Great Documents VOL II - Walch · The Truman Doctrine ... warn the Germans not to violate the Monroe Doctrine. The Germans backed

II

Richard Kollen

To the Teacher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

To the Student . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi

Chinese Exclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Native-American Land Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

The Spanish-American War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

The Roosevelt Corollary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

The Status of African Americans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

The Jungle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Women’s Right to Vote . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

The Second New Deal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44

Eleanor Roosevelt and the DAR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

The Four Freedoms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

Japanese-American Internment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

The Truman Doctrine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

The Censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

The Cuban Missile Crisis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

“I Have a Dream” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

The National Organization of Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

The Tonkin Gulf Resolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

The Berlin Wall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98

September 11, 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

Answer Key . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

© 2006 Walch Publishing www.walch.com

Table of Contents

iii

The material in this volume is presented to allow maximum teacher flexibility in how it isused in the classroom.

Each document and exercise can be used in a variety of ways. Here are three.

1. Have students work independently on the questions, some or all, to be discussed asa class later.

2. Have students work in small groups on the questions. The groups can do thefollowing:

• Work on all of them together.• Divide the questions among members to work on independently. Members can

then explain their answers to their group.

3. As a teacher-directed activity, do the exercises as a whole group.

The exercises that follow the documents are divided into question sets by type.

Comprehension Questions. The comprehension questions simply require a literalunderstanding of the documents.

Critical Thinking. The “Critical Thinking” question set requires students to go beyondthe document text. Some questions call for an assessment of the information’s reliability.Many students are likely to take as fact anything written by a firsthand source. Teachersmay need to lead students to evaluate sources. As explained in the student introductorysection, certain factors influence the message in a primary source. Among these are author,source, and audience.

Making Connections. Students should have had exposure to the historical issues that eachdocument addresses before reading the documents. Nonetheless, an introduction providingbackground precedes each document. Teachers may decide not to have students read thisand instead use it themselves to teach the documents. It should be understood that the“Making Connections” question sets often rely on outside information, both regardingevents surrounding the source and previous sources. Context is critical to students creatingmeaning out of the documents.

Relating the Past to Our Lives. This question set asks students to connect the documentto their lives or to the modern United States. It is designed for students to see the relevanceof history today.

Essay Questions. These call for an extended answer. This may be in the form of a writtenessay or perhaps in large- or small-group discussion.

Note: Some of the documents are shortened versions. Missing portions are designated byellipses (. . .). In most documents, the original spelling has been preserved, except wherearchaic spellings might be difficult for students.


To the Teacher

v

RReeaaddiinngg aanndd IInntteerrpprreettiinngg PPrriimmaarryy SSoouurrccee DDooccuummeennttssPrimary sources are the raw material of history. They include but are not limited to thefollowing:

They are documents and objects left by people who participated in or witnessed events.Historians interpret this evidence to write secondary sources—books, such as yourtextbook. The key word here is interpret. With most records, there is room for disagreementon their meanings.

Interpreting primary sources, then, is as basic to the historian’s work as performingexperiments is to the scientist. It is how they reach conclusions about what they arestudying. As history students, you need to learn to interpret primary sources as part ofyour study. What follows are hints for getting the most out of reading the primary sourcesincluded in this book.

1. Identifying the DocumentWhat type of document is it? What is its purpose? Who is the audience?

Answering the first question helps to answer the second two. For example, a friendlyletter usually has a limited audience due to its purpose. A speech, however, will have amuch broader audience. This matters. Some ideas a person might disclose in a private letterhe or she would not include in a public speech. Think about what you would write in aletter to your closest friend about a teacher. Compare that with what you might say aboutthe teacher in a speech at a school assembly. People make speeches to persuade or inform.The speaker understands that the audience will be mixed and that the message needs to betailored to this. A letter to a friend has a different purpose and audience. Therefore, itcontains different information.

2. Placing the Document in Its ContextWhen was the document created? What was happening in the country at this time?

Knowing about the circumstances that surround the primary source’s creation isimportant. This places the document in its context. It helps the historian to grasp its full meaning.


To the Student

vi

letters

advertisements

diaries

bills

speeches

report cards

oral histories

maps

autobiographies

drawings

laws

photographs

objects

programs

For example, a student writes an editorial in the school newspaper calling for morediversity in faculty hiring. Twenty years later someone researching the history of theschool reads the editorial. The researcher would want to know about the circumstancessurrounding the editorial.

• Did the editorial represent a large number of students with a similar opinion, orwas the author a lone voice?

• What was the racial makeup of the staff at the time? • What was the racial makeup of the student body?

Answers to these and other questions would help the historian understand the documentby placing it in context.

Who created the document? What do you know about that person? What was his or her role inthe events?

Answering these questions furthers the historian’s understanding of the context.Imagine reading excerpts from a diary written by your brother or sister ten years earlier.Your knowledge of the circumstances of his or her life at the time—about friends, home,interests, opinions, problems, and so forth—would make the diary much moreunderstandable. Now imagine someone reading it who never knew your brother or sister oranything about his or her life. That person’s understanding would be seriously weakened—unless he or she did some research. You can place the diary in its proper context. The otherreader cannot.

Context is provided before each document in this book in the sections titled “HistoricalContext” and “Importance.” You may want to read this material first. What you learn inhistory class about the time period will add to your knowledge of the document’scircumstances. It is likely your teacher will assign the documents in this book when youstudy the time in which they were created.

3. Reading and Understanding the DocumentWhat are the key words in the source and what do they mean?

When reading documents, the language can be difficult. This can be especially truewhen documents were written a long time ago. Today, we value clear, direct language. Thiswas not necessarily true in the past. It is important when you read the documents in thisbook to understand the meanings of the words used in the documents. Keep eachdocument’s vocabulary list with definitions close by for reference.

What is the message? What point is the author trying to make? What evidence does the authorgive to support the point?

© 2006 Walch Publishing www.walch.comvii

All documents have a main idea or message. It could be helpful to jot down what youbelieve is the main idea after reading a document. Listing the evidence used to support themain idea will also help your understanding.

4. Evaluating the DocumentHow reliable is the document? Is the information supported by other evidence?

Historians must take this task very seriously because they will read many documentssurrounding an event. The information provided by these documents may differ slightly. Insome cases, the documents might contradict one another. This leaves the historian to makea judgment about what to believe. One way to make the judgment is to check for othersources that support it. Your textbook or other primary sources can help in determiningwhether other information supports the facts stated in a document.

In what ways might the information be biased?

All documents are biased to some degree. The creator always has a point of view on anissue or event. The information the author wants his or her audience to know becomes themessage. Certain facts could be left out or slanted in a particular way. This might be doneon purpose. For example, when you make an argument, are you likely to include theevidence that hurts your position?

But bias may not be conscious. For example, consider a loud argument between twostudents in a school hallway. This may be reported differently by observers depending onthe following:

• their location in the hallway

• their relationship with one of the students involved

• to whom they are reporting the event

• how soon after the event it is reported

The historian takes nothing at face value. Instead, she or he weighs the factors ofcreator, purpose, audience, and context to determine the reliability of the document.

Consider these ideas when reading the documents in this volume. Approach them as ahistorian just as you perform experiments as a scientist in chemistry class.

© 2006 Walch Publishing www.walch.comviii

Great Documents in U.S. History, Volume II

Document: Theodore Roosevelt, annual message to Congress (1904)

HHiissttoorriiccaall CCoonntteexxtt“Speak softly and carry a big stick.” President Theodore Roosevelt was fond of using thisWest African proverb to explain his approach to foreign policy. “Big stick diplomacy”described U.S. involvement in several Latin America nations’ affairs during Roosevelt’sadministration. The president clearly stated the policy that justified these interventions. Itwas called the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine.

The president intended his Roosevelt Corollary to be an amendment to the MonroeDoctrine. In 1823, President James Monroe had warned European nations to stay out of theaffairs of Latin American nations. At the time, the United States feared that foreign powerswould try to acquire a foothold near its borders. Eighty years later, President Roosevelt sawa similar danger. Some independent Latin American countries could not pay back loans toEuropean bankers. Venezuela in 1902 was a case in point. Its government was unable to paydebts owed to British and German bankers. Great Britain and Germany blockaded and firedupon Venezuela’s coast. Rumors suggested that Germany was interested in establishing apermanent base in Venezuela. President Roosevelt sent the U.S. fleet to the disputed area towarn the Germans not to violate the Monroe Doctrine. The Germans backed off.

In 1904, a bankrupt Dominican Republic owed money to European bankers. Rooseveltworried that European governments might interfere forcibly to retrieve what was owedthem. In doing so, they would be in violation of the Monroe Doctrine. So Rooseveltdecided to formulate a new policy. He announced his corollary in his annual message toCongress. (Today this annual message is called the State of the Union Address.) Part ofRoosevelt’s message follows on page 19. A year later Roosevelt’s annual message reaffirmedhis corollary: In order to enforce the Monroe Doctrine, it may become necessary for theUnited States to become involved in the internal affairs of certain Latin American nations inorder to keep European countries from doing so. According to this policy, the United Statesassumed responsibility to police “chronic wrongdoing” in the Western Hemisphere. Europewas not to intervene. As a case in point, the United States took over the customs service ofthe Dominican Republic. U.S. officials then used the customs revenue to pay the Europeanbankers what was owed them.

IImmppoorrttaanncceeThis policy led to about a dozen U.S. interventions in Latin American countries over thenext thirty years. American troops spent time in Haiti, Nicaragua, Mexico, and Cuba, amongothers. The fact that Roosevelt tied the policy to the long-standing Monroe Doctrine helpedthe American public accept it. But the U.S. military presence caused resentment in theregion. It angered Latin Americans, who considered the U.S. involvement to be imperialist.

© 2006 Walch Publishing www.walch.com18

The Roosevelt Corollary



Theodore Roosevelt, Annual Message to Congress,December 6, 1904 (the Roosevelt Corollary)

It is not true that the United States feels any land hunger or entertainsany projects as regards the other nations of the Western Hemisphere savesuch as are for their welfare. All that this country desires is to see theneighboring countries stable, orderly, and prosperous. Any countrywhose people conduct themselves well can count upon our heartyfriendship. If a nation shows that it knows how to act with reasonableefficiency and decency in social and political matters, if it keeps orderand pays its obligations, it need fear no interference from the UnitedStates. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a generalloosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere,ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in theWestern Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the MonroeDoctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrantcases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of aninternational police power. If every country washed by the CaribbeanSea would show the progress in stable and just civilization which withthe aid of the Platt Amendment Cuba has shown since our troops left theisland, and which so many of the republics in both Americas areconstantly and brilliantly showing, all question of interference by thisNation with their affairs would be at an end. Our interests and those ofour southern neighbors are in reality identical. They have great naturalriches, and if within their borders the reign of law and justice obtains,prosperity is sure to come to them. While they thus obey the primarylaws of civilized society they may rest assured that they will be treatedby us in a spirit of cordial and helpful sympathy. We would interferewith them only in the last resort, and then only if it became evident thattheir inability or unwillingness to do justice at home and abroad hadviolated the rights of the United States or had invited foreign aggressionto the detriment of the entire body of American nations. It is a meretruism to say that every nation, whether in America or anywhere else,which desires to maintain its freedom, its independence, must ultimatelyrealize that the right of such independence can not be separated from theresponsibility of making good use of it.


VVooccaabbuullaarryyentertains—holds in the mind

stable—firmly established

prosperous—wealthy

hearty—enthusiastic

obligations—debts (in this case)

chronic—frequent and occurring over a long period of time

impotence—lack of power or control

adherence—the act of remaining faithful

flagrant—obvious

republics—countries with a government in which people elect representatives who govern for them

reign—rule

obtains—is established

primary—basic

cordial—friendly

detriment—injury

truism—truth

CCoommpprreehheennssiioonn QQuueessttiioonnss1. What does Roosevelt claim is not an interest of the United States regarding the

other countries of the Western Hemisphere?

2. What does the United States want from these neighbors?

3. The United States will never bother countries showing what qualities, according toRoosevelt’s policy?

4. What kind of behavior will lead to interference from the United States?

5. How are most neighboring countries and the United States alike?

6. What responsibility does Roosevelt say comes with freedom and independence?



CCrriittiiccaall TThhiinnkkiinngg1. Why do you think Roosevelt announces that the United States has no interest in

land in neighboring countries?

2. What does Roosevelt mean when he says that the United States will involve itself incountries that have “invited foreign aggression”?

3. What does Roosevelt mean when he speaks about “an international police power”?

4. What might happen if the United States does not exercise its police power?

5. How do you think Latin American countries felt when they read this message?

MMaakkiinngg CCoonnnneeccttiioonnss1. Why is the United States so interested in the behavior of Caribbean and Central

American countries in particular?

2. In what ways can the Progressive movement’s goals be considered consistent withthe Roosevelt Corollary?

3. What involvement in Latin America had the United States undertaken just beforeRoosevelt made this statement?

4. Why do you think Roosevelt holds up Cuba as an example of a model country in behavior?

RReellaattiinngg tthhee PPaasstt ttoo OOuurr LLiivveess1. What involvement in Latin America has the United States had recently?

2. Have you faced a situation when someone stepped in and dealt with your problemrather than allowing you to face the consequences? Explain.

3. Has the present U.S. president made an important foreign policy statement that hehas called a doctrine? If so, what is it?

EEssssaayy QQuueessttiioonnss1. How important was it to link Roosevelt’s policy with the Monroe Doctrine? Explain.

2. What arguments can be made against the Roosevelt Corollary?

3. Roosevelt announced that the United States would use “international police power.”What were the future implications of this for U.S. foreign policy? Does it have aneffect today?



Document: George W. Bush, address to Congress (2001)

HHiissttoorriiccaall CCoonntteexxttThe attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon in Washington,D.C., remain a fresh memory to most Americans. They will always remember where theywere when they learned of it. Similarly, some people remember just where and when theyheard about President Kennedy’s assassination in 1963. But only older Americans canremember the most comparable event—the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941.

Those watching the September 11 events unfold could scarcely believe what their eyestold them. At 8:45 A.M. American Airlines Flight 11, with ninety-two passengers and crewaboard, flew into the World Trade Center’s north tower. Then just eighteen minutes later,with onlookers still trying to decide whether the first crash was an accident, UnitedAirlines Flight 175 hit the south tower, killing the sixty-five passengers and crew on board.At 9:40 A.M., American Airlines Flight 77, carrying sixty-four passengers and crew, struckthe Pentagon. A fourth airliner, United Airlines Flight 93, crashed near Pittsburgh,Pennsylvania, at 10:10 A.M., killing sixty-four passengers and crew. The passengers of thisflight had learned of the attacks in New York and Washington. They apparently determinedto prevent their airplane from also being used as a missile. They rushed the cockpit andbrought the plane down. By this time, the World Trade Center towers had begun tocollapse. Many of the towers’ occupants were killed, along with many firefighters andpolice who were trying to rescue them.

Extensive television coverage enabled many Americans to see live coverage of thetowers’ collapse. People relived the horror of the airliners crashing into the World TradeCenter through taped replays. Nearly 3,000 people died in all. This single-day death toll onAmerican soil ranked second only to the Civil War Battle of Antietam.

Responsibility for the attacks soon became public—a radical Islamist terroristorganization named al-Qaeda. This group was led by wealthy Saudi Arabian terrorist Osamabin Laden. It had previously organized an attack on the World Trade Center with a truckbomb, killing six people. Al-Qaeda had also organized truck bombings of U.S. embassies in1998. In striking the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, al-Qaeda had chosen symbolsof the U.S. economy and military.

Al-Qaeda planned these attacks because its members hated the United States for itsinfluence in the Middle East. Some of the hated U.S. policies were the following:

• U.S. support of unelected regimes that seemed not to care about the average Arab,such as the regimes in Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

• The presence of the U.S. military in the Middle East.

• U.S. support for Israel.


September 11, 2001


Soon after the 9/11 attacks, anthrax-contaminated letters killed five people. Theseattacks closed congressional office buildings and several post offices. The anthrax lettersapparently were unrelated to the terrorist attacks. But at the time, they added to theanxiety of Americans.

IImmppoorrttaanncceeOn September 20, President George W. Bush addressed a joint session of Congress and atelevision audience. Americans in stressful times look to their president for cues on how toreact. President Bush offered words of comfort and unity while vowing a strong response.He promised a war on terror. Like the Cold War, he cautioned, this war would be a long one.

Based in Afghanistan, al-Qaeda became a target for the U.S. military. The government ofAfghanistan was controlled by the Taliban, a radical Islamist group. They refused tosurrender Osama bin Laden and other leaders of al-Qaeda. The United States and GreatBritain responded by invading Afghanistan and hitting it with air strikes, beginning onOctober 7. But Osama bin Laden and much of the al-Qaeda leadership escaped, probably tothe mountains of Pakistan. Bin Laden remained at large in 2006.


George W. Bush, Address to Congress and theAmerican People, September 20, 2001

On September the 11th, enemies of freedom committed an act of waragainst our country. Americans have known wars—but for the past 136years, they have been wars on foreign soil, except for one Sunday in1941. Americans have known the casualties of war—but not at the centerof a great city on a peaceful morning. Americans have known surpriseattacks—but never before on thousands of civilians. All of this wasbrought upon us in a single day—and night fell on a different world, aworld where freedom itself is under attack.

Americans have many questions tonight. Americans are asking: Whoattacked our country? The evidence we have gathered all points to acollection of loosely affiliated terrorist organizations known as al Qaeda.They are the same murderers indicted for bombing American embassiesin Tanzania and Kenya, and responsible for bombing the USS Cole.

Al Qaeda is to terror what the mafia is to crime. But its goal is notmaking money; its goal is remaking the world—and imposing its radicalbeliefs on people everywhere.

(continued)



The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that has beenrejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of Muslim clerics—afringe movement that perverts the peaceful teachings of Islam. Theterrorists’ directive commands them to kill Christians and Jews, to kill allAmericans, and make no distinction among military and civilians,including women and children.

This group and its leader—a person named Osama bin Laden—are linkedto many other organizations in different countries, including theEgyptian Islamic Jihad and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. Thereare thousands of these terrorists in more than 60 countries. They arerecruited from their own nations and neighborhoods and brought tocamps in places like Afghanistan, where they are trained in the tactics ofterror. They are sent back to their homes or sent to hide in countriesaround the world to plot evil and destruction.

The leadership of al Qaeda has great influence in Afghanistan andsupports the Taliban regime in controlling most of that country. InAfghanistan, we see al Qaeda’s vision for the world.

Afghanistan’s people have been brutalized—many are starving and manyhave fled. Women are not allowed to attend school. You can be jailed forowning a television. Religion can be practiced only as their leadersdictate. A man can be jailed in Afghanistan if his beard is not longenough.

The United States respects the people of Afghanistan—after all, we arecurrently its largest source of humanitarian aid—but we condemn theTaliban regime. It is not only repressing its own people, it is threateningpeople everywhere by sponsoring and sheltering and supplyingterrorists. By aiding and abetting murder, the Taliban regime iscommitting murder.

And tonight, the United States of America makes the following demandson the Taliban: Deliver to United States authorities all the leaders of alQaeda who hide in your land. Release all foreign nationals, includingAmerican citizens, you have unjustly imprisoned. Protect foreignjournalists, diplomats and aid workers in your country. Closeimmediately and permanently every terrorist training camp inAfghanistan, and hand over every terrorist, and every person in theirsupport structure, to appropriate authorities. Give the United States full

(continued)



access to terrorist training camps, so we can make sure they are no longeroperating.

These demands are not open to negotiation or discussion. The Talibanmust act, and act immediately. They will hand over the terrorists, or theywill share in their fate.

I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the world.We respect your faith. It’s practiced freely by many millions ofAmericans, and by millions more in countries that America counts asfriends. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those who commit evilin the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah. The terrorists aretraitors to their own faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islam itself. Theenemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our manyArab friends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists, and everygovernment that supports them. . . .

Americans are asking: How will we fight and win this war? We willdirect every resource at our command—every means of diplomacy, everytool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financialinfluence, and every necessary weapon of war—to the disruption and tothe defeat of the global terror network.

This war will not be like the war against Iraq a decade ago, with adecisive liberation of territory and a swift conclusion. It will not looklike the air war above Kosovo two years ago, where no ground troopswere used and not a single American was lost in combat.

Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolatedstrikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign,unlike any other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic strikes,visible on TV, and covert operations, secret even in success. We willstarve terrorists of funding, turn them one against another, drive themfrom place to place, until there is no refuge or no rest. And we willpursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation,in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, oryou are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation thatcontinues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime.

Our nation has been put on notice: We are not immune from attack. Wewill take defensive measures against terrorism to protect Americans. . . .

(continued)


VVooccaabbuullaarryycasualties—people injured or killed

affiliated—associated

indicted—charged with a crime

embassies—the residences and offices of foreign diplomats

mafia—a secret criminal organization

imposing—establishing through force

fringe—relating to a group with marginal or extremist views

clerics—religious leaders

perverts—twists the meanings of

directive—something that directs and urges people toward an action or a goal

distinction—the marking of a difference

tactics—strategies


This is not, however, just America’s fight. And what is at stake is not justAmerica’s freedom. This is the world’s fight. This is civilization’s fight.This is the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, toleranceand freedom.

We ask every nation to join us. We will ask, and we will need, the helpof police forces, intelligence services, and banking systems around theworld. The United States is grateful that many nations and manyinternational organizations have already responded—with sympathy andwith support. Nations from Latin America, to Asia, to Africa, to Europe,to the Islamic world. Perhaps the NATO Charter reflects best the attitudeof the world: An attack on one is an attack on all. . . .

After all that has just passed—all the lives taken, and all the possibilitiesand hopes that died with them—it is natural to wonder if America’sfuture is one of fear. Some speak of an age of terror. I know there arestruggles ahead, and dangers to face. But this country will define ourtimes, not be defined by them. As long as the United States of America isdetermined and strong, this will not be an age of terror; this will be anage of liberty, here and across the world.


regime—the government in power

brutalized—harshly treated

repressing—keeping down

sponsoring—paying for

abetting—assisting

foreign nationals—citizens of other countries

journalists—news reporters

blaspheme—to insult God

disruption—disturbance

network—an interconnected group

liberation—the process of freeing

retaliation—the act of inflicting injury in return for injury

covert—secret

haven—a place of safety

pluralism—a condition in a society in which members of various ethnic, racial, religious,and/or social groups are treated fairly

CCoommpprreehheennssiioonn QQuueessttiioonnss1. What makes this attack on Americans different from other wars, save one, according

to President Bush?

2. What is al-Qaeda?

3. What other terrorist organizations is al-Qaeda linked to?

4. In what country is al-Qaeda centered (at the time of this speech)?

5. How does the Taliban, the controlling group in Afghanistan, treat its people?

6. What does Bush demand of the Taliban in regard to al-Qaeda?

7. What does Bush want Muslims around the world to understand?

8. What measures does the president intend to take to fight this war?

9. Other than Americans, whom does President Bush want to join with the UnitedStates in the war on terror?



CCrriittiiccaall TThhiinnkkiinngg 1. What does Bush mean when he says to other nations, “An attack on one is an attack

on all”?

2. Why is Bush so careful to emphasize that he respects the Muslim religion?

3. How is the tone of this speech consistent with its purpose?

4. What elements of this war on terror caused Bush to caution that it would be a long war?

MMaakkiinngg CCoonnnneeccttiioonnss1. What event is Bush referring to on “one Sunday in 1941”?

2. When he compares Al-Qaeda to the mafia, what common elements does Bush meanthey share?

3. What makes terrorism more deadly today than in the past?

RReellaattiinngg tthhee PPaasstt ttoo OOuurr LLiivveess1. What were you doing when you heard of the attacks on 9/11?

2. How did the attacks make you feel at the time?

3. How did your school deal with the attacks?

EEssssaayy QQuueessttiioonnss1. How will the history books interpret the events of 9/11? Explain.

2. Compare and contrast the war on terror with the Cold War.

3. What needs to be done before the war on terror is over? Explain.
