32
Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog Afton Coombs University of Southern California [email protected] GLOW2015 4/18/15 1

Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

  • Upload
    others

  • View
    3

  • Download
    0

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

Page 1: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog

Afton Coombs University of Southern California [email protected] GLOW2015 4/18/15

1

Page 2: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Research Questions

2

!  Can qualitative and quantitative effects in language emerge from the same grammar, using the same formalism?

!  Specifically: can qualitative and quantitative effects in the prosodic domain be captured by the same formalism?

Page 3: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Dynamical Systems

3

!  Differential equation determines how a state changes based upon the previous state

!  System itself is constant !  Potential function = x2/2

Page 4: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Nonlinear Dynamical Systems

4

!  A force function: f(x) = x3 −x !  Corresponding potential: V(x) = x4/4 – x2/2 !  Differential equation determines how a state changes

based upon its current state. !  Capture a number of biological functions, such as hand

coordination and gait (Haken, Kelso, Bunz 1985)

!

Page 5: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Previous Proposals for Dynamical Systems as a Language Grammar

5

!  Incomplete word-final devoicing in German (Port and Crawford 1989, Gafos and Benus 2006) !  Word final voiced obstruents not completely neutralized to

voiceless obstruents !  Interaction between input faith and markedness of a final

voiced obstruent

!  Tashlhiyt Berber tonal alignment (Röttger et al 2013) !  Rightward tendency of H tone in a certain sentence tune –

both a final syllable preference and late alignment within the vowel

!  Crucially contrasts with other sentence tunes that align H tone earlier in both syllable and nuclear segment

Page 6: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Determining the attractor layout

6

!  Control parameter changes the system overall: V(x) = (a*x4)/4 – (b*x2)/2 + c*x

!  Parameters a and b determine the number and location of stables states

!  Allows double or single wells (simplest formalism)

a=1, b=3, c=0 (bistable) a=0, b=-1, c=0 (monostable)

Page 7: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Determining the Attractor Layout

7

!  a and b parameters determine the location and strength as well as number of stable states

a=1, b=3, c=0 a=1, b=7, c=0 (attractors = -2, 2) (attractors = -3,3)

Page 8: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Determining the Attractor Layout

8

!  Parameter c determines tilt V(x) = (a*x4)/4 – (b*x2)/2 + c*x

!  a=3, b=9, c=0 (no tilt)

!  a=3, b=9, c=3 (left tilt)

Page 9: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Connecting Model with Data

9

!  Simulating pattern with an added noise factor produces expected probability distribution

!  This can be compared to actual experimental distributions

Page 10: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Predicted Probability Distributions

10

Left tilt a=1, b=3, c=3

Right tilt a=1, b=3, c=-3

Righter tilt a=1, b=3, c=-6

Page 11: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Background: Lengthening Effects !  Domain-final lengthening well-attested cross-linguistic

phenomenon !  Word boundaries (Oller 1973, Klatt 1976) !  Phrase boundaries (Byrd and Saltzman 1998, Wightman 1992)

!  Stress also linked to length in some languages (Hayes 1995)

11

Page 12: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Where Lengthening Effects Do Not Apply

!  Avoiding footing/stress of a domain-final syllable (NonFinality Constraints: Prince and Smolensky 1993)

!  Avoiding an “overlong” syllable (Alaskan Yupik: Hayes 1995)

!  No rhythmic lengthening of a phrase-final syllable (Chickasaw: Munro and Ulrich 1984; Gordon and Munro 2007; Gordon 1999, 2004)

12

Page 13: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Tagalog: No Lengthening of a Final Syllable?

!  Generally allows stress on either the penult or ultima !  Traditionally analyzed as showing increased duration of a

stressed penult, but not of a stressed ultima (Schachter and Otanes 1982, Soberano 1980) !  ˈCVː.CV !  CV. ˈCV !  *CV. ˈCVː

13

Page 14: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Nonlinear Dynamical Systems and Vowel Duration

14

!  Two categories (long/ short) captured by two modes !  Continuous change within a mode allows for a principled

range of values Short Vowel Long Vowel

Standardized Duration Standardized Duration

Page 15: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Nonlinear Dynamical Systems and Vowel Duration

15

Short vowel a=1, b=3, c=3

Long vowel a=1, b=3, c=-3

Longer vowel a=1, b=3, c=-6

Standardized Duration

Standardized Duration Standardized Duration

Page 16: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Hypothesis !  Stressed ultimate vowels in Tagalog do show increased

length compared to unstressed ultimate vowels !  Ultimate vowels in Tagalog show a lesser stress increase

compared to penultimate vowels !  Penultimate vowels when stressed undergo a mode shift

16 Standardized Duration Standardized Duration

Page 17: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Hypothesis !  Stressed ultimate vowels in Tagalog do show increased

length compared to unstressed ultimate vowels !  Ultimate vowels in Tagalog show a lesser stress increase

compared to penultimate syllables !  Ultimate vowels when stressed show shift in the same mode

17 Standardized Duration Standardized Duration

Page 18: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Hypothesis: Predicted Probability Distribution of Tagalog Vowels

18

!  Stressed ultimate vowels in Tagalog do show increased length compared to unstressed ultimate vowels

!  Ultimate vowels in Tagalog show a lesser stress increase compared to penultimate syllables

Standardized Vowel Duration

Page 19: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Experimental Method

19

!  Ten words of type CaCa !  Five with penultimate stress and five with ultimate stress !  C = stop in all words

!  Two carrier phrases !  One placing target word in medial context

!  Gusto kong sabihin mo ang ____ na matahimik. !  want I say you <link> “____” that quietly. !  I want you to say “____” quietly.

!  One placing target word in final context !  Gusto kong sabihin mo ang "tabi" hindi "____.” !  want I say you <link> “side” not “____.” !  I want you to say “tabi” not “____”

Page 20: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Examples of Target Items !  Phrase-medial ultimately stressed

!  Gusto kong sabihin mo ang “taka” na matahimik. !  I said say “taka” quietly. !  “taka” = TAka ‘bamboo sticks’

!  Phrase-medial penultimately stressed !  Gusto kong sabihin mo ang “taka” na matahimik. !  “taka” = taKA ‘surprise’

!  Phrase-final ultimately stressed !  Gusto kong sabihin mo ang "tabi" hindi ”taka.” !  I said say “tabi” not “taka.”

!  Phrase-medial ultimately stressed !  Gusto kong sabihin mo ang "tabi" hindi ”taka."

Page 21: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Method: Task !  5 blocks of targets and fillers in pseudorandomized order

!  20 CaCa targets in both carriers !  38 fillers in both carriers

!  6 native speakers of Tagalog participated !  Participants shown one slide presenting the word, its

meaning, and its pronunciation. !  Then a second slide displaying the target phrase they are

asked to say !  Participants spoke into a head-mounted microphone

Page 22: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Results

22

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

Unstressed Penult Stressed Penult

Mean Vowel Duration (ms) by Stress Condition (Penult)

*

*

* = < 0.05

Page 23: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Results

23

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

Unstressed Ultima Stressed Ultima

Mean Vowel Duration (ms) by Stress Condition (Ultima) *

*

* = < 0.05

Page 24: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Tagalog Data

24

Distribution of Standardized Values of Vowel Durations (ms)

Standardized Vowel Duration (ms)

Num

ber o

f Tok

ens

-2 0 2 4 6 8

05

1015

20

Page 25: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Setting the Control Parameters: c values

Stressed Unstressed

Penultimate syllable -3 3

Ultimate syllable -9 -3

Penultimate = 1.5 Ultimate = -4.5 Unstressed = 1.5 Stressed = -4.5 (a = 3, b = 0.5)

25

Page 26: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Model of Experimental Results

26

"Short mode c=3 Unstressed penult

Long mode c=-3# Stressed penult

"Long mode c=-3 Unstressed ultima

Long(er)mode c=-9# Stressed ultima

Standardized Vowel Duration

Standardized Vowel Duration

Standardized Vowel Duration

Standardized Vowel Duration

Page 27: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Probability Distribution of All Possible Vowel Durations in Tagalog

27

Standardized Vowel Duration

Page 28: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Examples of Other Predicted Languages

28

!  A categorical positional effect but no categorical stress effect

!  A categorical stress effect but no categorical positional effect

Page 29: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Examples of Other Predicted Languages

29

!  No stress effect – iambic languages (Cahuilla, Seiler 1965) !  Penultimate: -3 !  Unstressed: 0 !  Ultimate: 3 !  Stressed: 0

Stressed Unstressed

Penultimate syllable 3 3

Ultimate syllable -3 -3

Page 30: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Examples of Other Predicted Languages

30

!  No word effect (English, Harris and Umeda 1974; Japanese, Nakai 2014) !  Penultimate: 0 !  Unstressed: 3 !  Ultimate: 0 !  Stressed: -3

Stressed Unstressed

Penultimate syllable -3 3

Ultimate syllable -3 3

Page 31: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

Conclusion !  Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration

that parallel a categorical shift !  Such parallelism falls out naturally from this type of

grammar !  Potential for future analyses of prosodic systems (e.g.

Nava 2011)

31

Page 32: Gradient Lengthening Effects: Evidence from Tagalog · Tagalog shows continuous effects of stress and duration that parallel a categorical shift ! Such parallelism falls out naturally

References !  Byrd, D., and E. Saltzman. (1998). Intragestural dynamics of multiple phrase boundaries. Journal of Phonetics, 26:173-199.

!  Gafos, A. I., and S. Benus (2006). Dynamics of Phonological Cognition. Cognitive Science, 30:905-943

!  Gordon, M. (2004). A phonological and phonetic study of word-level stress in Chickasaw. International Journal of American Linguistics, 70:1-32.

!  Gordon, M. (1999). The intonational structure of Chickasaw. Proceedings of the 14th International Congress on Phonetic Sciences, 1993-1996.

!  Gordon, Matthew, and Pamela Munro (2007). A phonetic study of final lengthening in Chickasaw.

!  Harris, M.S. and N. Umeda. (1974). Effect of speaking mode on temporal factors in speech: vowel duration. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 56, 1016-1018.

!  Hayes, B. (1995). Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case Studies. University of Chicago Press.

!  Haken, Hermann, JA Scott Kelso, and Heinz Bunz. (1985). "A theoretical model of phase transitions in human hand movements." Biological cybernetics 51.5: 347-356.

!  Klatt, D. (1976). Linguistic uses of segmental duration in English: Acoustic and perceptual evidence. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 59:5:5:1208-1221.

!  Munro, P., and C. Ulrich (1984). Structure Preservation and Western Muksogean Rhythmic Lengthening. WCCFL 3: 101-202.

!  Nakai, S. (2014). An explanation for phonological word-final vowel shortening: Evidence from Tokyo Japanese. Laboratory Phonology 11/2013; 4(2):513 – 553.

!  Nava, E. and J. Tepperman. (2011). Modeling second language prosody acquisition: A dynamic systems theory approach. Rosetta Stone Lab.s.

!  Oller, D. K. (1973). The effect of position in utterance on speech segment duration in English. JASA, 54:5:1235-1247.

!  Port, Robert F. & Crawford, Penny (1989). Incomplete neutralization and pragmatics. German. Journal of Phonetics, 17, 257-282.

!  Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky (1993). Optimality Theory: constraint interaction ingenerative grammar. Ms, Rutgers University & University of Colorado, Boulder.Published 2004, Malden, Mass. & Oxford: Blackwell.

!  Röttger, T., R. Ridouane, and M. Grice (2013). Phonetic alignment and phonological association in Tashlhiyt Berber. International Conference on Acoustics 19.

!  Schachter, P., and F. Otanes (1972). Tagalog Grammar. University of California Press.

!  Soberano, R. (1980). The dialects of Marinduque Tagalog. Pacific Linguistics B-69. Canberra: The Australian National University.

!  Turk, A., and S. Shattuck-Huffnagel (2007). Multiple targets of phrase-final lengthening in American English words. Journal of Phonetics, Vol. 35, No. 4.

!  Wightman, C., et al. Segmental durations in the vicinity of prosodic phrase boundaries. JASA, 91:3:1707-1717.

32