well swept delimited area, preserving from animals

droppings the paths of the visitors and inhabitants. Perhaps one or two trees mark the

entrance, giving a welcoming shade some flowering species by the staircase.

The two side gardens are busy areas, especially the southern side where

clothes are dried, filled with animal cages, a path, perhaps some useful shrubs and

small trees such as limes, henna, tapioca and papaya.

In the back garden, Gingers and Pandanus surround waste water streamlet.

Wild Alocasia grow at the limit of the Nipah on the side of the well. The well is often

located at the back of a few steps away from the main building kitchen area, which is,

when there is no shift, at the end of the left side southern garden. Toilets huts mostly in

disuse nowadays are still visible on the back of the right side (northern) of the house, in

the least busy area of the grounds.

A fifth zone would be the “kolong” in standard Malay. The term is not used

but the space it designs below the house (14 occurrences) is a busy area, part of the

ground, and part of the house. Vehicles, sampan, motorcycle and cars are put there.

Animals -chicken, roosters and ducks, share an area next to coconut husks and antique

timber screens. In Pulau Ketam, a table and chair, in Jalan Kamarudin, a small library

were installed. Also found below the houses are workshops, the “Fighting cocks clinic”

in C 4 and various accessories for household repairs or other activities.

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The overall pattern of spatial organisation is constant throughout the sample.

Generally, even when there is a shift compound access/ house orientation, plants

species are located in the area assigned by their cultural role and value in the life of the

inhabitants as much as by their growth requirement.

The different parts of the ground are similar to those observed by other

researchers in the village houses, in their relation with each other, -especially the side

transition zones found by Nor Atiah (2003, p.83) and their relationship with the

functional design of the house as illustrated in Figure 5.12.

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North

Entrance Back garden

Left side

Trees:

Ground feature (shed, platform): Well: Fig. 5.12: Analysis of a typical compound zones and main function in relation with the use of neighbouring part of the house. Typical well location is shown on the left side of the back garden (South west

corner of the typical compound. Much less frequently, it is on the front yard where it

had its use in the past for guests and returning worker to wash their feet.

Garden Right side Entrance Garden

Fron

t courtyard

trance En

Utilitarian area, domestic animals, sheds Working or resting platform Under fruit tree Sysyphus sp Manihot utilissima

Public and welcome area, legibility, coherence, fragrant , shade giving and decorative species, empty space allotted for visitors

Dapur House Dalam Luar

Private area, mystery , Complexity waste water, rubbish fire, toilets, small orchard mangifera and Lansium sp.,Nephelium, gingers, Pandanus

Utilitarian area, well,washing, drying clothes Tamarindus indicus, Papaya, Lawsonia inermis, Musa paradisica

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Observation of the spatial organisation and distribution of plants and ground

accessories showed differences between the types: The above typical figure may then

be nuanced according to the different types.

5.5.3 Differences in Space organisation according to Type

(i) The “rakyat” compound, although still “readable” (legibility) as it follows the

four zones pattern, gives an impression of being crowded: Plants species distribution

reflect individual fantasy of the inhabitants. Accessories and “garden furniture”

demonstrating life and work outside the house cover a good part of the space.

ii) The “farmer’s” compound is filled with utilitarian sheds, granaries and plant

nurseries. Trees are pushed back on the edge of the compound, except perhaps, for

shade, a lone tamarind close to the lambur of the house, or a jambu to provide shade to

monkey’s quarters and another tree close to the open air bathroom

(iii) Particular space markers and ground features have been noticed in

“aristocrat”:and “clan” compound:

a) One tree in front of the house entrance or porch.

b) Gate, and rules of circulation within the compound especially around the porch

(“Serong”or “anjung”) for the vehicles.

c) Focal point in Clan: Surau, cluster of small trees, path.

d) Fences or wall.

e) Drains from the water points to outside the compound and around the house(s)

The diagrams in Fig.5.16 indicates the different spatial organisations found in

the four types of compound

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Hou

se House

Hou

se

House House

Rakyat

Farmer’s

Aristocrat

Clan heritage

H

H

H H H

H

Legend:

Tree: Palm: Ground accessories, sheds:

Well: Circulation : House:

Figure 5. 13: Spatial organisation according to the type of house compound

Four examples of sketch plans are gathered for reference in Figure 5.14 a)

“Rakyat, b) Aristocrat , c) Clan heritage and d) Farmer’. Remaining sketches are

available in Appendix B.

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5.4. Ethno-botanical Compounds Analysis

The architectural element in a house compounds survey based on visual features.

delivers a number of significant information on direct observation.

However, the ethno-botanic approach helps substantiating the relationship

between plants species and inhabitants. Plain lists of plants do not yield the plants

cultural significance in a place, unless inhabitants express, through their explanations,

an inherited knowledge and a cultural link.

Interviews supported by literature references, have led to record individual

ethno-botanical documentation for each of the 16 house compounds. The compilations

showed the habits, the uses, the husbandry, the location and the origins of the observed

species. They constitute a store of reference to elicit better the characteristics of the

landscapes as well as a complementary base for the assessment of cultural value.

Examples of theses tables and charts, are available in Appendix B, except for the

following example where one example of individual ethno-botanical study with

explanations and analysis of the selected variables, followed by brief interpretation of

the collated data is illustrated in Table 5.5 and charts in Figure 5.15

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Table 5.3: Ethnobotanical Analysis of Plant Species in a “Rakyat” House

Compound (R4 in Pulau Ketam)

No Botanical Name Vernacular

name Habit Origin Location Uses Husbandry

1 Acalipha siamensis Ekur kucing H 2 D P 2 Artocarpus integer Nangka T I 1 F P 3 Alpinia sp. Halia H 1 F P 4 Asplenum nidum Paku langsyuir C 1 D P 5 Bambusa Buloh P 1 D,T W 6 Barringtonia asiatica Putat T 1 F,D,S F 7 Bougainvillea Bunga kertas S I 1 D P 8 Breynia reclinata Hujan panas S 1 M F 9 Cactus sp. H E 3 D P 10 Capsicum minimum Lada api S I 3 F P 11 Cicca acida Cermai T 1 F P 12 Citrus microcarpa Limau nipis S 2 F, R P 13 Citrus sp. Limau S 1,2 F P 14 Cocos nucifera Kelapa P 1,2,3,4 F, S,T P, F 15 Cymbopogon citrates Serai H 1 F P 16 Cynometra cauliflora Nam nam T 2 M P 17 Diffenbachia sp. Keladi H 3 D P 18 Durio zibethinus Durian T 1 F P 19 Eugenia aqua Jambu T 1,2 F P 20 Euphorbia antiquarum Sesudu H 3 D P 21 Flacourtia jangomas Kerekup T 1 F P 22 Gnetum gnemon Meninjau T 1 F P 23 Hibiscus tilliaceus Bebaru T 1 S W 24 Jatropha curcas Jarak pagar H I 3 D P 25 Luffa cylindrical Peria manis (?) C 4 F,D P 26 Mangifera indica Mempelam T I 2 F, S P 27 Manihot utilissima Ubi kayu S I 2 F P 28 Morinda citrifolia Mengkudu T 1 M F 29 Musa paradisica Pisang P 3 F,T P 30 Portulacca grandiflora H E 3 D P 31 Psophocarpus tetraglobulus Kacang botol S 1 F P 32 Sacharum officinale Pokok tebu P I 1 F P 33 Sagittaria sagitaefolia H 3 D P 34 Sauropus androginus Cekur manis S 1 F P 35 Tamarindus indicus Asam Jawa T I 1 F,S P 36 Tiphonium sp. H 3 D P 37 Vitex negundo Leban T 1 S, M P 38 Zebrina pendulata P E 3 D P Legend: Habits: T: tree, S : shrub, H: herb, P: palm C: Climbers and epiphytes Botanical origins: “I “: introduced; “E”: exotic. Husbandry: “W: wild; “F”: favoured; “P”: planted Uses: F: food, R: rituals, D: decors, M: medicine, S: shade, T: technique

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a) Chart of plant habits in R4

0

5

10

15

Trees Shrubs Herbs Palms Climbers

b) Chart of Plant uses in R4

0

5

10

15

20

25

Food Ritual Décor Medicine Shade Technique

c) Location of plant species in R4

0

5

10

15

20

25

1 Frontyard

2 leftside 3rightside 4backyard

Figure 5.15: a) Plant Habits , b) Plant Uses and c) Plant Location in R4.

Vertical numbers in example in Figure 5.15 indicate the species occurrence or

sightings.(The sketch plan of this compound appeared in Figure 5.1.)

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5.4.1 Plant species habits

Plant habits give clues on the visual arrangement on the vertical and horizontal

planes as well as volumes distribution of the vegetal landscape in the house compound:

They also indicate the height of the floral background, evocating the ambiance of the

compound, a shaded overgrown orchard or a sunny nursery. The numbers in the

example chart in the above figure show, as in the rest of the compounds, the

predominance of the trees species (13 species on a total of 38). This feature evokes

ensuing shade in the house compounds (“Refuge” criteria) and fruiting season

enjoyment, sharing and exchanges between the inhabitants (“social use of space”).

5.4.2 Geographical Origins of the plants species

Villagers have long ago transplanted or simply kept native species from the

formerly nearby forest and swamps for daily use. Native gingers and other herbs such

as the Clerodendrons, shrubs and trees Mangifera (other than M.indica) Garcinia and

Nephelium contribute today to the floral wealth of the compounds. The native species

are valuable witnesses of ancient times when survival depended on knowledge of the

natural environment. They represent an early stage of the vernacular culture (Historical

criteria) and an original closeness with environing nature.(“survival component”)

“Introduced” plants species are from foreign but rather similarly warm climates

that have been settled in Terengganu since long ago. These introduced plants evocate

ancient travels and widespread civilisations and influences, surprisingly, from all over

the globe, from South America to Africa, the Middle East, India, China, the Pacific

islands

Villagers are not aware that very familiar plants have been long ago introduced

by their ancestor or by traders such as papaya and tapioca species from South America,

tamarind from Africa through India and Mangifera indica from India (Burkill, 1966).

They know that cultural influences expressed in religious rites have brought the cotton,

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the jujube and the henna trees from the Middle East (“Collective psyche” and beliefs

cultural components) .

Mostly decorative, “Exotic” species are foreign species from dryer or colder

climates. Their presence in the sample demonstrates a willingness to experiment and

beautify the compound. Exotic species have been acclimatised during the last fifty

years together with an increased taste for horticulture. Successful species from other

tropical countries are grown as ornamentals and have even acquired vernacular names.

For example, the Allamanda is bunga loceng the bell flower, Heliconias (both from

South America) are kepek udang or shrimps pincers.

Referring further to botanical information on plant geographical origin given in

Burkill (1966) and Polunin (1992 ), a percentage of around 1/4 (54 species out of the

total of 194) of the usual “traditional” species in the sample, come from elsewhere.

They have come to the Terengganu compounds by way natural dispersion by winds,

birds, bats and other animals or trade and human travels. Foreign species, such as the

delima ( Punica granatum) inai (Lawsonia inermis) or lidah buaya Aloe vera, suited to

transport and often with valorising attached connotations (religion, glamour or wealth)

have been well received by the villagers, demonstrating versatility within the traditional

structures due to cultural acquisitions. These species particularly are connected to each

of the components of the cultural landscape, the collective psyche (beliefs, links to

other civilisations), “group survival” (medicinal and practical uses of these species) and

the “state history”.

5.4. 3 Husbandry

“Husbandry”, refers to the amount of care given to the plants species, an

indication of the value attributed to a species (irrespective of its origin). The same type

of information is also found significant by anthropologist Dunn (1975) in his study on

an aborigines Temuan community in Selangor. It is abbreviated as follows:

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“P” (planted) means a species deliberately introduced in the compound and

grown for a purpose. For instance, taking the trouble to plant bidara Zizyphus jujuba

for funeral washing rites instead of the native and readily available Lepisanthes, the

leaves of which froth as well, reveals a culturally influenced choice.

“W” (wild), means a weed or a wild tree present in the compound not destroyed

because it is useful such as the teja (Cinnamonum sp.) or is harmless like the Hibiscus

tilliaceus . The welcome settlement or growth of species from the indigenous belukar is

indicated as “F” (favoured), for instance Zingiber cassumar, Justicia gandarussa or

Sauropus androgynus and Lepisanthes kunstleri are welcome squatters inside the

compounds.(“Survival” component)

It has been found as well that inhabitants would also plant medicinal species ,

because they find them interesting to look at such as the jarak Euporbiace (F2) and

lidah buaya (Aloe vera,) or the attractive white flowered Hibiscus species (C1) and

setawar (Briophyllum).or they just enjoy their reputed beneficiary presence (Ficus

deltoides in 4), although they do not use them. This behaviour, due to the availability

of manufactured pharmaceutical products, demonstrates a loss of traditional phyto-

therapeutic practice parallel to a persisting attachment to its memory.

5.4.4 Function of the plants species

The functions of the species in the sample, collected from the individual

ethnobotanical tables are abreviated in the charts as “D” (decoration) “F” (food)

“M”(medicine) “R” (rituals) “S” (shade and space markers) “T” Technical (tools and,

construction materials).

The species functions priority in the sample at the time of the study and as

reported by respondents inhabitants is summarized in the chart in Figure 5.16

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0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

Food Ritual Medicinal Decors Shade Technical

Figure 5.16: Functions of plants species in the sample

The vertical figures indicate the frequency of occurrence of the species. The

charts reports the present inhabitants expressed knowledge. The number of functions

attributed to plants species recorded from the inhabitants in the sample appears lower

than the ones previously listed in the literature on Malaysian ethnobotanical

knowledge. This is especially noticeable for medicinal uses compared to results from

Nor Atiah (2003), Gimlette (1971) , A.Samad (1982). The medicinal species are still

present, but their uses less readily remembered.

The number of culinary adjuvants (classed as “Food”) remains important, a

sign of the selective taste of the inhabitants; of their inventiveness in assorting their

staple food with many additions for taste, colour, and flavour, but, mostly as reported in

interviews, of knowledge transmitted through generations..

However, the link between the vegetal kingdom and the life of the inhabitant is

still quite intimate. For instance, the fruit baskets seen under the house of the “ Haji

Wok” farmer house (F 4, Appendix B) signals the harvest of duku (Lansium

domesticum) which allowed the elderly lady to perform the haj six times, (sekali duku

sekali Haji, “once the duku season, once the Haj” were her words). In Pulau Ketam, the

pandanus weaver told how poultices made with the bark of the terajang tree

(Lepisanthes rubiginosum) have cured her of a handicapping wrist sprain.

The centenarian cengal pasir (Hopea odorata) at the far end of the clan

compound in Pulau Ketam (C3) was said by the grand son of the clan founder to have

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been left to grow there by his grand father the sea captain Haji Ibrahim. Tall, branching

high, the cengal pasir trees were used as masts for the perahu besar –the sailing

cargoes for which Terengganu is famous. Their winged fruit that whirl in the air like

miniature badminton shuttlecocks still entertain children today.

A Barringtonia racemosa, growing in pulau Ketam (R 4) was in flower and fruit

during a visit. Although the fruit were small compared to those of the Barringtonia

asiatica , it made sense that the buah gutong roof finials would get their name after the

genus as mentioned earlier: They are knob lozenges from which emerges a long

persistant style, exactly like the baton of the finials skittles emerges from the lozenge

knob located below the junction of the roof fascia boards of an atap belanda* styled

house.

5.4.5 Location of Plant species on the grounds

Data on the location of plants species confirms the visual observation of the

compounds. However, except for tree species where individual are more easily

determined, the number of individuals is only indicated (sketched) in this general

description.

The division in four zones observed by Nor Atiah (2003) was retained in

tracing a location matrix. A diagonal division of space was made to record the locations

of the species in the four zones as shown in Figure 5.17.

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Figure 5.17: Example of matrix applied to hous

e compounds (F2, Bukit

.

The location of a plant is usually closely related to the function attributed to

in

The Rakyat has trees all over the compound in the four areas, with an open

The Aristocrat compound, on the contrary, has very few trees close to the house,

4

3

2

1

1::Front garden 2: Left side garden 3: Right side garden 4. Back garden

Cempaka).The corresponding ethnobotanical table is given in Appendix B

that species. Still, confirming the overall lay out differences noted earlier there are

some differences between the four proposed types of house compounds particularly

the tree distribution around the grounds.

space in front of the entrance of the house and another around the well, which are

however often planted with one or two a shade giving fruit trees.

but the entrance is marked by an alley (A1), decorated with plants or an obviously

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133

planned planting composition around the entrance (A3). Visual perspectives “prospect”

and “status”are a priority there.

The Clan compound, usually the most ancient settlement among the types has

tall trees gathered in an orchard, or various species gathered in available areas around

the compound. habitations, or confined to a side garden as in the Lorong Haji Jamil

rather crowded compound (C4) of old Kuala Terengganu city.

The Farmer house compound such as in the prosperous farmer house of Belara

Selat (F4) has an area devoted to a Lansium domesticum orchard while the rest of the

compound has few trees. The farmer house compound has relatively less variety in

trees species (average 9 found earlier) on its ground compared to the size of the land as

the inhabitants own orchards and other plantations in land further away.

5. 5 Summary of Findings

In preparation for the next chapter which intend to establish a first

characterisation of the landscape as well as to proceed to a preliminary cultural

assessment, the diagram in Figure 5.18 summarizes the findings at this point.

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134

: Reference Data Collection Findings

Recapitulative Tables by element of landscape

Most frequent features

Flora Grounds Architecture Fauna

Tropical variety, homogeneity, richness in density, shapes .Trees abundance. Verticality.

Figure 5.17: Summary of Findings

Landscape for living in it, compliance to religious requirements, differences between socio-economic categories or “types” Organic: in materials, modular concept and climate adaptation; symbolic and heritage witness animals: domestic -free and caged-. wild and tamed . .

Field Observation

Particular features (some potentially idiosyncratic)

Peles barge end gable, tunjuk langit, wave stairs Siamese jars, gerai bersalin confinement platforms. Communal worshipping places (surau) within the compound grounds Social and religious significance of animals..

Ethnobotanical data

Relationship habitants/ Nature

Search for relative darkness and coolness (trees) Long established and new cultural influences in implantation of foreign species. Patterns in location and arrangement of species Uses wide ranging:: food, rites, decoration. Shade etc. Integration of wild species.

Map House compounds list, types and code Sketch plans

Field Observation

Compounds Lay Out and Space Articulation

Symbolic orientation, shifts residence/grounds Zoning in four areas Social role of space Variations according to socio economic categories or types.

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5. 6 Recapitulative Tables of the Features Inventory For reference, the inventory lists of features covering the four landscape elements

of the 16 house compounds are given below in Tables 5. 2 to 5. 4 . The most frequent

features are highlighted in grey. Comparative charts are available in Appendix B. As

the number of units is small and varies in each type, statistic analysis is not attempted

in this preliminary study.

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CHAPTER 6

EVALUATION

Introduction

This chapter presents an evaluation of the cultural significance of the selected

16 house compound landscapes in Terengganu. It is made through a in a preliminary

characterisation of the landscapes based on the findings reported in the precedent

chapter. The sample is then screened to the criteria for cultural value briefly

established from literature. The results are a preliminary positive assessment of

cultural value and an outline of the compounds inhabitant’s cultural priorities. These

results are submitted to empirical verification.

6.1 Characterisation

Recapitulating the findings in chapter five, some main characteristics or

attributes of the surveyed house compounds, tangible as well as intangible, may be

identified. They include the existence of (i) types, (ii) variety, (iii) symbiosis, (iv)

homogeneity and (v) ethical norms.

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i) Existence of Types

The validity of the heuristic typology found adequate for survey purposes

materialised on the field as differences between the proposed types emerged

progressively during the surveys.

a) Clues for Types identification

Borders between “types” may seem not strict. The inhabitants may share

activities and tastes beyond the social barriers. However, during interviews,

respondents explained variations or referred to family history and social rank so that

the heuristic landscape classification was still found appropriate.

Some compounds could appear almost to fit in two categories, such as the

prosperous farm in Belara Selat that boasts of a gate and carvings which are Aristocrat

or Clan features, yet the baluh padi granary, the handle barrels and the harvest baskets

point definitively to a farmer’s compound. In fact, during the survey, some features

have emerged as “clue” features for each type.

Figures 6.1 illustrate some of the features that have surfaced on site as clues

helping classify the house compounds.

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153

Resting/working platforms and benches (R3), (R2)

a) b)

Accessories for crafts (former songket weaving)(R5) and activities: Fried banana shop (R2)

c) d)

Figure 6.1 Clues for “Rakyat house compounds”

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154

Spacious front yard and grand entrance (A3) or alley (A1)

Wall (A2),.Tall & large structure, Serong (anjung) porch and tree in front of entrance (A2)

a) b)

Elaborated decorative elements capitals, colonnade, verandah with wood carvings (A3)

c) d)

Figure 6.2: Clues for “Aristocrat house compounds”

Note : Ground accessories such as lesong pounding devices for kerupuk or

padi have been found stored below the house of an aristocratic compound, but, as

explained one owner (Haji Ghani Mohamad in Losong , A3), in the past, these were

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155

used by hired servants The weaving made by ladies in the Kota Lama was mainly for

family members (Hajah Khatijah Nik, personal communication, 1991).

Gate (urban) or entrance framed by vegetation (rural).

a) b)

Linked buildings and common wells Center pieces: surau in C1

c) d)

Figure 6.1: Clues for Types Identification: “Clan” House Compounds

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156

Baluh padi (F1) Baluh padi (F3)

a) b)

Bakul for duku harvest (F3) Domestic animal in orchard (F3) Large veranda (F1)

c) d) e)

Figure 6.4 : Clues for “Farmer house compound”

b) “Portraits” of the four types of house compound landscape

With the data gathered (from features observed on site, individual

compounds sketch plans and tables of frequency,), it is possible to draft a visual and

conceptual “portrait-robot” or recapitulative model of each type of house compound,

with priorities, prominent feature(s) and particular lay out for each of them: These

models are presented in the Figures 6.5 to 6.8.

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Type: “Rakyat” Priority: Household activities

(5 examples)

• No “garden”, but grounds in

prolongation of the house, then

boundaries loosely indicated by

plant species.

• Lay out: Plants (trees, shrubs)

in a circle around the house, by

the entrance, on side spaces,

interspaced with ground

furniture signalling activities.

• Main Feature: pangkin platforms

(“gerai”).

Figure .6.5; Recapitulative portrait. Type: Rakyat house compound

Type: “Aristocrat” Priority; Status symbols

(3 examples)

Lay out: A group of roofs or one large residence on well swept ground

surrounded by a semi circle of tall trees.

There is usually a gate and a path

leading to the entrance of the residence.

Features: artistic decorative elements

Ex.: sobek carving

Figure 6.6: Recapitulative portrait. Type: Aristocrat house compound

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158

Type: “Clan heritage” Priority: Family Ties

(3 examples)

Lay out: a group of houses around a centre piece, a path,

a cluster of trees or a surau

.

Some houses are connected

An “enclosure feeling” (visible

or intangible boundaries)

Tall –old trees around the compound,

at entrance and exit.

Feature: “titian” passage between

habitations

Figure 6.7: recapitulative “portrait”. Type: Clan heritage house compound.

Type: “farmer” Priority: harvest, storage

(4 examples)

Lay out: a thin circle of trees

around a house standing on

clean floor with a rustic fence. .

Inside the compound, sheds of

various sizes for tools and harvest

storage and animals lodgings

Features: large veranda “lambur”

and baluh padi granary.

Figure 6.8: Recapitulative Portrait. Type: Farmer house compound

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159

(ii) Variety in Features

The abundance of natural features especially the flora, was expected. With a

total of 194 plant species recorded in the inventory tables for 16 compounds, the

sample amply confirms the reputation of botanical richness of the Terengganu region

Besides nature, culture has largely contributed to the variety in number of plant

species. The individual charts, illustrated in one example in Table 5.3, Chapter five,

have indicated under “geographical origins” of the plants species 54 foreign species

(introduced and exotic are found) on a total of 194 in the sample of 16 surveyed house

compounds. The species were acclimatised in the past for religious and ritual

purposes. They indicated inter ethnic knowledge transfers. For example, the bidara

jujube found in A1 belonging to Indian and Chinese Materia medica are planted in the

Terengganu compounds (A1) as well as ornamentals like Allamanda, cactus and roses

for decoration of the front garden.

The lists of ground features, based as usual in traditional rural settlements, on

supporting livelihood (“Survival component”), demonstrate eclectic resourcefulness

on the part of the inhabitants, especially in accessories such as ancient looms, jars,

pounding devices, floats, traps and ground structures like resting platforms, animal

lodgings and workshops.

Architectural variety is obvious also in the different styles of houses

encountered in the sample. Variety in materials, from brick walls with stucco

decoration to panels of jungle tree bark; in the range of expression of socio

economical status, from the juruselam (traditional diver) shelter by the sea side to the

row of carved palaces in the orchard cum fiefdom of Tukku Paloh upriver.

The variety in types of buildings reflects the history of the people. In the

sample, the main styles of Terengganu architecture berpeles (A2, C2), atap belanda

(C2) and lima bungkus (A2), have been seen, plus some variations such as the cross

roof version of the classic twin roof (R1), and the European influenced box window

(A1). Long decades of peace in the state had bred a race of dedicated craftsmen, able

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to interpret the wishes of the often well-travelled and wealthy house owners within

the traditional frame of their skills in wood working.

The variety of features within one compound or between the house compounds

is surprising for a traditional community. It reflects the importance of the historical

and technical components in the Terengganu culture. “Cosmopolitan” is not

mentioned as one of the 123 attributes of traditionality listed by anthropologists

(Rapoport, 2004). The formation of the Terengganu house compound landscape has

been constantly influenced by local economic developments and historical events,

such as the settlements of the last waves of the diaspora of the kingdom of Champa

and the arrival of British administrators and other foreigners bringing ideas and

techniques (Technosphere components). Meeting these circumstances was the

creativity and the current of energy that permeated the people of Terengganu at the

time the house were built and the gardens were planted.

(iii) Linkage or symbiotic relationships:

The fact, reported in numerous studies (Windsted, 1961, Mohd Taib, 1997),

that the Malay villager lives in symbiosis with his social and natural environment is

confirmed by the survey. The dynamic circle of organic closeness (“Biosphere”

components) that is “nature-inhabitants-houses-neighbours-community” is verified in

the lay out, cyclic paths of circulation and exchanges inside the surveyed compounds,

and between these and their environment.

The uniformity of main building orientation (16 occurrences) previously

mentioned means that the houses receive the sun light at the same hour of the day.

Life inside the houses and around the houses will be influenced by a similar rhythm

animated by a similar pattern of exposure to light and heat from the sun.

Permanence of communication between the inhabitants of a village is

expressed by a general openness of the space and the flimsiness or inexistence of

fences. Links with neighbours are illustrated by in the side entrances to the

compound, family relationships by connected houses. Even the “wall” of the Kota

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Lama (A2) is fitted with no less than six entrances. In the past, one titian bridge used

to cross over the wall (kota) from the kitchen area of the “Kota Lama” to the back of a

relative’s house

Another factor contributes to the lack of apparent boundaries: The cadastre was

introduced in 1919 (Muhamad Saleh, 1992). However, to prevent dispersion of the

family heritage, many lots remained undivided (no tarikah division) until today.

Interviews of the compounds inhabitants have confirmed that orally transmitted

wasiat wills are well respected and that erecting a fence on a land collectively owned

would be improper.

Social consensus is expressed as well in the thoughtful distinction of private

and public zones within the residential compound. Space is allotted for proper

welcome of relatives and neighbours in prevision of kenduri festivities or tahlil

communal prayer reciting. Community physical ties are materialised by exchanges of

“buah tangan”, presents of fruit from the compounds trees, home made cakes and

dishes.

The habitations are in continuity nature. During investigations, when the

inhabitants were in their house, or around, entrance doors of house were not closed, as

if letting the outdoors in. (The height of the stilts or a veranda at the top of the stair

providing ventilation and privacy). If they were gates, these were open.

Plant species from the compound or a neighbour’s or from the belukar are

brought inside the kitchen and the bathroom. During a survey in a house in Pulau

Ketam, herbs just collected from the surrounding bushes were spicing up a porridge

bubor lambak cooked on a wood fire. The fragrance of herbs, spices, medicinal and

cosmetic plants species often permeates the interior of a house.

A permanent movement is created in and out of the house. Curcuma leaves

taken from the back of the house flavour a coconut based gulai, the remains of which

are thrown away to the chicken together with tamarind seeds that will grow to be a

large tree providing shadow and attracting yellow orioles. Children dye their finger

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162

with a paste of henna leaves. The next day, orange stained bed sheets are bleached in

the sun. The water from the sink and the overhanging dish dryer flow in a rivulet at

the back of the house, irrigating a cortege of gingers, kesum (Poligonus hydropiper)

and pandan that will in turn be found in the plates of the inhabitants for their biting

taste or sweet smell... .

Inversely, accessories move from the house to the ground. Food may be

cooked on the ground on tripods (A3, R2). Furniture, when not in use, particularly the

confinement beds, is placed on the ground, illustrating of a spatial continuity, the

garden being a prolongation of the house. The green of the garden is visible from one

side to the other of the “open ground floor” of the houses on stilts. Compound and

house merge in the well ventilated areas below the house where residents rest or

work. From afar, the house may be seen as floating over the vegetation

Another expression of the relationship with nature is the family history written

as it were on the landscape on a vertical plane. As Nor Atiah observed in Perak, the

village house landscape can be read “in time”. Trees heights tell of the successive

generations that planted them. In the sample, ancient trees in house compounds in

Losong (A3) and Paloh (C3) show the various strata of vegetation, with the trees

planted by the ancestors composing an overpowering background. It is the visually

impressive presence of the past. For the visitor, the aging landscapes in untouched

villages make for a grandiose scenery evocating the ancientness of the places.

In the sample, the buildings are always lower than surrounding floral

background, a trait that is essential to the “cocoon atmosphere” of the house

compound, part of its psychological appeal. This was also noted as a characteristic by

Nor Attiah in Perak.

The prevalent “nature-smart” and symbiotic way of living in one’s

environment that is central to the vernacular architecture has been previously

enlightened as the features were found. These symbiotic features contribute to another

characteristic of the Terengganu landscape which is its homogeneity within the

diversity in each of the four elements of landscape.

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(iv) Homogeneity

With a pool of 24 frequently encountered plant species and a total of 54 trees

of which 11 species are very frequent, the floral element contributes because the

repetition of many of its features, to a general impression of similarity. The constant

lay out of the garden, the main roofs orientation, reinforce the image.

Apart from the similarity of floral features, the conceptual and structural

constants of the architectural element provide an enhanced feeling of harmony. The

structural basic concepts present throughout the sample reflect a culturally transmitted

skill to adapt to the climate, the material at hand, and the land physical features. That

skill puts the house compound landscapes in harmony with the environment as well as

it creates and impression of internal unity throughout the various styles of buildings

and beyond the socio-economic and period differences.

Uniform adaptation to the climatic environment is reflected in the high slopes

and large overhangs of the roofs, narrowness of windows and doors. Comfort

preoccupation integrated in the house design has however progressively and generally

been reduced with the introduction of new architectural styles after the Second World

War.

The slope of the roofs is dictated by the balek angin or “wind lift” limit. The

words comes probably from the time when the roofs were mostly covered with nipah

leaves that, if the roof inclination was too mild, would be pulled back by the wind,

exposing the interior of the building. The design of the thin Singhora tiles seems to be

copied after the leaves these tiles replaced. It imposes the same slope constraint of

inclination limit after which the roof will leak under the tropical rainfalls.

The houses are all built on stilts (16 occurrences), a characteristic that has been

shown functional from many aspects (safety, ventilation, protection from the floods

etc.) It is seen in quite a few countries inhabited by Malay peoples from the hills of

Madagascar and to the mountains of Vietnam, in area where floods are not to be

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164

feared. Apart from the visual uniformity, this links the Terengganu houses found in

the sample with the Malay world at large.

Another and essential source of harmony throughout the vernacular Terengganu

architecture is, whatever the style adopted, the traditional use of the human body as

measurement for buildings elements. The often respected rule was confirmed through

personal communication by house owners. This internal anthropomorphic feature has

positive effect even on foreign visitors who have expressed a sense of connection with

the (otherwise exotic for them) buildings.

(v) Ethical principles and tacit Rules

A review of the findings from the field investigation indicates that the

compounds landscape itself provides guidance for proper social behaviour to the

inhabitants and visitors as well as they express the community religious beliefs.

This was observed in the function of the flora elements recorded in the

ethnobotanical charts: Some trees would remind (didactic role) the inhabitants of the

stages of life: Bamboo (sembilu blade) and banana are associated with birth and

circumcision. A fruit tree is planted above the place where the placenta of a new born

child is buried. Henna is synonym with betrothal, is planted. The bidara (Zyzyphus

jujube) and the cotton tree accompany funerary rituals. Villagers would asks for the

seeds from a religious teacher’s garden (Dato’Purba from the Kota lama A2) to plant

them in their own garden to benefit from the pious aura (berkat).

It was reported that the “Syed” residences had always a jambu or a rambutan

tree planted in front of the façade or of the entrance of their house. Wealthy traders

houses like the one in the sample (A3) has the same feature, a jambu planted in front

of the porch from where the stairs climb to the house. The location suggests that it

was probably a protective feature, practical or symbolic.

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Similarly, a slab of stone or concrete at the foot of the stairs of the timber

houses has a double role as a stand to wash the feet and a precaution against buried

charms.

The deliberate absence of some normally easily grown particular trees is

significant of cultural taboo. The kerekup Flacourtia is banned from the proximity of

the house (the sprawling low branches obstruct “rezeki”earnings), or the fragrant

kemboja (Plumeria) associated with the flora of cemeteries are not seen inside the

compounds.

As observed, the omnipresence of water sources and rubbish fires on the

grounds correspond to the religious requirement of cleanliness. Ensure cleanliness of

the paths especially is considered as a good deed. Rakes and brooms are useful in the

gardens where domestic animals run freely around. The earth in the main areas of the

compound is devoid of turf or grasses to ensure efficient sweeping.

The lay out of the ground space, if not always its orientation, is similar to the

one of the house, and in continuity with it, confirming Raja Bahrin’s (1988)

descriptions and Nor Atiah’s (2003) in Perak . The ground space is marked with a

functional gender separation, the back garden with its dapur area entrance, for

cooking and other household private activities is the women domain, the front being

more for men .Occupations having changed, the gender separation is less functional

nowadays, however when a kenduri gathers crowds, the women would walk through

the side garden to head for the back entrance, so as to avoid crossing the assembly of

male visitors gathering in the front part of the house.

The gender separation is not absolute. Close relatives qualified as murhim may

move and mix independently of their gender, so that the gender-based separation rules

of circulation are blurred to the casual visitor.

The location of the entrances is not in alignment with the house entrance door

or stairs in any of the compounds. This has a double culturally significant role. First it

refers to the ancient Asian belief that ghosts, or bad spirit, follow a straight path and

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can’t take turns. Second, as seen particularly in A 1 (Seberang Takir) it reflects the

Muslim preoccupation of privacy particularly for the women inhabitants.

In the sample larger compounds (A1, A3), the residence main entrance is even

located at a distance from the compound main access or gate, restricting the view of

the interior. The “grand approach” perspective preserves privacy, adding to the effect

of the height of the buildings and the village houses lay out in quincunx.

The “proper” use of ground features and space organisation is further

illustrated for instance by the location of wells in three separate area according to the

group of users in Tukku Paloh’s compound.

Spatial organisation is designed to guide the inhabitants in their life and daily

routine, and visitors in their demeanour; so are ground accessories and plants species

which follow a general pattern of compliance to the tacit rules of the prevalent

culture. Space is vested with values. In holistic terms, the surveyed house compounds

are examples of spatial hierarchy.

To summarize, there are plant species linked to ceremonies or beliefs, religion-

conscious patterns of ground lay out and circulation and even some “protective”

devices. Parallel to the mystical and esoteric reading of the architecture of the house,

it is possible to say that an ethical or spiritual garden is hidden beyond the appearance

of a spontaneous and unsophisticated compound.

6.1.1 Characterisation Limits and Bearing

Identifying Terengganu landscape attributes or actual idiosyncratic features or

markers would be premature at this stage of research and is beyond the scope of the

study. An increase in sample numbers and comparisons would be necessary. Perhaps

at the present stage, clusters of features from a combination of landscape elements are

more “signaletic” of Terengganu than isolated individual features.

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Such examples of characteristic landscape obtainable at the present stage would

be: a gerai bersalin platform with sampan under a house on high stilts; a cengal

(Hopea odorata) towering in the background of a bujang berpeles roof, a jambu tree

over a high bench, by a well or offering its shade to monkey lodgings with, in the

background, a buah gutong decorating a Singhora tiled roof.

However, with the number of features and characteristics linked with the

inhabitants cultural background identified in the sample it is possible to assess the

cultural value of the house compounds that contains these features using the criteria

previously derived from the literature.

6.2 Cultural Value Assessment through Screening to Criteria

The criteria are understood in a straightforward manner. The quotations in

inverted coma below refer to the preferential parameters, taken from Nor Atiah’s

(2003) explanations of the Informational processing Model (Kaplan and Kaplan,

1982)

(i) “Coherence” means that the sites are not chaotic. They “represent a degree of

order”.

(ii) “Legibility” means that a visitor understands them. There is a “perceived

ability to find one’s way in the environment”

(iii) “Complexity” means that a certain degree of organisation exist but may not

be grasped at once. “It refers to the number of visual elements in a scene”

(iv) “Mystery” invites explorations; it is obvious in the dark ancient “clan

heritage” atmosphere and the elderly Tok Bidan house by the forest edge.

The other criteria, extracted from the theories reviewed in the literature

are self explanatory: “Relaxation” is considered as signalled on site by resting

platforms, “entertainment” by flower arrangement, swings, even children “tree-

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houses”, “benefit” means food, cosmetics, tools material etc. “Art” refers to actual

creative artistic work –not the usual good craftsmanship of house builders, “antiquity”

to at least three generations. “Events” and “persons” refer to those which are

indirectly or indirectly linked to the local or national history. The four “historical”

criteria refer to the US National Parks Registry criteria for conservation. They are

reproduced in Appendix A.

To be considered qualifying under a criteria, in this preliminary evaluation, a

house compound is only required to present one feature corresponding specifically to

the criteria. For example, the aristocratic compound in Kampung Batin has one bidara

or Zyziphus tree, and the Kota Lama one kapas or Gossipum tree, both used for

funeral rites, so the compounds receive each one mark in the “rite” category.

The preliminary cultural assessment of the sample series of 16 compounds,

with the priorities enlightened in grey, is shown in Table 6.1.

Table 6.1 Screening of the Sample of House Compounds to Criteria for Cultural

Value

"Types" Rakyat T Aristocrat T Clan T Farmer T T spleComponentHouse Compounds 1 2 3 4 5 5 1 2 3 3 1 2 3 4 4 1 2 3 4 4 16 CriteriaPerceptual &ExperientialCoherance 0 / / 2 / / 2 / 1 5 Noospherelegibiliy / / / 3 / / / 3 / / / 3 / / / 3 12 PsycheComplexity / / / / 4 / 1 / / / / 4 / / / 3 12Mystery 0 0 / / 2 / / 1 3Benefit / / / / / 5 / / / 3 / / / / 4 / / / / 4 16Entertainment / / / 3 / / / 3 / / 2 / / / 3 11 BiosphereRelaxation / / 2 / 1 / 1 / / 1 5 FunctionHolistic & BehaviouralSpace social role / / / / 1 / / 2 / / 3 / / / 2 8Beliefs / / / / / 5 / / / 3 / / / / 4 / / / / 4 16 NoosphereRites 0 / / 2 0 / 1 3 SymbolismStatus / / / 2 / / / 3 / / / / 4 / / / 3 13Activity / / / 3 / 1 / / / / 4 7HistoricalAntiquity / / / / / 5 / / / 3 / / / / 5 / / / / 3 16 Techno-Events 0 / / 2 / / / / 2 3 sphPersons 0 / / 2 / / / / 4 / / 2 8 State historyArt 0 / / 2 / / / 3 / / 2 7Information / / / 3 / / / 3 / / / / 4 / / / / 4 14

ere

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6.3. Results from the screening

The screening provides results on the general cultural value of the surveyed

compounds as well as it expresses the cultural priorities of the inhabitants.

6.3.1 Sample Cultural value and priorities

The landscapes may be considered as cultural. They answer to 17 criteria

corresponding to various approaches to the cultural landscape phenomenon.

According to the above table, the cultural values of most importance for the

inhabitants are: “beliefs”: 16, “benefit”: 16, “status”: 13 and “entertainment”: 11.

Other values are present, but are more important for national heritage supporters,

scholars from various disciplines or conservation professionals. These are:

“antiquity”: 16, “information”: 14, “complexity”: 12 and legibility: 12.

Three main cultural accents (highest figures in the landscapes emergent from

the range of fulfilled criteria: The landscapes are religious, functional and

documentary:

• The landscapes are “religious” (Beliefs: 16), meaning that they are educative and

normative.

• The inhabitants privilege “function” (Benefit: 16). Food is an apparent priority. In

reality, fruit trees and spices are not a permanent nor essential (staple) source of

alimentation. They correspond to a degree of diet sophistication on the part of the

inhabitants and to the custom of offering buah tangan literally “fruit of the hand”

to visitors on the compounds or while visiting other villagers. Companionship of

plants and animals maybe another reason for the presence of food, providing floral

or animal features (“Entertainment” criteria) .

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• The landscape are “documents”: (Antiquity: 16. information: 14) Some of the

surveyed house compounds warrant a cultural report or an action to preserve

and/or document them because of their historical or architectural value. The US

National Park Registry criteria apply to C3, C4 and A3. One should also note the

botanical value of species density, instant records or time capsule, the vertical

landscape or all enveloping vegetation not being something that can be captured

“at a glance”.

6.3.2 Summary of the results

Before further examination, Figure 6.9 summarizes the acquired results:

Characteristics: 1. Types 2. Variety 3. Symbiosis 4. Homogeneity 5. Ethical Norms

Screening to Cultural value criteria based on identification & characteristics

Synthesis identity

Result: Cultural value of the sample

Priorities: 1.Religion 2.Function 3.Document

Figure 6.9 : Research Results

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The following section present a discussion of the results, and to confirm them,

submit them to an empirical verification.

6. 3. 3 Discussion

Progress was achieved as a systematic approach of a dynamic and multifaceted

cultural phenomenon was made. However, to be valid, the obtained results should be

examined.

6.3.3.1 Validity and argumentative Scope of the Sample

Referring to premises mentioned in Chapter four (Methodology), the following

remarks are made, after the survey has been conducted:

(i) Traditional house compounds

The scope of validity of the study is applied to compounds that are

“traditional” in the sense that they were (i) established in a time where vernacular

traditions ruled and (ii) they still present a degree of “integrity*” reflecting the

vernacular traditions.

(ii) Participant researcher

It had been mentioned that, in matter of landscape appreciation by inhabitants

or researchers, especially from the cultural point of view, previous knowledge,

underlying philosophical or other interests may influence the conclusions. The

opportunistic quasi random sampling selection method was followed to keep in check

the subjectivity of the author as a “participant observer” who refrained to interfere

with the selection. Only travel and time opportunities determined the choice of house

compound.

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Features previously known by the author to be cultural features of the

vernacular landscape such as twin roofs (bumbung kembar) with a saluran air water

gutter in the middle or the medicinal patarwali (Tinospora crispa) were not

deliberately searched for and were not met in the field. The sample of 16 units is

small compared to the great variety of features in Terengganu. If the sample was less

random or larger, some of the “missing” features would probably be found.

(iii) Typology

Although the typology classification had proved useful and reflected the

reality, it is feasible to consider other descriptive approaches where there would be

other types based for example on the dates of first occupation or construction or, to

simplify only one type –with variations, of Terengganu village landscape.

There are two ways to correct and consolidate the findings (Babbie 1975)

These are:

(i) To resort to “inter-subjectivity” corroboration. It is hoped that other researchers as

well decide to continue the study in Terengganu. Their findings will be essential -

especially if a good measure of consensus is obtained. ii) To proceed to an empirical

verification by returning to the field and further comparing photographs of features

from the sites to the grid of components and criteria previously established in the

study.

6.4 Empirical verification

The “on site” empirical verification is based on the culture components as

deducted from the literature previously summarized in Figure1of Chapter 4

(Methodology). It is divided in two parts. First, Table 6.2 recapitulates the link

between the theoretical cultural components and the features observed in the house

compounds.

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Table 6.2: From cultural components to examples in surveyed house compound

Expression

Contribution to house compounds landscapes

Sources Some examples in the surveyed

Group of components or realm of reality

Number & identification of component

in the landscapes House

compounds

1. First settlements & Indianised civilisations

Cosmic awareness Land perception and interpretation

Roofs and entrances orientation colours significance

14/16 hse cpnds main orientation// sun &-->Islamic kiblat

Weatley Raja Bahrin Tajul Muluk Nor Affendi Yahya

Collective Psyche 2. World view

and beliefs Nature “inhabited” Symbols significance in art Religion & Revealed knowledge

Taboos Zoning for Islamic privacy Plant species preferences

16 cpds: zoning obvious, even if shifted. Bidara, Kapas in A1 and A2

3. Ethnic groups ways of life & accessories

Food & material processing tools Daily life accessories

Pounding devices (lesong), granaries

Baluh padi in F1,F2, F3. Sampan under houses. confinement beds

Massart, Cheng, Endicott, Lye Dunn, Burkill, Gimlette Unpublished thesis & Interviews

4. Natural environment Challenges & resources

Floods, monsoon, luxuriance and variety of vegetation and wild life

Stilts, titian walkways, pointed roofs, padi fields, orchards

16 house on stilts, fruits trees pre-eminence

“ & observation

Group survival

5. Practical knowledge & experience

Uses of the environment resources

Plant material for building, tools, food, medicine, etc..

Tebu gajah in front of F1 Bark in F4

“ & observation

6. Construction techniques & Principles, timber architecture

Style of buildings, villages, and towns layout

Particular shape of carved barge boards (mempeles)

2 full examples of rumah berpeles, 16 bendul, 14 buah gutong

Mohamad Yusof Halim, Lim, KALAM

7. Economic activities

Crafts, trading, agriculture and fishing

Sheds and platforms for work, rest and trade

“Clinics” in F1 and R5, mat making in R3

Clifford, Khoo Kay Kim

8. Social organisation

Status symbols, level of compound complexity

Walls, “sorong” gates.

Kota wall in A2, gates in C4 and A2.

“ & Shaharil

State history

9. Political & historical events

Settlement existence & location Foreign influence, new trends

Innovative architectural details & decoration

Complex & Sheppard, Muhamad Salleh wealthy residences

in A and C

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For the second part of the verification, the following Figures 6.9 to 6.12 show

photographs of features taken from the surveyed house compounds and refers these to

the corresponding particular cultural component (s).

Figure 6.9: In C3, components: 4 “natural environment challenges & resources “: orchard of rambutan and jambu; 9 “political & historical events”: described by British visitor in 1896.

Figure 6.10: F1, components: 5 “practical knowledge & experience”: medicinal Albizia (tebu gajah); 7 “economic activities”: bench for “clinic bekam*”.

Figure 6.11: A1, components 6 Figure 6.12: C1, components 6: buah gutong “construction and principles”: and 9: “Art nouveau” on posts and buah gutong and 9 “Political & windows. historical events & techniques”: Foreign influence: box windows.

(Figures 6. 9 to 6.12 : Pictures taken by author, 2004)

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Figure 6.13: C1, components 1& 2: Figure 6.14: F2, components 3 “nature “cosmic orientation” & “Islamic challenges”: granary and 4 culture”: morning façade “way of life”: Tamarindus receiving sun from the east. with decorative Platiceps.

Figure 6. 15: A3, components 2 “beliefs”: Eugenia in front of entrance and 8 “status” marked by elaborated porch and buildings.

Figure 6.16: F4, components 5 “Practical knowledge & experience”: bark for walls and 6, “construction principles”: buah gutong.

(Figures 6. 15 to 6. 16, pictures taken by author)

The objective of the research is obtained: The assumption that the studied

landscapes can be considered as cultural landscapes appears verified.

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This verification has practical and theoretical results and implications. Practical

results are those can be used directly in various disciplines such as landscape

architecture, architecture, conservation or history. The theoretical results are discussed

in chapter 7.

6. 5. Practical use of the Results

6.5.1 Conservation

First and foremost, a progress has been achieved in the study of these house

compounds: As the cultural significance of the sample was demonstrated, the first

stage in the Burra Charter “understand significance” of the landscapes has been

obtained. The second stage, “technical assessment” of some of the individual house

compounds, may begin.

The data gathered for the preliminary assessment of the sample may be used

for further classification as to the merits of individual compounds. Measures to be

taken toward the registration for preservation or documentation of some of the sites,

particularly those with historical and architectural value can be undertaken.

Second, a beginning of characterisation and identification of the Terengganu

house compound landscapes has been obtained. As landscape architecture

professionals have indicated previously, this could help provide a source of

inspiration for material features for modern Malaysian landscapes.

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6.5.2 Modern use of traditional accessories and plants species

Observation in new housing, magazines and literature (Ismail Said et al.,

2000) shows that modern uses of traditional features is now part of landscaping in

modern habitat building. Of the listed 82 ground features, jars, wooden walkways,

“pangkin” platforms and other features present in the sample have been seen used as

“garden furniture” from Kuala Lumpur to Kampong Batin in Terengganu. Perhaps the

interesting bangku (high benches) have not been re-used yet.

The most decorative plant species found in the sample have been used already

such as Asplenium nidus ferns, gingers and Jasminun.. Further inspiration may still be

found in the modest but useful belukar trees such as the medicinal and cosmetic

Lepisanthes, Glycosmis, Neo-litsea zeylanica , Justicia gandarussa, and the pretty

vegetable Sauropus androgynus. In the first bare years of the new modern gardens of

terrace housing, fast growing screening species such as the Morinda spp., Hibiscus

tilliaceus and Premna could be useful in the rather exposed (to public view) grounds

of the recent housing estates.

Landscape design may be inspired by the tri-dimensional or spheric landscape

obtained in the ancient compounds where the sky is framed by tree crowns.

To animate space, “sets” of function-related features can be reproduced even if

their functionality is no longer essential. One set would comprise of a ground feature

together with plants species and related accessories. For instance,

• “Well set”: well or water source, timba bucket on its stand, table, tree,

streamlet with titi timber walkway.

• “Gerai set”: resting platform, shade tree, pandanus or sedge mats, lidi

broom..

• “Stairs set”: jar, with ceduk, or kolah, fragrant shrubs, flower pots, water

source.

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To confer a regional identity to a garden, “signature clusters” may be, after

some research, carefully composed. From the sample, Terengganu could be

represented by a cluster including wood carvings or wave stairs, cengal planks

footwalk, Lansium domesticum, Zizyphus jujuba or Gnetom gnemon trees with

brown pinang jeruk or budu preserves jar or orange coloured water jar from Pattani

and perhaps a few wild species such as Clerodendron or a climbing Tetracera, some

batik cloth and fishing nets hammocks. The problem in the reconstitution is that space

may be lacking, forcing new arrangement and disrupting the spatial hierarchy of the

features observed in the study.

6.5.3 Re-use of ancient lay out and space organisation

Because of economic and spatial constraints, lay out and space organisation

features from the past are less reproduced. Yet some of them deserve continued

attention, especially those reflecting an adaptation to the climate, such as the stilts and

the orientation of the houses with less surface exposure to the sun. Construction on

stilts not only provides ventilation but also allows the house to be set above the level

of the circulation. Nowadays, the flood of motor vehicles replaces the water of ancient

times.

With the stilts come the elevated walkways, a feature seen in modern public

buildings where the importance of communication between departments is

recognised. It could be more used in private clusters of housings projects where -as

Terengganu inhabitants sometimes do- members of a family would buy in the same

housing estate to facilitate the continuation of their close relationship, food exchange

(especially during Ramadan), reciprocal assistance and safety.

The house compounds design with trees, water features, ventilation, high roofs

produces a cooling habitat/environment, a “microclimate” that create a sense of

privacy and protection as well as results in economy of expenses on energy. It is a

model often referred to for second (holiday) residences.

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6.5.4 Contribution to and collaboration with other disciplines

Through the wide spectrum of data collection necessary for their completion,

cultural landscape studies contribute as a source of information for other fields of

research in the context of interdisciplinary researches. Much of the history of

Terengganu is still to be documented and “provides excellent scope for research”

(Khoo 2002, 160). It is still possible to read it through its material remains contained

in the house compounds. During this study, interviews have yield witness memories

bringing new information and precisions on events sporadically reported in literature

or local traditions but the brink of being forgotten as expended below.

6.5.4.1 Historical value

Three of the house compounds answer in full to the National Park Registry

criteria D for historical preservation referring to “Places related to events, or persons

in history”. It also transpired through the interviews that quite a few of the compound

sites are connected to each other one way or another, illustrating the closeness of the

Terengganu society and the intercommunication between households.

The “Clan house compound” (C4) located in Lorong Haji Jamil – an area

earmarked for modern development of “kampong Tiong”- is often noted by visitors in

the capital for its gate with a roof decorated by two buah gutong, its carving on the

sorong porch balustrades and its rich garden with orchids climbing on an picturesque

Syzyphus aquae. It is part of the former clusters of bujang berpeles houses belonging

to Haji Awang Besar and his family: They still own a row of six shops in Jalan

Kampung Cina. Because of his close business ties with the Japanese, Haji Awang

was arrested and executed during Bintang Tiga short lived rule in Terengganu (Yusof,

1995).

Haji Awang beautiful “Nadja” was the last of the perahu pinis gober

traditional schooners with a carved prow. One of the successive nakhoda of the same

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boat was Haji Ibrahim, founder of the compound (C2) in Pulau Ketam. A present

inhabitant, Pak Majid, son of Haji Ibrahim, told how “Nadja” sank by accident in

Singapore in the fifties.

The Tokku Paluh “Clan house compound” (C3) is mentionned by Hugh

Cifford who visited the place during an expedition on the east Coast of Malaysia

in1895 in the pursuit of Dato’Bahaman and Tok Jangut.

“The saint lives secluded in the retirement of a shady-steeped village. He is

rich in flocks and herds, loves his fruit groves and his flowers...”.

(Clifford,1961)

Pak Man “Castro”, the owner of the house compound in Sungei Rengas (R5) is

the grand son of a trusted guard of Tukku Paluh and told stories of training with a

sword in Tokku’s compound.

In Pulau Duyung, the historical and architectural value of Dato’Biji Sura

walled compound has been officially recognised. After first researches on the place by

this author and Badan Warisan of Malaysia, it was partially reconstructed, based on

speculative drawings commissioned to the Department of Architecture of the

Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. One of the Dato’s grand-daughter married a grand-son

of Haji Yusof Kelang, founder of the “clan house compound” in Kuala Hiliran (C1).

6.5.4.2 Architectural Value

The style and building methods of the houses in the Terengganu compounds

(as well in Kelantan and in Kedah) are an example of a particular South East Asian

style of building with some affinities with Chinese timber architecture. However, they

have their particular interpretation of the decorative common elements (upward-lifted

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eaves, high roofs, rectangular buildings on high stilt etc.) and follow a Muslim way of

life whereas the other traditional buildings of the same type in the region (Laos,

Cambodia, Thailand Vietnam) are built mostly for Buddhist inhabitants, except in

Champa Muslim enclaves.

Besides the Hiliran clan, the Aristocrat house in A3 belonging to descendants

of the wealthy patron of music and architecture that was Haji Mat “Kaya “of Losong,

is also potentially worthy of preservation under the criteria of the National Park

Registry.

6.5.4.3 Anthropology and Ethnobotanics

Traditional medicine is no longer commonly practiced, yet three compounds

houses belonged to traditional healers, (i) a bekam practioner still in activity in

Padang Air, (ii) a midwife in Pasir Dule , and (iii) a masseur- herbalist in Sungei

Rengas. Knowledge and uses of plants species still leaves a mark on the landscape

that can be interpreted.

Plants species presence and cooking recipes may be useful as markers, for

instance to trace the paths of the Cham diaspora. It is said that the builder of the Kota

Lama compound was the first entrepreneur to plant commercially Lansium

domesticum orchards in the state. This may be related to the Datuk Biji Sura family

origins in Champa in present day Vietnam, which is the northern limit of the species

much prized by the Chinese (Burkill, 1958) The ulam greens seen in the sample

(also recorded by Laderman (1978) in Marang, Terengganu) enter into salad dishes

prepared in the North eastern regions of Pattani and Vietnam.

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6.5.4.4 Botanical documentation and history

The “aging” landscapes of Terengganu are a living record of the growth and

vigour of some traditional centenarian species: The Syzygiun aquea (jambu) normally

known as small tree, reaches surprising heights and covers the floor of a large area

with its fluffy white flowers while the fruit remain delectable. Family members recall

how and why their ancestor planted the species and sometimes even from where they

collected them. They explain as well how relatives gave them the plant, thus

spreading the species. The ethno-botanical value of these house compounds

“cosmopolitan” landscapes may be exploited for better knowledge of the plant species

and of their propagation.

6.5.4.5 Sociology:

The study confirmed that social status and beliefs were “written” in the fabric

of the residences. Further studies and interviews on material features of ancient

habitat may help understand better a society based on hierarchy, community, pride

and religion. Sociologists may observe that for socio-economical reasons, the same

society could now be redirected towards individualism, hedonism and secularism

through a new habitat ruled by these principles.

. These considerations bring to the chapter seven where the more theoretical

results and implications of the findings are further considered.

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CHAPTER 7

PERSPECTIVES AND CONCLUSION

“We shape ourselves by decisions which shape our environment”

Rene Dubos (1969)

The positive assessment of cultural value deducted in the preceding chapters

has theoretical implications and consequences. This chapter proposes the

generalisation of the results to other house compounds in Terengganu, points out the

contributions of the study in methodological approach and conceptualisation of the

studied landscape and finally suggests directions for future use of these results.

7.1 Generalisation:

One of the most beneficial results of this study for Terengganu is that an

extrapolation of the findings of this study to other house compounds in Terengganu is

possible. House compounds presenting the same features in similar quality and

quantity may be considered worthy of the same assessment of potential cultural value.

Further case studies would be justified. Some examples are shown in the pictures in

Figures 7.1 to 7.8.

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Figure 7.1: component 9 Figure 7.2: component 3 “Way of life”: “History”: Jar from Pattani, open“fence”. (P.Ketam), sailingTrade. (P.Ketam)

Figure 7.3: component 3: Figure 7.4: components1&2: cosmic jar & bottom of stairs orientation & Islamic culture; slab. (Merang). Component 6 : architecture (mempeles); Component 3: gerai bersalin on the right. (Kuala Terengganu). Figures 7.1 to7.4 : (pictures by author, 2005)

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Figure 7.5: component 3, way of life: Figure 7.6: component 4, nature challenges: gerai platform under a kapok tree and component 3, way of life: batik& curtain of palms (P.Duyung) pelikat clothes line (Kampung Bahri)

Figure 7.7: Component 3, Figure 7. 8: component 6, architecture: Way of life: gerai (Kpg Batin) “wave stairs” (Kuala Hiliran) Figures 7. 5 to 7.8: (Pictures taken by author 2005) 7. 2 Contribution of the Study

Progress was achieved as a systematic approach of a dynamic and multifaceted

cultural phenomenon was made. The study contributes to cultural landscape

theorisation in two directions, methodology and landscape conceptualisation.

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7.2.1 Investigation Method and further Research

As an investigative approach, the research procedure has been tailored on the

subject studied as it was evolving with the findings. It may be of use in similar

circumstances where vernacular environments have to be assessed for cultural value

while their particular identity still needs to be substantiated and conceptualised.

The study of cultural significance was based on multidisciplinary information..

Because of this holistic approach, large amounts of data were gathered and check

lists, tables and charts were designed to enable the extraction of the culturally

significant features.

The selection of types of house compound and the identification of

characteristics (types, variety, symbiosis, homogeneity and ethical norms.) sprang on

the field from the features themselves as they were catalogued in relation to the

cultural significance they were found to encapsulate (from literature and interviews).

The process remained based on the research sequence: (i) Acquisition of

knowledge on the vernacular cultural background (ii) Field inventory of features and

qualitative and quantitative Analysis and (iii) Screening to scientific/academic

criteria.

When data from qualitative or observation surveys were conclusive enough,

further elicitation from collected quantitative data was not sought.

Ideally, a multidisciplinary study should be conducted through the

collaboration of a team of researchers with various backgrounds. The trend,

broadening the effectiveness of the specialisation of the past decades, is now growing.

The research remained preliminary. In the case of Terengganu, further in depth

investigation on the individual compounds in view of a registration for their historical

or architectural value can begin from there. More inventories and cultural

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investigation of each of the landscape elements, -flora, architecture, ground

accessories and fauna in specific geographical areas would help substantiate the

vernacular paradigms of man-nature cohabitation in the state.

It is agreed with Nor Atiah (2003) that the case study method is not the only

one that should be pursued in the future. From the base of field inventories, it is

possible to conduct more general or thematic studies using the newly found

parameters in Terengganu, focusing on the different elements of the landscapes or on

function of the plants, or their origin, on the architectural characters, on space

hierarchy and others.

7.2.2 Brief Reference to other Studies

..

Comparative studies could be done as well between the various regions of

Malaysia. Field differences would be significant of various cultural identities. For

instance, “Coherence” was leading the experiential factors in Nor Atiah (2003)’s

analysis in Perak whereas “complexity” and “legibility” were found more frequently

in the Terengganu sample.

The difference in complexity between the rural Perak agricultural

communities and the Terengganu eclectic society is due probably in part to the fact

that in the agriculture based villages of the western state, inhabitants go to work in the

field outside of their house compound. This results in uncluttered grounds, decorated

with plants in pots. Nor Atiah (2003) was also considering only the floral element of

the landscapes

In the sample from Terengganu, the ground and the kolong space under the

house are filled with signs of present or past activity, transforming a visit in the

compound into an exploration of an active way of life. The functions of the grounds

are different, so is their appearance.

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One common finding that has been obtained in Perak and in Terengganu is

the cosmopolitan aspect surprising for traditional communities, of the landscapes. It is

due to the interest of the inhabitants for experimenting in gardening (Nor Atiah, 2003)

denoting an open-mindedness as well to the location of the Malay peninsula at a cross

road between oceans and continents.

Another feature that appears to be common to ancient Malaysian villages

landscapes is the possibility to “decipher” them beyond the appearances, a fact that

denotes places with cultural background. Researchers in Malaysia today in the process

of identifying the features of the Malay villages landscape, record cultural meaning of

plants species and ground accessories in villages over the country (Abdullah Sani,

personal communication). They find out that, although neither Balinese Hinduism nor

Fen Shui designed, the features found in Malay gardens do demonstrate a spiritual as

well as a functional role.

There may be differences of interpretations between the inhabitants and a

relative outsider such as the author. Haji Mohamad Yusof Abdullah, director of the

Terengganu State Museum is from Pulau Duyung/Pulau Ketam (where 3 compounds

are surveyed). His thesis on the Terengganu house shows how the houses and their

gardens are functional (Mohamad Yusof 1990). Mohamad Yusof warned the author of

the risk of over-emphasising cultural significance over straightforward functional

value. However, for him, “functional” applied to a Malay residence includes “adapted

to the requirements of Islam”. Furthermore, cultivating a sense of beauty is part of the

Islamic way of living. He concluded by saying: “the traditional Terengganu house

compounds are equally useful and beautiful”, which for him, means quite Islamic and

functional (Mohamad Yusof, personal communication). That renders the compounds

normative and cultural as much as functional for the author.

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7.2.3 Theoretical Aspects of the traditional Terengganu Landscapes

The field investigations in the house compounds in Terengganu and the

following interpretation, although not exhaustive, has already allowed to elicit a few

of the principles and concepts underlying the landscapes toward their more esoteric or

tacit aspects.

7.2.3.1 Beginning of a Conceptualisation

The five cultural characteristics that have been identified are connected to

concepts and ideas. (i) ‘types” refers to the concept of social organisation, (ii)

“variety” refers to material features, but includes individual psychological versatility

and antiquity which involve to a notion of time; (iii) “homogeneity” refers to the

concept of cultural consensus - “architectural harmony” in homogeneity refers partly

to material features and partly to the concept of structural principles-; (iv)“symbiosis”

refers to a way of living concept and to a long nurtured world view, and (v) “ethical

norms” refers to beliefs. All of this point towards an underlying philosophy.

Perhaps the most original finding made in the Terengganu sample is the

emphasis on the normative and didactic character of the considered landscapes.

According to Rapoport (2004), religious and or normative contents are a characteristic

associated with traditional cultures. However, in the case of Terengganu house

compounds, the inbuilt didactic features had not been previously specifically pointed

out. The fact that space in the compounds is vested with significance and value is

experienced in daily life, even taken for granted by the inhabitants, but not often

recorded. The positioning of the well on the left side of the back garden explained in

chapter five, is an excellent example.

Through the centuries, features -often functional, symbolic and aesthetic at the

same time- have accumulated overlapping semantic layers. A number of these

features are noted in the sample of sixteen house compounds such as: the omnipresent

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and enigmatic buah gutong, rites-associated species like the henna tree, “travelling”

fruit and spices, Asplenium nidus (now loosing its magic connotations), the uniform

zoning as well as the location of house stairs and compound access and the practice

of sweeping carefully paths, entrances and halaman front courtyard.

These features refer to various realms of reality as well as to layers of

individual and collective levels of consciousness of a people. In terms of holistic

ecology or Total Human Ecology analysis, the interpreted features signal an all-

encompassing “supersystem” (Naveh 2000) within which move the lives of the

villagers. To the eyes of the villagers, the layers of significance embedded in the

features are little noticed while the normative aspect is not felt. They are merely tales

of sometimes past ways of life (albeit fondly remembered as noted during the

interviews). To the historian, anthropologist and sociologist, the meanings embodied

in the compound landscapes are an irreplaceable source of knowledge. To the author,

the cultural values found there do not only indicate a sense of “place and time” but

also, literally, a sense of moral direction.

7. 2.3.2 Role of Cultural Conceptualisation in planning built Environments

(i) Biodiversity

Beyond the re-use of traditional accessories and species, the surveyed house

compound point to a different option in design: Native species from the area were left

to grow and were used in the villages. Today, when planning a landscape, it would be

beneficial to the ecology to include the preoccupation of restoring original species, to,

for example, the pre-palm oil natural floral composition.. Wherever original botanical

patches remain, newly planned estates could connect their environment to local nature

features by planting or preserving the native species. The fauna too, would thrive

again, contributing to the survival of wildlife species.

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(ii) Global Trends Awareness

Today, reproduction and introduction in modern settings of traditional

landscape features for their decorative and entertainment value is a fashionable trend

(so, perhaps ephemeral). It is also, for the inhabitants, a symbol of fidelity towards

their heritage (Ismail et al, 2000).

However, understanding the heritage at the conceptual level of the landscape is

less frequent although it is essential in addressing modern paradigms in man’s habitat

and natural environment management in a co-evolutionary perspective (Marcucci

2000).

By recognising the ancient patterns and principles as has been attempted in this

work, more awareness of the principles behind the new material global features -

which are similarly didactic and carry rules and implicit values such as, for example,

secularity, a notion previously alien to the Malay villagers- may be created.

Once awareness of the dynamic multilevel pattern of a vernacular Malay

ecologic system is created, it will easier to identify the multiple levels of interventions

from other super-systems.

That ethnic diversity re-surfaces in terrace housing (Ismail et al. 2000) is a sign

that culture is not obliterated by globalisation. Yet, will the study find the same results

in the second or third generation?

7. 3 Recommendation: Urgency of Documentation

Built environments were a most stable form of material support for a culture.

Now these material supports like the Terengganu house compounds are considered as

obsolete. They are erased even before they are recorded.

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It has been found that some of the residences described technical records

such as those kept for example at the Faculty of Built Environment of the Universiti

Teknologi Malaysia (KALAM) have disappeared: Dato’Biji Sura’s stately house in

Tanjung in Kuala Terengganu and half of Tukku Paloh’s have been demolished.

“Wan Su’s house” in Pulau Duyung has been half sold away and half modernised.

Just recently in May 2006), wishing to confirm the identity of some species of trees

in the ancient orchard of Tukku Paloh, the author found only the freshly cut stumps

and the compound divided.

This evolution makes documentation of what remains the more urgent.

Recording of the philosophy of life behind these landscapes can be undertaken from

surveys conducted in villages still preserving some significant features.

Whatever happens to the actual “traditional house compounds” in Terengganu

and Malaysia, with suitable documentation, a people’s life experience and the

principles embodied in the vernacular landscapes can be remembered and be used in

designing environments relevant to the places and to the people. As mentioned at the

beginning of this thesis, the evolution towards disappearance is fast and global;

however Rapoport (2004) declares::

“Traditional environments, considered globally,[…] provide a “laboratory “ as it

were, a repository of a great deal of knowledge from which one could learn very

important, possibly essential lessons. It is, therefore, essential not to loose this

“cultural gene pool” and lessons it can provide through research. […]“In this way, it

may be well possible to reconcile globalization with the variability of local cultural

landscapes, with all the advantages this implies”. .

Rapoport (2004, 11)

Conclusion

The study was started out of regret for the increasing disappearance of the

architectural and botanical features of the Terengganu village landscapes. It was

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found during the study that the surveyed landscapes were the results of a singular

historical context, including the fact that the State of Terengganu had enjoyed a long

period of prosperity and artistic creativity.

A field inventory has elicited a wealth of features in the four elements of the

house compounds landscapes. Five characteristics have been identified in this

preliminary survey: existence of types, variety, symbiosis, homogeneity and ethical

norms. The sixteen surveyed compounds were found to be “cultural” as they

answered to 17 criteria for cultural value derived from numerous academic

perspectives. They are, in priority, functional and religiously compliant for the

inhabitants and of documentary value for scholars.

Perhaps, because of their strong and cohesive cultural roots, the village

residential units have been able to outlast the context that gave birth to them.

Today the house compounds are confronted in abstract with the forces of

globalisation and in practice with the rarity and the costs of timber and land. They

face a “disorganisation” (Naveh 2000) brought about by the energetic omnipresence

of combustible fuel-powered present day “technosphere”. Despite the nostalgia, many

of the features from the past vernacular landscape found in the study may not be

reproduced as such in the modern world context.

However, in a holistic ecology perspective, the principles embodied in the

disappearing landscapes such as those elicited from this study in Terengganu are far

from obsolete. On the contrary, symbiosis with nature and neighbours, appreciation of

species diversity, breeding of wild and domestic animals and understanding their

personality, advantages of visual harmony in a region, pooling of traditional

knowledge, space organisation conducive to desired behaviour, are all part of

ecological global survival.

Learning from the past as has been done in this work may help imagining

designs that take into account the tacit principles behind the vernacular landscapes at

least as much as they re-cycle their material features. What is now mostly academic

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record, symbolic decoration in modern houses or promises of convivial social life in

gated communities, may then become part of truly landscaping the future.

There were two sets of objectives for this thesis; one, scientific, was to

demonstrate the cultural value of the traditional Terengganu house compounds and at

the same time, showing the relationship between a landscape and a cultural

background. Those objectives were obtained.

The other set of objectives were related to the theoretical and ethical

significance of the thesis. The first objective was to contribute to more awareness of

the consequences of the loss of the features of a culture; the second was to provide a

platform for some form of action to retain the identified heritage. Pursuing these

objectives, as is done in part in this work, still remain a good challenge.

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APPENDICES

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APPENDIX A

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APPENDIX B

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Field survey check list Proposed category: “Rakyat house compound” (R3)

Pulau Ketam, Kuala Terengganu

South view with pandanus weaving shed Location

Main resident usual Name: “Che Da Wan Teh” FeaturesThe compound

- neighbourhood … next to Pulau Duyung, tucked between a “clan compound “,other houses close by and an overgrown Lansium domesticum orchard. - general setting atmosphere orientation…an attractive sight from the south side access, a few buildings in a clearing. - boundaries & gates …none but the paths, in front & on the northern sidesome wooden posts and a chainlinked fence from neighbours. - size (1 ekar = 7 lots) @ ¼ ekar. - access……from three sides by footpaths. - proportion flora and built elements within the compound ………………………… - one house with a garden … a house with utilitarian area around………………… - group sharing a delimited ground or a……………………………………………… - house with ancillary buildings in a compound,……………………………………… The buildings: - style of the main building… former twin roofs, original tile replaced by asbestos cover, with additions and concrete bathroom; vertical planking. - orientation of “rumah ibu”main roof…”kiblat”. - proportions roofs, walls, stilts……4’/8’/5’. - length, width…… 35 x 17steps. - number of roofs…2 + extentions. - materials and colours …painted timber, mix colours asbestos and grey and white plastered concrete. - number of buildings attached: 1, the kichen area. - transition areas …1, pelantar corridor. - verandahs …1 “lambur, at the top of main entrance stairs. - stairs and entrances…2, main and kitchen area. - kitchen overhanging drying rack, double roof. - windows : shutters, glass, shapes and colours… - status signals: verandah, balconies, fences and gates, carvings and kumai……… - ancillary buildings …simple wooden working shed for pandanus weaving, rows of chicken huts on stilts - contents of the space below the house: chicken compartment and storage Field Survey check list and sketches, R3 Pulau Ketam

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The grounds - category: courtyard garden, plantation …open compound. - lay out, various parts…. south and west gardens are more in use than the two other zones. (recent changes in availability of space). - well, drains, , kolah concrete basin… - soil & floor …turf and earth. - communal bathroon around a well …………………………… - toilets hut………… - outdoors indicators of activity…low sitting stool, fire places wire Well, “timba” pail, firewood mesh tempora y cages kitchen herbs cloth lines with batiq, baskets, flat baskets for dry fish, coconut dehusker pounding devices for rice and fish. - garden furniture: resting bed, bench, swing, hammok - movable accessories cooking tripod, wheel barrel, brooms , traps etc. Flora (see individual compound ethnobotanical check list) - plants organisation (systematic or not, harmony, symmetry or not) little. - planted species in pot:…………………………………… - on the ground list………………………………………… - wild species quite a few and weeds. - function of the plants (apparent & inhabitants knowledge) decorative (deliberate gardening and horticulture)………… food. ………………………………………………………… medicine & cosmetic ……………………………… boundary marker ……………………………… . accent: entrance, center……………………… shade.. not deliberate, yet appreciated. religion & rites…………………………………………………… others (game, seat, building and tools material). - habit: trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs, palms…………… - colours, foliage branching trunks flowers and fruit……………… - seasonal variations fruiting seasons Mangifera indica first in the year. Pbroom

reparing a lidi

Fauna - domestic: peacock, turkey, geese, pigeons and doves or (social markers!) goats, monkeys, moscovi ducks, chicken, roosters, cats. - wild animals: birds, foxes, mice, otters, monitor lizard; related to the species of trees and foodstuff attraction. Interviews - permissions: to take photos, make sketches and measurements .given.

- date of construction and shifts ..parts of the house date back to @1900. - identity of inhabitants (those who lived the compound).

ethnic/geographic origins, religion… Pattani & Champa,Muslim. social status/occupation ..grand father coconut climber, specialist of “nira”palm drink, allowed to reside on the orchard probably in exchange of looking after the trees. The owner’s husband, a fisherman, part owner of a trawler died a few years ago. Wan Teh, 61, now a diabetic widow, continues her trade of weaving pandanus bags

for the market in Kuala Terengganu. Her children visit her quite often. - use of the plants as reported by the respondant…”When I broke my wrist and could not work, I used “pokok terajang” ( Lepisantes rubiginosus) the one you see here” She collects the herbs noticed in the firewood kitchen for “sayur air” -a vegetable dish. Results - documentation for grounds and garden design, architecture, history, sociology, ethnobotanics, culture. - conclusion: type as deemed? Yes.. - particular lessons from the consaiidered compound; characteristics and attributes for that type? For Terengganu, in general? Field Survey check list and sketches, R3, continued

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Notes: The absence of fence, besides symbiotoc openness, may also be due to the lack of formal rights on the land, as here, it has been put long ago to the disposal of the occupant by the owners family in exchange for labour .Because of lack of space, the usual lay out is disturbed. Yet the remnant parts are in accordance with the attributed type. The grounds and the house may seem a bit derelict; still, the house is large and play its role; so does the “garden”:(“empty space for the grand children to play”) The family comes back to it. The ancient roots of the compound help. About the combat cocks: “not so many now as people don’t buy them during the fasting month.” Characteristics: “rakyat”: some vertical planking, boundaries informal, activities on the grounds immediately around the house.“ Terengganu” : Kiblat, stilts, roosters breeding (tradition related to sailing “/perahu besar” the animals were coming from from Thailand and Kelantan) Lansium domesticum, high bench, pandanus (mengkuang) craft.

Records - 1 Pictures: Façade elevation ; Side elevation; Details - 2 sketch plan of the general lay out: buildings and flora

Sketch Plan:“Rakyat House Compound” R3

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Sketch Plan:“Rakyat House Compound” R3

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Field survey check list

Proposed category: “Aristocrat house compound” Pulau Duyung Kecil, Kuala Terengganu

North view Location: Pulau Duyung Kecil Kuala Terengganu Main resident(s) usual Name: Dato’Biji Sura & Dato Purba. : FeaturesThe compound - neighbourhood … Island of Duyung, in the estuary of the Terengganu River. Formerly religious teachers, gbovernment officials, sailors and boat builders residential area. - general setting atmosphere orientation; now a museum lone witness to obsolescent past. - boundaries ..on 3/5 of the perimeter, marked by brick and stucco wall. - size (1 ekar = 7 lots) @ 6 lots. - access…2 main gates , 2 secondary arched doors, and 3 more entrances on the southern side. - one house with a garden or……………………………… - group sharing a delimited ground or a…………………………… - house with ancillary buildings in a compound. - proportion flora and built elements within the compound on 10…flora:2, built : 8. The buildings: - style of the main building 2 “lima bungkus”, 1 “bujang berpeles” with a columnade and a porch. - orientation of “rumah ibu”: kiblat - proportions roofs, walls, stilts…@ 8’/9’/7’. - length, width, …………………………………………………………… - number of roofs,……nine + extensions. - materials and colours, …timber cengal, tiles Sighora, cly bricks, stucco plaster, blue, yellow, orange and black pigments (porch arches). - number of buildings linked .. formerly two within the compounds + one over the south wall. - transition areas… pelantar corridors, colonnades. - verandahs …running around most of the buildings. Columns capitals under verandah

- stairs and entrances,…1 main stair case (internal), 2 in domestic areas, 2 on south building. - windows : shutters movable timber louvers, glass, shapes and colours. - ancillary buildings bathroom with well up to first floor.

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- movable accessories…………………… - contents of the space below the house .. rice and other storage. - kitchen drying rack double roof…not recorded. - status signals: verandah, balconies, fences and gates, carvings and others “kumai” and “sobek”……… The grounds - category: courtyard garden, plantation…courtyard with gardens at the back. - lay out, various parts…. shift in orientation of the ground/house, yet clear zones: men officials/ women common visitors. - hard features…kolah ablutions basins(2) visitors bathroom. - soil….swept sand and grass., - well (2), drains ..2 one for waste waters, one for rain/floods around the wall. - communal bathroon around a well… visitors facilities on eastern side. - toilets hut . - outdoors indicators of activity…. (cloth lines with batiq, lesong,,baskets, platforms for dry fish, coconut dehusker, pounding devices.) - garden furniture: resting beds and benches… - special cages for chicken and roosters… Flora (see individual compounds check lists) - plants organisation (systematic or not, harmony, symetry or not)… - planted species in pots … in wooden boxes : Jasminum and Gardenia. - on the ground list…… - wild species… none reported. - function of the plants (apparent & inhabitants knowledge)… vegetable and spices. decorative (deliberate gardening and horticulture)…entrance porch ornament. food… small fruit trees medicine & cosmetic … boundary marker … accent: entrance, center…Baringtonia in front of “sorong” porch. shade……………………………………………………………… religion & rites…gossipum braziliensis. Bathroom and Datura sp others (game, seat, building and tools material)……… - habit: trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs, palms…… - colours, foliage branching trunks flowers and fruit…… - seasonal variations…………………………………………………… Fauna - domestic: peacock, turkey, geese, pigeons and doves or goats, monkeys, Moscovi ducks (social markers!) - wild : more related to the species of trees and foodstuff attraction …………… Interviews - respondants ….(1991) formers residents of the “Kota” relatives & neightbours(2005).. - permissions: to take photos, make sketches and measurements …free entrance, warden. - date of construction and shifts …first house @ 1850, others @ 1910, wall 1919-1920 - identity of inhabitants (those who lived the compound)…Dato’Biji Sura, Toh Puan Aisha & Dato’ Purba ethnic/geographic origins, religion …Champa & Pattani, Muslims. social status/occupation ..judge & daughter, ulama, nakhoda (sons in law) - use of the plants as reported by the informant…vegetables & medicine………………………… - use of accessories…………………………………………… Results: - grounds and garden design, architecture, history, sociology, family history… - conclusion: type as deemed? Could be a clan as other buildings were linked to it; a few generations lived sometimes in it. Yet altogether, one vast structure, the work and the inspiration of one man –helped by Chinese brick and stucco artists and Malay wood carvers. Characteristics: status marked by balconies, decoration and rules of circulation on the ground as well as in the house according to rank, gender and fonction. - particular lessons from the considered compound;What can we deduce as attributes for that type? For Terengganu, in general?

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Records1 Pictures: Façade elevation, Side elevation Details. 2 sketch plan of the general lay out: buildings and flora

Sketch Plan, Aristocrat House compound A2 Field Surveys Check Lists and Sketch Plans, A2, end.

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Field survey check list and Plan Sketch

Proposed category: “Farmer house Compound”F2.

South view Location Main resident usual Name: Haji Yusof Bukit Cempaka

Features The compound

- neighbourhood low density village of country compounds with old/tall fruit trees - general setting atmosphere orientation…compound faces north but official entrance on the east side. - boundaries …corners marked by coconut trees, vegetal fences with wooden or solid branch “gates”. - size (1 ekar = 7 lots)…1 ekar. - access…(2) by a bitumen small road(east) or through a relative land by the south entrance. - one house with a garden or…………………………………………………………… - group sharing a delimited ground or a……………………………………………… - house with ancillary buildings in a compound,…and a relative house on the north side. - proportion flora and built elements within the compound on 10: 5 and 5. The buildings: - style of the main building …twin cantilevered roofs … - orientation of “rumah ibu”…”Kiblat”………… - proportions roofs, walls, stilts………………… - length, width, ……………………………… - number of roofs,……… - materials and colours, ……………………… - number of buildings attached …………………………………… - transition areas, ……………………………………………… - verandahs a large one (lambur)on the south side - stairs and entrances,……………………………………………… - windows : shutters, glass, shapes and colours…………………… - contents of the space below the house …Fertiliser bags - kitchen drying rack jack roof……… - status signals: verandah, balconies, fences and gates, carvings The grounds - category: courtyard garden, plantation…farmer homestead - hard features…. Well. Buying tamarind seeds - soil clean grey sand.

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- lay out, various parts .,well delimited compound coconuts and edges Field Surveys Check Lists and Sketch Plans, Farmer, F2 - fire places for fallen leavess. - drains ..slab and water jar for feet washing at the bottom of the stairs. - communal bathroon around a well…still in use, with table. - toilets hut… a zinc enclosure in near the well. - ancillary buildings …numerous sheds, for tools, animals and storage, two granaries. - outdoors indicators of activity………………………………………… (cloth lines with batiq, baskets, platform for drying food, coconut dehusker, pounding devices. - garden furniture: resting beds and benches. - special floor cages for chicken and roosters. - movable structures… climbing vegetable supports, monkeys and chicken“appartments”, Flora (see individual compounds check lists) - plants organisation (systematic or not, harmony, symetry or not)…………………… - planted species in pot:list… 3 plant “nurseries”…vegetables and ornamental.s - on the ground list…decorative and medicinal species (ixora, jatropha) - wild species… - function of the plants (apparent & inhabitants knowledge) decorative (deliberate gardening and horticulture)……… food. ……………………………………………………… medicine & cosmetic ………………………………… boundary marker …………………………………………. accent: entrance, center…………………………………… shade…………………………………………………… religion & rites……………………………………… others (games, seat, building and tools material)………… - habit: trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs, palms……… - colours, foliage branching trunks flowers and fruit……… - seasonal variations… Fauna - domestic:, ch icken, roosters, cats, geese, pigeons and doves or (social markers!) goats, monkey, moscovi ducks, peacock, turkey. Well, table, in use - wild animals: birds, foxes, mice, otters, monitor lizards; related to the species of trees and food attraction. .Interviews - permissions: to take photos, make sketches and measurements .given.

- date of construction and shifts ..parts of the house date back to @1900. - identity of inhabitants (those who lived the compound).

ethnic/geographic origins, religion… Malay Muslim., social status/occupation …aged 85, Haji Yusof is a land owner and wealthy farmer. - use of the plants as reported by the informant just supplementary to main activity. Results: - documentation for grounds and garden design, architecture, history, sociology, ethnobotanics, culture. - conclusion: type as deemed? Yes, revenue source is the orchards, rice fields and vegetable gardens located in the country and the hills in the area. The owne’sr children look after the gardens and the fields ,the monkey ,the old tools shed and the grand father’s bicycle. For the Festival of “Raya Enam”.a bamboo with wicks is alighted at the entrance of the compound. Two of the former three granaries are still standing. Haji Yusof used to be a “bomoh gasing”a top spinning specialist. People gathered for the night before the contests in his house and a white cock was slaughtered… - particular lessons from the considered compound; characteristics and attributes for that type? The large veranda, with two levels, is for harvests, transactions and games. For Terengganu in general? This compound –and the other one in Belara (F3) confirm the reputation of the farmers in Terengganu of being well off compared to those in Kelantan The compound is also kept very clean and decorated by the children of the ailing patriarch. Respect for

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the elders, role of the residence and its surroundings in the extended family life and traditions..

Field Surveys Check Lists and Sketch Plans, Farmer F2, continued. Records

- 1 Pictures: Façade elevation ; Side elevation; Details - 2 sketch plan of the general lay out: buildings and flora

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Sketch Plan of F2 “Farmer House compound”

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Features in R5, Pak Su Man Sugai Rengas Botanical Name Malay Name habit Origin Location Uses Husbandry 1 Alpinia officinale Halia H 3 F P 2 Brassica Sawi H I 2 F P 3 Briophyllum pinnatum Setawar H 3 D P 4 Cana orientalis Bunga tasbeh H I 3 D P 5 Carica papaya Betek T I 4 F P 6 Curcuma longa Kunyit H I 3 F P 7 Dioscorea sp. Ubi gadong H 2 F P 8 Durio zibethinus Durian T 2 F P(?) 9 Elaeis guinensis Kelapa sawit P I 4 T W 10 Eugenia aqua Jambu air T 4 F P 11 Garcinia mangostana Semeta, mangis T 1,4 T P 12 Ipomea kangkong H 4 F P 13 Ixora javanica B.Pecah periuk S 4 T W 14 Lansium domesticum Duku T 3,4 F P 15 Licuala sp. Pala H 4 D W 16 Mangifera odorata Kuini T 3,4 F P 17 Manihot utilississimum Ubi kayu T I 2 F P 18 Musa parasidica Pisang P 2,3,4 F P 19 Premna cordifolia Bebuas T 4 F W 20 Quisqualis indica Akar dani S I 3 D W 21 Raphanus caudatus Lobak puteh H I 2 F P 22 Sacharum officinale Tebu P 2 F P 23 Sonneratia acida Berembang T 4 D W 24 Tetracera indica Mempelas C 4 T,D W Plant species habit in R5

0

5

10

15

Trees Shrubs Herbs Palms Climbers

Geographic Origins of the Species: Introduced: 8; Exotic:0 foreign: 8; native: 7 The number of “foreign species” is increased because of a vegetable garden patch on the left side of the house (zone 2)

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Plant species uses in R5

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

Food Ritual Décor Medicine Shade Technique

Location of the species Access to the compound and main perspective on the house is from the Northern side, probably because a road along a field drain passes by. However the main building faces the kiblat. Stairs on its façade climb to a lambur verandah and to the main entrance. Rooms are built on the right side. The kitchen is at the back, and a well too, on the right side of the compound (zone 4) Zone 1, Front garden : 1 sp. Zone 2, left side garden : 7 sp. Zone 3, right side garden : 7 sp. Zone 4, Backyard garden: 15 sp. Compound lay out Again, there was a shift in the location of the front halaman or area empty of plants for guests and life activities. Perhaps because of the access on the right side, the compound lay out is then modified just as in other “rakyat” cases. The habitation still faces north west. .

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Analysis of Plant Species in A1, Kampong Batin, Engku Zahima Botanical Name Malay Name Habit Origin Location Uses Husbandry 1 Acalypha siamensis Ekur kucing H 1 D P 2 Allamanda carthartica Bunga loceng C I 1 D P 3 Allocasia sp. Keladi H 1 D P 4 Alpinia purpurea Halia merah H I 1 D P 5 Anarcadiun Jambu golok T I 3 F P 6 Asplenum nidum Paku langsuyir C 1 D P 7 Begonia sp. H I 1 D P 8 Bouea macrophylla Gemia T 3 F P 9 Bougainvillea spp. Bunga kertas S I 1 D P 10 Caladium hortulanum Ubi sp. H I 1,4 D P 11 Canna sp. Bunga tasbeh H I 1 D P 12 Capsicum piper Lada S I 4 F P 13 Centella asiatica Pegaga H 3 F, M W 14 Chrysanthenum sp. Pokok mata

hari H E 1 D P

15 Citrus macrophyllum Limau nipis S 4 F, M P 16 Clitorea ternate Bunga biru C I 1 F, T P 17 Cocos nucifera Kelapa P 4 F, T P 18 Cosmos caudatus Ulam raja H I 3 F P 19 Cymbopogon citratus Serai H 3 F P 20 Duranta repens S E 1 D P 21 Euphorbia neriifolia Se sudu S I 1 D P 22 Euphorbia tirucalli Tulang tulang S I 1 D P 23 Gnetum gnemon meninjau T 2 F P 24 Gossypium

brasiliense Kapas T I 3 R

25 Heliconia sp. Kepek Hudang H 1,3 D P 26 Hemigraphis colorata Ekur kucing H 1 D P 27 Hibiscus rosa sinensis Bunga raya S I 1 D, M P 28 Hopea odorata Cengal pasir T 4 T P 29 Imperata cilyndrica lalang H 2 M W 30 Ixora coccinea Peca periok S 1 D P 31 Kajanus Kacang C 1 h 32 Lansium domesticum Duku T 4 F P 33 Lantana camara Tahi ayam S I 1 D P 34 Mangifera foetida Macsm T 2 F F 35 Mangifera indica Mempelam T I 2 F P 36 Manihot utilissima Ubi kayu S I 3 F P 37 Melastoma

malabathrica Kedudok S 2 D W

38 Mussaenda philippica Balek adap sp. H E 2 D P 39 Morinda citrifolia Mengkudu T 3 M W 40 Neo-litsea zeylanica Teja S 4 M,R W 41 Nephellium

Lappaceum Rambutan T 2 F, S P

42 Portulaca grandiflora Getang H I 1 D P 43 Punica granatum Delima S I 2 F,D P 44 Psidium guajava Jambu batu T 1 F P 45 Rhapis excelsa Rotan S I 1 D P 46 Rheo discolour H E 1 D P 47 Rosa sp. Mawar S I 1 D P 48 Sacharum

officinarium Tebu H 1,3 F P

49 Sesbania grandiflora Turi T 2 F P Solanum torvum Terun pipit S 3 F W

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50 Vinca rosea Kemunting Cina

H 3 D, M F

51 Zebrina pendula H E 1 D P 52 Zingiber cassumar Bonglai H 3 M F 53 Zizyphus jujube Bidara T I 3 R P Chart of plants species habit

0

5

10

15

20

Trees Shrubs Palms Herbs Climbers

Chart of the uses of plant species

0

5

10

15

20

25

Food Ritual Décor Medicine Shade Technique

Origins of the plants: Introduced: 22 Exotic: 5, foreign: 27 native: 26 Note on lay out: The alley leading to the house, however welcoming, does not lead directly to the stairs and the entrance, but to a location on the right of the stairs, where visitors will traditionally wait for an answer to their salam and for an invitation to “naik” to climb up the stairs to the verandah on which opens the actual entrance door..

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Analysis of plant species in C4, Lorong Haji Jamil, “Haji Awang Besar”

Botanical name Malay name Habit Origin Use(s) Location Husbandry

1 Alpinia sp Halia H F 1 P 2 Adiantum cuneatum H D 1 P 3 Aglaomena griffithii H D 1 P 4 Allamanda Bunga loceng S E D 2 P 5 Begonia H, D 4 P 6 Briophylum sp. Setawar H D, M 1,2 P 7 Centella asiatica pegaga H F, M 2 F 8 Cicca acida Cermai T F 2 P 9 Cordyline Jenjuang H I D 2 P 10 Cosmos caudatus Ulam raia H I F 2 P 11 Diffenbackia picta. Keladi H D 2 P 12 .Dryoglossimum Pitis pitis C D 1 W 13 Dydymocarpus angerik C D 1 P 14 Eugenia malaccensis Jambu air T F. S 1 P 15 Flacourtia jangomas Kerekup Siam T F 4` P 16 Ficus sp. Ara burong H 17 Hibiscus rosa sinensis Bunga Raya S I D 2 P 18 Heliconia Kepek udang H E D 2 P 19 Ixora coccinea Pecah periuk S E D 2 P 20 Ixora javanica Jejarun S D 2 P 21 Jasminum sambac Melor H I D 2,1 P 22 Mangifera indica Mempelam T I F 2,1,3 P 23 Musa paradisica Pisang P F 2,1 P 24 Pandanus odoratus Pandan H F 2 P 25 Piper sarmentosum Kaduk H F 2 W 26 Portulaca grandiflora H E D 2 P 27 Muraya koenigii Kari T I F 2 P 28 Podocarpus polystachys T E D 2 P 29 Cactus sp. H E D 1 P 30 Rhapis exelcia Buluh Siam S E D 2,1 P 31 Salacca Salak P F 2 P 32 Sanseveria trifasciata Lidah buaya H E D 2,1 P 33 Tamarindus indicus Asam Jawa T I F,T 1 F 34 Vanda sp. Angerik C D 1 P

Plant species origins: introduced: 7, exotic: 8 foreign: 15, Native: 19.

Chart of plant species habits in C4

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0

5

10

15

20

Trees Shrubs Palms Herbs Climbers

Chart of plant species uses in C4

0

5

10

15

20

Food Rites Medicine Décor Shade technique

The present occupant, an architect, is responsible for having created (only two wild species conscupicuous) the garden pleasant atmosphere with a cohort of decorative plants encasing a path leading to the exit and downstairs entrances. A modern interpretation of the compound, with a number of exotic species. (8sp.) Location of species: Species density by area on the grounds Zone 1 front garden: 15 species Zone 2, left side garden : 21 sp. Zone 3, left side garden ; 2 sp. Zone 4, backyard garden : 2 sp. Ground features: Ref. Table of ground features occurrence. Drains, Fence Gate

with roof decorated by two buah gutong. Passage way between houses. Shared open air well,

octagonal concrete jar and traditional jar. High and low flower pots stands. Slab path.

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Details charts from the inventory table lists

Average number of plant species in each house by type of house compound

05

101520253035404550

Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer

Number of plant species, by habit, for each type of house compound

Trees Shrubs

0

10

20

30

40

Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer

0

5

10

15

20

25

Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer

Herbs Climbers and epiphytes

0

51015

202530

3540

Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer

Palms

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer

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APPENDIX C

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GLOSSARY

Atap Belanda: “Dutch roof”, in a Malay house, a hipped, gabled, cantilevered roof.

Atap lima bungkus: in a Malay house, a five ridge roof.

Bekam: a traditional therapeutic procedure involving blood letting on the head.

Belukar: flora secondary growth, wild area around villages.

Bendul: in a Malay house, a horizontal piece covering the bottom plank of a wall.

Biosphere: realm of the life processes.

Bomoh: a traditional medicinal practioneer.

Buah gutong: a prolonged skittle finial on an atap Belanda roof in a Malay house,

holding the fascia boards.

Dua Kalimah: the Muslim profession of Faith.

Holarchic: of a system of a hierarchised holons.

Holon: a part to a whole, a whole to its parts in a holistic system.

Integrity: in conservation, level of closeness to the original conditions.

Inter-subjectivities: in sociology, multiple researchers’ involvement in a cross

control study.

Involution: an inward evolution.

Kiblat: the direction of Mecca

Mantera: a magic formula or summon.

Mempeles or pemeles and peles,: in a Malay house, the barge boards of the roof,

with up-turned ends.

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Noossphere: realm of the Mind and consciousness.

Rakyat biasa: a commoner without particular title.

Ontological: participating of the essence of a being.

Rumah bujang: a Malay house composed of a single building.

Rumah ibu: the main or first constructed building in a Malay residence.

Rumah kembar: A Malay house with twin roofs.

Rumah tiang dua belas: A Malay house on twelve posts, a measure of its size.

Sorong: in standard Malay “anjung”, a porch or building element usually protruding

from the facade

Surau: a minor communal Muslim praying building.

Technosphere: Realm of the technical developments.

Titian: plank connection, small bridge.

Tukang: Malay krafstman.

Tunjuk langit: Litteraly “showing the sky”: in a Malay house, carved roof ridge

truss.

Urat: Channels, lines.

Wakaf : roofed communal resting platform, usually donated.