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Rabbi Dennis Beck-Berman

Hasydym Harishonym: The Pious of Yesteryear

INTRODUCTION

There are a number of references in rabbinic literature to hasydym harishonym. Modern scholars differ on the meaning of this expression. Weiss (1:114-16) identifies them with the Essenes. Most recently, Kampen (1988:187-222) identifies the early or first Hasidim with the Hasideans of the Maccabean period. He cites the claim by Jacobs (1957) that the early Hasidim may be the same pietistic group, but were, in any case, no longer in existence after the destruction of the Temple. In agreement with my earlier study (Berman, 1979), he rejects the notion of a Hasidic legal corpus propounded by Safrai (1965, 1977, 1985). However, he considers untenable my position that hasydym harishonym refers to the pious folks of old (compare Ps 89:50), from biblical times up to the destruction of the Temple (end 1 c. CE), whose great piety had become legendary (Kampen:190; Berman:18). A careful study of the evidence, however, will support my original proposal. Unfortunately, my summary and analysis of all the hasyd traditions was extremely condensed. Certain points were unclear and some important traditions not mentioned.

METHODOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS

Before reviewing the literary evidence and examining the arguments of various scholars on this subject, it is necessary to lay the methodological groundwork for an analysis of the data.

The primary sources for a study of the hasydym harishonym must be those texts which explicitly refer to hasydym harishonym. These constitute only a handful of the roughly one hundred traditions referring to hasyd/hasydym and two dozen to hasydut in rabbinic literature (excluding parallels).

There are several issues that must be addressed. Which rabbinic documents preserve hasydym harishonym traditions? Why are they mentioned (context)? Can these sources be dated? To what extent is the information they provide reliable? Are there any significant textual problems?

In addition to these concerns, a framework must be developed to demonstrate on the basis of these texts (if it is indeed possible to do so) whether the term early/first hasydym refers to Jews of a distinct group and/or a specific period. Such a task would probably require a careful analyis of the entire corpus of the hasyd/hasydym traditions. Indeed, Kampen (191-192) rightly emphasizes the need to differentiate between the use of the singular and plural. What relationship is there (if any) between hasydym harishonym traditions and traditions about a hasyd or hasydym ?

Clearly, a full-scale study of the entire corpus is desirable but not possible here. Over a decade ago I began such a study and summarized my preliminary findings (Berman, 1979). While my work is far from complete, some observations and tentative proposals are nevertheless possible.

THE HASYD/HASYDYM TRADITIONS

Scholars such as Frankel (42-43), Buchler, Baer, Sarfatti, Safrai, Urbach and Vermes sometimes argue that a certain figure would have been called a hasyd, then use that person as a kind of archetypical hasyd, subjectively emphasizing some attributes for which parallel traditions are adduced. Such an approach runs the risk of turning every pious man into a hasyd and every form of Jewish piety into hasydut. Someone who is a hasyd could function in various roles (friend, rabbi, zaddiq, miracleworker). Buchler, Sarfatti, Urbach and Vermes place undue emphasis on the relationship between hasydym and miracleworkers. The sources carefully distinguish between hasydym and men of deed (Berman: ).

Despite the contentions of Baer, Safrai and Falk, there is no evidence that hasydym created a separate legal tradition which informed rabbinic law. The sources only relate practices of pious individuals. There are no references to an autonomous community of hasydym or their teachings (Berman: ). A work called the Scroll of the Pious (Megillat Hasydym) is mentioned, but it appears to have been an ethical treatise (Berman: ).

It is significant that a very consistent picture of the characteristic(s) of the hasyd emerges from the corpus of related traditions, including rabbinic interpretations of scriptural references to hasyd/ hasydym. Unlike the biblical usage of hasyd as a pious, saintly person, in rabbinic literature a hasyd is completely selfless, sinless and devout. In his zeal to fulfill the Law, the hasyd goes beyond the norm. A quality of exuberance and extreme piety pervades these traditions. For the rabbis, hasydut is synonymous with supererogation (Berman: ; compare Anderson). It is not surprising that Maimonides (Twersky:462-64) and other medieval authorities correctly understood the significance of this term in ancient rabbinic literature.

Rabbinic texts consistently use the terms hasyd and hasydym in the sense of supererogative behavior. There is no indication of any reference to a specific sect or distinct religious group called hasydym. Attempts to connect such texts with hasydym harishonym are unsupportable and usually rely on unwarranted assumptions or interpretations. For example, Kampens claim that the spirit of the hasydym in B. Shabbat 121b refers to the spiritual legacy of an extinct group, presumably the Hasideans or hasydym harishonym (199-200). But, as he notes, the same passage also refers to the spirit of the sages (hakhamym ). The word spirit in this expression cannot be rendered as the legacy of an extinct group either here or in the other passages in which it occurs (M. Avot 3:10; Sheviit 10:9; B. Bava Qamma 94b). It simply articulates an attitude that certain behavior is morally but not legally mandated.

About 167 BCE a distinct group, apparently calling themselves the Hasideans (Asidaioi = hasydym), joined the Maccabean forces, along with all those fleeing the persecutions (l Macc 2:42). The name itself (pious) tells us only that they were staunch traditionalists; they may not have been more devout than the other Jews fighting with the Maccabees. Nothing is known concerning the origins or eventual fate of the Hasideans, or even about their size and influence during the brief five years for which their activity is documented. Josephus ignores them in his account of the Maccabean revolt (Antiquities 12:272, 395, 401). Perhaps he considered them too insignificant to single out for mention.

There is no solid evidence for identifying the Hasideans with the hasydym in certain post-exilic Psalms. There is no reference to the Hasideans in rabbinic literature. There is no connection between the Hasideans and the early hasidim, nor is there any evidence of a hasidic legal corpus. Furthermore, there is no basis for identifying them with either the Pharisees (Moore, Jud 2:76 n. 2) or the Essenes.

L. Finkelstein (1962) simply assumes that the Hasideans are identical with the plebeians, since he assumes that the Hasideans, Pharisees and Hillelites are successive plebeian factions. It is certainly possible that the Hasideans were a small group of pietists who had no connection with or influcnce upon the Pharisees (who were active by mid. ii BCE according to Ant.13.171) or the ascetic communities in the Dead Sea area; cf. J. T. Milik, Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea (1959), pp. 59, 81.

It is slgnlflcant that the word hasid never appears in the DSS except incidentally in a few Bible quotations (4Q 174,175; 11Q pSa 6,17, 26; cf. 4Q Psq; 4Q 176). Milik (p. 80 and DJD 2:163f.) would identify the so-called [fortress of the] pious in Mur. 45.6 with Qumran, however the text of this letter fragment (dated ca.134 CE) actually reads HSDYN not HSYDYN! It is difficult to argue that the yod is omitted here, it was usually added as matres lectiones even when unnecessary.

HASYDYM HARISHONYMIt should not be assumed that the lack of the definite article with the noun in the expression hasydym harishonym implies that hasydym is a proper noun (Kampen:191 n.14). It is not uncommon to find in rabbinic Hebrew an adjective with the definite article used with a noun without the definite article (Segal:183). No one suggests that the expression zaddiqym harishonym found so often in rabbinic literature refers to an ancient sect called the early Righteous. Indeed, occasionally manuscripts read hazaddiqym harishonym. There

There are a few traditions (most stemming from ca. ii CE) about the early hasidim, the pious of yesteryear (hasydym harishonym). They would wait an hour before prayer to direct their minds to God. They affixed the fringes to their garments as soon as three handbreaths were woven, instead of simply waiting until they were ready to wear. R. Judah (mid. ii) states that since God did not allow them to fall into sin, in their eagerness to bring a sin offering they took a nazirite vow which necessitated one. However, R. Simeon b. Gamaliel (mid. ii) denies that the early hasidim made a nazirite vow, which he considers sinful, and claims instead that they brought a free-will offering whenever they wished. R. Judah also relates that shortly before death they were afflicted with intestinal illness, which purged them so that they entered paradise in purity. The early hasidim engaged in conjugal relations only on Wednesdays, believing that thereby their wives would not give birth on the Sabbath and so avoid any desecration of the holy day. They would bury thorns and glass deep in their fields where it could never cause any harm. And they gave precedence to visiting the mourner's home before attending the wedding feast.

Neither the name itself nor the character of these traditions suggests that the reference is to an organized group of pietists. The expression early hasidim apparently refers to the pious folk of times past in general, from biblical times up to the destruction of the Temple (end i CE), whose great piety had become legendary. The rabbis considered many biblical figures hasidim. One tradition (ca. ii) numbers Abraham and Hanina b. Dosa (end i-beg. ii) among the pious men of yesteryear. If the rabbis pictured biblical saints acting in such ways they were largely projecting back the practices of the hasidim of their own day and recent memory. By distinguishing between the early hasidim and contemporary hasidim (ii CE) the rabbis seem to endow the former with an aura of superiority. The tendency to glorify the past, especially the period up until the destruction of the Temple, is common in rabbinic circles. This tendency probably underlies the hyperbolic lament: When R. Yose Katonta died, hasidim disappeared. The oldest known figures who might be considered among the early hasidim are Bava b. Buti (end i BCE) and Yose b. Yoezer (first half ii BCE).

M. Berakhot 5.1 where it exemplifies the proper attitude in prayer and is followed by two hyperbolic exhortations in this regard (see n.60). The version in P. Berakhot8d and B. ib. 32b (which connects it with Ps.84:5) has the early hasidim waiting another hour after prayer and this exemplifies the teachings brought there demanding that one wait both hours (see n.51). The practical impossibility of spending nearly nine hours a day in prayer is raised in the Talmuds and it is explained that since they were hasidim the little work and study they did received God's blessing (cf. Leviticus Rabba15.3). However, the Hebrew shaah, hour, could also be rendered simply as a while, which may well have been the original meaning here.

B. Menachot41a where it is discounted as a valid example for establishing the norm since hasidim are stricter upon themselves.

T. Nedarim 1.1 where it justifies R. Judah's opinion that one who uses the formula as the vows of the worthy is legally bound to a nazirite vow. According to the rabbinic interpretation of Num.6:11 taking a nazirite vow is sinful (see EJ 12:909). In the parallels (B. NedarimlOa; P. Nazir 51c; P. Nedarim36d) this exegesis is stressed by R. Simeon (b.Yohai?) who rejects Judahs claim since the early hasidim would surely not be guilty of taking nazirite vows, which meant sinfully abstaining from wine. M. Nedariml.l rules that the formula as the vows of the worthy is not valid; presumably the worthy do not make such vows.

The notion that the hasidim were anxious to atone for an any tiny sin they may have inadvertently committed is also reflected in M. Keritot6.3 where R. Eliezer (end i-beg.ii) teaches that one can freely make a guilt offering for a suspected sin whenever desired and this was called the guilt offering of hasidim. Since this concerns the pious folk of the Second Temple period it should be included among the early hasidim traditions; see n.54.

Genesis Rabba 62.2 and par. (commenting on Gen.25:8; Semachot 3.11 connects it with Prov.17:3). According to the Akiban doctrine their suffering atoned for any minor sins so that they would receive a full reward in the hereafter. The midrash seems to imply that Abraham is considered one of the early hasidim, as well as Isaac, Jacob and Job.

B. Niddah 38a-b where this tradition (ca. ii) arises in a discussion about when conception occurs. A later sage connects it with Ruth 4:13.

T. Bava Qamma 2.6; B. ib.30a; P. ib.3c where it exemplifies the ruling that one who discards his trash in a wall is held responsible for damages. In a way the practice of the hasidim is turned into an idealistic norm; cf. n.41.

Semachot 12.5 (which connects it with Eccl 7:2).

Yalqut haMekhiri to Ps 119:3 (ed. Buber, 2:216) cites an unknown midrash: Blessed be the Omnipresent, blessed be He! For he counted himself among the early hasidim, namely, Adam, Noah, Abraham, Jacob, Judah and Joseph. This compilation is generally careful and reliable in its citation of rabbinic sources; only a few are from lost works. See Bubers Introduction, 1:11.

Several figures are actually called hasidim: Adam (B. Eruvin18b); Jacob (Numbers Rabba14.2); Abraham, Jacob and Moses (Tanhuma Hukkat 25); David (B. Berakhot4a; Leviticus Rabba 1.4; Midrash Tehillim, Psalm 16.11; 86.1 - often based on Scriptural use; cf.n.8); Esther (Mekhilta Amalek 2, ed. Lauterbach 2:157); the people Israel (Midrash Ps.149.1 - based on Scriptural use); and Job (B. Bava Batra 15b), the only Gentile called a hasid (cf. Ps 43:1); cf. Midrash Tadshe 21 end which lists nine hasidot women converts. The concept of the pious Gentiles (hasidei umot haolam) is medieval, based on T. Sanhedrin13.2 which speaks of zaddikim. The rabbis also interpreted Scriptural verses about hasidim in reference to bihlical saints: Abraham and Moses (Leviticus Rabba1.4; 11.5); Joseph (Genesis Rabba86.3); Moses and Aaron (Avot deRabbi Natan Version A 36); the generation of the exodus (M.San~10.3; Avot deRabbi Natan Version A 36; Midrash Ps. 119 . 1) .

Avot deRabbi Natan Version A 8 (ed. Schechter, p.38) states; Just as the righteous men of yesteryear (zaddikim harishonim) were pious (hasidim), so were their beasts pious. Two examples are given: Abraham's camels would not set foot in a house containing idols and Hanina b. Dosa's donkey would rather starye than touch food served by his captors. In both cases the beasts went beyond the requirements of the law (cf. M.Dem.1.3). The expression hasidim harishonim is not employed simply on stylistic grounds. It is probably significant that the equally pious donkey of R. Pinhas b. Yair (beg. iii) is not mentioned here; cf. Genesis Rabba60.8; B. Shabbat112b; Midrash ha-Gadol to Gen.24:31. In fact, one medieval author could not resist adding it here (cited in Schechter, p.139). But Pinhas b. Yair could not be considered an early hasid.

Note that elsewhere zaddikim harishonim refers to the righteous men of times past ln general (B. Ketubot103a) or the patriarchs (Seder Eliahu Rabba 6; Leviticus Rabba2.10); cf. Safrai, p. 20.

There are certainly no explicit Scriptural references to such behavior which could serve as a model for these traditions. Cf. I. Heinemann, Darkhei ha-Aggadah (19503), pp. 35ff. Note the artificial and exegetical character of several traditions. There are many examples of practices similar to those of the early hasidim being reported about figures of the early rabbinic period. Note the anonymous teaching (ca.ii), reiterated by R. Joshua b. Levi (cf.n.39), that one should wait a while/hour before and after prayer (cf.n.42). On the hasids enthusiasm for performing commandments and readiness to make free-will offerings see the tale in T. Peah 3. 8 and par.; cf. Safrai, p.17 n.12. After the Temple was destroyed the hasidim could atone for their sins by fasting; cf. n.22. Dying of intestinal illness was long considered a good sign, for, as R. Yose (mid.ii) said, most of the righteous die from it (B. Ketubot 103b; Shabbat118b); cf. Mach, pp.156ff. The hasid R. Yose (see n.65) would never send his letters via Gentiles, lest they carry his mail on the Sabbath (P. Shabbat4a). One tale mentions a hasid who is greatly concerned for public safety (T Bava Qamma 2.13 and par.). And like the early hasidim R. Ishmael (beg. ii) gave precedence to visiting mourners (T.Meg.4.15); cf. Lieberman (1955-73) 4:1187ff

M. Sotah 9.12,15 and par.; B. Shabbat112b; Eruvin54b; Yoma 9b; Sanhedrin 11a-b; cf. Eccl 7:10.

M. Sotah 9.15 and par.; cf. Lieberman (1955-73) 8:762f.; n.65. It is said that he was the quintessential hasid, playing on the name Katonta. He appears in a section which lists sages from the end i CE. Note the tenor of this entire passage is one of lost grandeur.

In illustration of R. Eliezer's statement (see n.44) an anecdote is told about Bava b. Buti who made such offerings daily, a practice which some of his colleagues felt that at times he carried to extremes (M.Keritot6.3). On Bava's gracious disregard of an insult (B. Nedarim66b) cf. the statement of R. Alexandri (end iii): Whoever hears himself reviled and remains silent is called hasid (Midrash Ps.16.11; 86.1; cf.n.26).

In M.Hag.2.7 he is called the (greatest) hasid in the priesthood (hasid shebakehunah), apparently in reference to his scrupulous observance of the purity laws; cf.M.Eduy. 8.4. Yose b. Yoezer also appears in a tradition about perfectly righteous men (see n.64). Due to the presence of Yohanan b. Gudgada (end i-beg.ii) in the following statement in M. Hag.2.7, this tradition must be dated ca.ii CE. Hence, while the rabbis probably considered Yose one of the early hasidim, there is no evidence that his contemporaries (beg.ii BCE) would have called him a hasid. The earliest attestations of hasid in its rabbinic sense date ca.beg. i CE.

M. Sotah 9.9 states that after Yose b. Yoezer the clusters ceased (based on Mic 7:1; cf. 7:2), but there is no basis for Baers identification of the "clusters" with the early hasidim. The term seems to refer to distinguished scholars (B. Sotah 47b; Tem.15b; Hul.92a; Leviticus Rabba36.2; Song R. 1:14; Sifre Dt.323); cf. P. Sotah 24a