HISTORY OPTIONAL NOTES ANCIENT INDIA VEDIC AGE BY …

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HISTORY OPTIONAL NOTES ANCIENT INDIA

VEDIC AGE BY AVADH OJHA SIR

Vedic Age

Sources and Sites:

The Vedic era contains about a thousand years (1500–600) of Indian

history. This era has witnessed significant changes in North India. This change

and development have taken place in many areas, such as social, economic,

political and religious fields. The changes that have been taking place in each of

these areas have been affected by other areas and have been affecting other areas

as well. Before analysing these historical developments, a discussion of available

sources is necessary. Vedic literature is a source on which this era has been

named. Among the other sources, the main place is archaeology, which is often

helpful in verifying, refining and transforming analysis based only on literary

sources. Vedic literature can broadly be divided into two categories, Pre and

Post-Vedic literature. There is a chronological difference between these names,

as well as significant differences in style and subject. Early Vedic literature dates

from 1500 to 1000 BC. is believed. This literature mainly occupies the Samhita

of the Rigveda which has 1028 suktas in praise of various deities. These Suktas

were the means to obtain the grace of the gods. These Suktas are divided into ten

Mandals. Of these, the second to the seventh mandal, which is called 'gotra

mandal' because of the creation of certain families of sages, is considered to be

antecedent. The first and eighth to tenth divisions are considered to be later. The

early works are also not free from speeches, intercepts have been inserted in

between. In this way a clear problem exists from the point of view of a

historian. In collecting material for writing history, every verse has to try to

determine the exact time of composition. Secondly, some sources and words are

so unintelligible and annoying that it becomes difficult to interpret them. It is

remarkable that Vedic literature is also different from this classical Sanskrit in

terms of grammar.

In later Vedic literature (1000 to 600 BC) there are Samhitas of Yajurveda

and Atharva Veda. The Samhita of Samaveda seems to be a compilation of this

period. But historically it is not important because it is a collection based on the

Rigveda. In addition, there are many Brahmin texts which belong to different

Vedic sects. These are the oldest of Sanskrit in prose. These are the masterpieces.

These are mainly interpretations of scriptural methods and mantras. But these also

throw light on other topics. Among the more important Brahmins are Aitareya


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Brahmin, Shatapatha Brahmin and Jaiminiya Brahmin which are related to

Rigveda, Yajurveda and Samaveda respectively. The Aranyakas and Upanishads

were probably composed at the very end of this period. These include the

Vrihadaranyaka Upanishads and the Chhandogyopanishad which discuss the

philosophical themes of ancient times. Like the Rigveda, the initial and later

stages of these works are very clear. But the problem of finding the exact meaning

of the words used is as it is. One special thing is that the later Vedic literature is

clearly composed by the priestly class i.e. Brahmins for others. Therefore, it

sheds light on the specific things of a group of society. This may also be true

with respect to earlier Vedic literature, but in early Vedic society, there were

relatively few differences. In the later Vedic society, there was a clear distinction

between the situation, so in the works composed by the Brahmins, a partial picture

of the society is found and the perspective becomes priestly. In this way, there is

a problem of tilting towards one side. In such a situation, some efforts have been

made to extend the knowledge of Vedic history to us with the help of

Archaeology. Archaeological evidence from geographical areas is established by

such efforts with information from Vedic literature, for example, the use of gray

clay pottery in place of iron in Punjab and Haryana. Areas such as Bhagwanpur

in Kurukshetra, Dadheri in Ludhiana and Katapalan and Nagar in Jalandhar have

been considered possible places of the early Vedic period. Partly the reason for

this is that these archaeological cultures belong to the same Vedic period.

Secondly, these places are considered to be situated on the banks of Saraswati

and Sutlej rivers and the said rivers are mainly mentioned in the Rigveda. Also,

the economy of those people appears to be based on cattle (as evidenced by the

bones obtained from animals.) It is also that the people of that time were aware

of copper (copper) and bronze (bronze), but iron was not used. All these things

are confirmed by the information received from the Vedas. One of the main

problems in dealing with archaeological evidence for the early Vedic period is

that the people of the Vedic era were mainly cattle herders, which also seems

possible. But evidence is probably not available that they would have established

permanent settlements. So therefore whatever Archaeological evidence is

available confirms the Vedic literature. Archaeological evidence in relation to

the later Vedic era is less problematic. It is now generally accepted that the

position of iron practitioners in the Painted Gray Ware culture broadly also

corresponds to the geographical area which is discussed in the later Vedic

literature. This region consists of parts of Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Delhi and

western Uttar Pradesh. More than seven hundred locations of the painted gray

ware are believed to be located in the Sutlej and upper Gangetic plains. Important

places in these places are Panipat, Purana Qila (Delhi), Mathura, Bairat, Sonipat,

Antrajinkheda, Alamgirpur, Hastinapur, Jakheda, Jodhpur and Nohra. Saraswati

was probably the eastern boundary of the region. These settlements have a lot to

do with the material culture that is related to knowledge in Vedic literature


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regarding housing, behaviour of metals, crops, animals and utensils. These things

are very similar to those described in Vedic literature. In that literature, there is

an exaggerated description of the physical condition, abundant wealth and

production of our time, which is not possible in view of the socio-economic

conditions of that time. In archaeological enrichment, there is a discussion of

physical remains found at a particular place. Culture takes its name either at the

particular place from where those relics are available, such as a particular type of

pottery such as Harappan or PGW(Painted Gray Ware) culture etc. It is

noteworthy that PGW is treated as a special cultural feature, but this PGW culture

is a mixed culture. The stained gray commodity vessels found in Ataranjinkheda

are only 3 to 10 percent of the total type of other utensils, while more frequent

black and red merchandise, gray ware and red ware were more prevalent. In order

to deal with the archaeological evidence, it is necessary to determine the

geographical area that was known to the authors of Vedic literature. This

determination is usually based on a discussion of known geographical features,

such as rivers, mountains, vegetation, etc. Through the geographical area

described in the Rigveda, the western tributaries of the Indus River flowed; Such

as Gomti (modern Gomal) Krumu (modern Kurram) Kubha (Modern Kabul),

Suvastu (Swat), the eastern boundary of these places was Yamuna and Ganga,

which is relatively less discussed. The area includes the valleys of the Indus,

Saraswati and Drishadwati and the five rivers flow to Punjab. Thus, when we

discuss early Vedic society, economy, religious belief or governance, we refer to

a particular limited geographical area.

In the later Vedic period of ancient India, the geographical horizon had

expanded somewhat and the main socio-political centers were - Ganga - Kuru

Panchal district of Yamuna Doab. Further areas of the East, such as Koshal

(Eastern Uttar Pradesh), Kashi (Varanasi), Videha (North Bihar) are also

mentioned. It is possible that people have migrated from one place to another

due to changes in irrigation status, such as the Saraswati river drying up.

Migration could also have taken place due to population pressure. It is to be noted

that with this relocation, significant changes have also occurred in the

economy. The special thing is that the economy which was mainly based on

animal husbandry, has now become mainly based on agriculture, with which there

were changes in the socio-political structure.

Economic Development

The Vedic era can be divided into two main parts; The first emphasized the

economic system based mainly on animal husbandry and the second in which the

inclination towards agriculture is displayed. In the economic system of the early

Vedic period, the importance of livestock is known in the description of animals,


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which is found in the family books and the prayers of animals for the animal, here

animal also means goat, sheep, horse and animals besides humans. Later, a rich

man started being called 'Gomat', which means a man with more animals. Many

other terms were used for animals, such as 'gavisti' meant to search for animals,

raiding was accepted as a valid remedy for obtaining animals. The importance of

animals could be observed as the headman was called Gopati i.e. the lord or

protector of animals and the daughter was said to be the Duhitri.

It is possible that animals were kept in a common place. And kept animals

with large ancestral families, which later led to the idea of 'gotra'. Along with all

this, the pastures were controlled by the communities and there is some evidence

that the gathering of animals obtained by raiding was done by the assembly. Used

to be called as Gana and Parishad. Despite all this, not all members of the

community had equal access to these animals, and it is possible that the leaders

of such raids and their close relatives had more share in the sharing of animals

than ordinary people. In addition, livestock was very important in charity. It

was offered to the priests by the king or state and was considered a part of the

sacrifice, which was offered as a gift to the chieftain by a dynasty or Vis. Thus

it can be seen that there was a kind of disparity in obtaining livestock. Perhaps

kings and priests had a greater share of the animals and animals produced from

them than in Vis. Perhaps this kind of equality would have increased even

more. Evidence of agriculture is limited to the early Vedic period and it appears

that it probably did not have much significance. This is why land or grain has not

been considered an object of quarrel, which is different from the condition of

animals, nor has the land been counted among the items to be donated. No

prayers were sought to obtain the land nor was the chief expected to protect the

land. In the Rigveda, only the description of 'Yava' grain can be derived from the

general grain or can be considered particularly barley (barley), but it is different

from the later Vedic period, where special names were used to count varieties of

grains. Has been used. Barley has its own characteristics; it is prepared by

ripening in only 60 days and by this they gets food and fodder for the animals. In

this situation there was no practice of individual land ownership. It is possible

that permanent ownership was not of any importance at that time, whereas the

importance of agriculture was limited only to the tracts of fertile land and the land

running along the route of the river constantly being flooded by floods. was

limited . In that era, if plows made of wood were used, perhaps the fertility of

land could not be fully utilized at that time. At that time agriculture was more

dependent on rainfall than irrigation and as a result there was no system of

intensive irrigation. Unfortunately, no details are available regarding the

organization of agricultural produce, yet it is thought that there was some

difference between the visas engaged in production on common land and the

monarchy and the Brahmin who were not so actively involved in production


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work. But they used to receive some portion of the products as a voluntary

gift. There is some evidence that the people of the early Vedic age depended on

the natives for their knowledge of farming. This is evidenced by the fact that the

term langla or plow originated from the Munda caste. Although many Indo-

European languages have similarities to the terms used for animals, there is a

substantial variation in terms used for grains or grown plants, suggesting that

these different terms may be adopted from local residents. When we pay

attention to crafts, as has been said earlier, crafts experts in the Rigveda have

relatively little description. Marked groups include tanners, carpenters,

metallurgists and potters. None of these groups were considered low-level. This

was probably due to the fact that some of them, such as carpenters, metalworkers,

or tanners, had an important role in the construction of chariots, which were

considered crucial to success in war. The metal called ayas, described in the

Rigveda, has been the subject of much controversy. Nowadays it is called copper

or bronze, although sometimes it also means iron. In any case, tools made of

metal were used for productive activities such as agriculture, both in this phase

and in the later phase, in very limited quantities. Like agriculture, we also find

evidence of local traditions mixing to some extent in pottery

manufacturing. Thus the word Kalal was used for the pot maker, which is not

found in any other Indo-European language. Weaving was a domestic craft

performed by women engaged in household chores. Probably, wool derived from

sheep was commonly used, because there is no description of cotton in the

Rigveda. In the early stages of the Vedic period, market-oriented economic

exchange was few or nonexistent. However, there existed important measures of

mutual exchange and redistribution of wealth and product, which is called the

economy of gifts. The exchange of these kinds of gifts ran at different levels.

As earlier mentioned, the goods captured in war were redistributed.

Lomanna or money obtained by plunder was an important means of

property. Other terms used for property, such as money or money, refer to

property that was obtained as a prize, possibly by plunder or in competitions. In

addition to the pushes, horses, slave women and later perhaps even cultivable

land were included. The importance of redesign is expressed by the terminology

of the numerator or part, which denotes that part. The evidence obtained indicates

that in such distributions which were done in meetings called vidata or gana, the

chief was included. The chieftains gave gifts to both the powerful class and the

priests, which ensured the support of both classes. However, as stated earlier,

distribution in this context is not meant to be given equal share, however, mainly

in a livestock society and in a situation where generosity was, in principle,

considered the main means of gaining respect, prosper. And the disparity

between the poor was probably not very large, although it was definitely

happening. The chief himself used to get the powerful class money obtained from


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his people by sacrifice, and the enemy class who were empowered, used to get

it. The powerful class probably used to bring sacrifices to please the king,

possibly it was offered on yagyas and feasts. This type of gift was presented as a

thank-you gift to pressure some part of the goods received from the loot and to

provide protection in the event of an attack by other enemy groups. Although

sacrifice is accepted as a tax in later literature, it was voluntarily given to the

powerful class in the early stage. However, it was clearly a gift to the enemy

communities which was recovered by force. Animals, dairy products and food

grains can be included in the sacrifice. Some part of the sacrifice, which was the

main source of income for the king or Rajanya, was probably destroyed as a

dedication, some of it was used in community feasts, after which the sacrifice was

made and some description of the practice is found in the 'royal' sacrifices of

mythological literature. Part of it was distributed among the priests who were

either provided in terms of sacrifice, called dakshina or charity, and the donations

were increased with respect to the donor. These hymns were composed by priests

in praise of benevolent patrons. Thus there can be some disparity in the

distribution of Bali like the goods received in war. Such inequalities, however,

may not be particularly evident in a predominantly pastoral society, where it was

not difficult to mobilize excess wealth in the manner and scale at

large. Thereafter, during the later Vedic phase, the geographical environment

clearly showed an inclination towards economic production, in which the primacy

of cattle-wealth of the first phase was replaced by agriculture leading to

continuous growth. This does not mean denying the importance of livestock,

which was demonstrated by the noble rituals set for the pashukam (meaning the

desire of man to obtain an animal) and in the giving of gifts and sacrifices of

animals and other animals, and which the literature describes constantly has been

done. Archaeological evidence from Hastinapur and Atarjikheda has also yielded

such bones of animals, which prove that animals were also used as

food. However, livestock was no longer the main economic activity. The later

passages of the Rigveda reveal the continuous growth of agriculture, which

describes sowing, field cutting, grain extraction and grain cleaning. The

description of the plows pulled by the bulls is also more like this in the Uttar

Samhita, which describes the plows run by six oxen, twelve or twenty-four

bulls. Thus the number of bulls may be symbolic, but they have introduced

intensive plowing which gave the farmer an opportunity to increase the fertility

of the earth more than the period of the early Vedic period. The plow was

probably made of hard wood of trees, named Udambar or Khadira. It may be

possible that the use of iron plows of plows, whose evidence has been found in

Jakheda, began in the last days of the era under consideration. It was definitely

more effective. The increasing importance of farming would have required the

clearing of forests for cultivable land. Most of the area we are considering had

light forests, so the task of cleaning them was not very difficult. We have read


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the description of the use of fire to clear the forest, for example in the Shatapatha

Brahmana there is the legend of Videdha Madhava, who carried the fire to the

eastern edge of Sadanira (present-day Gandak) and thus the land became

cultivable. Shovels and axes made of metal would also have been useful for this

purpose. It is appropriate to say here that we have found an iron ax at Noh, which

is estimated to have been dated to 1100–900 years before Christ.

Literary accounts and archaeology records have also found evidence of a variety

of crops. Literary evidence suggests that barley or yava was an important

product, but the cereal or rice was equally important if not more. It is believed

that the word Vrihi originated from the Dravidian word Arihi and recent

archaeological evidence from the Bolan Valley indicates that paddy was

cultivated in the area even long ago. Remains of barley and rice have been found

in Atarjinkheda and rice has also been found in Hastinapur. Because these

remains are mostly found in high places, it shows from them that irrigation was

of no special importance. And perhaps the practice of transplanting was also not

popular in those days. Therefore, it is possible that the yield obtained in the

middle Ganges valley in the later period would have been clearly low. In other

descriptions, the name of Godhum (wheat) comes in the grains, which was not

very important at that time. It has also been found in Atarjinkheda. There is also

a description of Mugda (moong) and Maas (urad), millet and mustard and

sugarcane, some evidence has been found in Hastinapur. The above description

shows that although there was information about both Rabi and Kharif crops, it

is not clear whether the two crops were obtained for the same year or that the

crops were sown in the intervening period, in which the land in the intervening

period was The practice of abandoning fallow was used. There is some evidence

that there were some inherent limitations in agricultural development. Thus the

use of effective iron tools was limited to a certain extent and there was probably

no knowledge of irrigation system for transplanting or paddy

cultivation. However, settlements of dyed brown utensils, which often preceded

the culture of ocher-colored pots or black-and-red pots, have been discovered and

have a large number of them. So it remained for two or three centuries, i.e.,

agriculture had a strong enough base. The increasing importance of agriculture

necessitated a change in the system of products. As stated earlier, the idea of

land ownership in the early phase of the Vedic period was unclear. To some

extent this situation persisted even during this phase, because in the Yajna we do

not find the description of the prayer for the land. Until the end of the period

under consideration, land was not considered an object of charity. However, the

goodness and evils of the question of acquiring the land are disputed and its

description first comes in Vishwakarma Bahuwan, which describes the granting

of land as Dakshina to Purohit Kashyapa. In addition, the Satapatha Brahmana


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explicitly confers this right on the power-rich, stating that the Kshatra can donate

the earth only with the permission of the powerful.

And more ingrained, gradually accepted family or home which is the

fundamental unit of agricultural production and creates the condition of vesting

all the power of land control in a single person, which is known as Grihapati and

Swami of earth. Owner, he cultivates with the help of his family members and

limited number of Shudras and slaves. Possibly the Kshatriyas accepted the

importance of a particular person as a householder with the idea of increasing

agricultural production, but this recognition led to changes in the social and

political system. Some development towards special crafts was

displayed. Perhaps the most important change of this period is the use of iron. He

is clear from the description of Krishnayas or Shyamavas, which are literally

black or dark colored metals, whose importance increased by the end of this time

and are melting (dhamatara) and metalworking (karmari) and purifying

metals. The description of equipment such as a blower (weapon)

etc. Archaeological evidence of the blower is displayed from the blowers and

iron tools, such as arrowheads and spears, and various brown pottery excavated

from knives, axes, thorns and one-headed halts, obtained from the Suneri location

of Rajasthan. is . The important thing is that now weapons got more importance

than tools. Which means that during this period the impact of iron technology

was limited on agriculture. Remnants from brown pottery excavation sites

suggest that the technique of metal-traction was at an early stage at that

time. Apart from metal crafts, crafts like leather making, pottery making,

carpentry ornaments work were also done. There was also knowledge of glass

making, which is described in Vedic literature, and glass witches and beaded

brown pottery were discovered from excavation sites. Thus special emphasis was

placed on the characteristic of the craft in the later Vedic period compared to the

earlier phase. It may be possible that some increase in production was possible

due to stopping at one place and that is why specialization developed, however,

women used crafts such as weaving as domestic chores. There was also some

change in the method of exchange and redistribution mentioned earlier. Where

looted goods were considered a means of raising wealth - (even in later literature

it was considered a means of livelihood for the Kshatriyas) in early Vedic society,

the main means of plunder such as raids for animals were now reduced, As the

inclination towards agriculture increased. Due to the change in the dynasty,

which will be described further, due to the change in the share of distribution of

loot in the state and powerful classes, its importance was lost.

Some part of money was spent in feasts, in which a yajna was performed

(as appears from Yudhishthira's Rajasuya Yajna in the Mahabharata), so it may

be possible that redistribution was limited to only two classes. The trend of

uneven redistribution, which has been described earlier, was further increased.


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According to the description in the epigraphs, the Kshatriya class has been

shown to be the eater of the powerful class (asymmetry) and it has been suggested

that iron weapons, which were more numerous than iron tools, periodically exert

pressure on the powerful class. Thus, the process of redistribution was working

more actively. At that time, the importance of sacrifice was as a means of income

for the Kshatriyas, reducing the diminishing importance of alternative income

from animal plunder and more and certainly as new donor farmers who

sacrificed. Received as additional means from. As far as Vaishya is concerned,

sacrifices were not given as pleasing Kshatriyas or as gifts in return due to

compulsion, but as gratitude for the preservation of the fields by the

homemaker. The sacrifices thus obtained were used by Rajajanis, who were

successively endorsed by the Kshatriya noun, used in sacrificial sacrifices as part

of sacrifices, and partly as dakshina offered to priests. was . It is important that

the amount of sacrifice was increasing. The importance of the rites was presented

in parable form such as Rajasuya, Vajpayee and Ashwamedha, this shows that

there was an increase in expenditure, there was an accumulation of wealth in the

above two classes. Thus the new redistribution regime would have increased the

disparities further. However, the liberal behavior of the chief priests must have

reduced the trend to some extent. Other arrangements for redistribution also

changed. Some development was possible in trade and the sea is clearly

described in this period. In addition, Nisk (gold jewellry) is described and a

description of the quantity of gold or silver called Satman, which reflects the

situation before the circulation of a fully developed coin. Coin circulation began

in the sixth century BCE.

The towns/cities may have been political centres rather than being the

centres of craft-making, but they certainly reflect the increasing socio-economic

inequalities; Archaeological records from the sites of Ahichhatra, Kaushambi

and Hastinapur prove that the urbanization system had started. In this way, many

important but important economic developments have taken place in the Vedic

period.

Social Transformation

The relatively simple economic system of the early Vedic period had transformed

into a complex one in the latter half of the Vedic period. This change led to the

emergence of some important changes in the social system. According to social

terminology, the society of the early Vedic period was often egalitarian in many

respects. Thus while on the one hand there were variations on the basis of rank

and prosperity, which were determined specifically on the number of animals,

chariots and blacks, on the basis of age and gender differences there also existed


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inequality in level, but as far as Human beings are concerned that there is no

existence of restriction in obtaining productive resources for them. The

fundamental social unit was probably that of the patriarchal family. It was

sufficiently large in size and consisted of three or four generations consisting of

the parents of both son and daughter-in-law and probably served as a fundamental

unit for production and consumption. The terminology of the family was simple,

separate words were used for son and daughter. Only one word 'Nishtri' was used

for nieces, grandchildren and cousins, the same word was used for father's father

and mother's father. The 'Vis' (powerful class) consisted of more units, meaning

one dynasty or entire caste. Its significance is known only by the fact that it has

been mentioned 177 times in the Rigveda. Another unit i.e. 'Jan' has been used

275 times. Unfortunately, nothing has been clearly said about the relation

between 'Jan' and 'Vis', although occasional use proves that there were many

Visas in the mass. Both terms were used for the whole society. It may be possible

that 'Jana' as a unit used to roam around in search of pasture. Development of

farming at one place, 'people' gradually evolved into Janapada or territorial

units. (Janapada literally means the place where people used to walk or place

their feet.) These districts are often named after powerful Kshatriya dynasty (such

as Kuru - Panchal 'Janpad'). Artificially the members of the Vis or Jana were

connected with each other by the bond of real or family. Therefore, the mention

of Viss and Janpad repeatedly shows the importance of the Kutumba system,

which not only kept the social structure in order, but it also banned the superficial

division of the community, even though it. There is evidence that there was some

disintegration of groups. Probably some branches of well-established units used

to roam around in search of pastures and cultivable land. On the other hand, the

four varnas had no existence. Therefore, Brahmins are mentioned only fourteen

times, Kshatriyas are mentioned nine times and Shudras are mentioned only

once. The last word i.e. Shudra is used only in the Purusha Sukta prayer which

is mentioned in the tenth mandala of the Rigveda, which is usually said to be far

behind. In the beginning of Vedic society, the subject of women's status is

disputed. Although their status has been given the form of a continuous ideal, the

reality may possibly be sufficiently complex. As we have said earlier, it is clear

from the use of the word duhritr that women played an important role in the

domestic productive process and that the weaving process is said to be

included. Further female Vedic mantra visions are mentioned, which make some

assumptions regarding religious and spiritual traditions. Apart from this, some

evils like child marriage were not in the beginning of the Vedic

society. However, it seems that the organization of the society was done on the

ancestral lineage tradition and while on the one hand the prayer for the birth of a

son has been specially done, on the other hand, the origin of the praja or progeny

has been prayed in general, the daughter is born Prayer has not been made for In

addition, in the early Vedic ganas, predominantly male deities have been


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conceived, leading to the predominance of men in general. Additionally,

although there was no discrimination in early Vedic society, there is no evidence

to prove that women could attain the highest place and honor as the priest or

king. Hence, it appears that some social discrimination on the basis of gender

had arisen. In addition to the internal divisions of the early Vedic society, rebel

groups have been described as das, dasyu and paani elsewhere. Later on, the

word das began to be considered slaves, but in the context of the Rig Veda the

meaning of slaves and dasyu was considered to be more cattle. They lived in

fortified settlements around men and they are described as having dark

complexion and flat-nosed, sex-worshipers. It is possible that the tribal dasyus

of Iran are their children. While there were hostile relations between the Aryans

and the slaves, evidence of a mutually peaceful relationship is also found. Thus

an Aryan king named Divokas, as his name appears, belonged to slaves. Cultural

exchanges must also have taken place from such contacts. There was a more

illogical relationship with the dacoits, as dasyu slaying means killing dacoits is

often described. Dahyu in the Iranian language means land and it seems possible

that they may have been the first branch of the migrating Aryans who had taken

up the living of the people living nearby and that is why the latter migrants Do

attack According to the Rigveda, the Paani had more cattle and property and

treasury. And further it seems that they did not make sacrifices and spoke a

different language, thus they had a different culture from the people of Vedic

period. Some complex conflicts are also described, in which the very important

is the battle of ten rajans i.e. ten kings; In which Vedic and other groups other

than Vedic participated on both sides, the reason for this war was the partition of

the river Ravi. Due to such tensions and mutual and internal quarrels of 'people',

it seems that the process of increasing social variation has started progressively

increasing. We have already learned about the war and the means of gathering

wealth - the unequal division of property. From this onwards, the situation would

have become that such a quarrel would have strengthened the position of the king

in comparison to other sections of the society and demanded sacrifice on a

permanent basis. Hence, despite the relatively egalitarian structure in which

nothing has been said about beggars or laborers, the distribution system grew

more socio-economic in the early Vedic society. It seems that possibly in the

later Vedic period this variation was clearly revealed. The main social change of

the post-Vedic period emphasizes the importance of the Varna system which was

in a very weak position in the context of the Rig Veda, as we have said earlier, to

merge different social units governed by different rules. The effort has been

stated.

Initially, the Varna division may have been mainly between Aryans and

slaves. The cultures of the two groups were different and, as stated earlier, there

was also animosity between the two due to material resources. However, there


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has also been talk of peaceful connectivity between these two classes. The Arya

varna was divided into senior and junior dynasties, which were given the names

of Rajanya and Vis respectively. The productive process involved both classes,

the diplomats also enjoyed a special place of leadership and had a very important

place in the distribution system, but the Vis group was mainly involved in

production activities. Gradually in the Varna system where Brahmins were

included on one side, Shudras also got a place in it. Next there was a clear

division into the original Arya varna, which led to the establishment of two

varnas, which were named Kshatriya and Vaishya. The highest ranked Brahmin

in the varna system was one of the first seventeen types of priests. However,

under this period they gradually acquired the status of priestly custom, they were

also explicitly included to uphold the tradition of making sacrifices. The origin

of this priestly class is full of mysteries and it has been said tactfully that the

Harappan residents have been included as representatives of the religion and other

local tribal priests. This statement is also evidenced to some extent by the fact

that in relation to the origin of some sages, who are believed to be the founders

of the original gotras, there are dubious tales, such as the origin of sages like

Vashistha and Agastya are assumed from the pot. The idea of gotra was

considered very important in this period, especially for Brahmins. Later on, it

took the form of dynasty - ie marriage practice outside the gotra. It has been

called the process of expanding social and political relations, as it started

establishing relationships with people who were hitherto isolated from each

other. However, the ideology of this process was not fully developed under the

period under consideration. After this, adequate emphasis has been placed on the

cooperation of Brahmins and Rajyans in the material received from the Vedic

period, so that proper system of society can be ensured. This means that the

Vaishya and Shudra should accept subjugation of Rajanis and Brahmins on the

one hand and on the other hand, accept the suzerainty of the Rajyana

Brahmins. In relation to the first two varnas there was some degree of tension

and two vrittis. The main reason for this situation seems to be that in the religious

acts prescribed by the Brahmins, animals were sacrificed and a large amount of

Dakshina had to be given. And all this was a more expensive system. Chief

mentor of such sacrifices (Rajanyas) opposed this expenditure. Apart from this,

due to the variation in the share of social savings, there was opposition in keeping

the social system running and both classes started claiming themselves to be more

effective than each other. These types of tensions are found in the stories that are

prevalent in relation to Sudas and his priest Vashishta. In spite of all this, there

was a strengthening in the relationship due to mutual interdependence, as

Brahman depended on Rajyana for material support, while Rajyana also

depended on Brahmin to accept his power as social. This type of situation was

acceptable in such a situation, while other groups also claimed power and

authority, as dynasty and primacy were not universally recognized and the nature


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of the power exercised by the ruler also changed. Similarly, the tendency to

describe the second class as Kshatriya rather than Rajanis was increasing, which

shows that their nature was also changing. It may be possible that a greater sense

of inevitability and use of force was arising in the interrelations between Rajyana

and Visa, partly because the chief and his followers were trying to get more

sacrifices from Vis and The second reason was also that the contact between the

Rajanis / Kshatriyas and the group directly connected with the production process

was weakening, because by now the domestic situation had become the

fundamental unit of production, it was also establishing distance from the Vis /

Vaishya housewives, Which were directly related to production. It seems

possible that the Vis were opposed to the act of establishing a distance to some

extent, as the original mantras describe many religious acts to ensure that the Vis

community does not separate itself from the area or its Do not become

hostile. Despite all these variations, Vis was regarded as a social whole and in

the absence of any permanent service, he served as the chief's main

service. Hence, although attempts were being made to separate the Kshatriya

from Vis, it has been accepted in religious literature that both originated in the

same place and Vis is indispensable for Kshatriyas. The description of Shudras

is found somewhere, which includes hand craftsmen and laborers. But there is a

description of the slave. Both Ghulam and Shudra had no special significance

from the social and economic point of view and both were associated with

production up to a limited position. However, the varna system can never be

accepted in any way at par with the social system. Thus higher varnas did not

have direct control over the resources of production and often - Poor Brahmin is

also described. Therefore, it appears that the varna system was probably more

relevant to the socio-religious status and not to the overall economic

situation. There is evidence of this conclusion that the traditional association of

the pre-Aryan and Aryan institutions took place, which we have seen in the early

Vedic phase and it continued even during the post-Vedic period. In this context,

some matriarchal elements can also be looked at. Hence, the importance

conferred on the king's wife in Rājanya is presented in the proof of matriarchy

and in the Grihadaranya Upanishad the importance is given to the lineage or

lineage tradition of the Gurus, in which many rishis are described figuratively and

so on. Confirms the development of. Apart from this, the description of Mantra

Darshan women like Gargi and Maitreyi also shows that the tradition of all saints

and sages in the early Vedic period probably continued to this extent to some

extent. In spite of all this, there is a clear description of the process of establishing

inequality due to gender differences in men and women in relation to religious

acts and to ensure that women are subordinate to men, which makes it clear that

the society according to gender discrimination The classification thus made it

clear from the situation of the later Vedic society that the social structure based

on special functions and roles, which is a major feature of Indian society, emerged


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during this period, which was settled by cultivating at one place. Is the

relation. However, this change has taken place gradually over many

centuries. Political change and development in religious beliefs The

characteristics of the early Vedic period political institutions which have been

discussed in the Rig Veda have been related to tribal rule. Although kings are

discussed in the original text, the context in which they are mentioned suggests

that they were not kings or autocratic overlords in the true sense. The early Vedic

king was the one who led the war etc. His position and importance depended on

his valor in the battlefield. It is worth remembering that one of the features of

mutual relations in that era was that there were constant raids and wars. Whatever

was looted in raiding was considered legitimate property. In addition to leading

the war, the king was expected to be generous, protect the refugees and his

supporters. Remember, a clan chieftain also had this feature. The dignity of a

king was not judged by how large an area he owns, but rather by how many people

are under him. This indicates the pastoral form of initial Vedic economy. There

is no need to produce much in this system so that there is a surplus left to run the

administrative-system. Also, the search for pasture in pastoralism It is necessary

to move around from one place to another. So it was not important at that time to

have a special area of its own. Thus, given the nature of the authority of the king,

it is no wonder that the development of administrative machinery in that

period There is very little evidence of the words. There does not seem to be any

systematic official system of words like fighter, purohit gramani i.e. village head,

etc. There are also some indications that the early Vedic king would have been

chosen by his people ie people. In a situation where there was no provision of

resources for the sustenance of a regular permanent army, the king depended only

on those who served as soldiers. It is fitting that the king who is a 'Jansya Gopa'

(meaning protector of the people) Than being the master of plunder obtained in

war and by people The sacrifice offered by him was richer and more powerful

than others, yet he mostly depended on the support of the people. The existence

of many general meetings related to the participatory element of all was typical

of early Vedic governance. Such mass communities included Vidath, Sabha and

Samiti. Vidath was an organization in which all men and women

participated. Such gatherings were centers of resolving quarrels. There is some

evidence to suggest that some funds were also redistributed in these

meetings. The gathering also arranged for a place for sacrifice where people

would gather and organize banquets and sing and sing on the occasion. Vidath

was the most important place in the early Vedic period. Gradually it was replaced

by the Sabha and the committee. There was a special place of the meeting whose

members were only specific people. While everyone attended the committee. It

was mandatory for the king to participate in these assemblies and insisted on

reconciliation. In the later Vedic era, there were significant changes in political

structure. These changes were related to the increasing importance of systematic


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agriculture. This is where the emergence of a certain region or district started. Its

ruler was a king. He now began to behave like a king in the true sense and

renounced the rights of the clan chieftain in him. In later Vedic literature, perhaps

for the first time in Indian history, discussions on the origin of the monarchy are

mentioned. Several possibilities were considered. Now the monarchy started

because of the need of leaders for war. Others insisted on the theory that the

origin of monarchy is divine. This was further emphasized that due to the king's

participation in Ashwamedha, the king began to be granted divinity. One theory

is that people chose kings because they expected some material gain from it. It

appears from these principles that the nature of political authority was changing

and efforts were being made to justify these changes. With the decrease in the

importance of animal husbandry, the importance of raiding also started to

decrease. Nevertheless, the importance of the king's work as a protector

remained. The difference was that now he not only protected animals but also

started protecting fields and crops. Along with this, the practice of sacrifice also

changed. While sacrifice was no longer a regular tax, it did take a permanent

form to ensure agricultural production. There are indications that such demands

could also be huge. The Kshatriya or king is therefore called Vismatta i.e. the

eater of Vis. It may be that the king uses force against external enemies and also

for his own people. The increasing military power of the ruling class is

corroborated by archaeological records, because the existence of iron weapons

has been found in far greater numbers than farming tools. Such heavy taxes also

had some limitations, as the king still depended on the Vis for support, and efforts

were often made to ensure such support through religious ceremonies. With the

increasing socio-economic differentiation within the public discourse, mentions

of the predecessor meeting committees are also less, the reason is probably that

the things which were in the collective interest of the participants for such

assembly committees are no more. Thus, such a gathering remained, but its form

changed color. Now she became the king's court and her appearance became

more distinct. Another important change was the emergence of the district where

people, due to the increasing importance of agriculture, lived together. There

were some in these districts which were made by mixing different people, Kuru-

Panchal district of Ganga-Yamuna Doab is a typical example of this. The

emergence of districts is also associated with the introduction of the primary

administrative system. It is possible, initially, that the king has relatives as his

supporters, advisors and activists, as his participation in various rituals prescribed

for the king indicates this. Apart from such supporters, there is also talk of peers

and others who used to collect sacrifices for the king. Most of the original texts

mention 12 Ratnins who were related to the king in connection with

Rajasuya. These Ratnin probably assisted the king in supporting his work and

raising resources. Since the king was less popular and more oppressive, several

measures were thought out to justify his position. These measures also included


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rituals, such as Rajasuya, Vajpayee and Ashwamedha. These rituals were

unknown in the early Vedic era, with such rituals probably thought to have

promoted the importance of the king and the priestly class, as the priestly class

was a supporter of the king. These rituals were not only done with the old ideal

of getting the grace of God, but there were also opportunities to determine the

rules of social relations, different classes and gender relations. Thus, Vaishyas

and Shudras were as helpers and were subject to Brahmins and Kshatriyas. In

some cases there is mention of hereditary of the rank of king. The claim on the

basis of birth cut off the basis of the popularity of the chieftains of early

tribes. Thus, the nature of political authority had changed considerably during

this period. In the reporting period of the Vedic era, like other subjects, there

were significant changes in the religious beliefs and religious practices of the

Vedic people. Indra was considered the most popular deity in the early Vedic

age, as the Rigveda suggests from sources given in relation to him. Indra was

considered the god of war and rain. People praised him and offered him

som. Indra was expected to protect the wealth and cattle of his devotees and give

them children, wealth etc. In Indra, in a way, the same qualities were attributed

to the clan chieftains. Indra is called Vritrahan. Vrittra was a demon who was

believed to have been killed by Indra. The word Madhav was also appropriate

for Indra, which means liberal refusal. Among the other gods worshiped,

Agnidev had a prominent place, which was considered a means of

communication between gods and humans. Somlata was worshiped, whose juice

was considered to be indispensable for nutrition. Also, Varuna was worshiped,

who was considered to be the foster of the whole system. There is very little

mention of goddesses. This can be related to the patriarchal form of early Vedic

society. It is also worth noting that where the mention of goddesses like Usha

has come, she is relatively antagonistic. Surprisingly, Shiva and Vishnu, the two

great popular gods of later Hinduism, had no special place in the early Vedic

tradition. Sacrifice was the main form of religious ritual in those days in which

community members participated. Community food was organized on the

occasion of sacrifice. The main purpose of the sacrifice was to gain material

benefits. There were uncertainty in agricultural produce and reproduction. In such

a situation it is only natural to pray for the grace of God. While the early Vedic

religion was concerned only with the present condition, in later times, spiritual

thought had begun, that is, the method of inference was started as revealed by the

Purusha Sukta. This led to the thinking about the root cause, purpose, etc. of the

creation. Monotheism also started in this period. These things also emerged in

the Upanishads at the very end of the Vedic period. It is noteworthy that the

notion of the life after death, ie existence and rewards for good work and

punishment for bad work in the next life, was very vague in early Vedic

literature. Religious ideologies seem to develop in different directions in the later

Vedic period. The proponent theory of sacrificial practice was very elaborate and


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developed. The situation had come to such an extent that sacrifice became a very

special function and the presence of a special category of priests became

necessary for its editing. A yajna like Ashwamedha used to last for years and

many incidental rituals were performed. In this way sacrifice became very

expensive, because every action had to be paid. And then, not all people could

participate in such yagyas, only people from the first three classes could

participate. Rajasuya, Ashwamedha and Vajpayee yagna had a mixed form. As

such Vajpayee's aim was the prosperity of the state and the ruler. In this yagya

there was a race of chariots, which was a practice. He was used to choose the

chieftain on the basis of physical strength. Mythology was recited on the

occasion of Avashmedha and there were religious acts related to fertility. One of

the aims of Avashmedha was also to uphold the sovereignty of the ruler. These

mixed, rituals ensure that people from different groups had participation and

support and would have developed their own religious acts over the years. Such

religious rituals were also of great importance to the king. In fact, all these things

were only to give legitimacy to the office of the king, the king was also declared

on the occasion like Rajasuya. If the king did not become popular, he gradually

began to believe in the rituals which were performed to maintain the dignity of

his office. It is also not surprising that the priest was considered the national

anthem, that is, the patron of the state. At the same time religious acts were also

prescribed for the total family. Some acts fell into the Brahmin tradition, such as

Upanayana rites. The daily havan was scheduled for the male householder.

As indicated, philosophical thinking about the present existence, life-death,

rebirth, etc. had begun at the end of the Vedic period. This contemplation is very

widespread and clearly in the Upanishads, especially in the Chhandogya

Upanishad, the Vrihadaranyaka Upanishad. It was an attempt to know and

understand the relation between the human soul and the divine, which culminated

in Advaita, ie belief in the unity of existence. The formalistic philosophy has

been regarded as an expression of the Kshatriya's opposition to extreme religious

acts, as these rituals were becoming very expensive for kings. It is seen as an

expression of the turbulence and uncertainty of the mind of mankind trapped in a

changing socio-political situation, recalling that this era was such that the values

inherent in the concept of the circle were crumbling. In such a situation, men and

women must have tried to find the ultimate truth where there is stability and

certainty. This is the discovery that is perhaps reflected in the Upanishads. It

may also be that the theory of karma developed as a result of trying to understand

and justify contemporary socio-political change. On the basis of this theory, an

attempt was made to explain that the current socio-economic disparities are clear

that many important changes were taking place in the Vedic era. It is targeted by

the emphasis on agriculture, social differentiation, the emergence of monarchy

and changes in religious beliefs and acts. This was the time when the foundation


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was laid for further development in the history of North India, which is evident

from the Panchayat and knowing more than the sixth century BCE.

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