THE CONTINUING PAST 12

CHAPTER 6: Filipino resistance was submissive to the American military strategy and to Gen. Douglas MacArthur Coming from Ch. 5, different guerilla leaders were USAFFE soldiers who refused to surrender, groups patterned after the Philippine Army (rankings, leaders)-1st objective of all groups was to establish contact with MacArthur

First Contacts (133)1. July 10, 1942 - Capt. Nakar (Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya), prayers call for MacArthur to return2. November 2, 1942 - Major Macario Peralta (Free Panay Force), faith in MacArthur

Australian Connection (133-134) Filipinos Australian Connection = ridiculous1. Lt. Col. Gador (Negros) will only take command if Negros groups successfully contacted Australia2. Harry Fenton (Cebu) MacArthur might refuse to recognize their group MacArthurs reconquest of the Philippines, guerillas must lie low, wait for liberation forces and supplies

MacArthur Cult (134-135) MacArthur ordered Courtney Whitney to organize, supply, coordinate the Filipino guerillas Submarines brought supplies Guerilla groups not concerned in organizing people, only use for supplies

Erosion of Morale (135-136) guerillas obeyed MacArthur recruits still remained employed in Japanese puppet government for the whole occupation

Inter-Guerilla Rivalries (136-137) Resistance was filled with personal ambitions and rivalries inside guerilla groups A. Guerilla recognition, B. Concentration on organization, C. Promotions in rank for leaders, caused disputes Many disputes among guerilla groups

Hunters vs. Markings (137) Reason was because they were in the same area, superiority Competed for recruits and supplies Col. Bernard Anderson of Allied Headquarters ended hostilities between the two

No Political Objectives (137-138) many recruits were patriots who were anti-Japanese some less laudable recruits: avenging family members who suffered, escape arrest for crimes, satisfy a sense of adventure, gain prestige and authority, escape harassment by other guerillas some joined since they had no work and wanted pensions

Excesses and Dillusionment (138) Guerillas expected food and entertainment from barrios Burden to barrios due to shortage of supplies People saw rival groups fight instead of a unified resistance

Genesis of the Huks (138-140) USAFFE-led groups were against them, hostile towards a communist-led group Hukbalahap represented a different resistance group based on origin, leadership, organization, attitude towards US, socio-political goals Hukbalahap worked and struggled together long before Japanese invasion Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (Crisanto Evangelista) and Socialist Party (Pedro Abad Santos) merged in 1938 PKP pledged loyalty to Commonwealth and the US for unity and anti-fascist, anti-Japanese After the 2 leaders death, March 29, 1942 Hukbalahap was born Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon, leaders were assigned

Guiding Principles (140-141) Huks to reawaken the spirit of struggle, people take destiny in their own hands 2 docments establishing socio-political commitments1. The Fundamental Spirit principles of a peoples revolutionary army2. The Iron Discipline duties and privileges of Huk soldiers like an army, 2 characteristics set them apart1. Presence of a political instructor in addition to the usual officers2. Equality between soldiers and officers join the army for national emancipation and social freedom, everyone shares the same fortune and hardship

Relations with the People (141-142) Huk as the army of the people Had set a list of dos and donts with interaction with people

Huk Justice (142-143) execution of Felipa Culala (Dayang-Dayang) for demanding feasts for the Huks Huks also suffered weaknesses1. Merge between Communist and Socialist Parties different set of priorities and goals, and ways to lead2. Laxity in the admission of members in the Huk organization. Some turned to banditry.

Education and Politicization (143) Study meetings among soldiers, explain struggle and need for unity Use of newspapers and leaflets (Katubusan ng Bayan) Cultural and Information Dept. led by Juan Feleo organized plays, songs for soldiers

Peoples Councils (143-144) BUDC (Barrio United Defense Corps), provided political education and experience in self-government BUDC governed by a peoples council elected by residents above 18 years of age Functions of the council as a support organization and a governing body for the community Served as links and communication, collected food and supplies, and maintained a judicial system Trial by jury was also done Huk organizers check barrios and towns to check on the councils

Peoples Participation (145-146) Stronger bond of solidarity with the Huk movement Organized barrios were the principal source of Huk power in Central Luzon Solidarity of Huks and people were due to the war-time activities, long tradition of struggle, and the continuity of leadership War gave them the opportunity to settle scores with their landlord enemies Philippine Communist Party admired Chinese comrades for their national struggle for liberation

Huks and the US (146-147) Communist Party sent Casto Alejandrino and Fernando Sampang, mayors of Arayat and Mexico, Pampanga to Bataan to meet Gen. MacArthur Ended with no material assistance for the Huks Huks wanted their own political program and refused to join the Americans over-all guerilla plan Tried to invite other guerilla groups to set-up a united guerilla front but failed, (Markings and Hunters Guerillas were anti-Huk and wanted to work alone) Huk resistance was within the framework of the return to Commonwealth government and of the US (supported US troops and officials) Main goals were Independence and Democracy1. Independence - independence the US had promised before2. Democracy Peoples participation and distribution of agricultural produce, recognition of international (alliance of the Soviet Union and US against fascist powers) and national (pro-Americanism within the country, America can drive away Japan) realities

Opportunities Lost (147-148) Leaders missed the chance to re-examine the old assumptions and take advantage of the struggle against Japanese and educate the realities of imperialism Lost the opportunity of struggle and effecting their own liberation Huks pre-war radicalism was more anti-land than anti-imperialism Limited consciousness of the masses Americans denied the Huks a place in the post-war power structure

Two Collaborations (148-149) Filipino resistance was conducted within the framework of the restoration of American power 2 collaborations coexisted (Japanese and American) Those with Japanese secretly were for Americans and those who were anti-Americanism were willing to accept Japanese leadership over Asia Resistance fighters were not be quickly regarded as heroes while those who collaborated with Japan must prove that they are not traitors Peoples instinctive rejection of foreign control

Advance and Retreat (149-150) Revolutionary instincts were activated due to active struggle or covert resistance Resistance against the Japanese was fighting one invader but waiting for another Made a new level of anti-imperialist struggle and awareness, and an examination of Filipino colonial attitudes

CHAPTER 7: October 20, 1944 MacArthurs forces landed on Leyte Proclaimed te re-establishment of the Commonwealth government February 27 MacArthur turned over Malacanang to Pres. Osmena Operations to break up Japanese forces (capture of Gen. Yamashita)

Reimposition of US Sovereignty (152) No real anti-colonial consciousness under Japanese occupation Filipinos played an acquiescent role in the reimposition of American leadership

Forces at Work (152-153) Post-war society were the confrontations of these forces pro-American guerillas, Hukbalahaps, MacArthur and his staff, Pres. Osmena, and Manuel Roxas MacArthur was the principal factor of the political equation

Guerillas vs. Huks (153-154) Guerilla forces faithfully followed MacArthur and US forces Guerilla had no national social program, no disturbance of social structure and expected reconstruction after the war Resistance for guerilla leaders was a ride for personal ambition while Huks called themselves tulisaffes (tulisan and USAFFE) Guerillas referred to barrio orgs as copies of the Soviet Union

Guerilla Politicians (154-155) prospect of backpay was used than the pork barrel to gain support Tomas Confessor, became Osmenas Defense Secretary

The Huk Threat (155-156) underlying threat was the Hukbalahaps Huk leaders expected to inspire an important role Leaders post-war goals: 1. Prevent collaborators holding office, 2. Implement the independence plan, 3. Progressive source supposedly

MacArthur Supreme(157-158) MacArthur was better qualified than anyone else to decide for the Philippines Intended ot retain full authority and responsibility over the Commonwealth No High Commisioner with MacArthur present

The Arbiter (158-159) Concept of the importance of the individual In making history Restoration of the status quo ante, pro-American leadership and economy dependent on the US

The MacArthur Clique (159-161)1. US Navy Commander Charles Parsons (part owner, 2. Brig. Gen. Courtney Whitney (corporation lawyer) encouraged MacArthur to create the Philippine Civil Affairs Unit 3. Joseph McMicking (businessman)4. Gen. Charles A. Willoughby (chief)5. Soriano(parity gave him the best of both worlds)

The Emerging Patterns (161-162)1. PCAU and CIC (Counter Intelligence Corps)2. Difference of Hukbalahap and other guerilla groups3. Policy on collaboration4. Preference for Roxas instead of Osmena, 2 Stages for a Civil Government, 2 Stages for a Civil GovernmentPhase 1: MacArthur makes the final decisions on those appointedPhase 2: MacArthur certified a province was pacified and rady to be turned to the Government

Obsession with Continuity (163) political stability concern and continuation of pre-war political power structure new faces in the guerilla groups so MacArthur reinstated pre-war officials

Apprehensions at GHQ (163-164) Hukbalahap as a semi-political, semi-bandit org Luis Tagle (executive officer of USPIF United States of Philippine Island Forces) warned the Huks about their group

The Other Enemy (164-165) Huks thought MacArthur was an ally instead of the main enemy Huks as a potential threat to the Commonwealth government and peace of the Philippines

The First Encounters (165-166) US Army found Huk established working governments Huks not recognized as a legitimate guerilla org Huk appointed leaders were replaced by the US Army

Dfference in Treatment (166-167) regarded as bandits, they were asked to surrender their arms to the government Whitney asked Huks to surrender

Disowned and Disarmed Huk squadrons began surrendering their arms but some were executed right after (Maclangs group) Huk held to the policy of the united front, continued to support campaigns and fight against Japan Expected Washington to correct matters but without success Huks were off-balance after MacArthurs policies against them

MacArthur and Collaboration Harold Ickes (Secretary of Interior) MacArthur had the power to decide who collaborated and who did not

Roxas Liberated (170-171) preparing Roxas to be the next President Ickes prediction of the Roxas advertisement happened

The Military Governor (171-172) restoring Commonwealth president the power to govern all territories liberated by the US forces left Pres. Osmena in an event without a clue of what happened MacArthur overshadowed Osmena

Osmenas Predicament (172-173) Philippine government had no funds State of economic collapse for the country PCAU took charge with the supplies US Army was the fountain of all graces and thanked MacArthur

White Hope (173-174) Quezon preferred Roxas as his successor than Osmena Roxas acted as Liaison Officer between the Army Command and the Phil. Government Roxas lived in Manila for retirement Later years, Roxas was the head of Bigasang Bayan and appointed to the National Planning Board Roxas had strong reasons to avoid collaboration and to commit to the hope of American liberation due to his American school background, patriotic dutyClandestine Contacts (174-175) Roxas joined the Laurel government when he had no more contact with MacArthur MacArthur designed Roxas to fit the next presidency

Batang Club (175-176) Roxas was popular in MacArthurs clique Roxas is the only leader which can reconstruct the country based on their ideas and interests (offered a link to the guerilla resistance and to collaborationist elements with the Phil. Elite) MacArthur cleared Roxas of any collaborationist background and made him Brigadier General

The New Alignments (176-177) Osmena supporters felt threatened with Roxas entering the political scene, clearly being dominant in Congress Osmena tried to avoid this by delaying the convening of Congress to slow down Roxas The US Army provided transportation for all legislators to attend the Congress session

Congress Convened (177-178) Roxas was elected Senate President on June 9, 1945 Congress expressed gratitude towards MacArthur for the liberation of the country, honorary Filipino (Defender-Liberator) MacArthur released detainees, some were congressmen to strengthen Roxas allies

Collaboration: Two Views (177) Roxas: collaborator as a man who voluntarily gave aid, comfort, and assistance to the enemy, but if he cooperated under duress, he must no be punished Osmena: expressed appreciation towards his old colleagues and if they had not collaborated, the Japanese might have governed directly leading to more suffering

Pressures on Osmena (178-179) Osmena asked the US Congress to prohibit collaborators from political positions for a definite period 2 of his Cabinet Secretaries, Tomas Confesor (Interior) and Tomas Cabili (Defense) directly stated that leadership should be for resistance leaders and not collaborators Opposition led by Roxas and Speaker Jose Zulueta demanded1. Ousting of both Confesor and Cabili from the Cabinet2. Revision on the policy of collaborators3. Pending the collaboration charges against them

Vacillation of Osmena (179-180) Osmena took a moderate stand on the collaborator issue to avoid hurting his government Defused the collaboration issue by sacrificing Confesor and Cabili from their positions and assigning them to the Filipino Rehabilitation Commission in Washington Confesor asked Osmena to take a firm stand on the issue by refused due to old age and continue wit conciliation and compromise

Anti-Collaboration Undermined (180) Osmena created the Peoples Court to try all the collaboration cases CIC (Counter Intelligence Corps) turned over over 5600 collaboration cases but was only given 6 months for filing indictments MacArthurs staff did not cooperate with the prosecutors Only Teofilo Sison (Quezons Defense Secretary) was the only one convicted in the Peoples Court Osmena wanted Roxas to succeed him in office, not fight him for it Patronage was one weapon Osmena had against Roxas

Osmenas Political Thrusts (181) Pro-Roxas provincial appointees were being dismissed while Osmena tried to control the Senate and the House This strategy needed the approval of the US Congress, unfortunately without success Secretary Ickes needed to go after collaborators which destroyed Osmenas chance to get support

The Break (181-182) Worst that happened with Osmena and Roxas was when Roxas left the NAcionalista party and created the Liberal Party, taking many politicians with him Osmena used his powers of appointment and funds to support (also Chinese men headed by Alfonso Sycip) his campaign but badly needed mass support He was forced to enter a coalition with the Democratic Alliance

Non-Traditional Political Group (182-183) Democratic Alliance was a new element in politics led by middle and upper class liberals Coalition of orgs., united with a common anti-collaborationist sentiment and desire for reform Spokesmen of the common people against conservative classes (orgs that joined on Page 182) One org was the PKM (Pambansang Kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid) which was a unification of the KPMP (Kalipunang Pambansa ng mga Magbubukid sa Pilipinas) and AMT (Aguman ding Maldang Talagapagobra) led by Mateo del Castillo and Juan Feleo Democratic Alliance had a 5-point program:1. Support independence without re-examination anytime2. Democracy against fascism3. Anti-collaboration4. Social security and agrarian reform5. Industrialization

DA Demands (183-184) 1st point: Roxas who was known to admit that he wanted to postpone independence due to problems in reconstruction and rehabilitation 2nd point: Roxas accused of being a fascist Anti-collaboration policy should apply to all including Osmenas allies Social reforms of the Democratic Alliance were modest enough:1. Enforcement of an 8-hour working day2. Standardization and increase in workers wages3. Equitable share of the harvest for tenants4. Recognition of all trade unions and peasant orgs.5. Loans of tenants and small proprietors to eliminate usury6. Safeguards against land-grabbing and evictions

United Front Elements (184) the programs of the DA reflected the political views of reformists

The Coalition (184-185) DA grew a mass base in Manila and Central Luzon, Osmena needed their support Osmena lost support from wealthy financiers, ani-Huk forces, and Filipinos who longed for peacetime stability Forces of Restoration (185-186) Roxas used his connection with MacArthur and his opposition to radicalism Wealthy Filipinos, landowners, political conservaties, collaborators supportd Roxas Forces of restoration was in the Roxas camp

MacArthurs Choice (186) MacArthurs clear preference was a strong political asset Media advertised this

Enter McNutt (186-187) American who was the gretest assistance to Roxas campaign McNutt persuaded Truman to allow civilian wartime collaborators without interference of the US Osmenas link with the DA made him an unsuitable ally for the US while Roxas seemed to be the perfect person for the position

The Restoration (187-188) Roxas beat Osmena by 203,000 votes Restoration that MacArthur had planned was assured, prre-war elite was re-established, American resistance leaders were accomodated End of war did not usher a new social order, it adjusted to a life in accordance with the imperatives of American imperialism

CHAPTER 8:In an effort to avoid another Great Depression of 1929 scenario, policy makers and businessmen attempted economic solutions in the form of incorporating the capitalist world into a system under the Americas. They had a Marshall Plan in which the objectives were to subdue rivals among rival nations, displace England, and to explore the heights of finance in the continent. Their thrust was aimed at other capitalisms such as England and the Western European countries, and control for Third World countries as suppliers of raw materials for the sustenance of the expansion of their markets.Implicit in all these policy maneuvers was a long range global plan culminating in US domination over the world. As a result, they had to defend and sustain capitalism everywhere. This is why the rise of New Democracies in Eastern Europe was viewed as a dangerous expansion of Russian power, and why their propaganda created the Cold War - which was an excuse to interfere with the internal affairs of nations and build a network of military alliances for the defense against the 'Red Menace'. The end result, the expansion of US Control and the facilitation of the economic penetration while contricting options of the rest of the 'free world'.America's objective immediately after the war was to transform the Philippines to a neocolony. Majority of the filipinos accepted the imposition of a neocolonial framework because they argued that no benefit was to be reaped from a country with a shattered economy.With the filipino people comfortable with the presence of Americans, it became relatively easy for native leaders to fall as their pawns. Upon the restoration of the old oligarchy, only the peasants of Central Luzon, urban workers in the Committee of Labor Organizations (CLO), and the Democratic Alliance opposed. This was the background as the Roxas-Quirino administration appeared.Manuel Roxas assumed his position at a time when the country would've flourished upon the introduction of a new basis but instead of seeing his opportunity to build a truly independent country, he saw the unfortunate effects of our shattered economy. And so, with America's offered solutions; 1) MacArthur's sponsorships, 2) friendship and assistance of High Commisioner McNutt and American businessmen, and 3) the support of local conservative forces, he couldn't help but accept. Despite the "closeness" Roxas has with American politicians, the loans and/or grants he requested from the US were mostly turned down while some were reduced to such a low price. He was shocked with the response but did not change his course of action. He continued to work for the American assistance. In his inaugural address as the new president, he claimed he had "no dream of empire in America." Ironic considering that this was when the United States was implementing the foundation of neocolonial control and he was doing everything to adapt the country to the framework. The foundation stone of the neocolonial structure were the 1) Bell Trade Act, 2) Tydings Rehabilitation Act, 3) Military Bases Agreement, and 4) the Military Assistance Agreement. The Bell Trade Act was for the continuation of free trade between America and the Philippines, otherwise they would terminate the grant for Philippine independence. But then the Americans started limiting the export of Philippine products to their country, due to fear of competition, while they could continually export in ours. This act also deprived the country of its currency sovereignity by fixing the rate of exchange which could not be changed without th US's approval.The most troublesome policy was the parity act which obliged Philippines to grant US citizens the same privileges that filipinos have (i.e land ownership, fishing/mineral rights, etc.). Sen Millard Tydings named Paul V. McNutt as one of the opposers of independence who favored the Bell act. He can be called as the real author of the Bell act but, unfortunately, was funded by Jasper Bell.Another challenge was the approval of the Trade Relations Act by the Philippine Congress. McNutt involved the coverage of war damage to the act as an insurance that Roxas will implement it, seeing that war damage payments were needed for the rehab of private industry which is essential to his reconstruction program. His Liberals and representatives were insufficient for the passing of the bill. So Roxas had his Liberal majorities to refuse to permit 3 Nacionalista senators and 8 congressmen, seven from the Democratic Alliance, to take their seats. Roxas and his lieutenants used personal persuasion and offered patronage of the pork funds in exchange for an affirmative vote for the remaining senators and congressmen of the Nacionalista party. Had the legislators from the Nacionalista Democratic Alliance coalition not been unseated, parity would never have passed.

The parity amendment was still to be voted by the people in a plebiscite. In Central Luzon, the plebiscite took place in the population centers to minimize the anti-activity of the Hukbalahaps and to give edge to the party machine according to Julius Edelstein.

The Philippines signed the Military Bases Agreement, three days after the plebiscite. The Military Assistance Pact provided the Philippine military personnel with furnished arms, ammunition and supplies, trainings from the United States. They also sent officers to US military schools and set up a Join US Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG) paid for by the Philippine government to advise the Philippine Army, Constabulary, Air Force, Navy and Intelligence Services. These were integral parts of the US global strategy to contain communism. What the government wanted was peace, with the surrender of arms. This contested the approval of the radical movement, particularly the Huks, the Democratic Alliance and PKM (Pambansang Kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid), because to them weapons gave them security, especially after the Japanese invasion.

On July 29, 1929, President Roxas issues Republic Act No. 4 called the surrender of arms. Central Luzon now became a battle zone as the government declared war on the Huks. The government concentration in Central Luzon forced the Huks to expand to other regions. They shifted from a tactic of evasion to an intensified widespread offensive defensive form of struggle confined to small hit and run ambushes.

On March 1948, President Roxas outlawed the Hukbalahap and the PKM declaring them illegal associations organized and maintained to commit acts of sedition and to overthrow the government through force. PKP (Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas) leaders were busy with the organization of urban works. A Trade Union Division was created for organizing labor in the early post war years. The result was later renamed Congress of Labor Organizations. Some of their affiliates are: Union de Impresores de Filipinas, Federacion Obrera de la Industria Tabaquera de Filipinas, the Metropolitan Water District Workers Union and the Association of Oil Workers.

The country was abundant in non-essential American commodities and war damaged payments. Corruption was also prominent and the economic status of the country was clearly going down.

President Roxas died of a heart attack in Clark Field Pampanga on April 15, 1948. Elpidio Quirino immediately addressed himself to the rebellion in Central Luzon. He made contact with Luis Taruc with his brother Judge Antonio Quirino as his principal emissary and negotiator. They had secret meetings to which they came up with tentative agreements: 1)the President would do everything in his power to make independence real by working toward the abrogation of the Bell Trade Act and Military Bases Agreement 2) by resisting the impositions of American imperialism, that the President would eradicate graft and corruption in government 3)enhance democratic liberties 4) institute land reform.

On June 21 President Quirino announced that the government would forgive and forego the prosecution of the crimes of rebellion only to those who presented themselves with all their arms and ammunition to the duly constituted authorities. Although they were supposedly in a truce while negotiations were going on, Constabulary and civil guards continued their raids and ambushes. They regarded the registration of firearms as a means of identifying Huks and PKMs for future harassment or liquidation.

The radical movement continued with armed struggle. Their goal was to overthrow the government by force. They changed the name of Hukbalahap to Hukbong Magpagpalaya ng Bayan (HMB) or Army of National Liberalism. PKP, the Huks and the peasant masses ways of trying to achieve their goal shifted from legal parliament struggle to defensive armed struggle for survival. The PKP parted ways from majority of the Democratic Alliance and continued on with the parliamentary process.

Nationalist articulation began to be taken over by Claro M. Recto and Jose P. Laurel. They criticized American policy and opposed the US-supported Liberal Party. They were also in favor of abrogating parity and repealing the Bell Trade Act, since it had not served its purpose. Laurel was a standard bearer of the Nacionalista Party and Recto was a senatorial candidate. Both adopted the Nacionalista campaign line and were supported by the HMB. However Quirino still won the 1949 election. Americans did not approve of Laurel, Recto did not get his seat until 1952.

CHAPTER 9:The country was faced with a grave economic & financial crisis. The Bell Trade act tied the hands of the Phil. Govt. and prevented it from acting to protect its economy.American strategic planners considered the Philippines as the weakest link in their Asian offshore island chain of defense. President Truman allowed a temporary modification of free trade relations and agreed to Philippine demands for the institution of import and exchange controls. This was the only way of checking the dangerous decline in dollar reserves. The US was reluctant to pass on the import and exchange controls to us because it would be harmful for their business interests but the alternative was Philippine bankruptcy and a possible communist seizure of power where the US would completely go down the drain. The American instruments for the interventions were the Bell Mission, the Melby Mission and JUSMAG, and the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency).President Quirino went to the US in Feb. 1950 where he was told by President Harry S. Truman that the US would no longer help the Philippines of they didnt try to put its house into order. Quirino tried to negotiate but the US refused to accommodate him any further. After 4 months of wavering, Quirino finally bowed down to American insistence. Truman announced that he was sending a survey mission to assess the Philippines after the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950. This mission was led by the president of the American Security and Trust Company, Daniel W. Bell. The mission consisted of a survey in all aspects of the Philippine economy which includes agriculture, industry, finances, domestic and foreign trade, and public administration. Predictably, they blamed the economy and social ills that were primary results of U.S. colonial policies. They then recommended reforms in public administration, improvement of production, higher taxes, a minimum wage law, a tax on the sale of foreign exchange, and land reform. To secure the aid, Quirino had to agree to the Americans holding the choice of projects and allocation of funds. Second type of American intervention was a more direct response to the internal communist threat. There was a Melby Mission that was sent to the Phils. To look into the military equipment needs of the Phil. Armed Forces and to set up a program for improving its counter-insurgency capability. The Joint US Military Assistance Group (JUSMAG) had the task of implementing the Melby Missions recommendations and it also directed the reorganization of the Anti-Huk campaign. 1st: It changed the military orientation to one of maintenance of internal security. It persuaded the Phil. Govt to revise its defense budget to maximize the fund allocations for the army. 2nd: It had the Philippine Constabulary merged with the Armed Forces and placed under the office of the Secretary of National Defense. JUSMAG did this because the PC had poor discipline and training. 3rd: Jusmag directed the organizations of Battalion Combat Teams. Each newly organized BCT had 1,170 soldiers equipped with artillery and capable of launching major offensive actions compared to the old PC which only had 90 poorly equipped men. The total US military assistance for fiscal year 1951 was 4 times that of fiscal year 1950. Ramon Magsaysay started out small. He was a branch manager from a bus line before he became a Congressman, and then a Defense Secretary, and then a President. Every step, he was aided by the Americans. He came to the attention of the US Military when he provided the 31st Division with buses during their retreat in Bataan. Later on, Magsaysay used his wartime credentials and connections as a basis for a political career during the post-war period. He joined the Liberal Party and became a Congressman for Zambales. He rose to more power when he was appointed as the Secretary of Defense on August 31, 1950 by Quirino. Quirino appointed him as the Secretary of Defense because the Americans told him to.Magsaysay met his right hand man on a trip to Washington. Edward G. Lansdale who was sent as a military adviser of JUSMAG. Magsaysay has done a lot of things even before he has been appointed president. He improved our forces and even rid us of the threats of the Hukbalahaps.A CIA operative launched a program that would make Magsaysay a national hero and Lansdale an authority on combating insurgency. Even then, they were already planning bigger roles for Magsaysay.The first counter insurgency program was the activation of the armed forces. The army needed reorganization of the armed forces leadership. He used both moral and material incentives to boost the troop morale. He offered cash as a reward of giving information. About a month into being Defense Secretary, he accomplished his first successful raid.Ramon had convinced Quirino to remove the 'Habeas Corpus' but was only gone for a year before they restored it. The worst punishments were either death or lifetime imprisonment.He had a successful programs such as EDCOR (Economic Dev't Corps) for the Huks, and the the Ten Centavo Telegram. This was all before his presidency.He conspired with Laurel, Recto, and Tanada to be the opposition candidate for president. He secretly teamed with the Nacionalista as he eventually saw the Liberal Party's discord. Inevitably, he won the 1953 elections by a landslide in which 69% of the canvassed votes were his.Once seated, he implemented three legislations concerning land reform to further gain the people's trust. These were the Agricultural Tenancy Act of 1954, an act creating the Court of Agrarian Relations, and the Land Reform Act of 1955, all of which were ineffective.

CHAPTER 10:President Ramon MagsaysayCharacteristics: Pro-American Dependent on Americans Puppet president

US Main goal:Use the Philippines as a model and to implement their policies on other South East Asian Nations* At this point, people were already beginning to question America, and were becoming more conscious and awareClaro M. RectoLeading articulator of nationalist dissent What is good for the U.S. is not necessarily good for the Philippines Against colonial complex An intensive and pervasive colonization, no less than an enlightened policy of gradually increasing autonomy, which dissolved in whatever hatreds and resentments were distilled in the Filipino-American war Personal motives: He was bitter because of the way Americans treated collaborators like himself Had an issue with the pro-American orientation of the Liberal Party Goals: He wanted the Philippines to have a separate foreign policy He wanted sovereignty Opposed the Japanese Peace Treaty Asia for Asians (independence from their colonial masters) Initially tried to influence Magsaysay, but instead confronted him Attacked the US by opposing the claim of ownership rights to the military and naval bases it had occupied before July 4, 1946 He urged that Filipinos should go for a legal declaration of independence as a follow up to the lost claim of ownership rights by the US When the U.S. wanted to send Filipino troops into Vietnam, Recto opposed, stating that their war was a civil war and that they should not intervene The Philippines should not make unnecessary enemies Not guaranteed that the U.S. would protect usRecto went for re-election Opposed the Laurel Langley agreement (which would open the entire range of the economy to domination by U.S. corporations) Opposed the Land Tenure Bill (since he did not believe that any patriotic Filipino would want their country to remain agricultural) Opposed Foreign Investments Act Opposed the Vietnam war Proved that the U.S. gave Magsaysay $250,000 for his campaign fund Joined by Senator Tanada, formed the Lapiang Makabansa party Branded by the church as communist and anti-Catholic Proposed the Rizal Bill, which required college students to study Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo, causing ill favor from the Catholic Church1957: Magsaysays plane crashesMagsaysays death reduced the urgency of his messages; the one symbol of pro-Americanism was gone

*Recto lost to Carlos Garcia and wasnt completely successful in his goals, but he became the starting point, and lit the spark for the Nationalist Crusade and the push towards independence

CHAPTER 11:President Carlos P. Garcias ReignCharacteristics: Nationalist Not favored by the AmericansRapprochement with RectoReasons:1. Recto was a nationalist1. Recto helped Garcia win because Garcia was not a candidate of the Americans nor the Church1. Practical politics (Garcia wanted to neutralize Recto as a critic and gain his supporters)Filipino First Policy: Garcias Legacy Passed in 1958 The policy called for adoption of guidelines giving preferential treatment to the Filipinos Qualified Filipinos that applied for foreign exchange allocations to establish commercial or industrial enterprises were to be given preference over non-Filipinos Although a limited expression of nationalism, suppressed feelings of nationalism began to surface. Demands for extension of the policy to other fields were made (Education, natural resource disposition, etc.) Reaction/Reception: Provoked protests from mostly Americans and Chinese Will willfully destroy the industry*Recto celebrated that it was the first administration that attempted to resist foreign control*Constantino commented that any policy that reduced the foreign economic control and gave Filipino entrepreneurs advantages was a valid prerogative of an independent governmentExternal Pressures faced by Garcia Strong American pressure CIA moves Protests of the American Chamber of Commerce*The development of a nationalist orientation in government was a serious potential threat to neocolonial controlInternal Pressures faced by Garcia According to Congressman Cabangbang (Garcias friend), there was a plan by a group of military men to stage a coup dtat Preliminary steps consisted of a propaganda campaign to brand Garcia as a communist supporter then build up Defense Secretary Jesus Vargas Radio announcers had joined anti-Garcia, Pro-Vargas campaign Intensified criticism of the Garcia administration*In 1959 Vargas was one out of the four Magsaysay boys whose candidacy for senator the CIA insisted onNPM: National Progress Movement Garcia gave his blessings to the formation of the NPM Established 1959 Garcias political organization which was intended to ensure his victory in the coming elections Organizers were mainly Garcia men and some Magsaysay boys Nationalism was their battlecry Advocated the full implementation of the Filipino First policy Objectives: Abrogation of parity, Filipinization of the educational systems & institutions, an independent foreign policy, close ties with other Asian countries, Filipinization of all public utility industries, social justice, nationalist industrialization, and a bold nationalist program as a measure against all forms of imperialism, ideological or otherwise Emphasized on Central and Southern Luzon (practical politics attempt to undercut Macapagal, a Pampangueno) Ended when it was branded a communist organization working within the Nacionalista PartyCIA Maneuvers Magsaysay group, with CIA support, formed a coalition with the Liberal Party called the Grand Alliance Orders: get Philippines back on track Objective: form a strong opposition vs. Garcia CIA promised substantial financial support to the two parties, a direct violation of Philippine law CIA insisted on putting in four men as senators Manahan, Manglapus, Pelaez, Vargas But Macapagal accepted only the first three Magsaysay boys goal: force a realignment in the 1961 elections with Macapagal*All candidates four lost the 1959 elections but the CIA was satisfied with the election results because, in their view, it proved that Garcia could be beaten in 1961Garcias Fate 1959: Ferdinand Marcos, a Liberal, topped the winning 8 and Juan Pajo, the man most associated with Garcia, badly lost. Clear demonstration that Garcia could lose in 1961. Liberal Party and the Grand Alliance focused on the corruption of the Garcia administration The president attacked the two opposition parties Philippines is not ready to compete worldwide 1961: Garcia lost to Macapagal (voters wanted to vote against corruption in his admin)President Diosdado Macapagals ReignCharacteristics: Favored by Americans Wanted free tradeBeginning: Licenses were no longer required for imports Peso value floated to P3.90 = 1 USD US government committed $304M to stabilization fund for his decontrol program JFK offered full support for the decontrol program*CIAs political maneuvers succeeded; the Philippines was back on trackDiosdado Macapagals enacted laws Independence Day President Macapagal reinforced the illusion of Philippine sovereignty by moving the celebration of Philippine independence from July 4 to June 12 and declaring his commitment to the unfinished revolution of 1896. Land Reform (1963) provided for the purchase of private farmlands with the intention of distributing them in small lots to the landless tenants on easy terms of paymentChapter 11 Part 21. The United States post war policy toward the Philippines has been to keep up the countrys economy firmly integrated in the world capitalist system, dependent on and subsidiary to the American economy1. Liberation re-occupation1. Reimposition of free trade which oriented the Philippine economy toward dependence on the USA1. Bell Trade Act, Rehabilitation Act, Military Bases Agreement, Military Assistance Pact first pillars of neocolonial edifice1. Claro M. Recto continued to criticize U.S. policy via articulations of nationalist elements1. 1953 clean elections Ramon Magsaysay (Americans choice), USA and Ramon Magsaysay as saviors of democracy, to win back the masses, stabilize the economy, and project US as benefactor of the Filipino people, to insure that Filipinos will elect leaders preferred by USA1. Macapagals Political Testament Presidential candidates want the support of the American government despite the effect of the Americans on the decisions of the Filipino Presidents and the jeopardy of the interests of the Filipino People1. The Labor Front CLO was dismantled, numerous strikes for higher wages, Minimum Wage Act of 1951, Industrial Peace Act of 19541. Philpak and Dolefil8. Diosdado Macapagals open-door policy to foreign investors (particularly American capitalists8. the Philippine government showed that it is willing to violate its own Constitution8. Shows how Americans reigned over the Filipinos1. Rehabilitation Aid & Developmental Aid9. Aid from the Americans after WW2 to help the Philippines reform 9. Americans benefit greatly (agricultural development rather than industrial) from both while also gaining control of the Philippine govt. 11. PL 480 (1954)1. Cleverly designed to increase the foreign market of American agricultural commodities but was delayed until 1957 by the opposition & Rectos campaign1. IDC (Industrial Development Center) provided technical, managerial, and financial assistance to local industries1. American-sponsored reforms and foreign aid programs were meant to hasten capitalist growth in the recipient country so that it would be more suitable to growth of foreign investments1. Macapagals economic program that provided for various events was intended to prepare the ground for neocolonial industrialization1. Late 1950s shift from bilateral to multilateral aid (emerging trend of exploitation of the underdeveloped countries from bilateral to multilateral)1. Nationalism must embrace the concept of social liberation.1. Cultural Nationalism integral part of Nationalism but not the central aspect1. Political Nationalism part of the larger nationalism but not its basic aspect1. Real independence cannot be attained without involvement of masses of people for they are the ones who bear the consequences of social and economic oppression and neocolonial control.1. The task of mass nationalism is to establish the unity of all anti-imperialist forces despite the contradictions among these various sectors. For ultimately, the politicization of many who are involved in a mass nationalist movement will impel them to give up their original sectoral goals in favor of the larger interest of the entire people.1. Nationalism National Liberation Real Liberation (rid of all forms of oppression and exploitation1. Nationalism in a Third World country confronts an international system and no longer a single metropolitan power. Therefore, contemporary nationalism should be a part of a larger internationalism of oppressed countries