GREY WHAT?: PENSIONER PERCEPTIONS OF GREY POWER

David Wiles

Abstract This article explores aspects of ageing and politics in- cluding pensioners’ perceptions of the ‘Grey Power’ concept. First, the reasons behind the voting behaviour of some pensioners are examined, in order to illuminate the political ‘world view’ of older Australians. Then, the issue of changes in voting is in- vestigated, with the finding that these pensioners were quite stable in their voting choices. While the majority of pensioners were unaware of ‘Grey Power’, they provided a diverse range of reactions to this political idea. Finally, strategies are suggested towards the development of Grey Power and the empowerment of the elderly.

Introduction Ageing has now become part of the ‘political agen-

da’ due to such influences as the ‘greying’ population, difficulties within present services, and the rising costs of pr0grams.l As ageing becomes a political issue, the question arises whether the elderly themselves will develop into a political force. Even back in 1970. when those aged 65 years and over made up only 8.5 per cent of the Australian population, attention had already been drawn to the political potential of the elderly.z However, the legendary conservatism and stability of aged voters, along with deep class divisions in society, may suggest that sheer numbers do not translate into political power.’ Nevertheless, there has been increas- ing community awareness of the concept of ‘Grey Power’, the overseas term used to describe the political struggle to win equality of status and rights for older citizens,‘ as seen in the popular and pensioner press. Such awareness was reflected in Tasmania in 1982, with the creation of Australia’s first Minister for the Elderly.’ Since then, the Commonwealth along with three State governments have followed this lead in various ways.’

The earliest pensioner group in Australia was the Old Age and Invalid Pensioners’ Association (193 1) while the main contemporary organisation is the Com- bined Pensioners’ Association.’ Thus in Australia there is to some degree an historical tradition of at- tempting to mobilise the elderly voters into an effec- tive lobby group. However, the future political trends of ‘Grey Power’ remain open to speculation. In the overseas context, Phillipson marshals evidence to sug- gest that with the improved educational levels and greater political experience of coming cohorts, ‘Grey Power’ may become important before the turn of the century.’ Under Australian conditions, Ellis expects that as the ‘Depression generation’ of pensioners is gradually replaced by the ‘Menzies generation’ - with its rather higher level of expectations - then ‘the aged might become more volatile in their voting behaviour ’ .

A number of theoretical questions may be borne in mind about the politics of the ageing. It is sometimes assumed that older persons tend toward increased con- servatism with increasing age. Alternatively, some say that elderly people simply harden within their existing political persuasion, whether radical, liberal, conser- vative, or reactionary. If indeed pensioners are fixed within lifelong attitudes and values, then the potential political power of the aged as an electoral force is severely curtailed by this very rigidity. To enhance their political effectiveness, the elderly must be able to use their votes to register protest against unfavourable government decisions. The concept of ‘Grey Power’, however, requires th,at potentially the aged have a strong collective identity, are sensitive to issues which affect them as a group, and are flexible in the shaping of their political choices.

In the next century the ‘greying’ of the Australian population and the associated struggles over social resources may shift ageing and its concerns to the centre of the political arena. In order to explore these dimensions of ageing and politics, this article draws upon some survey research conducted by the author in Sydney, where fifty pensioners were questioned about various aspects of their lives on the Age Pension.

Main Reasons f o r Present Voting Preference Pensioners within this survey were asked about their

usual party preference. Most within the sample were drawn from working class districts in Sydney, and had been Labor voters for years. Of most interest were the beliefs and motivations behind their voting behaviour. Following the naming of the political party of their usual choice, the respondents were asked: ‘What are your main reasons for voting ...... ?’ This question produced a great amount of information. as shown in the following table.

Amongst Labor voters, family background appears to have been relatively important as an influence on present voting behaviour. Labor voters also appear to have drawn upon a strong sense of history, including their memories of past Labor leaders. Amongst the non-Labor voters the sense of history appears to be replaced by an emphasis upon the political present, in- cluding the qualities of conservative politics and politicians.

While the survey sample was small. and reflected rather than represented the Australian pensioner population, strategies may be suggested for the development of Grey Power as a political force. Both Labor and non-Labor discourses had a stronghold in ‘positive’ themes, policies related to the real world, which indicates that politicians must deliver real con- tent to hold the Grey Vote. As to the development of Grey Power, the appeal to the Labor world should tap into the sources of history and tradition, while an ap-

10 Australian Journal on Ageing, Vol 6, No. 3. August 1987

Table 1: Main Reasons For Voting Preference

- Labour (34) - - Non-Labor (14) -

- PERSONAL - Family Background 8 Family Background 2 Influence of Spouse (husband) 5 (husband) 2

Lifelong Pattern 4 Peer Political Opinion 1 -

Influence of Spouse

18 4

- POSITIVE - Working Class identity ‘Worker’ identity Party Supporter Populism (‘for the

little people’) Better ALP Social Policy Considered Choice

Historical Memories: Party won better conditions

8 Hour Day Depression Efforts Labor Movement ALP contribution to country

Labor Heroes: Scullin Chifley Curtin Lang

9 Liberals: 4 Investment confidence 1 Greater Business Sense

More Educated 4 Greater Understanding 4 More Intelligent 3 More Self-Disciplined

Doing more for Country

Fraser Leadership: 1 Doing a Good Job 1 Has Country at Heart 2 Approval of Leadership 1

1

1 1 2 3

38 -

2 1 1 1 I I

1

1 1 I

- I 1

Voting Changes Given the common assumption about the inter-

twined development of human ageing and political conservatism, pensioners were asked about shifts in their voting in terms of the question: ‘Has your voting changed as you have grown older?’ The great majority of pensioners recorded no change in their voting over time (41 out of 50 cases). The stability of voting pat- terns was pronounced.

Brief attention may now be paid to the content of respondents’ replies. Mrs ‘Archer’ was one pensioner who had changed her voting, and she saw this as the result of her increased political interest and sophistication:

I think that as you grow older you think more for yourselj, whereas when you’re younger you’re in- clined to be swayed. Interestingly, some of the voting changes cited

by pensioners were made long ago. Mrs Finch, for ex- ample, had switched her allegiance away from Labor during the Great Depression, and Mrs Warwick had changed her political views during the Second World War. Similarly, Mrs Murray recounted a temporary alteration of political preference in voting for ‘Pig Iron Bob’ Menzies. Six pensioners in this group could be classifiea as disenchanted Labor voters. Two ex- amples of this trend are reproduced below: Mrs. Burrows:

I always used to vote Labor. But as I got older, and read the papers, and went into it, quite a lot of the things the Labor Party does I don’t like! Mrs Usher: At one time I was very strong Labor. But now I’m not! I think when Labor gets in the general worker just stretches it too far. That’s what I really think about the worker, when he gets Labor in he just cooks his own goose, and the next time, they’re out! They don’t last for very long, Labor, do they? But I think it’s the workers’own fault. And I have been a worker. and I come from working class.

- CRITICAL/NEGATIVE - Only one respondent recorded a shift away from conservative politics, and she now presented as one of

Liberals for upper classes 1 Anti-Labor: the two genuinely ‘swinging’ voters. Anti-multinationals 1 Sectionalism Mrs. Lynch: Uninterested in choosing I Ignorance 2 I used to vote Liberal always, living in the country Not Politically Minded 2 Extremism 2 and that. With marriage and all those type of An ti-Menzies I Faction Fighting 1 things, things changed! Fraser’s Broken Strikes 1 Commenting on Duckett’s data, Graycar has Promises 1 Redistribution characterised older citizens as ‘more conservative and

unpopular more stable in voting habits than the population at Unions reduce large’.’O Given the working class bias of this sample, profitability 1 these pensioners exhibited less political conservatism

- Anti-Whitlam 1 than average, but on the issue of stability they did

I

7 12 demonstrate fairly fixed voting behaviour.

(n = 48) Grey Power * multiple answers One of the most interesting issues on the political

agenda, both in the present and for the future, is the question of the political potential of ‘Grey Power’. As elderly citizens and voters increase as a proportion of the general Australian population, and with the in-

11

propriate appeal to the non-labor world might stress present centred policies. Australian Journal on Ageing, Vol 6, No. 3. Alrgusf 1987

creasingly vociferous public debates around the theme of retirement income, the question arises whether old people can rally together as an effective pressure group, in order to maintain or extend the claims of the aged upon polity and society. In exploration of these political questions these pensioners were asked: ‘Have you ever heard of “Grey Power”?’ Only one third of this group had.

The respondents who indicated some knowledge of Grey Power were then invited to express their opinions about it: ‘What do you think of the idea of Grey Power?’ Out of those who had claimed familiarity with the Grey Power concept only one third gave the idea their unqualified approval (6 cases). Another third gave qualified approval (6 cases), while the re- mainder disapproved (2 cases) or made no additional comment (3 cases).

Attention to the content of these answers showed that disapproval of Grey Power was based on the suspicion of it being ‘socialist’ or ‘communist’ in nature, or else was based upon dislike of the political idea itself. Given the number of respondents who of- fered only their qualified approval of Grey Power, negative assessment of the idea was more widespread than just among those who rejected the Grey Power concept entirely. Some pensioners alluded to the dif- ficulties of leadership involved in Grey Power, for in- stance, that such leadership might be too middle class in composition to consider the problems of the poor aged, or that leadership might be self interested, or of poor quality, or of high mortality. Another perceived obstacle to Grey Power was that since old people tend to ‘live in the past’, they may be less than interested in present political struggles. Quite different in their assessments were those respondents who approved of Grey Power. These pensioners felt that it was prudent to utilise the knowledge and skills of old people to im- prove their social conditions, that it was indeed a sound strategy to lobby for ‘grey’ claims. and that, on both electoral and ethical grounds, parliamentarians ought to respect Grey Power.

It is interesting to note that within the fieldwork material, pensioners expressed most of the main points on the emergence of Grey Power that are to be found within the gerontological literature. Within this collec- tion of interview answers, for instance, themes includ- ed the underlying demographic pressure of an ageing population, the political implications of an older elec- torate, the need to exploit all the human resources available to society irrespective of age categories, as well as the need for effective and sensitive leadership in the interests of older people. The range of issues is demonstrated through a handful of pensioner quotations. Mrs Collins:

I think the government will have to look to the Grey Power too, because it’s been proved there’s going to be more grey power than young power.

I think a lot of old people have -a lot to offer the community, if given the opportunity.

Mr Daniels:

Mr Baker: Grey Power would be a force to be reckoned with because the older generation are now starting to outnumber the younger generation . . . I’m a bit wary. It could be formed into apolitical power that would not be helping the pensioner, but only heip- ing the people at the top: This is the danger I forsee, it could be completely wrong, but I’m a bit wary of it.

Mrs Alexander: It’s a good idea, providing they work for the pen- sioners. See, a lot of people, they form a group, then when they’ve got,a group that would be it! They wouldn *t continue to work for the good of the pensioners. They might maintain it for their own glory . . . And being pensioners they’d be older people. You see, they might just start and then they might ‘frog it’, as they say, or die!

Terribly difficult! I don” know whether you should live in the past or whether you should expect from the future.

Pensioners who did not know of Grey Power quite frequently asked for an explanation (22 cases). When a concise summary of the main ideas was given by the interviewer, explaining Grey Power as pressure group politics to press for claims from government on behalf of the aged, the respondents were asked for their ‘ins- tant opinion’ in response to this idea. These pensioners were evenly divided over the issue of Grey Power (1 1 cases for and against). Those who proved amenable to this political idea at this first introduction often used the phrase ‘a good idea’ in their replies.

Mrs Nelson:

Mr Vincent:

I think it’s good. Otherwise how are they going to get anywhere, or get anything at all, if they don’t band together, if they don ’t fight for it? It’s no use sitting back and doing nothing.

Some pensioners, however, did not find the idea of Grey Power at all attractive.

Mrs Bell: The idea fills me with horror! It would be the last thing I would possibly think of doing. It fills me with horror.

I’m not too keen on people banding together and making a noise on what should be done. I think, really, the government should do thingsfor the old without them having to do that. They should find out those who need the help, and help them, without them having to ask, or, get in groups, carry banners, play up! It shouldn’t be necessary. I don’t believe in these meetings, and getting all together, and waving banners and all this sort of thing about what they want and what they don’t want. I don’t think it looks very nice, to see a lot of banner- waving with all the writing on and that sort of thing. They’re screaming out! There’s banners fly- ing! They should be able to do it in other ways,

Mrs Norman:

12 Australian Journal on Ageing, Vol 6, No. 3. August 1987

rather than getting in groups with banners and mor- ching onto things. I don’t know. It doesn’t seem right to me. I t shouldn’t be necessary, should it?

Conclusion While commentators such as Ellis” and Phillipson’’

express optimism about the political possibilities of Grey Power, the indications within this small survey were not encouraging. These pensioners were political- ly stable in their voting behaviour, and even where voting changes were reported, they had occurred long before. Perhaps this finding may be attributed to the respondents being at the biographical stage of ‘life review’, a phase of life more concerned with inter- pretation and acceptance of the past than with political change in the present or utopian visions of the future. In any case, the volatile swinging voters essen- tial to the development of Grey Power did not appear within this group. Other omens were that when ques- tioned about Grey Power, most respondents were ig- norant of the concept, and only one in eight pen- sioners gave this political idea unqualified support. This it may be difficult to mobilise pensioners in their own right, let alone incorporate Grey Power within any wider welfare coalition to claim against the state. Of course, these pensioners may have been ap- propriately cautious after their lifetimes of political observation, yet the raising of Grey Power con- sciousness is clearly problematical. These aged work- ing class pensioners were not highly politicked at pre- sent. Predictions about the political militance of future cohorts, such as those of Ellis,” need to be sup- ported by careful attention to the social class origins of those groups under consideration. Existing Grey Power - as exhibited in reaction to the assets test -

seems fiied on middle class concerns, and does not ad- dress so much the needs of the poor aged. Further- more, where Phillipson” predicts greater political ac- tivity ‘by and on behalf’ of the elderly. these survey findings suggest that present strategies should em- phasise political advocacy, so as to foster the mature development of Grey Power, and the empowerment of the Australian aged. Dr Dcrvid Wiles Lecturer ond Course Coordinotor WA College of Advonced Educotion. Cloremont Campus, Goldnvorlhy Rood, Cloremonl. W.A. 6010,

REFERENCES

1 . Hdma. J. M.. The McLeay Report: cutting the S1,000m cake, Aust. Jnl on Ageing 1983, 2 (I), p.12.

2. Elkin, A.P., The Keynote Address, in S. Sax (ed.) The Aged in Austrnllaa Society, Sydney, Angus and Robertson in association with ANZAAS and AMP Society. 1970, p.14.

3. Graycar, A., Ageing in AustraliG a pointer to political dilemmas, Aust. Qtrly 1981, 53 (3). p.298.

4. New South W a l a Anti-Discrimination Board, 1980. p.20. 5 . Vella. T.. First to hold a greycare post, Australian Pensioner, 2

(IS), 17-30 August 1982. pp.14-5. 6. Government offices for Australia’s Aged, Aust. Jnl on Ageing

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Towards Ad Older Australia, St. Lucia Queensland, Uni. of Qunnsland Press, 1981, p.320.

8. Philli son. C., Capitdlsm and the Construction of Old Age, Lon- don, Lacmillan, 1982. p.127.

9. Ellis, 1.. op. cit., pp.326-7. 10. Graycar, A.. op. cit., p.298. 1 1 . Ellis, 1.. op. cit. 12. Phillipson. op. cit. 13. Ellis, 1.. op. cit. 14. Phillipson. C.. op. cit., p.151.

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