Heather Peters - Tattoed Faces and Stilt Houses. Who Were the Ancient Yue

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    SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS

    Number 17 April, 1990

    Tattooed Faces and Stilt Houses:

    Who Were the Ancient Yue?

    by

    Heather Peters

    Victor H. Mair, Editor

    Sino-Platonic Papers

    Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations

    University of Pennsylvania

    Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA

    [email protected]

    www.sino-platonic.org

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    SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series edited by Victor H. Mair.The purpose of the series is to make available to specialists and the interested

    public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversialnature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor actively encourages younger,not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscriptsfor consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of theworld, including Romanized Modern Standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, areacceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects(fangyan) may be considered for publication.

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    philological subjects will be entertained. This series is notthe place for safe, sober,and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, whiletaking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights

    into the development of civilization.

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    TATTOOEDFACES AND STILT HOUSES WHO W R THE ANClENT YUE

    Heather Peters, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania

    I. IntroductionRecent archeological evidence excavated at Hemudu, a site in northern

    Zhejiang Province south of Shanghai (Zhejiang Provincial Museum 1978), suggeststhat were we to step back in time to the 5th millennium B.C. in southern China, wewould find people cultivating wet rice, raising water buffalo and living in housesperched high on stilt posts. Culturally, these people differed radically from themillet growing pit dwellers found in the Yellow River Valley region; their discoveryhas raised new and important questions regarding the development of culture andcivilization in southern China.

    At long last Chinese archeologists have begun to reinterpret the developmentsof early civilization in southern China. In so doing they have emphasized theemergence of a southern cultural complex which they call Yue . The Yue culture,as defined by Chinese archeologists, spans both the Neolithic and early state period.

    As more and more archeological data are retrieved from southern China,Chinese archeologists are asking the question, who were the people who created thisYue culture? Were they ethnically different from the people who lived in northernChina? What language(s) did they speak? One favorite theory at the moment isthat the Yue people were ancestral to the various Tai speaking populations, i.e. theTai Lue, Tai Neu, Tong, Shui u Yi and the Zhuang, living today primarily insouthwestern China.

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    11. The Yue: Who? What?What exactly does Yue mean? It can designate a culture, a people, or a state.

    When the word initially appeared in historical documents it referred to an EasternZhou state which emerged in norfhern Zhejiang province from the 7th to the 4thG'centuries B.C. (Zuo Zhuan: Xzan 8: 301 302). Shortlived, the Yue state

    nonetheless had substantial impact on the historical events of the time aschronicled in the Zuo Zhuan.

    The people living in this state were called men 'from Yue and, from thehistorical literature, we perceive that the men from the northern Central Plains

    q.@regarded these Yue as less civilbed than themselves. For example, B m a e a n ,e3author of the 1st century B C hi Ti, noted disapprovingly that the Yue had shorthair; they tatooed their bodies; dothee themselves with garments made from plantH efibers; and lived in villages (Shi i i Yue Wang Gou Jian Shi Jia : 1739). In contrast,men from the Central Plains wore their hair long and bound it up properly with ahairpin; did not tattoo their bodies or faces; clothed themselves with luxuriousfabrics made from silk; and preferred living in urban centers.

    The concept of men from Yue, however, also incorporated a larger category ofpeople than those who resided within the ancient Yue state. For example, thecharacter used to write Yue is exactlv the same as that used for the Viet in Vietnam.iejIn modem Mandarin pronunciation, Vietnam is Yuenan, or the Yue of the south .These men of Vietnam are just one group of people who figured into this broadernotion of the Yue.

    This wider perception of Yue also applied to the peoples broadly distributedthroughout southern during the Eastern Zhou period. For examplefwSima

    RQian recorded that ki-ng Daowang (r. 328-298 B.C.) sent his minister Wu Qisouth to pacify the Bai P-e (i.e. the Hundred Yue), clearly a reference to

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    troublesome groups Chu state centered in Hubei andnorthern Hunan Shi same. incident is alsorecorded in the 2831), a 4th centuryA.D. text, except that the term Nan Yue (Southern Yue) is substituted for Hundred

    EQian also recorded that when the Chu king Wei (r. 339-328 B.C.) defeatedKing of Yue, the Yue people dispersed far and wide throughout the

    Jiangnan region (i.e. the region south of the Yangtze River) (Shi Ti, Yue Wang GouJian Shi Jia : 1751). Some archeologists date the appearance of many Yue sub-groupsfirst mentioned in Han texts, such as the Western O u and Luo Yue, to this eventand associate archeological remains excavated in southwestern China with them(Jiang Tingyu 1980; Jiang Tingyu and Wei Renyi 1978; Peng Hao 1984; Wu Mingsheng1982,1983a, 1983b; Zhang Chao 1984). M3-gy the Han period (206 B.C.- A.D. 220) historical texts such as the Han Shu ( DiliZhi : 1669) reported that the Hundred Yue were dispersed for 7-8,000 li fromJiaozhi to Guai, with each group having their own surnamest1. This distributioncovered an area in southern China which included the modern provinces ofZhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong in the east, extending through Jiangxi and Hunanto Guangxi, Guizhou and Yunnan in the west. What are we to make of this vastdistribution - is it even meaningful to talk of a single ethnic group occupying thisarea? And, why do Chinese archeologists project the label Hundred Yue back ontothe people living in this region during the prehistoric period?

    111. Chinese Concept of EthnicitvPart of the answer to these questions lies in how the Chinese perceive culture and

    ethnicity - both traditionally and today. The Chinese have long been interested inthe problem of ethnicity, in part because of their conviction that Chinese

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    civilization and rule is somehow unique and distinctive. Historical materials andaYuan Ming and Qing periods (for example, 2hbu@of the Customs of Cambodia, 1296-971, Qlanthe Bai Yi Peoples, late 14th century A.D.],

    of the Island Barbarians, mid 14th century],of the Coasts of Oceans, 1425-1432?], or,

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    dangerous, and shu (cooked or ripe), i.e. avilized in the sense that they have beentamed by the influence of Chinese civilization (summarized in Cushman 1970:

    As the early Chinese state expanded its boundaries and brought greater numbersof non-Chinese groups into its political sphere, Chinese bureaucrat-officials becameeven more concerned with identifying and classifying non-Chinese groups in orderbetter to rule and control them. This practical application of the ethnographicdescriptions found in the historical materials is further emphasized in the laterMing (1368-1644) and Qing periods (1644-1911) when some of the information wasincorporated into actual handbooks designed for the officials who administered inthe frontier regions peopled by mostly non-Han groups (Cushman 1970: 31).

    In theory, the definition of ethnicity applied by modern 20th century Chineseethnographers and archeologists stems from 19th-century European evolutionarymodels. It was transmitted to China via Stalin whose view derived from the 19th-century thinking of Marx and Engels. However, as Mosely points out (1966: 15)there was a high degree of compatibility between the traditional Chinese attitude

    toward China's non-Han peoples and the Marxist-Leninist theory on the nationalquestion. For non-Han could be substituted feudal or prefeudal, while forHan could be substituted capitalist or modem.

    Yet, regardless of the similarity of attitudes, the Marxist-Leninist view ofnationalites does differ' from the traditional in several ways. Ethnicity, or thequestion of nationalities, in Marxist-Leninist theory, is an important political issue.According to the Marxist view, the modern nation (each peopled by a dominantnationality) forms during the capitalist stage, the nation s fully realized during thesocialist stage, and withers away during the communist stage (Hsieh Jiann 1986: 4).In the course of political evolution, nations must form in order for them to wither.

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    Hence, the Soviet socialist system encouraged the formation of soaalist republicsconsisting of nationalities linked under that broader political umbrella of the SovietUnion of Socialist Republics.

    As part of the program for resolving the nationalities question in newlysocialist China, party policy required loyal cadres to go out and do revolutionarywork among the nationalities in order to raise their class consciousness. To carryout this policy, cadres faced two initial tasks. The first was to identify who in factwere the nationalities. The second was to classify their level of politicaldevelopment so that the correct political education could be applied (Mosely 1966:18). The party recognized that it was essential to dispel the struggles among thenationalities that characterized the past. The nationalities must then be united inthe universal struggle against the imperialist feudal and capitalistic oppressors.

    After the new Chinese socialist government acknowledged the importance ofidentifying nationalities, the next question was how to accomplish this task? In 1950the Chinese Communist Party held a congress in order to discuss the criteria foridentifying nationalities (or ethnic groups). Fei Xiaotong and Yang Kun were theonly anthropologists to attend the meeting; the rest were party bureaucrats. Despitedisagreement voiced by Fei and Yang, the Congress voted to adopt the criteriaproposed by Stalin for identifying nationalities. A nation, he said, is a historicallyconstituted, stable community of people, formed on the basis of common language,territory, economic life, and psychological makeup manifested in a commonculture. J. talin, Marxism and the National and Colonial Question, London:Wishart, 1947, p.8, quoted in Moseley 1966: 34, fn.3). As the Chinese CommunistParty saw it, these criteria could be restated so that each distinct ethnic group mustdemonstrate:

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    1 a common language,2. a common residency (i.e. territory),3. common cultural traditions and customs,4. common religious traditions.

    Essentially then, an ethnic group was perceived as a recognizable, bounded groupwith shared language, territory and cultural traits distinguishable from othergroups. s stated above, this one language one people one culturett approachcorresponds to that of late 19th early 20th century anthropologists andethnographers. Using these criteria, Chinese anthropologists proceded to analyzerigorously the various peoples who claimed status as ethnic groups to determinewhether or not they indeed constituted distinct nationalities.

    IV. The Yue Archeolo&allv SpeakingWhat bearing does this concept of ethnicity have on archeology? It will play a

    role in how the archeologist defines and classifies prehistoric and early historiccultures.

    We may now ask ourselves just how do Chinese archeologists justify collapsingthe large geographical area outlined in section 11 into one Yue mega-culture? Wemust begin the answer to this question by first providing a broad definition ofculture. Essentially culture is the abstract values, beliefs and perceptions of theworld that lie behind people's behavior, and which that behavior reflects. These areshared by members of a society, and when acted upon they produce behaviorconsidered acceptable within that society. Cultures are learned, through themedium of language, rather than inherited biologically.... (Haviland 1983: 29). Animportant corollary to this definition is that we cannot assume cultures and ethnicgroups are equivalent.

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    Although archeologists may share this definition of culture, their work iscomplicated by the fact that they study the cultures of past peoples whose behaviorcan no longer be observed and analyzed. Archeologists, therefore, define theircultural groups by classifying the artifacts left behind by past peoples. Thearcheologist assumes that these artifacts reflect the values and beliefs of the peoplewho created them. Sites yielding similar artifacts are presumed to reflect sharedvalues and beliefs and can thus be classified as belonging to the same culture, albeitan archeological culture .

    Using this approach, we can see that the size of n archeological culture can bemanipulated by the archeologist's assessment of what constitutes significant, o rdiagnostic, features for defining a culture. Certain archeologists have been classifiedas lumpers . They require fewer diagnostic criteria to define their groups whichresults in fewer but larger archeological cultures. Others are splitters who definecultures using more diagnostic traits. Their approach leads to smaller but greaternumbers of archeological groups. When it comes to defining the Yue culture,Chinese archeologists are clearly lumpers .

    Another important factor which affects the archeological definition -of culture isthe nature of what is or is not preserved in the archeological record. Often the kindsof artifacts used to distinguish cultures are very limited, and therefore misleading.In the hotter and more humid regions of south China, for example, organicmaterials such as textiles, baskets, wood materials, are less well preserved than incooler, drier climates.

    Within the past twenty years western archeologists have made great strides inobtaining and analyzing other kinds of data such as settlement patterns which canprovide better information on behavior (for ex. see Binford and Binford 1968, K CChang 1968, Hodder, Isaac Hammond 1981), yet, the tendency s still for

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    archeologists to focus their analysis on pottery, stone and metal artifacts.Consequently, due to the limitations of their materials, the cultures delineated byarcheologists probably do not correspond to actual culture groups alive at any giventime.

    We can now understand that Chinese archeologists classify most of China southof the Yangtze river as belonging to one cultural tradition because the sitesexcavated there exhibit a broad similarity of artifact types. For the Neolithic period,from ca. the 5th to the 2nd millennium B.C. archeologists report finding awidespread distribution of stamped geometric pottery, shouldered stone axes andstepped adzes Li Kunsheng 1983; Rong Guanqiong 1956; Guangdong ProvincialMuseum 1959; Fujian Cultural Committee 1961; Mou Yongkang 1981; Lin Huixiang1954; Wu Mingsheng 1982,1983af 1983b; Peng Hao 1984; Shang Chao 1984; Yan Yaolin

    Xu Huanglin 1985; Zhang Zeng Qi 1982). These site reports come from Zhejiang,Fujian, Jiangxi, Hunan, Guangdong, Guangxi, Yunnan, Taiwan, and Hong Kong.Stamped, geometric potsherds, similar to ones found in Guangdong, Jiangxi andFujian, are reported even from the Xishuangbanna region of southern YunnanProvince Daizu Jian Shi, editorial committee, 1985: 32-33; Jiang Yingliang 1983: 21).Only one site, Hemudu, the northern Zhejiang site mentioned above ZhejiangProvincial Museum 1978) provided more substantial data about settlement patterns,domestication of plants and animals, and some bone and wooden implements.Ironically, the Hemudu site did not yield geometric pottery or shouldered adzes.

    During the early historic period the 2nd 1st millennium B.C. alled the BronzeAge by Chinese archeologists), which corresponds to the period of early stateformation in northern China, archeologists report finding a distribution of siteswithin the same region which contain hard, protostoneware, stamped geometric.pottery, glazed pottery, together with boot-shaped bronze axes and trapezoid-shaped

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    bronze axes, and sometimes a unique basin-shaped din% ripod with tall spindly legs(Feng Yuhui 1984; Fu Juyou 1982; Gao Zhixi 1980; Jin Zegong 1984; KG 1973.1; KG1979.6; Mo Zhi and Li Shiwen 1963; Mo Zhi 1963; Mou Yongkang 1984; Peng Hao 1984;Tan Guangrong 1984; Wenwu Cultural Committee 1979: 325-330; Wu Mingsheng1982,1983a; Yang Hao 1961; Yang Yaolin and Xu Huanglin 1985).

    In an archeological sense, it s legitimate to classify this region as a single culturaltradition with broadly shared characteristics. To designate this cultural areaspecifically as Yue, however, has farther-reaching implications.

    Why did Chinese archeologists select the term Yue to name this mega-culturespanning a time depth of more than 5,000 years? As we saw above, the term Yue isdrawn from historical texts dating to the Eastern Zhou and Han periods where it sused not only for the Yue state and its inhabitants, but also more generally for non-Han groups living in southern China during the early historical period. Byextending the label Yue to include both the historic and prehistoric peoples andcultures, Chinese scholars are assuming a genetic connection between thehistorically defined Yue groups cited in the texts, and the peoples which precededthem in the archeological record. In this regard they are using a method similar toJulian Steward's direct historical approach (Steward 1942). This is a recognizedand legitimate approach, the main difference being that Steward began with livingethnic groups whose history was then pushed backwards in time using historicalmaterials to that point where it overlapped with prehistory.

    V A Closer Look at EthnicitvThere are several problems with the reasoning of the Chinese archeologists.

    First, they are confusing archeological cultures with ethnicity. They have taken ahistorical term which implies ethnicity and have applied it to what s basically an

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    archeologically defined cultural tradition. This large archeological mega-cultureundoubtedly masks a sizable number of ethnic groups. Second, we do not evenknow for certain whether the various types of historical Yue described in the textswere, anthropologically speaking, sub-divisions within one ethnic group.

    Third, the Chinese approach to ethnicity, i.e. the one language one cultureone people concept is fundamentally problematic. Widespread similar, or shared,cultural traits need not necessarily mark ethniaty and can easily mask a plethora ofdiverse ethnic groups and cultures. Some overlapping traits may simply express anecological response to a shared environment. For example, the Tai, the Akha andthe Yao are ethnically distinct groups living side by side in southern Yunnan andnorthern Thailand, but all live in raised or stilt houses.

    Recent work on the concept of ethnicity by western anthropologists furtherchallenges the conventional conception that ethnic groups are bounded units ofpeople who share a common culture, speak a common language and belong to acommon society (Keyes 1979: 3). Ethnicity s viewed as having no existence apartfrom interethnic relations (Cohen 1978: 389), meaning that people constantly definethemselves in relationship to other groups. F K Lehman (1967: 105) has pointed out,social and cultural systems are reference systems, that is, cognitive models at

    varying levels of awareness. He further suggests that when people identifythemselves as members of some ethnic category they are taking positions inculturally defined systems of inter-group relations (Lehman 1967: 106 .

    Thus, it has become apparent that people can sustain parallel but separate ethnicidentities within one social setting and that they can select the appropriate identitydepending on the situation. For example, are Chinese living in Thailand Thai orChinese? Many individuals easily assume both identities, identifying with Chinesesociety in one context and Thai in another. Charles Keyes (1979: 4) also calls our

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    attention to villagers in northeastern Thailand with whom he carried out research.He points out that some of the villagers in this area maintain a Lao identity whentalking with officials from central Thailand, a Thai identity when they visitfriends in present-day Laos, and even an Isan (a term referring to the northeastregion of Thailand) identity when they wish to express identification with theparticular local culture which has developed in that region over the years.

    What do these new approaches to ethnicity mean for the archaeologist? First, wenow recognize that ethnicity is far more complex than previously assumed. Indoing so, we must again re-emphasize the limitations imposed on the archeologistby the nature of his data. This recent work on the nature of ethnicity has evolvedfrom research carried out on living groups, and the degree of subtlety andsophistication the analysis achieves is lost in the archeological record.Consequently, this new theoretical work serves as a strong warning to archeologiststo treat our own use of the word ethnic group with care, and as a reminder thatthe archeologically defined culture group is a heuristic device created by thearcheologist. It should not be equated with an ethnic group .

    VI Perceived Links Between the Ancient Yue and Todav's TaiUnaware of these problems, recent articles both reporting and discussing the new

    sites associated with the Bronze Age Yue culture in southern China have linked thisearly culture with today's Tai speaking ethnic groups (Feng Yuhui 1984; Fu Juyou1982; Huang Huikun 1986; Jiang Tingyu 1980, 1982; Jiang Yingliang 1980, 1983; LiKanfen 1985; Li Kunsheng 1983; Research Committee for the Bai Yue Ethnic Group1985). This association of the ancient ue with the Tai s not a new idea. JiangYingiiang, one of China's formost scholars on Tai culture and history, argued forthis connection s early as the 19501s (Jiang Yingliang 1950).

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    What is it that prompts Chinese archeologists and ethnologists to forge a directhistorical connection between the ancient Yue and the modern Tai? Using thecriteria outlined by Stalin for defining an ethnic group, they make a comparativeanalysis between the archaeologically defined Yue culture and the modern Taicultures.

    First, they posit a common language for both the ancient Yue and the Tai.Unfortunately, the analysis of this issue is far from satisfactory. Spoken languagesleave no trace in the archeological record, and most of the artifacts from Yue sites donot contain examples of written language. The exceptions are artifads from the Yuestate where inscriptions are found on bronze vessels and weapons. Unfortunately,the inscriptions are written using Chinese characters, making it difficult to assess aprecise pronunciation of the ancient Yue language, if it is in fact anaent Yue written

    .on the bronzes.Some distorted evidence of the language does

    appear in a few Han period texts. uses Chinesecharacters to record examples of Yue vocabulary s well s some Yue folk songs inYue. The characters are used not ideographically, but phonetically. Jiang Yingliang(1983: 5) feels that of thefifty-four characters in one song, more than ten are preciselythe same as words found in the Zhuan lan a e today. Jiang (1983: 76) further callsg.gM @ 4our attention to Yang Xlong's ana Yan which also recorded the pronunciation ofdifferent Wu-Yue words, transliterating them using Chinese characters. Forexample:

    da ( in Chinese meaning big or large ) the Jing, Wu Yang and Ousay zhuo8xin (/( n Chinese meaning true or to believe ) the Western Ou say4$

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    f u ($8n Chinese meaning to assist or complement ) the Wu and Yuesayxshou ( g i n Chinese meaning 'freceive or accept ) the Yang Yue saysi @ in Chinese meaning death ) he Yue people call death zha 1

    According to Jiang's linguistic analysis, many of these words are Proto-Tai (1983:77-80). Jiang's analysis, however, only uses Chinese characters to indicate these oldWu-Yue words. Without a reconstruction of the pronunciation of Han periodChinese which should be compared with reconstructed Proto-Tai, the analysis ismeaningless.

    Other linguists (Norman and Mei 1976) have argued for the presence ofAustroasiatic speakers along the shores of the middle Yangtze and parts of thesoutheast coast during the first millenium B.C. Although Norman and Mei'sdefinition of Austroasiatic is somewhat controversial (it includes Austronesianlanguages as well), they are, in fact, suggesting the presence of several nonoChineselanguage groups, not simply Proto-Tai a far more complex and more realisticscenario.

    In addition, in their zeal to link the Hundred Yue with Proto-Tai, Chinesescholars have ignored another school of scholarship (Chamberlain 1972, 1975;Gedney 1965; Mote 1964; Terweil 1978; Wyatt 1982) which places the Proto-Taihomeland in the Tonkin region of the northern Vietnam Laos border area, not inthe region just south of the Yangtze. This conclusion is reached because of the greatdiversity of dialects around the eastern Guangxi-North Vietnam border as comparedto the homogeneity of dialects further west in Thailand, Burma nd Laos (Gedney1965: 112). According to this model, the Tai speakers found today in Guangxi andYunnan would represent later northwestern migrations, not southwestern. Thus,

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    there would not have been Proto-Tai speakers present in all the areas associatedwith the Neolithic and Bronze Age Yue cultures. Furthermore, these linguistsestimate the age of Proto-Tai a t not older than 2000 years (Gedney unpublished;Chamberlain 1975) making it impossible to link the neolithic Yue with Proto-Taispeakers.

    As for the criteria of a common territory, Jiang (1950, 1983) and others simplyassign the Yue homeland to southern China. The modern Tai speakers still livedispersed in this region today, and although they have been displaced in many areasby Han Chinese, this area is assumed to illustrate the concept of a commonresidency. As seen above, this southern Chinese homeland is not agreed upon byall. The linguistic evidence strongly points to Tonkin region in northern Vietnams the nuclear area of Proto-Tai. In addition, s Chamberlain (1975: 60) notes, one of

    the gaps in Southeast Asian history has been the failure of scholars to researchthoroughly the many indigenous histories of the Tai groups. Instead, the tendencyhas been to lean heavily on the Chinese records.... Histories and historical legendsassociated with such groups such as the Tai Lue, the Black Tai and the Lao suggest awestward migration and not a southern, for example, the legend of the golden deer,popular among the Tai Lue of the Sipsong Panna (part of which falls within today'sXishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Province). According to the story, Phya Wulu,ruler of the Tai, shot and wounded a golden deer while hunting. The deer led himon a long chase over mountains and valleys, finally arriving in the region of today'sXishuangbanna. Because the region was beautiful and fertile, he brought his peoplethere to settle and prosper. In some versions, Pya Wulu was the ruler of MeungLao, today's Laos (Jiang 1983: 150 151). Thus, it is not certain that the distribution ofBronze Age ue culture, which broadly corresponds with the distribution of today'sTai populations living in China, correlates with the earliest centers of Tai culture.

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    Heather Peters, Tattooed aces and Stilt Houses: Who Were the Ancient Yue? Sino Platonic Papers 17 April, 199

    The strongest connections between the ancient Yue and the modem Tai groups,however, argues Jiang and others, lies in the series of culture traits seen asdiagnostic of both. For example, both the ancient Yue and the modern Tai pradicethe custom of tattooing the body. There is abundant evidence in early historicaltexts documenting the presence of this practice. For example, in the Z h u a n a it says:a man of Sung who sold ceremonial hats made a trip to Yueh, but the Yueh people

    cut their hair short and tattoo their bodies and had no use for such things ... (fromThe Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, translated by B Watson 1968: 34). Sima Qianrecorded that Gou Jian, the king of Yue, was the descendant of Yu and the grandsonof Shao Kang of the Xia. He was enfeofed at Guiji nd made his ancestral sacrificesto Yu. (The Yue) tattooed their bodies and cut their hair short... (Shi Ti: 1739).

    Some possible archeological confirmation of this custom is gleaned frommortuary items excavated from tombs belonging to the elite of the Eastern Zhouperiod state of Chu centered in Hubei and Hunan. Chu tombs frequently includedclothed or painted male and female wooden figurines. A few of these figurines hadfaces marked with dots which may represent tattooing. Because the Chu stateincorporated the Yue region during the late Zhanguo period 476-221 B.C.), thesefigures may represent members of the Yue population (Peters 1983).

    It is true that tattooing is still a common custom among many Tai speakinggroups today. Both Tai Neu (from the Dehong Autonomous Region in Yunnan)and Tai Lue males, for example, might cover their bodies from the chest down totheir thighs, including their backs, with elaborate tattoos. These tattoos serve as amarker of the individual's transition to adult malehood. In addition to beingconsidered decorative, certain kinds are believed to protect the individual frombodily harm during warfare or other dangerous situations. The tattoos consist ofpassages from Buddhist sutras, magic spells, as well as certain protective symbols

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    such as nagas (serpent spirits). A fourteenth century Chinese text reported thatuntattooed Tai males in the Dehong-Shan States region were not only treated withmockery by other people in their village, but that they were also compared withfemales (see Qian Guxun's Bai Yi Zhuan, p.90 .

    However, we should point out that Tai speakers are not the only people topractice tattooing -- for example, the Dulong, a Tibeto-Burman speaking groupliving today in northwestern Yunnan, and the Nagas, another Tibeto-Burmanspeaking group found today in northwest India. The practice was also widespreadamong Malayo-Polynesian speakers -- the Maori of New Zealand being anoteworthy example as well as the Ainu of Hokkaido. Furthermore, Terweil (1978:244) points out, one simply cannot take the practice of tattooing itself as significant.Deeper analysis must be made as to the kind of tattooing, for example, where it splaced on the body and whether it is restricted to men or to women.

    Attention has also been given to the pile dwellings (houses built on stilts)associated with both the ancient Yue and moderntextual- evidence for this house type is found inDynasties text) which recorded the outhern Yue as living in nests , i.e. houses8 %raised in the air. The author of the Huai anzi (Western Han) also noted that theancient Yue did not live in walled houses; they lived in houses shaped like birds'nests.

    There is some archeological evidence for stilt houses in southern China. Forexample, the people who lived at Hemudu nearly 7,000 years ago lived in raisedhouses. More significant for Chinese archeologists, however, are the raised housesdepicted on the bronze drums excavated from the late Eastern Zhou early WesternHan period site of Shizhai Shan (Wen u Press 1959). Some Yunnan archeologists

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    call this archeological culture the Dian Yue culture Li Kunsheng 1983; JiangYingliang 1983) and link it with modem Tai speakers in Yunnan today.

    However, s argued above, raised dwellings appear to be a response to specificenvironmental conditions and are constructed by many different ethnic groupsliving in southwestern China, Southeast Asia, and Polynesia today. As a trait, theyserve better to distinguish northern Han Chinese houses from Southeast Asian. Itis well known that in traditional Southeast Asian villages today, Chinese merchantsusually live in ground level houses, often made of poured concrete, whereas thelocal people prefer raised houses constructed from wood and bamboo.

    Another cultural trait frequently cited as diagnostic of oth Yue and Tai culture isskill in metallurgy, especially illustrated in the production of bronze, mushroom-shaped drums. Ethnographically, however, these drums are associated today withnot only Tai speakers, but Miao Miao-Yao, a branch of Sino-Tibetan), Karens abranch of Sino-Tibetan) and others. The distribution of these drums is very widethey are found in Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi, Guangdong, Vietnam, northernBurma, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and even out into the Malayo-Ponesianarchipelago Smith and Watson 1979, Appendix: 495-507). Historically, the drumsspan the mid-first millennium B.C. up to the 14th century A.D. As a marker of Taiethnicity, they are, at best, problematic.

    Finally, Jiang and Li suggest characteristics such s wet rice agriculture and ahighly developed water technology a common saying among Chinese is that Tailove water and build their villages along river banks). This statement is sogeneralized as to be practically meaningless.

    In the end, when we review the nature of the suggested Tai culturalcharacteristics which are supposed to link them with the Hundred Yue, it wouldappear that they serve more as markers distinguishing Southeast Asian cultures

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    Heather Peters TattooedFacesand Stilt Houses: WhoWere th Ancient Yue? Sino Platonic Papers 17 April, 1990

    from Han Chinese, and more specifically, lowland Southeast Asian culturescultures which would include not only Tai speaking groups, but Mon andAustronesian speakers as well.

    VII. ConclusionsIn conclusion, the attempt to link the archeologically defined Yue culture

    which occupied southern China during the Neolithic through Han periods with theTai-speaking groups currently living in southwestern China today is far fromconclusive. First, it is questionable whether or not we can assume that the Yuepeople cited in the historical sources are in fact one ethnic group. Second, themethodology applied by Chinese archeologists and ethnographers to this issue raisesmany problems. For example, the arguments they use imply that ethnicity is abounded, defined unit which can be identified through recognizable criteria. snoted above, current thinking on the concept of ethnicity rejects this notion. Toreiterate, ethnicity is better understood as consisting of fluid categories wheremembership in one group is not mutually exclusive with membership in others.

    Third, during the twelfth to fourteenth' century A.D., historical sources, bothChinese and Tai, clearly establish the existence of Theravada Buddhist, Tai speakingstates in the region of today's Xishuangbanna, Dehong, the Shan states in Burma,northern Thailand and northern Laos with characteristically Tai political, social and1cultural systems. It is not so dear however, that these groups had their origin in theYangtze region and spread south. The theory currently supported by linguistslocates the earliest Proto-Tai speaking groups about 2000 years ago in the TonkinValley region on the border of north Vietnam and Laos.

    Finally, the various cultural traits cited by archeologists as ones linking theancient Yue with the Tai are better understood as markers of a broad Southeast

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    Asian culture area which can be contrasted with the Han or Sinitic cultures based innorthern China.

    This article is an expanded version of a paper read at the 39th Annual Meeting forthe Association for Asian Studies, April, 1987.

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    Previous Issues

    Number Date Author Title Pages

    1 Nov.

    1986

    Victor H. Mair

    University of

    Pennsylvania

    The Need or a! Al"habeticall#

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    University of

    Pennsylvania

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    iv /12

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    1984

    (obert M. *a!ders

    University of Hawaii

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    angkok

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    1989

    Victor H. MairUniversity of

    Pennsylvania

    The o!tributio!s o" T#a!g a!$

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    EHF ?ougua!gState !anguageCommission, Peing

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