Heritage Final Nca

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AN ECONOMY OF HISTORICITY 1

An Economy of Historicity: The Carefully-Crafted Heritage of The Villages

Timothy Burke

University of South Florida

COM 7933: Cultural Heritage

12 December 2005


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Phillip K. Dick's 1966 science-fiction short story We Can Remember It For You

Wholesale introduces us to Douglas Quail, described as a "simple and quiet" man who

has but one dream: to visit Mars before he dies. Alas, Quail's job as a "miserable little

salaried man" working for the West Coast Immigration Bureau leaves him far short of the

funds necessary for such an excursion. Thus, he makes an appointment with the Rekal

Corporation, a company that offers implanted memories, or "extra-factual memory." The

process quickly goes awry, however, as the implanted memories conflict with Quail's

actual memory (one that had been, it is suggested, erased earlier) and, it is later

discovered, actually reflect Quail's lived reality. Rekal attempts to restore Quail's

memory, but by this point it is impossible to discern which memories were of lived

experience and which were falsely implanted. The story would later inspire the 1990

Arnold Schwarzenegger film Total Recalland pave the way for future "manufactured

reality" films like The Matrix andEternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind, each dealing

with the manipulation and reconstruction of both the present and the past.

The central question to understanding cultural heritage is, typically, "How is the

past constructed?" In the traditional course of heritage research, we can examine artifacts

of the past -- their production and interpretation -- and their presentation in the present,

considering how well the gap between then and now is bridged. The process by which

individuals in a culture navigate and interpret their artifacts is thus the dominant locus for

observation. Further, we can inquire into memory; what we remember, and why, provides

significant insight into the past and how we identify with it.

However, what happens when a past is constructed -- literally -- through the

process of creative motion and a corporate goal? Our inquiry into the ever-debatable


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concept of "authenticity" becomes surreal when the truly authentic never existed to begin

with. This circumstance is the one we must deal with when considering the community of

The Villages, an area that spans three northern Florida counties and is home to more than

50,000 residents. Known as "Florida's Friendliest Hometown," despite the fact its

exclusion of citizens below the age of 55 makes this motto somewhat impossible, The

Villages is, as an unincorporated (but most certainly corporate) census-defined place, a

powerful force in the development of north-central Florida.

Growing primarily out of the township of Lady Lake, a town that until the

development of The Villages had a population of only 400, the "active adult community"

has grown at a rate such that the federal government is expecting the population to

exceed 100,000 by 2010. This immense growth would make The Villages Florida's 14th

largest city, immediately behind Clearwater, and force serious considerations into

infrastructure and political issues in the surrounding areas, considered to be some of

Florida's poorest. The CDP is operated entirely by the private corporation that owns The

Villages; the only public institution on its property is The Villages Charter School,

which, while a public school of the state of Florida, was built and is overseen by the

private, family-owned interests.

As a planned community, one of the nation's largest, The Villages does not

demonstrate the typical centralized nature of large cities. The term "The Villages" refers

to the sprawling neighborhoods of similarly-shaped homes that radiate from two town

squares that lie roughly two miles from each other. Citizens of The Villages are identified

into these two communities via their proximity to them. The two squares, Spanish

Springs Town Square and Lake Sumter Landing Market Square, have significant


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differences in the landscaping, architecture, and city planning, contrasting greatly with

the nearly identical nature of the community's homes and secondary amenities (post

offices, swimming pools, and the like).

However, the more intriguing qualities of the communities are found in the town

squares themselves. Each is built to resemble a certain theme; Spanish Springs the

Mexican Mission town, and Lake Sumter Landing the New England fishing/shipping

community. While the town squares (each of which are true town squares, with a large

courthouse-type building overlooking a square complete with gazebo and entertainment

area) have their significant differences, both are constructed to reflect a past that never

existed in those places. While less than 20 years old (in the case of Spanish Springs) and

five years old (Lake Sumter Landing), both are artificially "weathered" to appear

hundreds of years old; furthermore, each "landmark" in the town square is noted with a

placard or signpost indicating the previous "history" of the location. The towering

buildings that overlook the town squares, for example, tell stories of fishing magnates,

hotel owners, or ranchers who built the communities "hundreds of years ago." Today,

these buildings serve (as they have since their construction) as the corporate centers for

The Villages; specifically, they house the real estate concerns of the respective

communities (The Villages owns the land and constructs every home in the CDP).

Accordingly, the restaurants and shops that line the streets of the town squares each have

their own constructed past; what today is a shoe store might have once been "D. Philips'

General Store" and the like. The illusion is continued through the use of "dated" features

in the town squares; towering clocks might be of cast iron dated turn-of-the-century;

hand-powered water pumps line streets, but are "no longer functioning."


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Clearly, the use of heritage to recall the past is an important part of promoting the

product being sold by The Villages, namely property (and the sizable monthly

community fees). Clapp (1999) indicates authenticity is a powerful force in this kind of

promotion. Cohen (1988), drawing on contemporary existential approaches to

anthropology, explains the quest for authenticity is a central behavior of "modern man."

In this, we seek authenticity as a reaction to an increasingly inauthentic modern society.

In this, he foils to MacCannell's (1973) argument and suggests authenticity is a socially

constructed and "negotiable" concept. Crick (1989), however, explains that as culture is

in constant flux, the line between authentic and inauthentic is constantly shifting. While

the past constructed for the town squares of The Villages is exactly that, by living

amongst the past created for them, residents become a part of a history that is as authentic

as any lived history.

In all of this, we see lines of discussion pointing toward Baudrillard's (1981)

proposition of the concept of "simulacrum:" a copy without an original. Baudrillard

argues technology can create a "hyper-reality" by creating a virtual world that

disconnects us from established reality.

To gain a greater understanding of the constructed heritage of The Villages and,

more importantly, how residents of The Villages interact with and perpetuate the

storylines present in their communities, we will first examine the markers and

architecture that build The Villages' false heritage. Second, and more importantly, we

will explore the process by which residents identify with this heritage through

observation and interviews with residents. Finally, conclusions will be drawn about the

roles this heritage plays in the daily life of residents of "Florida's Friendliest Hometown."


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The Villages: The Beginnings

Harold Schwartz led a colorful life before dying in 2003 at the age of 93.

Originally an advertising executive in Chicago, in 1950 he obtained control over "border-

blaster" radio stations XEG and XERB in Mexico. These stations operated transmitters

aimed toward the United States but without FCC regulations they were able to transmit at

a much higher wattage and to a much larger audience. During his tenure, Schwartz

launched the career of disc jockey "Wolfman Jack," whose repertoire on XERB was

featured prominently in the filmAmerican Graffiti (Fowler & Crawford, 1987).

From this, he began selling plots of Florida swampland from his Chicago-based

mail-order company. A 1969 legislative crackdown ended this lucrative enterprise, so he

started to investigate mobile home sales. An avid golfer, in 1982 he purchased the Orange

Blossom Gardens mobile home community near the community of Lady Lake, Florida.

The main attraction of this community was the Orange Blossom Golf Course, which was

accessible to all community residents. At the time, Orange Blossom housed about 1,500

retirees (Nohlgren, 2000). Schwartz envisioned a sprawling city of neighborhoods

punctuated by championship-quality golf courses, all free for the use of local residents

(Mormino, 2005). He and his son/business partner Gary Morse began upgrading the

facilities and mobile homes, realizing eventually that it would be more profitable to build

homes themselves. From this, they elected to control the development of the commercial

sector themselves, as well; thus keeping both residential and commercial aspects of their

community within their corporation. Morse explained the motivation for building the first

town square in a 2000 interview:


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Statue of Harold Schwartz, Spanish Springs Town Square 1.


"Our people were small town people. We wanted a town to remind them of their

youth [] We didn't think our people wanted to live in a new glass building type place"

(Nohlgren, 2000). A team of Canadian architects hired after Schwartz admired their work

at the nearby Universal Studios theme park in Orlando presented a challenge: tell us what

story to work with, they said, and we'll build your town.

As tradition holds, the Morse family

(with the help of a bottle of scotch and case

of beer) concocted a "fanciful history" of

Spanish Springs, complete with soldiers'

garrisons, Indian attacks, epidemics,

hoteliers, and shopkeepers (Nohlgren,

2000). One oft-repeated tale is that Ponce de

Leon visited Spanish Springs on his search

for the famed "Fountain of Youth" (Kunerth,

2002). In 1993, Spanish Springs was quickly

erected and filled with the businesses that

populate any typical town square:

restaurants, shoe stores, taverns, a Chamber of Commerce, and a Starbucks. While the

interiors were usually contemporarily decorated, the exteriors exhibited the Spanish tile-

and-stucco architecture that reflected the town square's backstory as constructed by the

Morse family. A bronze statue of Schwartz was built in a fountain at the northwest corner

of the square. The statue has housed Schwartz' remains since his 2003 death ("Harold

1. All photos courtesy the author.


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Faade of Spanish Springs Brewing Company, off Spanish Springs Town Square.


Schwartz, developer of The Villages, dies," 2003). Nearby, a large non-denominational

"Church on the Square" looms in its appropriately Mexican Mission design.

However, the most prominent feature of the Spanish Springs Town Center is the

hulking edifice that houses the sales and promotion departments of The Villages. Home

to the corporate interests of The Villages, it is exquisitely decorated on the interior, an

attempt to impress even the casual visitor. It is, after all, the first place most prospective

homebuyers visit upon their arrival into The Villages. It is where their first meetings with

realtors (who are all employees of the corporation; all home construction and sales are

managed by The Villages) occur and where most buyers "sign on the dotted line." A

library, dining room, and conference room fill the lower floor, each with white polo

shirted employees milling about. Most of the individuals working in the sales center are,

themselves, retirees: The Villages prides itself on surrounding visitors with people who

"look like they do." It is notable, then, that nearly every face a visitor to the sales center

observes is a white one. The Villages, while catering to nearly every whim and interest of


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its citizens, is not an ethnically diverse community. Despite its over 50,000 residents, the

town's African-American Club has only 65 members (Kunerth, 2002). The 2000 census

estimates that 97.5% of residents are white and non-Hispanic. Residents of The Villages

are predominantly white, Protestant, and upper-middle class (Kunerth, 2002).

It was with one of these white, Protestant, grey-haired retirees that I received the

"grand tour" of The Villages, one usually reserved for prospective homebuyers. She

described herself as a retired teacher, who had moved here five years ago with her golf-

loving husband, an ex-businessman of some sort. "I love The Villages so much I decided

to work for them," she explained. We weaved through the streets that connect the

individual neighborhoods to the golf courses, recreation centers, swimming pools, and

post offices by which residents make life happen. Occasionally, we passed by a field of

grazing buffalo, with gates marked by Old West style signs reading "Protected Buffalo.

NO TRESPASSING. Survivors will be prosecuted." I ask about the buffalo.

"Oh, we love the buffalo here. Our high school's sports teams are named after

them, we have a lot of buffalo-themed groups"

"But why are they here?"

"Our founder loved buffalo. When he moved here 100 years ago he brought them

with him from Michigan."

I let the obvious falsehood drop, and instead remark that we had buffalo farms

back home, in Ohio. Media tycoon Ted Turner built them for his chain of restaurants.

"WE DON'T EAT THE BUFFALO HERE. THEY ARE OUR PETS," she sternly

rebukes.


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I am taken to both Spanish Springs and Lake Sumter Landing, and visit the

community centers, the workout gyms, and the golf course clubhouses. She points out the

massive hospital -- on average, one resident dies daily -- and informs me despite its size,

it lacks a maternity ward. In all, the tour takes several hours and I'm exhausted not only

by the walking but in the constant response of "No, I'm fine" to her questions of "Do you

need to use the restroom?"

"Sorry, force of habit, you know how old people are," she explains.

Of course, this all grew from the Orange Blossom trailer home community, home

to mid-to-lower income retirees, which to an outside observer seems to no longer exist.

My host made no reference to it until I inquired specifically, and was met with a terse

response when I did. It does, indeed, still operate in its original area and under the control

of The Villages. However, it has been secluded for aesthetic reasons. A large, brown

stucco wall runs along the street that separates it from the Spanish Springs district. An

elevated walkway, weathered to match the dcor of Spanish Springs, extends into the

mobile home area and allows for passage of pedestrians and golf carts, the preferred

method of transportation in The Villages.

Indeed, the golf cart presence is curious and memorable to the visitor. No fewer

than 45 golf cart parking spots are painted in front of the Publix grocery store a block

from the Spanish Springs town square. Next door to the Publix is a large, well-outfitted

golf cart dealership. Residents of The Villages take pride in their carts; while a used cart

can be had for roughly $4,000, more elaborate models can reach the $20,000 threshold. It

is not uncommon to see Cadillac or Porsche-branded carts tooling around on special cart-

only roads throughout The Villages, complete with chrome rims and air conditioning.


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Contentious debates happen over beers in local taverns regarding the relative merits of

electric versus gasoline-powered carts. Personal touches like license plates and flags

indicating home states or alma maters of residents adorn the ubiquitous vehicles.

Automobile drivers are reminded AT ALL TIMES to yield to golf carts as they crisscross

the community, ever-present golf clubs bouncing around while strapped to the back.

Curiously, the consumption of alcohol is a point of pride for some residents and

shopkeepers in The Villages. While the area doesn't feature the myriad clubs and bars

that one might find in a college town like Gainesville, an hour away, residents of The

Villages do enjoy a drink or two. At a new homeowners' breakfast, The Villages' head of

hospitality Mackie McCabe boasts the community outdrinks any Florida college town.

"We have the highest per capita consumption of draft beer in the state of Florida," he

claims (Kunerth, 2002). The Spanish Springs Brewing Company, a microbrewery, is

particularly popular, and its products are sold in several venues throughout The Villages.

The rapid growth of The Villages exceeded even the most optimistic projections.

In 2003, with the population pushing 36,000, the company purchased thousands of acres

of land south of the original area and persuaded Sumter County officials to allow an

annexation. The centerpiece of this new development was a large man-made lake, named

Lake Sumter, and a new town square whose creative motivation would be anchored to the

presence of the lake. This new town center would be named Lake Sumter Landing, and

would capitalize on the success found by the Spanish Springs backstories.

Lake Sumter Landing is designed in the style of a turn-of-the-century (as in 1900)

New England fishing village. Market Square at Lake Sumter Landing features a large

faux lighthouse, performance gazebo, and weathered pastel blues and pinks hearkening


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back to a shipping and fishing heritage. Its parallel to the large sales office at Spanish

Springs is a Grand Hotel-style building which is home to the sales offices of

neighborhoods south of the county road that separates the older area from the newer.

Lake Sumter Landing is unique from Spanish Springs in that it is larger and more

"storied" than its older neighbor. It features no fewer than 76 "historic" locations, some of

which house businesses like tea shoppes or restaurants, but many of which are empty,

awaiting new tenants. Regardless of whether the spaces are currently occupied, they each

have a sign placed by the "Lake Sumter Landing Historical Preservation League"

describing the past constructed by the creative minds of The Villages. A frequent (and

observant) visitor to Lake Sumter Landing will notice new construction, perhaps a

seafood restaurant or sports bar, that hadn't existed six months prior; it will, inevitably,

have a plaque testifying to a provocative past. This creates a comic and somewhat absurd

effect, one not observable in the more static architecture of Spanish Springs.

Visitors to Lake Sumter Landing are provided a broadsheet "Lake Sumter

Landing Historical Map" detailing all 76 locations. It is accompanied by a letter from

"Frank Butterfield," Chairman Pro Tem of the Lake Sumter Historical Preservation

League and sealed with the Lake Sumter Landing (Est. 1841) logo. The letter reads:

Honored Guests and Visitors:

As Chairman Pro Tem of the Lake Sumter Landing Historical Preservation

League, it is with pride, gratitude and humility that I, on behalf of all the

dedicated and hard working members of the League, welcome you to Lake


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Sumter Landing and your journey of historical discovery through the streets of

this venerable and charming town.

Uncovering and, in some cases, interpreting the history of Lake Sumter

Landing has been a protracted labor of love for members of the Historical

Preservation League. In instances where uncovering and interpretation have failed

us, we have resorted to invention. Where invention has faltered, we have

borrowed from Florida history, from American history, from local legends and

from family stories.

In all instances it has been our desire to entertain you first and foremost

and to educate you only as a distant afterthought. Our feeling and guiding

philosophy has been that history is what you make of it and what you make of it

should be fun. With that in mind, we wish you a great deal of enjoyment as you

explore Lake Sumter Landing and delve into its totally unbelievable history.

Lake Sumter Landing continues to grow, and it is projected that establishments

will ring the outside of the entire lake (save for the north face, bordered by one of The

Villages' 27 golf courses) by 2010.

Narrative Inquiry: the Stories of The Villages

While the stories constructed for various areas of The Villages stand on their own

as testimony to the "past," there are common threads through which the narratives are

woven. A key figure to this backstory is one Katie Belle Van Patten, after whom the

exclusive residents-only Katie Belle Saloon is named.


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Plaque to Katie Belle Van Patten, Katie Belle's Tavern,Spanish Springs Town Square.


Katie Belle, it is told, was the

wife of a wealthy Jacksonville hotelier

who, in an attempt to flatter his wife,

named its new tavern after her. Much to

his chagrin, she immediately traveled to

Spanish Springs and took over the role

of constructing it -- and thence operating

it personally, contrary to the rules for

proper etiquette of the times. "Katie

Belle made the saloon her showplace

and her kingdom," the plaque outside the

Katie Belle Tavern reads, "with an iron

fist in a velvet glove for almost forty years

and in so doing, made the Katie Belle Saloon a legendary place for good times

throughout the territory."

Despite the quasi-feminist nature of the Katie Belle Saloon backstory, it is

ironically the most exclusive and discriminatory establishment in all of The Villages. It is

the only establishment that is restricted to residents of The Villages and their registered

guests, and is rumored to be the town's hottest nightspot.

Katie Belle's story doesn't end there, of course. A plaque (placed by the venerable

Lake Sumter Landing Historical Preservation League) in front of the sales office reads:


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Sevilla Hotel plaque, in front of Pauly's Pizzaria, SpanishSprings Town Square.


In 1855, the prominent Spanish Springs couple John & Katie Belle Van

Patten decided to build their first private home in Lake Sumter Landing. After

having resided in their Spanish Springs Hotel for four years, Mrs. Van Patten

declared herself ready for a change in scenery and a change in society. Katie Belle

Van Patten decided the perfect place for her new home would be in the center of

Lake Sumter Landing, overlooking the Market Square. The home, by far the

largest in the town (or the region, for that matter) was made even larger by Katie

Belle's decision to simultaneously build two smaller, flanking homes: one for

each of her two spinster sisters. Emily and Eve Shiveline relocated to Lake

Sumter Landing in 1856 and lived in the homes until their deaths in 1875. After

Mrs. Van Patten retired in 1880 she sold her home and her sisters' homes to a

hotel company out of Tampa Bay. The buildings were closed for one year in 1881

for remodeling to increase guest capacity. The structure was reopened 1882 as

The Grand Hotel. At the time it was one of the largest wooden hotels in Florida. It

remained in successful operation until 1931.

The "Katie Belle" legacy is seen elsewhere, as well. A plaque in front of an Italian

restaurant tells the story of yet another hotel, the Sevilla. It describes the history thus: a

Chicago hotelier upon visiting Spanish

Springs purchased the land which had

previously been home to a "gentlemen's

establishment" known as the Silver Slipper

Social Club. That establishment burned


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down in 1897, and the Sevilla Hotel (named after the hotelier's sister) opened in 1900.

"Mr. LaSalle's Hotel was the most opulent establishment of it's [sic] kind in the region,

featuring furnishing and fixtures imported from Europe and a design by one of Chicago's

leading architects," reads the plaque. "A feud with another local hotel owner [implied to

be the Van Patten establishment directly across the street] led to shots being fired at this

establishment shortly after its opening. The window glass has long been replaced, but the

bullet holes remain in the upstairs ceiling. Mr. LaSalle ordered the holes never to be

repaired, but rather to be kept as a reminder to always keep one eye on the competition."

Alas, the upstairs portion of the establishment is off-limits to patrons. Lest Katie

Belle be seen as a ruthless individual, a small cottage (now offices for staff of The

Villages) sports a story labeled "Caretaker's Cottage":

Built in 1855, the same year as the larger and more opulent home of Katie

Belle Van Patten immediately to the north, this modest cottage was constructed to

house the Spirodan family, employed by Mrs. Van Patten to take care of her home

and the surrounding gardens. The home was given as a gift to its occupants by

Mrs. Van Patten in 1880 and remained the home of the Greek immigrant family

until 1924 when they relocated to Spanish Springs, a few miles to the north.

While Spanish Springs contains fewer "historical markers" than Lake Sumter

Landing, it does feature a unique element of somewhat random placements of

biographical plaques. A particularly charming one tells the tale of "Silencio" Sanchez:


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"Silencio" Sanchez plaque, on Main Street, SpanishSprings Town Square.


The first female resident of Spanish Springs, Maria Sanchez arrived at

what was then only a wide spot in

the trail in 1788. Accompanied by

her husband, Ramon, and their four

sons, Maria helped establish the

roots of the young community. A

few years after arrival, in

partnership with neighbor and

friend Keller Sebald, she helped to

develop the recipe for the potent

local brew known as "Mosquito

Juice" and opened the budding

settlement's first tavern, The Blind

Mosquito. Maria earned the nick-

name "Silencio" by remaining quiet for 60 years after the death of her

husband in the Great Fire of 1812.

As mentioned earlier, Lake Sumter Landing features a several more historical

markers. Businesses as pedestrian as Hagen-Dazs feature white-framed signs with a

narrative of someone who once conducted business there. They often make references to

a shipping industry that quite clearly could not have existed in Sumter County; there are

no rivers that flow through or around The Villages. Nevertheless, a Johnny Rocket's diner

has a placard describing the lucrative industry that once ruled Lake Sumter Landing:


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C.F.C. River Freight Company

In 1840 the office of the C.F.C. River Freight Company was a small

wooden shack located just above the high-water line on the muddy shores of Lake

Sumter, a few hundred feet to the north of its present location. With the explosion

of river traffic in Florida after the end of the Civil War, it grew to be one of the

highest volume transport companies in the region. At one point in its history the

company operated 48 large, flat-bottomed riverboats moving goods along the

waterways of central Florida. The larger, more substantial wooden headquarters

building was designed by the company's founder, C. Foley Coggins, shortly after

the war and was completed in 1872.

The most recognizable icon at Lake Sumter Landing is easily the large lighthouse

that dominates the north end of the square. Its sign represents one of the more unique and

amusing stories crafted for the community:

In 1835 an eccentric New Englander named Willoughby Waggoner came

to Lake Sumter Landing as a passenger on a riverboat. Mr. Waggoner, a civilian

who was rumored to have inherited a tidy sum back home in Maine, nonetheless

dressed in the fashion of a disheveled naval officer and always referred to himself

in the third person as "The Commodore." For reasons never clear to anyone but

himself, shortly after arriving Mr. Waggoner became fixated on the notion that

Lake Sumter Landing needed a lighthouse to insure the safety of what he called

its "navy" and what everyone else saw as the regular traffic of barges and


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riverboats that serviced the community. Mr. Waggoner, or "The Commodore" as

he began to be known by locals, purchased the point of waterfront land just north

of downtown and, over the next ten years, proceeded to single-handedly build

both a home and a functioning lighthouse on the site. For the next 25 years he

served as self-appointed lighthouse keeper and village eccentric. The Commodore

was reportedly never happier than on those few nights a year when fog or a

thunderstorm actually made his lighthouse seem a necessity instead of a curiosity.

The story of the Waggoner family wasn't left there, however. The accounting

offices of The Villages are housed in a building labeled "First Bank of Lake Sumter:"

This unique building was originally the home of retired sea captain

Barnabas Waggoner. It was built in a somewhat nautical theme in 1872 when

Captain Waggoner moved to Lake Sumter Landing to keep an eye on his

eccentric brother, Willoughby, self-appointed community lighthouse keeper. The

design and many of the details of the home were either inspired by the sailing

ships of the era or salvaged from actual ships from Captain Waggoner's former

New England home in Maine. After the demise of the captain in 1909 the home

was purchased by and converted to the First Bank of Lake Sumter. This institution

was owned and operated by the same investors group that had earlier chartered

The First Bank of the Village of Spanish Springs a few miles to the north prior to

the turn of the century. For many years The First Bank of Lake Sumter and the

town's original bank, The Old Dominion Bank fought for dominance within the


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community. Old Dominion, however, proved to be less agile than its younger

competitor and was bought out by First Bank in 1922.

Even Lake Sumter Landing's first-run movie theatre, the Old Mill Run Playhouse,

gets into the act:

In 1895 the hunger for entertainment in Lake Sumter Landing led local

business leaders to form a partnership to build the Old Mill Run Playhouse. It was

a successful community theatre and a regular stop on the southern vaudeville

circuit for over 30 years. The advent of the talking motion picture in the early

twentieth century eventually led to the conversion of the playhouse to a movie

theatre. Thankfully, remnants of the old playhouse were gracefully preserved

during remodeling, and elements of the old stage and some props have been kept

in place. During the heyday of vaudeville, the visiting magician Nicholai The

Magnificent, as part of his act, threw a playing card from the stage at the ceiling

of the theater so hard that the card lodged in a crack in the plaster -- where it

remains to this day.

We must note the small sign in reference to "Acme Taxidermy & Trophy," which

stands outside the door to a tea shoppe owned by a pair of charming British sisters. "So

Realistic, You'll Want To Shoot It Again!" was the marketing phrase utilized by one Mr.

Vaughn Dzuro, who took advantage of the turn-of-the-century increase in hunting and

fishing around Lake Sumter Landing. It alleges examples of Mr. Dzuro's "artistry" are


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Acme Taxidermy & Trophy sign, in front of The TeaPlantation & Floral Boutique, Lake Sumter Landing.

Acme Taxidermy & Trophy sign, in front of The TeaPlantation & Floral Boutique, Lake Sumter Landing.


still on display in several buildings in the

Market Square District.

While I was unable to find any of

these examples, I did find a unique artifact

in the middle of Market Square: a large

clock, with gleaming bronze pistons,

labeled "Market Sq. Steam Clock." A

smaller caption below informs the reader it

was donated by the Lake Sumter Landing

Businessman's Association in 1840. A

small panel on the back, obscured by a

floral arrangement, belies the caption --

imprinted on the iron are the words,

"Electric Time." Behind the square and near the ice cream parlor are a series of 1950's-

era gasoline pumps, an anachronicity amongst anachronicities. The price per gallon

reflects easier days: 29.9 cents a gallon -- dating it around 1952.

Controversy: The Villages & Friendliness

Despite the consistent lauding of The Villages by most residents one encounters

in the town squares, there is a latent but consistent amount of controversy surrounding the

community and its residents. Its rapid growth (on average, four new homes are sold every

day) have led to resentment on behalf of Sumter County residents who feel The Villages


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isn't doing its part in county affairs, while trying to gain political influence in the interest

of corporate profits for the Morse family.

The issues have led to a series of quickly-quelled picket marches, some of which

were, apparently, shut down without legal merit. Lee King, author ofThe Villages: Then

and Now (2005), explains the developers have not cooperated with county officials or

participated in any of the dozens of community meetings that have been put together to

discuss the impact such an immediate rise in population will have on county affairs.

King also expresses concern that the constructed history is masking what is a

legitimate and interesting ("authentic," in her words) heritage of the Lady Lake area.

There are not many places that put up a false history [] The tragedy is, youre missing

out on the opportunity to inform people about the real history, which is very rich"

(Koonce, 2005).

In June 2005, roughly 30 residents of The Villages picketed in front of the

Spanish Springs sales office to protest the closing of Chula Vista, a popular restaurant.

The crowd alleged it was to make way for a community center, one that would be

financed through residents' monthly fees. The protest was quickly broken up when Lady

Lake police arrived and informed the residents they needed a permit to protest; officers

later apologized and acknowledged there was no such law (Callahan, 2005).

The incident raised a number of issues that are a consequence of the unique

structure of The Villages. Despite its large population, The Villages is not an

incorporated city; there is no government nor elected officials. Law enforcement is

provided by county sheriff's deputies, but this creates its own problems as the two town

centers exist in different counties. Two competing homeowner's associations have


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developed in response to this; one is closely affiliated with The Villages company, and

the other tends to be antagonistic toward the corporation. Occasionally, the harsh

regulations on behavior are changed through community action (veterans successfully

fought for the right to fly American flags in 2001) but the overall attitude appears to be,

"If you don't like it, leave" (Sargent & Kunerth, 2002).

Symbols, Interaction, & the Public: Villages' Residents and Stories

Of course, the massive effort put toward crafting such a rich and detailed

"history" would be for naught if it wasn't acknowledged by residents of The Villages.

Indeed, it is not even of particular necessity to ascertain if residents perceive the

structures and their histories as authentic. It would seem that, for the most part, they are

seen as a quirky aspect of their new hometown. However, there are some that either buy

in, or want to buy in, to the ideas:

"There's enough detail in the story to make you feel it's true. But I don't think it's

all true," said Margarite Muller, 55, who moved down three years ago from New

Jersey. "It's one of the places the Spanish looked for the Fountain of Youth," said

Joe McKane, 86. "And we found it!" (Kunerth, 2002).

Upon sitting down and talking to a number of residents of The Villages, I realized

I was hearing the same responses to my inquiries, almost as if I were listening to a

skipping LP. "This place has everything I need," stated Bud, a former businessman from


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Omaha. "It's just perfect in every way," explained Glenn, a former Cleveland dentist.

When I asked about the histories constructed for them, they seemed to understand

entirely that they were inauthentic, and that neither a Spanish Mission nor shipping

empire existed in their home town. Yet there was this twinkle in the eye, an upward curve

of the lips, a nonverbal representation that the stories contributed to their adaptation of

The Villages as a "home."

"They make it feel like a nice, safe place, you know?" explained Mary, an "80-

something" former Cincinnati schoolteacher. "I know that they're just there to impress the

visitors, give them a reason to stick around, and try and move here, but they're pretty, and

something to do when you're on a walk."

I asked her if she felt there was an authentic heritage to the Lady Lake area that

was being overlooked in the process of promoting the Katie Belle Van Patten et al.

stories.

"Oh, probably, but this is Florida. It probably wasn't the nicest history."

Perhaps not, but Lee King alleges it was an interesting one. Prior to the

"invasion," the Lady Lake area was ruled by cattle baron Clyde Bailey, who operated

ranches and watermelon field across eastern Sumter County. King takes special care to

point out the original names of many of the streets, lakes, and other geographical features

that have been since renamed by Schwartz and Morse.

Of course, King has her own agenda. Her family moved to the Lady Lake area in

1900, and while she has her own critical perspective on the development of the area, she's

perhaps a bit less harsh in The Villages: Then and Now than she could be, simply to

enable her to sell her book in the community.


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Conclusions: The Role of Staged Authenticity

Residents of The Villages appear to take the historicity of their area with several

grains of salt. Nearly all of the individuals I interviewed could name ten or more aspects

of life in The Villages that were more important than the heritage they were adopting.

Most of those aspects revolved around golf, bowling, or other recreational activities. "I

worked hard all my life, and now I'm here to play hard. If they feel the need to put up

false pretenses, well, it's all in fun. I don't pay much attention to it," stated Don, a native

of western Pennsylvania.

Yet I maintain this heritage is more important to their lives than perhaps they

would openly state, and that the histories constructed by The Villages serve a dual

purpose: one of promotion/attraction and of comfort.

Clearly, the process by which The Villages attempts to attract new residents is

encompassed in the creation of a narrative by which they help retirees envision not a

"new" life but a "better version of the old." Biggs (1999) explains this as a process of

multiple identity development, but I prefer to image it in the manner of a picking-and-

choosing: move to the Villages, keep all good parts of your life, and leave the rest behind.

This is encapsulated perfectly in the town regulation regarding children under 18.

Grandchildren are welcome to visit, but the amenities for their entertainment are few. The

two movie theatres show adult fare, and there are no playgrounds or other recreational

activities for children. Furthermore, guests under 18 are only permitted to visit for 30

days. "Residents are too busy enjoying their second childhood to raise their children's

children," explains Kunerth (2002). "You raised your kids. Now let your kids raise their


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kids," explains a former high school teacher. "I saw enough nose rings, earrings, baggy

pants and short skirts and foul language working in a high school."

One might argue this attitude slights younger generations' ability to provide a

"breath of fresh air" to the community, but at first (and subsequent) glances, that's hardly

needed. Recreation continues to be the main selling point for The Villages, and their

website (2005) clearly states that "The Villages is an active 55+ community." Youth is a

nuisance, though that doesn't stop the company from hiring as servers for its restaurants

an almost exclusively white, female, teenaged workforce.

The second, and more important role the staged authenticity of The Villages' town

centers plays is in that of comfort. While residents perhaps come to take the stories for

granted after a period of time, they represent a safe haven for individuals -- an anchoring

point, in other words. Residents know exactly what to expect when they visit the town

centers: entertainment in the gazebo, immaculately clean streets, a cold microbrew, and

Katie Belle Van Patten's stern face looking down upon them all the while. Bill, a retired

firefighter from Rhode Island, explains he enjoys going to the Spanish Springs area for

breakfast because "it reminds me of the Old West" (Kunerth, 2002).

In the end, it would seem the authenticity in terms of north central Floridian

history isn't that important. What is, however, important is that residents find something

recognizable amongst a world which is very new to them. The tea shoppe may be owned

by two charming British women, but there's a Starbucks right down the street too.

McCullough (2001) explains that Baudrillard's simulacrum can serve as a bridge;

specifically, she states it is a bridge between life and an impending death. That might

seem a bit too literal and/or morbid for our observation of retirees, but it serves a strong


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metaphor for our observations. And as the history is represented by aesthetic means, it

fulfills Simmel's (1994) argument that the bridge is an aesthetic object, both in the

physical and abstract senses.

The bridge that connects the origins of The Villages to its new public image is

falsely aged so as to communicate its having been an original part of the community. The

bridge itself has a history; it took four years of fighting with the Department of

Transportation to even get it built. For residents of The Villages, the stories behind the

bridge will never be particularly important. It is, however, an important part for many of

their daily experiences, and in that, it becomes as vital an aspect of their lives as

anything. Much like the objects of constructed history, it has a functional aspect, a

historical aspect, and by the aesthetic process of its construction, a staged authentic

aspect. The individual's approach to it depends on his or her knowledge of the situation,

and by any approach, he or she will acquire what they seek as a result of it.


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References

Biggs, S. (1999). The "Blurring" of the Lifecourse: Narrative, memory and the question

of authenticity.Journal of Aging and Identity, 4, 209-221.

Clapp, G. (1999). Heritage tourism.Heritage Tourism Report. North Carolina Division

of Travel, Tourism, Film, Sports and Development. Raleigh, North Carolina.

Cohen, E. (1988). Authenticity and commoditization in tourism. Annals of Tourism

Research, 15, 371-386.

Crick, M., (1989). Representations of sun, sex, sights, savings and servility: International

tourism in the social sciences.Annual Review of Anthropology 18, 307344.

Fowler, G. & Crawford, B. (1987).Border Radio. Austin: Texas Monthly Press.

"Harold Schwartz, developer of The Villages, dies" (2003, December 23).Associated

Press State & Local Wire.

Kunerth, J. (2002, November 24). Retiree dreams come true. Orlando Sentinel, A1.

McCullough, L. (2001). Jean Baudrillard and the death of God.Journal for Cultural and

Religious Theory, 2. Retrieved November 9, 2005 from

http://www.jcrt.org/archives/02.3/mccullough.shtml.

Mormino, G. (2005).Land of Sunshine, State of Dreams. Gainesville, FL: University

Press of Florida.

Nohlgren, S. (2000, May 14). Retirement boom town. St .Petersburg Times, 1F.

Sargent, R. and Kunerth, J. (2002, November 25.) Towns see Villages as mixed

blessings. Orlando Sentinel, A1.

Simmel, G. (1994). Bridge and door. Theory, Culture, & Society, 11, 5-10.

Documents

Heritage Final Nca