HOMEWORK:  TZUTUJIL  VERBS1  John  Alderete,  Simon  Fraser  University    Consider  the  verb  forms  below  from  Tzutujil,  a  Mayan  language  of  Guatemala  and  answer  the  questions  that  follow.      ʃinwari   I  slept   ʃoqeeli   We  left  neeli   He/she  leaves   ninwari   I  sleep  neʔeeli   They  leave   ʃiʃwari   You  (pl)  slept  niʃwari   You  (pl)  sleep   ʃeʔeeli   They  left  ʃateeli   You  (sg)  left   ʃwari   He/she  slept  natwari   You  (sg)  sleep        What  are  the  grammatical  functions  exhibited  in  the  verb  forms?          What  are  the  morphemes  for  the  lexemes  and  grammatical  functions,  and  how  do  they  combine?  Identify  morphemes  for  all  relevant  grammatical  functions  and  stems,  and  place  them  in  a  morphological  frame.                      

                                                                                                               1  Acknowledgement:  the  data  organization  from  this  problem  come  from  Understanding  Morphology  (Haspelmath  and  Sims  2010,  Hodder),  and  the  primary  resource  is  Tzutujil  Grammar  (Dayley  1985,  University  of  California  Publications).  

HOMEWORK:  MANDARIN  COMPOUND  NOUNS1  John  Alderete,  Simon  Fraser  University    1   chàngcí   libretto   20   dǐngdēng   top  light  2   chàngjī   gramophone   21   diànchē   streetcar,  tram  3   chuánwěi   stern   22   diàndēng   electric  lamp  4   cíwěi   suffix   23   diànjī   electrical  machine  5   diànlì   electric  power   24   qìchē   car  6   diànshì   television   25   qìchuán   steamship  7   dòngwùxué   zoology   26   shāndǐng   summit  8   dòngwùyóu   animal  oil   27   shìchàng   sightseeing  9   dòngwùyuán   zoo   28   shìlì   eyesight  10   fángdǐng   roof   29   shùcí   number  word  11   fángkè   tenant   30   shuǐchē   watercart  12   fēichuán   airship   31   shuǐlì   waterpower  13   fēijī   aeroplane   32   shùxué   mathematics  14   fēiyú   flying  fish   33   wěidēng   tail  light  15   huāchē   festooned  vehicle   34   wěidshuǐ   tail  water  16   huāyuán   flower  garden   35   yóudēng   oil  lamp  17   jīchē   locomotive   36   yóuzhǐ   oil  paper  18   jiǎolì   strength  of  one’s  legs   37   yúyóu   fish  oil  19   kèfáng   guest  house   38   zhǐhuā   paper  flower    By  comparing  words  with  the  same  morphemes,  try  to  determine  the  meaning  of  each  component  morpheme.  Confirm  your  answer  by  predicting  the  meanings  of  the  larger  compound  from  its  parts.  Also,  what  is  the  semantic  relationship  between  the  first  part  of  the  compound  and  the  second?  Show  your  work  in  a  table  like  that  sketched  below.    Morpheme   Gloss     Examples   Explanations    chàng     sing     1,  2,  27   libretto  =  ‘sing  word’,  a  text  of  a  musical  work  cí     word     1,  4,  29  

                                                                                                               1  Acknowledgement:  the  data    and  data  organization  for  this  problem  comes  from  Understanding  Morphology  (Haspelmath  and  Sims  2010,  Hodder).    

HOMEWORK: HEBREW LEXEMES1 John Alderete, Simon Fraser University kimut wrinkling maħšev computer diber he spoke masger lock ħašav he thought dibra she spoke sagra she shut milmel he muttered ħašva she thought kimta she wrinkled kalat he received milmla she muttered maklet radio receiver sagar he shut kalta she received dibur speech kimet he wrinkled A. Study the form-meaning similarities in the data above and group all the words into sets of two or three morphologically related words (i.e., ‘word-families’). In all but one of the sets, there is an oddball word that is not related to the others by an inflectional morphological process. In other words, it is outside of the lexeme that characterizes the other two forms. Present each group as a list in the boxes below, and circle the oddball in the list.

B. In each word family, there are clear similarities in form. Describe them in a way that is true for all the word families, and then give an example to illustrate your larger point. Write your answer in complete sentences. No sentence fragments allowed. C. The masculine and feminine forms differ systematically in form. Give a characterization of this difference, noting any apparent exceptions to this characterization.

1 Acknowledgement: the data and data organization for this problem comes from Understanding Morphology (Haspelmath and Sims 2010, Hodder).

HOMEWORK: NAUKAN ESKIMO1 John Alderete, Linguistics 323, Simon Fraser University Instructions: the following examples illustrate many of the grammatical categories associated with verb meanings. Try to identify these categories and find similarities in the words that same the same. aglukata:quq begins to work agluqixta:quq again begins to work aglugjawxapixta:quq begins to work intensively ku:jma:quq is swimming (towards something) ku:jmaʁo:ʁaquq swims (habitually) qavaɬqaχtuq suddenly fell asleep ɬiŋaχtaquq rings ɬiŋaχtaga:taquq rings intermittently aglumsuxe:naquq works constantly agluka:quq works with intermitten stoppages tɨnluxpɨquq knocks aglukɨŋa:waquq works for a long time aglugaχquʁa:quq works quickly aqujgaquq wanders about aqujviluxtaquq walks back and forth ka:susaʁa:χɬɨquq will come early ka:suqatamajaχtuq he came more than once agluŋura:quq he works for the first time qavavre:χtuq he fell asleep again aglufqara:quq rarely works qɨɬpɨχta:quq makes holes in something qɨɬpɨχquʁaquq makes holes in various places agluvrɨʁa:quq works with difficulty iglɨχtɨkša:ga:quq walks very slowly iglɨχtɨkjo:ʁaquq scarcely drags oneself along qavamse:quq dozes qavaχɬɨqja:quq sleeps fitfully qavajaxtuq almost fell asleep qavato:χtuq has fallen asleep at last aglunani:ʁaquq stops working iglɨχtɨpixtaquq walks a lot qavaruga:quq sleeps soundly

1 Data organization is due to Spencer, Andrew 1991, Morphological Theory, Blackwell; primary linguistic description is from Menovscikov, G. A.1975, Jazyk Naukanskix Èskimosov [‘The language of the Naukan Eskimo’]. Leningrad: Nauka.

agluso:χaquq does pretty good work agluxtuga:quq works carelessly aglupa:quq works in a haphazard manner

HOMEWORK: SAAMOAN PLURALS John Alderete, Simon Fraser Univesrity The data below illustrate a systematic morphological pattern for marking plural subjects in Samoan. Note that VV sequences in Samoan are heterosyllabic (the Vs are in different syllables, as marked with the syllable boundaries ‘.’).

mana.o ‘he wishes’ manana.o ‘they wish’ matu.a ‘he is old’ matutu.a ‘they are old’ malosi ‘he is strong’ malolosi ‘they are strong’ puno.u ‘he bends’ punono.u ‘they bend’ savali ‘he travels’ savavali ‘they travel’ pese ‘he sings’ pepese ‘they sing’ laga ‘he weaves’ lalaga ‘they weave’ atamaʔi ‘he is wise’ atamamaʔi ‘they are wise’

Give a comprehensive description of the morphological pattern in plurals. This description should make clear the type of process employed and the content and nature of the plural morpheme, e.g., what it is composed of and its relation to the base. Make use of examples to illustrate descriptive points.

HOMEWORK:  MOKILESE  REDUPLICATION  John  Alderete,  Simon  Fraser  University    Mokilese  has  a  reduplicative  prefix  for  marking  the  progressive.  Describe  the  target  shape  of  the  prefix  in  prosodic  terms,  and  the  relation  of  this  prosodic  shape  to  the  copied  portion  of  the  base.  Syllabification  is  shown  with  “.”  boundaries.    Verb   Progressive    pɔdok   pɔd-­‐pɔdok   plant  mʷiŋe   mʷiŋ-­‐mʷiŋe   eat  kasɔ   kas-­‐kasɔ   throw  wadek   wad-­‐wadek   read  pilɔd   pil-­‐pilɔd   pick  breadfruit  kookɔ   koo-­‐kookɔ   grind  coconut  sɔɔrɔk   sɔɔ-­‐sɔɔrɔk   tear  tʃaak   tʃaa-­‐tʃaak   bend  pa   paa-­‐pa   weave  wi.a   wii-­‐wi.a   do  di.ar   dii-­‐di.ar   find      

HOMEWORK: EFIK VERBS1 John Alderete, Linguistics 323, Simon Fraser University

Efik is part of the Niger-congo family, subcategory Obolo (Efik), and is spoken in Nigeria. Tone is marked: /ˋ/ = low pitch, /ˊ/ = high or mid pitch, /˅/ = rising pitch.

Tense Number Person buy live think put go run Pres Sg 1st ńdèp ńdù ŋ́kèrè ńdòrì ŋ́kà ḿfèhè 2nd èdèp òdù èkèrè òdòrì àkà èfèhè 3rd édèp ódù ékèrè ódòrì ákà éfèhè Pl 1st ìdèp ìdù ìkèrè ìdòrì ìkà ìfèhè 2nd èdèp èdù èkèrè èdòrì èkà èfèhè 3rd édèp édù ékèrè édòrì ékà éfèhè Fut Sg 1st ńyédép ńyédù ńyékéré ńyédòrì ńyékǎ ńyéfèhé 2nd èyédép èyédù èyékéré èyédòrì èyékǎ èyéfèhé 3rd éyédép éyédù éyékéré éyédòrì éyékǎ éyéfèhé Pl 1st ìyédép ìyédù ìyékéré ìyédòrì ìyékǎ ìyéfèhé 2nd èyédép èyédù èyékéré èyédòrì èyékǎ èyéfèhé 3rd éyédép éyédù éyékéré éyédòrì éyékǎ éyéfèhé Past Sg 1st ŋ́kédép ŋ́kódù ŋ́kékéré ŋ́kódòrì ŋ́kákǎ ŋ́kéfèhé 2nd èkédép òkódù èkékéré òkódòrì àkákǎ èkéfèhé 3rd ékédép ókódù ékékéré ókódòrì ákákǎ ékéfèhé Pl 1st ìkédép ìkódù ìkékéré ìkódòrì ìkákǎ ìkéfèhé 2nd èkédép èkódù èkékéré èkódòrì èkákǎ èkéfèhé 3rd ékédép ékódù ékékéré ékódòrì ékákǎ ékéfèhé

Part 1. The data show only three of the numerous verb “tenses” in Efik, translated into the English equivalents below. Describe the form of each tense marker in the space provided, including their segmental structure and tone, and classify them as the result of either a concatenative or nonconcatenative process, and whether or not they exhibit allomorphy. Present

Future

Past

1 The data for this problem and some of the ideas that underlie the questions here come from problem 7.L (p. 37) of Gleason, Henry A. 1955, Workbook in descriptive linguistics, New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston.

Part 2. List each root in what you would consider the most appropriate base form, that is, the form from which it is easiest to describe all the data given your characterization of tense above. buy put

live go

think run

Part 3. There are six person/number grammatical functions, some of which also show allomorphy. In the table below, list the allomorph(s) for each cumulative expression of the person/number markers. Also, give a characterization of the environment of the distinct allomorphs. Be clear, and as general as possible.

1st Sg

2nd Sg

3rd Sg

1st Pl

2nd Pl

3rd Pl Part 4. Of the person/numbers markers that exhibit allomorphy, some of them appear to involve phonological allomorphy (i.e., the allomorphs result from a regular phonological process) and others must involve suppletive allomorphy. Explain which are which, and why. Answer in complete sentences.

HOMEWORK: SOMALI PLURALS1 John Alderete, Simon Fraser University There are four ways of marking plurals in Somali. Consider the data below and answer the questions that follow.

Singular Plural awowe awowayaal ‘grandfather’ baabaco baabacooyin ‘palm’ beed beedad ‘egg’ buug buugag ‘book’ cashar casharro ‘lesson’ fure furayaal ‘key’ ilmo ilmooyin ‘tear’ miis miisas ‘table’ qado qadooyin ‘lunch’ shabeel shabeello ‘leopard’ waraabe waraabayaal ‘hyena’ xidid xididdo ‘eagle’

A. Create a table with four columns, where the header of the column gives a shorthand description of each plural marker, and the rest of the column lists the base forms that take this plural marker, as shown below. -ayaal awow(e)-

B. Next, describe the complementary distribution of these markers. In particular, from the examples given, characterize the environments in which each plural marker is used. This can be added to the last row above. C. Finally, give a more complete account of the nature of each plural marker using the descriptive tools we have developed in class. Is it concatenative or nonconcatenative? What factors governs allomorph choice? Are there stem alternations?

1 Acknowledgement: this problem is based on the exercise in Understanding Morphology (Hasplemath and Sims 2010, Hodder).

HOMEWORK:  SAAMOAN  VERBS1  John  Alderete,  Simon  Fraser  University    Saamoan  has  two  different  verb  forms  used  in  different  contexts.  The  difference  is  not  easy  to  translate,  so  they  are  just  referred  to  as  ‘Form  A’  and  ‘Form  B’  below.  

  Form  A   Form  B   Gloss  1   alofa   alofagia   ‘love’  2   ʔole   ʔolegia   ‘cheat’  3   faʔaee   faʔaeetia   ‘put’  4   fua   fuatia   ‘weigh’  5   faʔafoi   faʔafoisia   ‘send  back’  6   gau   gausia   ‘break’  7   faitau   faitaulia   ‘read’  8   sila   silafia   ‘see’  9   utu   utufia   ‘fetch  water’  10   sio   siomia   ‘surround’  11   inu   inumia   ‘drink’  12   lilo   liloia   ‘hide’  13   sopo   sopoia   ‘exceed’  

 A.  Hypothesis  X.  Consider  the  following  hypothesis:  Form  A  is  both  the  lexical  underlying  form  for  Form  A  and  the  surface  form.  Form  A  is  also  the  base  of  affixation  for  Form  B,  which  is  formed  by  attaching  one  of  several  inflectional  affixes.  Construct  a  complete  analysis  on  this  hypothesis  by  creating  lexical  entries  for  all  the  stems  and  inflectional  affixes  needed  to  account  for  the  data  above.  Be  sure  to  indicate  in  the  lexical  entry  of  the  stem  which  inflectional  affix  it  takes.      B.  Discussion  of  Hypothesis  X.  Now  that  an  analysis  has  been  constructed,  discuss  the  nature  of  allomorphy  it  embodies.  In  particular,  what  type  of  allomorphy  is  involved,  and  if  it  is  suppletive,  what  factor(s)  predict  which  form  is  selected?  Justify  your  answer  with  clear  observations  about  the  morphological  analysis.    C.  Hypothesis  Y.  Next  consider  an  alternative  hypothesis  about  the  relation  between  Forms  A  and  B.  Under  Y,  the  surface  Form  A  is  not  the  base  for  deriving  Form  B,  and  it  is  also  not  the  underlying  form  of  Form  A.  The  base  for  Form  B  is  a  disyllabic  or  trisyllabic  form  that  ends  in  a  consonant.  This  base  is  related  to  Form  A  by  a  regular  phonological  process,  and  Form  B  is  derived  by  simple  affixation.  Construct  a  complete  analysis  of  the  above  data  by  creating  lexical  entries  for  all  the  stems,  an  entry  for  the  inflectional  affix,  and  a  phonological  rule  for  the  stem  allomorphy.      D.  Discussion  of  Hypothesis  Y.  Finally,  discuss  the  consequences  of  this  new  approach  for  the  analysis  for  allomorphy.  Is  the  nature  of  allomorphy  the  same  as  it  is  under  Hypothesis  X,  or  is  it  different?  Explicate  fully,  with  reference  to  the  key  differences  between  the  two  approaches.  What  types  of  evidence  might  help  the  analyst  decide  between  these  two  approaches?  

                                                                                                               1  This  problem  is  based  on  the  data  and  organization  of  the  problem  7.G  of  Gleason’s  Workbook  in  Descriptive  Linguistics,  but  it  has  different  questions.    

HOMEWORK:  MAORI  PASSIVE1  John  Alderete,  Simon  Fraser  University    Consider  the  verb  forms  below  in  Maori,  a  Polynesian  language  of  New  Zealand.    Verb   Passive    awhi   awhitia   to  embrace  hopu   hopukia   to  catch  aru   arumia   to  follow  tohu   tohuŋia   to  point  out  mau   mauria   to  carry  wero   werohia   to  stab  patu   patua   to  strike,  kill  kite   kitea      Based  on  parallels  with  languages  like  Saamoan  (see  related  problem),  one  can  posit  two  coherent  analyses  of  the  suffix  allomorphy.      e.g.,  hopukia  ‘to  catch  (pass.)  

“phonological  analysis”   “conjugation  analysis”    

Breakdown:   hopuk  +  ia   hopu  +  kia    

Extra  phonology:   C  →∅  /___#    Phonological  suppletion:  

-­‐ia                                            -­‐a  C-­‐final                        V-­‐final  

-­‐ia                                            -­‐a  C-­‐final                        V-­‐final  

Lexical  suppletion:     -­‐tia                      -­‐kia                -­‐mia                -­‐ria            -­‐ŋia,  etc.  stem[t]      stem[k]  stem[m],  etc.  

 While  the  phonological  analysis  has  a  little  extra  phonology,  it  is  far  simpler  than  the  conjugation  analysis  in  its  treatment  of  allomorphy—it  doesn’t  require  lexically  determined  suppletion.  Despite  simplicity,  however,  there  are  a  number  of  arguments  in  favour  of  the  more  complex  conjugation  analysis.      1.  It  is  a  surface  true  generalization  that  all  syllables  are  (C)V,  and  indeed  all  words  end  in  V.  So  perhaps  this  is  a  generalization  of  morphemes  as  well.  It’s  plausible  therefore  to  posit  e.g.,  /hopu/  as  the  stem  form  because  the  morpheme  fits  with  the  phonotactics  of  the  language.      2.  A  number  of  morphological  facts  point  to  the  existence  of  a  regular  or  ‘default’  inflection  /-­‐tia/:  

a. denominal  verbs  take  /-­‐tia/  b. derived  causatives  take  /-­‐tia/  c. adverbials  that  agree  in  voice  agree  by  taking  /-­‐tia/  as  a  suffix  d. borrowings  from  English  take  /-­‐tia/  e. compound  verbs  take  /-­‐tia/  f. low  frequency  items  also  take  /-­‐tia/    

Question:  how  does  this  evidence  support  the  conjugation  analysis?  

                                                                                                               1  The  data  and  insight  behind  this  problem  come  from  Hale  1973  “Deep-­‐Surface  Canonical  Disparities”  (in  Sebeok,  T.  1973,  Current  Trends  in  Linguistics,  vol.  11)