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1
Grassroots in Cyberspace:
Using Computer Networks to Facilitate Political
Participation
(c) Mark S. Bonchek, Harvard University
The Political Participation Project, MIT Artificial Intelligence Laboratory
Presented at the 53rd Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association
Chicago, IL on April 6, 1995
Abstract
This paper explains the rapid adoption of computer networks by citizens and interest groups to
organize grassroots political activity. I hypothesize that computer-mediated communication
(CMC) reduces the transaction costs associated with organizing, thereby facilitating collective
political action. An analysis of seven cases of grassroots activity upholds the hypothesis,
demonstrating that CMC reduce communication, coordination, and information costs, facilitating
group formation, group efficiency, member recruitment, and member retention.
The benefits of CMC for grassroots political activity are offset by two dynamics. Inequalities in
computer literacy and network access lead to a bias in political representation towards young,
male, educated, and affluent citizens. The risk of information overload also suggests that
improvements in collaboration and information-retrieval technologies are needed to help citizens
make the best use of the emerging information infrastructure.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Transaction Costs and Collective Action
3. Does CMC Reduce Transaction Costs?
4. Do Transaction Costs Reduce Collective Action?
5. Case Studies of Groups Using CMC
1. Chinese Students: IFSCSS
2. Community Networking: PEN
3. Smoking Policy: SCARCNet
4. Online Government Access: Jim Warren
5. Institute for Global Communications
6. White Supremacist and Neo-Nazi Movements
7. Information Infrastructure: TPR and CPSR
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6. Costs of CMC
1. Network Access
2. Information Processing
7. Conclusion
8. Bibliography
9. Acknowledgements
1. Introduction
Rich Cowan, a 32 year-old MIT graduate and former campus protester, is the director of the
University Conversion Project in Cambridge, Massachusetts. The project is run in his spare time
out of a one-room church-basement office on a budget of $42,000. Using electronic mail, Mr.
Cowan mobilized and coordinated a nationwide campaign to protest the Republican Party's
Contract with America. The entire process took less than six weeks, culminating with
demonstrations on over a hundred college campuses on March 29, 1995. Activists used
electronic mailing lists to gauge interest levels, obtain feedback, distribute materials to local
activists, and reach a consensus on proposed activities.
The students involved in the University Conversion Project's campaign are part of a growing
movement in which political activists use computer networks to mobilize and organize grassroots
political activity. Between 15 and 25 million people are currently using the Internet and the
number has doubled every year for the last decade (MIDS 1995, SRI 1995). Thousands of
citizens and organizations are using electronic mail, newsgroups, bulletin boards, and online
publications to debate political issues, obtain political information, and organize political
activity. Johnson's survey of environmental organizations (1995) found that 35% used on-line
computer networks to "make people aware of the group and encourage them to join." The
public's interest in using interactive media for "involvement in civic affairs" (Piller, 1994) has
led over 10,000 people to use the White House's World Wide Web site each day
(http://www.whitehouse.gov).
After using electronic mail to organize the March 19 protest, one student activist at the
University Conversion Project remarked that "electronic mail has totally changed the way
students do political activism" (Herszenhorn 1995). This paper presents a theory of why CMC is
changing the way citizens "do" political activism and explores the implications of these changes.
The theoretical approach used in the paper is drawn from the literature on transaction costs. The
methodology is a meta-analysis of existing studies of interest groups and an evaluation of seven
case studies of groups using CMC.
The central argument advanced in the paper is that CMC facilitates collective action by reducing
transaction costs related to group organization. Communication, coordination, and information
costs are found to be barriers to collective action. CMC reduces these costs because of its speed,
low cost, asynchronicity, many-to-many communication , and capacity for automation and
intelligent applications. The effect of this reduction in transaction costs is an improvement in
group formation, group efficiency, member recruitment, and member retention.
3
The paper is organized into five sections. The first section introduces the transaction cost
approach and distinguishes communication, coordination, and information costs. The second and
third sections propose that computer-mediated communication reduces these transaction costs
and that lower costs facilitate collective action. The fourth section finds support for the
hypothesis in seven case studies of groups and social movements using CMC. The last section
examines how the costs of CMC affect political representation and citizen's ability to manage
information.
2. Transaction Costs and Collective Action
How might CMC affect collective political action? My claim is that CMC reduces the cost of
mobilizing and organizing citizens in political groups and organizations. Since transaction cost
theory proposes that the cost of an activity affects the activity itself, it is well-suited to our study.
We want to understand whether a change in the cost of organizing affects whether and how
people participate in the political process.
This section delineates the types of transaction costs relevant to collective action. As we will see,
the historical emphasis on economic activities in transaction cost theory means that we must
expand the theory to include additional types of transaction costs.
2.1 Economics
Transaction cost theory is a response to neo-classical economics and its assumptions of perfect
competition and perfect information. In neo-classical economics, agents' only expense in the
exchange of goods and services is the cost of the goods and services themselves. Contractual
obligations are made without cost and always fulfilled. There is no need for monitoring or
enforcement. All relevant information about a good or service is immediately available and
bargaining is superfluous. There are no costs to completing a transaction beyond the cost of the
good or service being transacted.
Coase's seminal essay in 1960 demonstrated that the predictions of neo-classical economics are
highly dependent upon the assumption of zero transaction costs. When agents incur additional
costs to complete a transaction, the transactions themselves are affected. Because of these costs,
some exchanges no longer take place. Car dealers, for example, lose potential sales if they are
unable to guarantee that a car is not a lemon. Other exchanges take place solely as a result of
transaction costs. Rating services such as Standard & Poor's gather and sell corporate
information to help investors monitor corporate behavior.
Since 1960, scholars of the new economics of organization (Moe 1984, Alchian and Demsetz
1972, Williamson 1985) have demonstrated both the pervasiveness of transaction costs in
economic exchange and their impact on economic and social outcomes. Transaction costs have
been shown to affect exchange by preventing oversight and monitoring, altering bargaining
relationships, limiting information search, and inhibiting enforcement.
4
2.2 Politics
Political economists have extended the transaction cost approach to political institutions and
outcomes. North (1984) observes that governments influence transaction costs by defining
property rights, affecting the distribution of resources in the economy. North (1990) and
Weingast and Marshall (1988) examine political exchange in the form of vote-trading by
legislators. Ostrom (1990) and Taylor and Singleton (1993) examine common-pool resource
problems such as overfishing and environmental protection. In all of these studies, bargaining,
monitoring, enforcement, and search costs are the types of transaction costs found to affect the
distribution of resources.
2.3 Collective Action
The impact of transaction costs on collective political action has received scant attention. Taylor
and Singleton (1993:195) observe that "for the most part, the existence of the (often very large)
transaction costs of solving collective action problems has not been taken on board." According
to Sandler (1992:48), "there has been almost no attempt to integrate transaction costs and their
relationship to group size into the analysis [of collective action]."
Common-pool resource problems are often considered in the context of collective action, but
they differ from the type of collective action related to political participation. Common-pool
resource problems are best understood as economic phenomena involving property rights, the
exchange of goods and services, and the distribution of economic resources. In contrast,
collective political action is poorly understood from an economic perspective. Collective
political action refers to political activities engaged in by groups that share a common interest or
purpose (Bentley 1949, Truman 1958). As Taylor and Singleton (1993:213) note, "collective
action in rebellions, strikes, protests, and social movements" is "one of a different sort" from
common-pool resource problems because "participants cannot have recourse to the state, which
is usually the object of their collective action." In other words, participation in political activity is
voluntary and not subject to the institutions that govern property rights and economic exchange.
As a result, bargaining, monitoring and enforcement costs play a much smaller role in collective
political action than in common-pool resource problems.
2.4 Organizational Costs
The primary challenge to a group engaged in political activity is creating and maintaining a
successful organization by generating participation from its membership sufficient to achieve its
political goals. Three types of organizational costs are affected by communication technologies:
communication costs, coordination costs, and information costs (see Sproull and Kiesler 1991b
and Pool, et. al. 1984).
Communication, coordination, and information-related activites all require time, money, physical
and mental effort. Communication activities include preparing, transmitting, receiving, and
interpreting messages between two or more parties. Coordination activities include collaboration
(proposing, debating, revising, and reaching agreement), scheduling (sharing time, places, and
resources), planning (transforming ideas into action) and decision-making (creating rules,
5
distributing proposals, and aggregating preferences). Information activities include searching
(determining needs, evaluating and locating sources), retrieving (filtering, storing, and
manipulating), and interpreting (verifying, analyzing, and managing retrieved information).
Communication over computer networks, known as computer-mediated communication (CMC),
has the potential to reduce organizational costs related to communication, coordination, and
information-related activities. The next section examines the source of this reduction.
3. Does CMC Reduce Transaction Costs?
Computer-mediated communication (CMC) refers to the exchange of information through
computers attached to a network. In the media of radio, print, telephone, and television,
information is represented in an analog format (see Abramson, et. al. 1988). In computers,
information is represented in a digital format as 1's and 0's, known as binary bits (see Negroponte
1995). Digital information has significant advantages over analog information. Compact disks,
for example, store information digitally, while vinyl records store information in an analog
format. Compared to records, CDs have greater storage capacity and are more convenient, more
durable, and more versatile.
Digital representation of information enables new possibilities for communication. Computers
can be networked together for the exchange of digital information over cables and telephone
lines. The computer-mediated communication that emerges from this arrangement is distinct
from other media and has an important effect on organizational transaction costs. CMC is
cheaper and faster, allows messages to be stored for future retrieval, gives individuals broadcast
capabilities, and allows the computer to automate tasks.
3.1 Speed and Cost
Digital information and computer networking make CMC fast and cheap. Digital information
enables large amounts of data to be stored and transmitted efficiently. Entire encyclopedias can
be stored on cassettes the size of a matchbook. The entire Library of Congress can be sent from
one coast to the other over the Internet "backbone" in a matter of minutes. Measured by the cost
of transmitting a single character, CMC is cheaper than the telephone, telegraph, written letter,
and facsimile (Pool, et. al. 1984). The information contained in a 10-minute (analog) telephone
call costing a couple dollars can be transmitted digitally over a computer network in a couple
seconds for pennies.
The result of this speed and cost advantage is a reduction in transaction costs. Studies of the
impact of telecommunications on economies finds that "transaction costs fall with the advent of
telecommunications " (Norton 1992:178) because "modern telecommunications sharply reduces
the costs of transmitting information over space and time" (Leff 1984:257). For groups and
organizations, CMC enables information to be shared more quickly and with less expense.
6
3.2 Asynchronous
Communication media can be divided into synchronous and asynchronous. Synchronous media
like the telephone (sans voice mail) require the sender and receiver to communicate at the same
time. Asynchronous media like a newspaper or compact disc allow the receiver to receive the
message at some point after it was sent. By representing information digitally, CMC has the
advantage of carrying both synchronous and asynchronous media. Synchronous media in CMC
include chat groups and teleconferencing ; asynchronous media include electronic mail and file
transfers.
The capacity for asynchronous communiation reduces transaction costs associated with
coordination. Consider the telephone. An answering machine or voice mail system enables a
caller to leave a message for a receiver to retrieve at a later time, asynchronously. Transaction
costs associated with scheduling a time when both parties are available to speak are reduced.
Computer-mediated communication offers similar advantages by enabling senders to transmit
electronic mail messages or post computer files to be retrieved at the receiver's convenience.
3.3 Many-to-Many
Communication media can also be distinguished by the three possible ways in which they
connect people. The first way of connecting people is "one-to-one" or "point-to-point." One-to-
one media connect one sending location with one receiving location at a time. Face-to-face
meetings, facsimile machines, and telephone (except for conference calls) are examples of one-
to-one media. The second type of media are "one-to-many," connecting one sending location
with multiple receiving locations. Broadcast media such as radio, television, and newspapers are
all one-to-many media. CMC falls into the third category of "many-to-many," connecting
multiple sending locations with multiple receiving locations.
The degree and quality of of interactivity varies considerably according to the medium involved
(see McLuhan 1964). One-to-one media are generally highly personal and interactive. Each party
is both a sender and a receiver. One-to-many media are less personal and interactive. One party
is usually a sender and the other party is a receiver. The advantage of one-to-many is that the
sender is a broadcaster able to send messages to multiple receivers. Many-to-many media
combine the personal and interactive quality of one-to-one media with the broadcast capabilities
of one-to-many media. Each party is a sender, a receiver, and a broadcaster.
Electronic mailing lists demonstrate the benefits of many-to-many media. An electronic mailing
list has an e-mail address and a list of other e-mail addresses. When a message is sent to the
mailing list's address, the computer automatically rebroadcasts the message to everybody on the
list. Since anyone on the list can send a message to everyone else on the list, the mailing list
connects many people with each other. An individual can be a sender by contacting other
individuals on the list, a receiver by reading messages posted by others on the list, or a
broadcaster by sending messages to the entire list.
Whereas electronic mailing lists are asynchronous media, many-to-many media can also be
synchronous. Chat groups, computer conferences, and electronic town halls allow many
7
participants to be connected simultaneously, similar to a large conference call. America Online,
for example, held an electronic town hall on election night hosted by news anchor Peter
Jennings. Over 300 users from around the world were in a virtual auditorium. Participants could
"go to the mike" and ask questions of the host, "hear" his replies, and "talk" to other participants
in their "row." Many-to-many communication, combined with the anonymity of electronic
communication, enables CMC to "reduce the impediments to communication across both
physical and social distance" (Sproull and Kiesler 1991a: 122).
Many-to-many communication affects coordination and information costs most directly.
Individuals are able to post "does anybody know?" questions that tap into the collective, informal
wisdom of online communities (see Sproull and Kiesler 1991b, Chapter 7). Groups of
individuals can collaborate on proposals independent of physical and temporal distance
(Crawston 1994). Information resources can be linked together to create an archived, dynamic,
and computable representation of a community's collective knowledge.
3.4 Automation
Computers used for CMC can automate tasks. Telephones are "dumb" communication devices.
They convert sound waves into electrical signals on one end of the telephone line and convert the
signals back into sound waves at the other. Computers are "smart" communication devices
because they can manipulate the information being transmitted. Tasks ordinarily performed by
people can be automated and delegated to computers, saving time and expense. Mail filters sort
incoming messages according to sender, subject matter, and original communication (Malone
1987). Mailbots automatically respond to email requests and notify senders that users are away
on vacation. Collaboration tools facilitate structured dialogue among participants (Johansen
1988). Autonomous software agents gather, interpret, and report on useful information (Foner
1993). Survey systems sends forms to recipients, process their responses, and format the results
in real-time without the need for human oversight or intervention (Mallery 1994b). There is also
the potential for computers to perform analytical, decision-making, and planning functions,
moving computers into the realm of "intelligent" communication devices (Mallery 1988, 1994a)
3.5 Impact on Transaction Costs
Daft and Lengel (1984: 194) have found that "organizational success is based on the
organization's ability to process information of appropriate richness to reduce uncertainty and
clarify ambiguity." CMC takes advantage of the "telecommunications expansion [which] makes
it rational for economic agents to acquire additional intelligence that is pertinent to their
decisions "(Leff 1984:258). CMC's speed and cost advantage, asynchronicity, many-to-many
communication, and capacity for automation reduce communication, coordination, and
information costs for groups and organizations.
The impact of CMC on transaction costs can be represented in the following graph. Using one-
to-one and one-to-many media, organizational communication has a high fixed cost and
increases at an increasing rate. Using CMC, fixed costs are reduced and the rate of increase is
also reduced. Speed, cost, automation, and asynchronicity reduce the fixed costs. Many-to-many
communication reduces the rate of increase. To see this, compare the coordination of 100 people
8
and 10 people with phone calls or an electronic mailing list. To have 10 people each talk to each
other once by phone takes 45 calls (10!/2!8!). To have 100 people talk to each takes 4950 calls
(100!/2!98!). A 10-fold increase in group size requires a 110-fold increase in the number of
communications. Communication costs therefore increase exponentially with one-to-one media.
With a many-to-many medium costs increase linearly. Assume that the group has a electronic
mailing list. For 10 people to each send a message to the other members of the group requires
sending 10 messages to the mailing list. A group of 100 people requires 100 messages. A 10-fold
increase in group size requires a 10-fold increase in the number of messages. Furthermore, each
message with CMC is less expensive than with a telephone call.
Terry Grunwald (1994) of the North Carolina Client and Community Development Center and
Philippa Gamse of the National Committee to Prevent Child Abuse have suggested:
Electronic networking should be a perfect medium for nonprofits. It offers broad and timely
access to information; efficient tools for communication and dissemination; and increased
opportunities for collaboration.
The next section investigates the proposition that a reduction in communication, coordination,
and information costs facilitates collective action.
4. Do Transaction Costs Reduce Collective Action?
Groups face a number of challenges in the accomplishment of their collective goals. In the
beginning, unorganized interests must generate sufficient commitment and participation to form
a group. Once formed, the group must provide the appropriate mix of selective and collective
benefits to retain existing members and recruit new members. The efficiency with which the
group is able to provide these benefits is important because revenue must exceed costs or the
group will go bankrupt. This section examines the expected impact of a reduction in transaction
costs on each of the four components of collective action: group formation, group efficiency,
member recruitment, and member retention
4.1 Group Formation
Mancur Olson first applied the theory of transaction costs to collective action in The Logic of
Collective Action . Olson (1971:47-48) describes transaction costs as "the costs of
communication among group members, the costs of any bargaining among them, and the costs of
creating, staffing, and maintaining any formal group organization." Transaction costs play a role
as one of "three separate but cumulative factors that keep larger groups from furthering their own
interests." The first two factors describe the free-rider problem:
First, the larger the group, the smaller the fraction of the total group benefit any person acting in
the group interest receives. ... Second ... the less the likelihood that any ... single individual will
9
gain enough from getting the collective good to bear the burden of providing even a small
amount of it. (p. 48)
The third factor addresses transaction costs and has received far less attention than the free-rider
problem.
Olson argues that transaction costs prevent groups from forming. Unless they can meet the
minimum level of transaction costs necessary to obtain the desired collective good, unorganized
interests will not form into groups:
Third, the larger the number of members in the group the greater the organization costs, and thus
the higher the hurdle that must be jumped before any of the collective good at all can be
obtained. (p. 48)
CMC lowers organization costs at each group size, effectively "lowering the hurdle" and
allowing larger groups to form than would otherwise be able to overcome organization costs.
The capacity for many-to-many communication and the reduction in communication costs
enables CMC to lower organization costs at a given group size, facilitating group formation.
4.2 Group Efficiency
Olson considers transaction costs only in the context of group formation, but they also impact
group efficiency, the production of collective goods, and the ability to overcome the free-rider
problem. Improvement in group efficiency results from reductions in each of the three types of
organizational costs. Lower communication costs free up resources to be used in more
productive areas. Lower coordination costs improve the quality of the group's decisions, enabling
them to use their resources more effectively. Lower information costs improves the quality and
quantity of information, improving decision-making and reducing uncertainty.
Olson writes that groups face increasing cost functions with significant initial or fixed costs. ... In
short, cost (c) will be a function of the rate or level (T) at which the collective good is obtained
(C=f(T)), and the average cost curves will have the conventional U shape (p. 22).
An improvement in group efficiency reduces total costs at each level of collective good
provision, increasing the output of the collective good from Vn to Vc in the figure below:
….
There is evidence that organizational costs consume a significant amount of group resources. A
survey of interest groups by Schlozman and Tierney (198:143) found that 72% of Washington
representatives spend "a great deal" of time and resources on internal communications with
members or corporate headquarters. Among citizens' groups, 57% reported "a great deal" and
95% reported at least "some" time and resources. These figures suggest that a reduction in
organizational costs would allow groups to re-allocate time and resources to more productive
activities.
10
4.3 Member Recruitment
To understand the effect of transaction costs on member recruitment, we must first look at why
people join interest groups. Three of the most commonly cited theories of group membership are
pluralist, Olsonian, and what will be called the integrated perspective. The pluralists believe that
citizens join interest groups out of their shared interest in a political outcome (see Truman 1951;
Bentley 1935; Latham 1952). "Disturbances" in society create shared grievances which naturally
motivate citizens to join groups. These groups become vehicles for citizens to express their
grievances and obtain political reform (Truman 1951, pp. 26-43).
Mancur Olson's work challenged the pluralist view by claiming that shared interests are
insufficient for rational individuals to join groups (Olson 1965). Olson assumed that individuals
are rational and only take actions for which the benefits outweigh the costs. Many political
outcomes are "public goods," benefiting both members and non-members. For large groups, a
single individual's participation is unlikely to alter the likelihood that a group achieves its
political goals. An individual is therefore just as likely to benefit from the group's activities by
participating as by not participating. Olson hypothesized that groups must offer selective
incentives to individuals to entice them into joining. The selective incentives are available only
to members, and their perceived value is the determining factor in individuals' decision to join
the group. Groups' political activities are merely "by-products" of the provision of these selective
benefits.
The integrated view adopts Olson's cost/benefit approach to group membership, but differs in its
explanation of why individuals join groups. Three types of benefits are available to group
members: material, solidary, and purposive (Clark and Wilson 1961) . Material benefits are
tangible and have a monetary value to the group member. Solidary benefits are interpersonal and
accrue from group-related interactions. Purposive benefits derive from the satisfaction of
contributing to groups' stated goals. Olson's selective benefits correspond to material benefits;
the pluralists' shared interests correspond to purposive benefits.
The integrated view proposes that individuals value solidary and purposive rewards in addition
to material benefits. Group leaders balance all three types of benefits to attract members and
maintain group cohesion (Salisbury 1969, Moe 1980, Walker 1991, King and Walker 1992). If
leaders believe that prospective members value opportunities to meet new people, they will
organize the group to provide for solidary benefits.
The integrated view also differs from Olson's theory in its assumptions about information. In
Olson's model, individuals have perfect information about the costs and benefits of membership.
In the integrated model, individuals do not have perfect information. Instead, they form beliefs
about the costs and benefits of alternative actions (Hansen 1985, 1991) from limited information
(Moe 1980) and update their beliefs over time (Rothenberg 1992).
Empirical research gives partial support to the pluralist model. As predicted by the pluralists,
social disturbances sometimes cause groups to form (Hansen 1985) and citizens do join groups
that fit their interests (Knoke 1988). However, groups do not always organize around shared
interests. Many interests remain unrepresented (Schlozman and Tierney 1986) and members
often disagree with the groups' political activities (Moe 1980, ch. 7). Evidence also suggests that
11
material, not purposive, benefits are the primary motive for membership in economic groups
such as unions, farm groups, and trade associations.
Olson's model receives only partial support from the empirical literature. Studies indicate that
citizens base their membership decisions on solidary and purposive benefits in addition to
material benefits (Marsh 1976, Hansen 1985, Sabatier 1992, Rothenberg 1992). Knoke (1988)
finds that "in real associations, members display highly heterogeneous motives that respond to a
variety of organizational incentives with different kinds and amounts of involvement" (p. 327).
Walker (1991) and King and Walker (1992) find that the importance of benefit categories differs
according to group characteristics. Professional benefits dominate for occupational groups while
purposive benefits rank highest for citizen groups. Moe (1980) find that material benefits are
more important for economic groups than non-economic groups.
The empirical evidence contradicts Olson's assumption that citizens have perfect information
about their alternatives. Rothenberg (1992) finds that citizens join interest groups with little
knowledge of the costs and benefits of membership and update their knowledge over time.
In general, the empirical research supports the integrated view. Both material and purposive
benefits are important motivations for citizens to join groups. Solidary benefits, although valued,
are relatively less important in the membership decision. Selective incentives are most important
for economic and occupational groups, while purposive benefits are most important for non-
economic and citizen groups.
Given these findings as to why people join interest groups, how might a reduction in
organizational costs lead to an increase in group membership? First, there is an indirect effect
from the improvement in group formation and group efficiency. If group formation is improved,
there will be more groups available for membership. The fit between groups and members
should improve from this greater selection, improving the purposive benefits available to
members. If group efficiency is improved, groups will be able to produce more of the collective
good, increasing purposive benefits, and devote more resources to material items and social
opportunities, increasing selective and solidary benefits.
Reduced communication, coordination, and information costs should also have a direct effect on
membership benefits. Lower communication costs improve members' ability to learn about
social activities and to be a part of an online community, increasing the supply of solidary
benefits. Lower coordination costs make it easier for citizens to be involved in the group's
political activities, a solidary benefit. Rothenberg found that 3.8% of Common Cause's member
joined the group principally to participate in political action. King and Walker (1992) found that
citizen groups consider participation in public affairs to be the fourth most important benefit in
attracting members.
A decline in information costs enables the group to provide more information at the same cost,
increasing the selective benefits to prospective members. Rothenberg (1992:67) finds that 4.6%
of members in Common Cause reported political information as the principal reason for joining
the group. These numbers most likely underestimate the importance of selective information to
members since Rothenberg's survey asked only for the principal reason. Knoke's factor analysis
(1988) finds "information incentives," including publications, data services, and research, to be
12
one of six factors important to the membership decision. Citizen groups consider publications to
be the second most important type of benefit in attracting members (King and Walker 1992).
Purposive benefits may also increase as members are more informed about group activities and
accomplishments.
4.4 Member Retention
Reduced organization costs should improve groups' ability to retain members once they have
joined. Moe (1980) has argued that people do not have complete information about the groups
they are considering joining. Instead, they form expectations about the benefits they will receive
and the costs they will incur as group members. Rothenberg (1992) finds that people "sample"
organizations they expect will fit their interests. Over time, they acquire more information and
learn about the organization. Members who discover a good fit between their own interests and
the organization's interests stay, those who do not leave.
A reduction in information costs should improve the quality and quantity of information about
groups available to prospective members. People will be more likely to find a group that fits their
interests and less likely to join a group that does not fit their interests. The result is a better fit
from the start of their membership and a reduced likelihood that they will drop out. Lower
organization costs may also draw members into the organization more fully. Rothenberg found
that solidary benefits and participation were important factors in the retention process. By
participating more actively in the organization, members may be less likely to leave.
5. Case Studies of Groups Using CMC
Our theoretical investigation predicts that CMC can facilitate collective political action by
reducing organizational transaction costs. In this section, we examine seven case studies of how
interests have used CMC to organize and engage in collective political action. The case studies
support the hypothesis and reveal additional insights into the relationship of communication
media to collective action.
5.1 Chinese Students: IFSCSS
Tiger Li (1990) has studied how Chinese students in the United States have used CMC to
communicate and engage in political action. Chinese students are organized into 160 local
campus organizations . Each local organization is a member of the Independent Federation of the
Chinese Students and Scholars (IFSCSS), established in July 1989 and headquartered in
Washington.
At the time of Li's study, 43,000 students from the P.R.C. used two forms of CMC to
communicate. The first, a newsgroup called Social Culture China (SCC), was started in
November 1987 on Usenet, a part of the Internet. Most Chinese students with a computer
mainframe account at a university had access to the newsgroup. Approximately 40 articles were
posted to the newsgroup per day, with an estimated 20,000 readers, making it one of the 20 most
13
active of the 1500 groups on USENET at the time. The second form of CMC was electronic
mail, also available through university accounts.
In July 1989, the Chinese students began lobbying Congress to pass legislation protecting them
from reprisals by China. They first established a lobbying committee to coordinate activities by
Chinese students at over 160 colleges and universities. E-mail and the newsgroup were
instrumental in coordinating the lobbying effort. In the early stages, drafts of the proposed bills
and detailed analyses of the bills' merits were posted and debated on the newsgroup.
After the students reached a consensus in support of HR2712, they used CMC to orchestrate their
lobbying effort. On July 20 the lobbying committee was given four days to conduct a survey of
student opinions. Using email, they were able to distribute and collect the surveys in time for the
hearing. Electronic mail was also used to report on the progress of the bill and coordinate
lobbying efforts. The newsgroup regularly featured a list of representatives who were "good
prospects" for lobbying along with their phone numbers and addresses. The newsgroup was used
to direct a media campaign around the time of the final vote, which led to published editorials
and stories in all of the major newspapers and network news broadcasts.
Overall, CMC was used as an "organizational communication tool," a "public campaign tool", a
"public forum", and a "news distribution channel." Electronic mail and newsgroups were used to
coordinate leadership activities, organize demonstrations and symposium, report on activities of
Chinese consulate officers on college campuses, and provide a "comprehensive, timely, and
economical source of information about China" (135). Li concludes that
the CMC system has played a key role in the communication among the Chinese student
organizations in the U.S. Without such a network, the Chinese students who are widely dispersed
geographically could not have organized as a whole to engage successfully in the highly
coordinated democratic activities since June 1989 (p. 129).
Without CMC, communication and coordination costs would have been too expensive for the
students who had limited time and small budgets.
Li's analysis suggests that the reduction in transaction costs had a direct impact on group
formation, group efficiency, group recruitment, and group retention by the IFCSS. Without
CMC, the group would not have formed, would not have been as effective, would not have
grown, and would not have maintained its size and group cohesiveness. Regarding group
formation, Li writes that "the major impact the CMC system had on the Chinese students in the
U.S. is their transformation from a grouping to a nationally functional group" (133). Regarding
group efficiency, Li concludes that "the CMC system has provided the most efficient means for
the Chinese students to make group decisions" (133). Regarding group recruitment, Li notes that
CMC was instrumental in the decision by the individual campus organizations to join together as
a national IFCSS:
If it had not been for CMC, the Chinese students would never have been able to make such
decisions ... They could afford neither the money nor the time that would have been required for
making phone contacts with more than 100 organizations at one time (p. 128).
14
Finally, group retention was enhanced by the greater participation on the part of the Chinese
students resulting from the use of CMC.
5.2 Community Networking: PEN
The Public Electronic Network (PEN) was established in Santa Monica, California in 1989 as the
first interactive, public computer network in a U.S. city. PEN provides free CMC services for
Santa Monica residents, allowing them to send and receive electronic mail and participate in
public conferences on a variety of topics. Santa Monica created PEN to promote communication
among citizens and between citizens and their government.
Soon after the establishment of PEN on February 12, 1989, a group of citizens began talking
online about the problem of homelessness, the leading concern among Santa Monica residents
according to surveys at the time (Varley 1991:15). The discussions were notable for their
inclusion of some homeless people, who participated through public terminals at locations such
as city libraries. In July 1989, a group of 20 PEN users formed the PEN Action Group to work
on community projects and they chose homelessness as their first project.
In August 1989, Santa Monica artist Bruria Finkel made a proposal in the online discussion to
close a gap in the homeless services provided by the city. After much online discussion, the
group adopted the SHWASHLOCK proposal (for SHowers, WASHers, and LOCKers) and used
further online discussions and monthly meetings to coordinate a grassroots political campaign.
They eventually overcame neighborhood and City Council resistance, obtaining a $150,000 line
item in the budget and approval for converting an old bath house to a facility for the homeless.
Since SHWASHLOCK, the PEN Action Group has worked on a cooperative job bank for the
homeless and participation by Santa Monica schools in KIDS-91, an international effort to teach
schoolchildren about electronic communication (Wittig 1991).
A survey of the 62 PEN Action Group members found that CMC on the PEN system improved
communication, organization, and information. On average, respondants reported that PEN had a
"moderately positive " effect on "(1) information regarding local events, (2) ability to comment
and organize around local issues, (3) contact with and understanding of diverse others" (Wittig
and Schmitz, forthcoming). These responses suggest that CMC reduced communication,
organizational, and information costs.
The history of the PEN action group indicates that CMC facilitated group formation and group
recruitment, since the group did not exist before the online system and members were recruited
from members of the online community. Wittig and Schmitz (forthcoming) report that hundreds
of online users offered suggestions to the group members. The survey responses indicate that
organizational effectiveness and group efficiency were enhanced by CMC. Finally, group
retention appears to have been helped since the group remained active for most of the period
from 1989-1994. Members were able to find out about the group's activities at a low cost by
observing discussions, or "lurking," on the computer network before committing to being a
member.
15
5.3 Smoking Policy: SCARCNet
SCARCNet is a computer network run by the Smoking Control Access Research Center
(SCARC) at the Advocacy Institute in Washington D.C. As an "ongoing brainstorming session,"
SCARCNet has been used to link over 200 anti-smoking activists around the country.
SCARCNet includes electronic mail facilities, a news database with summaries of newspaper,
magazine, and trade journal articles, and a computer conference to facilitate discussion,
brainstorming, strategizing, and coordination (Osborn 1992). Use of the network is restricted to
anti-smoking activists approved by the Advocacy Institute. The privacy of the network promotes
focused discussion and hinders the tobacco industry from gaining hold of confidential plans and
information. Despite these efforts, the tobacco industry has attempted to break into the network
and has filed a lawsuit to force the Institute to reveal information the network.
A major achievement of SCARCNet was the fight against Philip Morris's Bill of Rights Tour
launched in the Summer of 1990. Philip Morris had planned a nationwide media campaign in
which representatives toured the country opposing attempts to restrict smokers' rights. The
Advocacy Institute developed a strategy to counter Phillip Morris's tour and used SCARCNet to
organize the media counter-campaign . They posted information about the tour schedule and
detailed plans for local activists to download and use in their local communities. As the tour
made its way around the country, activists used the network to coordinate their activities and
posted the lessons they learned from their efforts, enabling activists in other cities to made their
campaigns more effective. The counter-campaign was effective and Philip Morris canceled the
tour early (Osborn 1992).
SCARCNet appears to have promoted group formation at the local level because local activists
could communicate directly with each other instead of having messages routed through
Washington. The effect on group recruitment and group retention is unknown. Group efficiency
was significantly improved as a result of activists being able to coordinate their activities more
effectively. Their efforts increased the supply of the group's collective good -- lobbying against
smoking.
5.4 Online Government Access: Jim Warren
AB1624, signed into law on October 11, 1993, requires the California government to provide
"comprehensive online public access via the public nets to information about legislation-in-
process and to already-enacted state statutes, without charge by the state" (Warren 1993). Prior
to AB1624, private firms sold government information to the public at rates that excluded most
citizens. Government information was also sold back to agencies in the government, adding to
taxpayer expense.
The passage of AB1624 has been credited to the efforts of Jim Warren, a self-proclaimed
"citizen-volunteer-advocate of AB1624" with "no business interest therein." Warren used
electronic mail and an Internet mailing list to organize lobbying efforts by a committed group of
fellow activists. Using the mailing list, Warren sent out frequent reports with critical political
information: current status of the bill; legislative and political obstacles; names, addresses, phone
numbers, and fax numbers of important legislators; sample letters and phone scripts; and lessons
16
on grassroots lobbying techniques. CMC was used to mobilize and coordinate a network of
online activists, who then used traditional techniques of political action to mobilize and organize
a larger activist community. An aide to the author of AB1624 has stated that Warren's online
organization and mobilization of constituent contacting before key votes was crucial to the
passage of the bill (Detweiler 1993).
Jim Warren's accomplishment with AB1624 supports the theory that CMC can facilitate
collective action by reducing transaction costs. Group formation, group efficiency, and member
recruitment were all facilitated by the reduction in communication, coordination, and
information costs. The time and expense involved in personally contacting each of the members
on the mailing list would have been prohibitive. Furthermore, the speed with which Warren was
able to get news bulletins out to the group and get feedback from theme was critical to the
group's success. Regular feedback also helped to keep the group together, improving group
retention.
Jim Warren's experience with CMC points to the role of CMC in facilitating the activities of
political entrepreneurs. A number of scholars have cited the role of political entrepreneurs in
solving the collective action problem (Salisbury 1969, Frolich, et. al. 1971, Walker 1991.) As the
initiator and leader of the movement to pass AB1624, Jim Warren fits the criteria of a political
entrepreneur .
Moe (1980) describes the role of communication costs in the activities of the political
entrepreneur:
Communication becomes a cost. As with any other cost, [the political entrepreneur] has an
incentive to communicate as cheaply as possible and, hence, to use the most efficient means
available for obtaining and exchanging information with clients. ... Because he needs to know
certain things about members, then, as well as to transmit information to them, it is important
that the flow of information be two-way (pp. 39-40).
Moe distinguishes between direct contact and indirect contact between the entrepreneur and
group members. Direct contact, including mass media, direct mail, and personal contact, is useful
to
(a) acquaint [members] with the full array of [the entrepreneur's] services and to influence
member evaluations of the costs and benefits of both selective incentives and collective goods;
(b) to serve as a selective incentive, with information content taking on its own value for
members; and (c) to raise revenue from sources outside (and perhaps inside) the association (p.
43).
Indirect contact involves communication with middlemen who then retransmit the
communication to members and potential members. The advantage of indirect contact is that
"middlemen are in a better position to make personal appeals and to shape their arguments to the
specialized needs and perceptions of customers" (p. 44). Moe proposes that "a communications
network can be established in which communication flows are regularized between the
entrepreneur and each middleman and between each middleman and particular sets of members
and potential members" (p. 44).
17
Moe proposes that direct contact is superior for group maintenance, whereas indirect contact is
superior for group recruitment. Jim Warren's experience with AB1624 supports this theory.
Warren used an electronic network to keep a group of online activists engaged in the lobbying
effort by providing information as a selective incentive and influencing the evaluation of the
costs and benefits of participation. This direct contact was supplemented by indirect contact with
other activists. Members of the electronic network served as middlemen, mobilizing phone calls,
letters, faxes, and publicity campaigns from their own personal networks.
The importance of CMC can be seen in Warren's ability to maintain direct contact with the group
of online activists at a low cost and use them as middlemen for group recruitment. Moe writes,
It would be very difficult and highly costly, after all, were [a political entrepreneur] to try to
make direct personal contact with hundreds or even thousands of potential members, and his
problems increase if the clientele happens to be geographically dispersed or difficult to identify
(p. 40).
With CMC, a political entrepreneur has much lower communication costs, and geographic
dispersion is no longer a determining factor. Since passage of AB1624, Warren has continued to
write an electronic newsletter that is distributed to thousands of individuals with an interest in
making government information available electronically at no cost to the public.
Moe's theory of communication and political entrepreneurship adds an important perspective to
Jim Warren's entrepreneurial role in obtaining passage of AB1624. By reducing organization
costs, CMC can greatly expand the ability of an entrepreneur to maintain direct contact with
members and middlemen, lowering the hurdle for group formation, directly improving group
retention and group efficiency, and indirectly improving group recruitment.
5.5 Institute for Global Communications
The Institute for Global Communications (IGC) is a division of the non-profit Tides Foundation,
and a member of the Association for Progressive Communications (APC). Formed in 1987, the
APC is a coalition of computer networks around the world, linking over 25,000 activists in 130
countries. As an indicator of how rapidly the APC is growing, the number of members grew
from 16,000 to 25,000 between 1994 and 1995, and the number of countries represented grew
from 94 to 130. Approximately 15% of the members are organizations.
The purpose of the IGC Networks--PeaceNet, EcoNet, ConflictNet, and LaborNet--and APC
partner networks are to create a global computer communications system promoting
environmental preservation, peace, and human rights. Membership on the IGC network costs
$12.50 per month plus $3-$10 per hour online depending upon one's method of connecting to the
IGC. Anyone with a computer, modem, and basic communications software can connect and
become a member.
Through the IGC, members are able to send and receive electronic mail, participate in online
conferences, access online information services, distribute organizational information, and access
the Internet. The IGC networks include both individual and organizational members ranging
18
from large organizations such as Amnesty International and ABC News to small organizations
such as Zephyr High School and Z Magazine.
Amnesty International uses the public conferences on the IGC's PeaceNet network to announce
their Urgent Action Alerts. AI activists around the world are able to learn which political
prisoners are being detained, the facts of the situation, where to send their letter/telex/fax, and
what approach to take in their communication. PeaceNet users also have access to the Internet
newsgroup "soc.rights.human," a public computer conference on the topic of human rights and
activism for the Internet community.
In its promotional literature, the IGC places great emphasis on the ability of CMC to reduce
communication costs, enhance organizational coordination, and improve information search and
retrieval. An email pamphlet, available automatically from an IGC mailbot (igc-
[email protected]), declares that
New technologies are helping [environmental preservation, peace, and human rights] worldwide
communities cooperate more effectively and efficiently. ... Electronic mail is quick, inexpensive,
reliable, and easy to use. ... IGC's conferencing services offer easy-to-use tools in group
communication and event coordination. ... IGC's several hundred public conferences also include
events calendars, newsletters, legislative alerts, funding sources, press releases, action updates,
breaking stories, calls for support, as well as ongoing discussions on issues of global importance.
... [With ] Internet publishing, [you can] disseminate information to the vast Internet community
and create visibility for your organization by posting information on our publicly available
gopher, or making use of IGC auto-reply emailers, mailing lists, [World Wide Web] and
newsgroup services."
The success of the IGC network and the way in which the IGC markets itself indicates that the
reduction in organizational costs arising from CMC is improving the ability of groups to achieve
their goals. Further research is required to determine more accurately the impact of IGC on group
formation, group efficiency, group recruitment, and group retention. Electronic mail and
conferencing services seem to benefit group efficiency and group retention, while Internet
publishing seems to benefit group recruitment.
Like Jim Warren and political entrepreneurship, the IGC networks point to another theory as to
how organizations overcome the collective action problem--piggybacking. Russell Hardin (1982)
writes that "many formerly latent groups have been very resourceful at overcoming organization
costs by `piggybacking' their causes onto extant organizations." The IGC networks, and
computer networks as a whole, may be serving as "extant organizations" enabling latent groups
to overcome organization costs. In the case of the IGC, they are intentionally establishing
themselves as an organization on which group can piggyback themselves.
HandsNet is a similar `carrier' organization. HandsNet is a national, nonprofit computer network
supporting organizations working on human service and economic justice issues. Their 4000
members include research centers, direct service providers, legal service programs, public policy
advocates, local, state and federal government agencies, and grassroots organizations.
19
5.6 White Supremacist and Neo-Nazi Movements
Resistance, Inc. is a media company based in Detroit, Michigan that produces records and video
documentaries, promotes bands and publications on its own Internet site, and publishes its own
magazine with a reported circulation of 13,000. What makes Resistance, Inc. distinctive is that
Resistance, Inc. is a white supremacist and anti-Semitic organization. Founded by George Burdi
a year ago, Resistance, Inc. has deployed "an array of modern communications technology
outside the mainstream media ... [and] awakened a once-moribund neo-Nazi skinhead movement
in the United States" (Schneider 1995).
The activities of Resistance, Inc. and other hate groups adds further evidence that the low
transaction costs of CMC have facilitated communication, coordination, and information
distribution among organized interests. Through the Internet and seven national computer
bulletin boards, white supremacists exchange news, information, messages, and broadcast
schedules, order racist books and magazines, and obtain addresses of other white supremacist
groups.
According to Don Black , a former Ku Klux Klan leader and operator of a white supremacy
computer bulletin board called Stormfront, electronic communication
has had a pretty profound effect on a movement whose resources are limited. ... Tens of millions
of people have access to our message if they wish. The access is anonymous and there is
unlimited ability to communicate with others of a like mind (Schneider 1995).
The Simon Wiesenthal Center estimates that at least 50 of the 250 hate groups in the U.S. are
online (Sandberg 1995), helping to push the number of "hard-core supporters" of the neo-Nazi
skinhead movement to 4,000 from 1,000 eight years ago (Schneider 1995).
CMC appears to have benefited group efficiency and group recruitment in the white supremacist
movement. Lower communication and information costs have helped because of the groups'
limited resources, and lower organization costs have helped because of the geographic dispersion
of supremacist supporters. Group retention appears to have benefited from greater participation
and better information. The effect on group formation is unknown, as we would need to know if
new groups have formed from online activity.
5.7 Information Infrastructure: TPR and CPSR
The Telecommunications Policy Roundtable - Northeast (TPR-NE) is a group of
communications professionals and representatives of nonprofit and public interest organizations
in the northeastern United States. The goals of TPR-NE are to involve the public in the
formulation of policies affecting the national information infrastructure through public
education, public debate, a "bill of electronic rights," and equal access to communication
technologies for nonprofits.
TPR-NE uses an electronic mailing list to organize and advertise their activities. Their primary
activity up to 1995 has been the production of public forums about telecommunications issues.
20
The leadership of TRP-NE uses an electronic mailing list of approximately four hundred people
to advertise their forums. Most of the attendees at the forums come from this mailing list.
Coralee Whitcomb, one of the organizers of TRP-NE, has said that electronic mail has been
critical for the group. They do not have the money to advertise the forums using traditional
means. In her opinion, the mailing list has given the group visibility, has helped it to define its
role, has established a regular constituency, and has enabled the group to distribute information
more effectively. Email helped the leadership create the group. Whitcomb has said that "the idea
for this group wouldn't have been thought through as well" without electronic communication.
Whitcomb also found that their electronic constituency is giving them legitimacy and clout as
they begin expanding into traditional avenues of fund-raising and membership recruitment (see
Walker 1992).
Whitcomb, who sits on the board of the nonprofit group Computer Professionals for Social
Responsibility (CPSR), used an example from CPSR to demonstrate the capacity of CMC to
facilitate collective decision-making. In June of 1993, CPSR decided to create a vision statement
with input from its members. First, the four leaders of CPSR drafted a proposal. They then sent
the proposal to the thirteen directors by electronic mail. After the directors reached a consensus,
the proposal was sent to the twenty local chapters who solicited input by electronic mail or a
chapter meeting. The proposals were emailed back to the president who pulled the suggestions
together into a final form. The statement was then ratified at the annual meeting in October.
Whitcomb believes that electronic communication was instrumental in completing the process in
only five months while still allowing members to contribute their ideas and opinions.
5.8 Analysis
Taken collectively, the case studies suggest that CMC facilitates collective action for
unorganized interests by reducing organizational costs involving communication, coordination,
and information. Political entrepreneurs and organized interests can improve group formation,
group efficiency, member recruitment, and member retention by using CMC.
These case studies also suggest that some groups will benefit more from CMC use than others.
As implied by the theory, CMC should benefit groups with the greatest sensitivity to
communication, coordination, and information costs. Group characteristics include (1) broad
geographic distribution of members, (2) large volume of intra-organizational communication, (3)
high value placed on information as a selective benefit, and (4) poor access to mainstream media.
The groups in the case studies show evidence of these characteristics. Chinese students, activists
in the environmental movement and the peace movement (EcoNet and PeaceNet), and white
supremacists are all geographically dispersed. As Sproull and Kiesler have observed (1991:71),
"computer mediated communication technology has the most leverage when people are separated
across time and space." Intra-organizational communication was particularly important to anti-
smoking activists in SCARC and to activists in Jim Warren's network to gain online
governmental information. Members of the Telecommunications Policy Roundtable and
Amnesty International placed a high value on timely political information to ensure rapid
response. White supremacists and members of the PEN Action Group had poor access to
mainstream media for ideological and financial reasons, respectively.
21
6. Costs of CMC
Thus far, our analysis has focused on three types of transaction costs: communication,
coordination, and information. CMC reduces these types of transaction costs, facilitating
collective action. But CMC also introduces new types of transaction costs, and a full
understanding of the effect of CMC on collective action must incorporate the costs of CMC as
well as the benefits. This section addresses two of the most important costs: network access and
cognitive complexity.
6.1 Network Access
Although CMC reduces some transaction costs, it also introduces new costs arising from the use
of computers and networks. To use CMC, individuals and organizations must have computers,
must know how to use them, and must pay the network connection charges. Network access
costs are an inhibiting factor in the use of CMC. Groups in the best position to take advantage of
CMC will be those with the lowest CMC access costs, i.e, those who (1) have access to
computers, (2) have computer skills, and (3) have access to computer networks.
The case studies support this hypothesis. The group with the highest computer literacy and
lowest network costs are university students and computer programmers. University students
typically are computer literate and have free or low-cost computer accounts on networks with a
high bandwidth (i.e. fast transmission speeds). The University Conversion Project, the Chinese
students, and a substantial portion of the IGC membership are university based. The founder of
the University Conversion Project went to MIT as an undergraduate. Computer programmers and
individuals who make a living in the computer industry are even more computer literate and
either have network connections through their work or have the skills to set up a low-cost system
on their own. Jim Warren, the political entrepreneur behind AB1624, has been a professional
computer consultant for much of his life. The founders of the Telecommunications Policy
Roundtable are affiliated with universities, and members of the Computer Professionals for
Social Responsibility have professional expertise with computers.
Because some individuals experience lower transaction costs in using wide-area computer
networks, CMC users do not represent the general population. Internet users, for example, are
younger and more educated than the general population and are predominantly male. Electronic
mail surveys of Internet users with a political interest found that users are 80% male, 80% white,
and have a median age of 31 years (Margolis, et. al. 1994; see also Hurwitz and Mallery 1995).
World Wide Web users, who require a more sophisticated and expensive network connection,
have a stronger gender, education, and income bias and are more likely to be students (GVU
User Survey 1995, Pitkow 1994). In addition to the cost factor, there are also differences in how
much people value CMC use. Younger men typically have a higher interest in technology,
increasing the perceived benefit of CMC use and reducing the net cost.
The adoption of CMC by political interests creates two important dynamics. On the one hand,
CMC reduces some transaction costs, helping unorganized, latent interests organize and grow.
22
The effect of this dynamic is to offset the existing bias in the political system towards
institutional interests (see Salisbury 1984, Schlozman and Tierney 1986, Chapter 4). On the other
hand, high transaction costs surrounding access to computer networks introduce a new source of
bias within the domain of citizen groups (see Walker 1991). Groups with an interest in
technology and computers and low-cost access to computer networks have an advantage over
those that do not.
The bias introduced by CMC exacerbates existing distortions in the political system. Citizens
with a higher socio-economic status are already overrepresented in the political process
compared to those with less education and fewer economic resources (Verba, et. al., 1993b). In
fact, inequalities in political resources dominate attitudes and beliefs as a predictor of political
participation (Verba, et. al., 1993a). In most cases, computer literacy and network access requires
a high level of education and economic resources. CMC appears to help groups overcome the
barriers to collective action more than it helps individuals overcome the barriers to political
participation.
6.2 Information Processing
Another characteristic of CMC that offsets its potential benefits is the need to process the
unprecedented amounts of information now available as a result of the digital revolution. The
process of assimilating and representing information can be thought of as having a cognitive cost
to the information user. Individuals must spend time, energy, and mental effort on sorting,
filtering, interpreting, and utilizing information (see Sproull and Kiesler 1993, p. 115 and Hiltz
and Turoff 1993). As the quantity and complexity of the information increases and as the quality
decreases, individuals must think harder, incurring a greater cognitive cost.
The ease of transmitting and retrieving information with CMC puts people at the risk of
drowning in a deluge of digital data. Newt Gingrich, for example, received almost 13,000 e-mail
messages in the first six weeks of the 104th
Congress. Internet users frequently speak of their first
forays onto the net when they subscribe to a few interesting and popular discussion lists, only to
find their electronic mailboxes filled with hundreds of messages. Complaints about the difficulty
of navigating the vast sea of information available through the net are common.
The sources of this information overload are the four properties discussed in section 3. The
higher speed and lower cost of transmission enable individuals to retrieve a large amount of
information in a short amount of time. Since processing time greatly exceeds retrieval time,
individuals end up with lots of information and not enough time to process it. Asychronicity
exacerbates the problem because information can be easily stored for future processing, creating
an inventory of information to be processed.
The many-to-many nature of CMC, combined with automated broadcasting, makes sending
information easier than processing information. As we saw in section 3.5, sending a message to
everybody in a 100 person group using a one-to-one medium requires sending 4950 messages.
Sending a message to everybody using a many-to-many medium such as an e-mail mailing list
requires only 100 messages. In other words, sending costs increase linearly in a many-to-many
medium. The problem is that receiving costs increase exponentially. Although only 100
messages need to be sent using the mailing list (because the computer rebroadcasts the message),
23
the group will still have a total of 4950 messages to read. This dynamic in which sending costs
increase linearly while receiving costs increase exponentially is a recipe for information
overload. Considering that only a fraction of the world's population is on the Internet, that the net
is growing at an exponential rate, and that all parts of the net are available to all other parts,
information load will continue to increase, furthering our "information anxiety" (Wurman 1989).
7. Conclusion
Computer-mediated communication offers geographically dispersed groups with a need for intra-
organizational communication and information exchange an important alternative to more costly
personal and broadcast media. CMC reduces communication, coordination, and information
costs, facilitating collective action by making it easier for groups to form, improving group's
efficiency at providing collective goods, increasing the benefits from group membership, and
promoting group retention through more informed decision-making. Offsetting these benefits are
costs of network access and cognitive complexity, which bias the representativeness of CMC
users in the political process and contribute to information overload.
Utilizing the best features of CMC involves reducing all transaction costs associated with CMC
use: communication, coordination, information, access, and cognition. Communication costs can
be reduced by increasing the bandwidth that carries digital information between users.
Coordination costs can be reduced by improving "groupware," the type of software that allows
for collaboration and group decision-making (Malone, et. al. 1987). In general, we need to take
better advantage of the many-to-many nature of CMC and incorporate synchronous
communication more effectively. Information costs can be reduced through faster hardware,
natural language interfaces for information retrieval, and automation of information analysis
tasks. Applications of these ideas include network-based video-conferencing with real-time
polling and databases derived from group communications that represent a group's collective
knowledge and are accessible using natural language queries.
Access costs can be reduced through social policies that support equal opportunity in computer
skills and network access. The community networking movement (Schuler 1994) is an important
step in the direction of equalizing the bias that favors white, male, educated, affluent, and
technically skilled citizens. The PEN system and its mobilized network of professionals, artists,
homeless people, and homemakers serves as a model for what can occur when access costs are
kept at an affordable level. Along with equal access and community networking comes an
opportunity to create virtual communities (Rheingold 1993) and to foster physical communities
(Oldenberg 1989), helping to rebuild social capital (Putnam 1993a,b).
Cognitive costs can be reduced by designing CMC media to complement the ways in which
humans process information. Some media are better at presenting certain information than
others. Tape recordings are as poorly suited to conveying a beautiful sunset as film is for making
U.S. census data available. Choosing the right media and the right combinations of media can
improve information retrieval and assimilation. Learning, for example, has been found to
improve by combining text, sound, and action.
24
The design of a medium also makes a difference. Within the medium of the printed page, serif
fonts serve to move the reader's eyes along, increasing reading speed.
Sans serif fonts slow the eye down, increasing comprehension.
There are also ways of organizing information to improve its usability. Chapters, tables of
content, headers, and indices are all technologies that reduce the cognitive costs associated with
reading a book. Software agents can provide analagous functions for CMC, helping to orient and
direct the user towards useful information.
Semantic links in distributed hypermedia provide a structured dialogue that allow a large group
to deliberate and debate complex subjects. The Electronic Open Meeting of the National
Performance Review utilized this approach with great success. By combining text and graphics
and incorporating knowledge representation into the structure of the application itself (Alker
1975, 1988), the technology used in the Electronic Open Meeting took advantage of the
schematic organization of information in the brain (Bonchek 1995). A LISTSERV discussion,
the primary alternativc technology, is poorly suited to the information-processing abilities of the
brain.
Further research integrating media studies, artificial intelligence, cognitive psychology, political
science, and microeconomics will lead to principles of content and media design, minimizing
cognitive burden and taking full advantage of the opportunities now made possible by the digital
revolution.
8. Bibliography
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Alker, Hayward R., Jr. 1975. "Polimetrics: Its Descriptive Foundations." In Handbook of
Political Science, Vol. 7. F. Greenstein and N. Polsby, eds. Reading, MA: Addison, Wesley. Pp.
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Acknowledgments
Thanks are due to John Mallery, Roger Hurwitz, Benjamin Renaud, Jim Alt, David King, Sidney
Verba, and Ken Shepsle for their ideas and inspiration. Early stages of this research were
supported under a grant from the National Science Foundation. Current research is being
conducted at the Artificial Intelligence Laboratory of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology,
whose research is supported in part by the Advanced Research Projects Agency of the
Department of Defense under contract number MDA972 - 93 - 1 - 003N7.