Gorgias, Encomium Helenae, § 12Author(s): W. R. PatonSource: The Classical Review, Vol. 4, No. 10 (Dec., 1890), p. 448Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/693484Accessed: 31/07/2009 13:16

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448 448 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. THE CLASSICAL REVIEW.

GORGIAS, ENCOMIUM HELENAE, ? 12. GORGIAS, ENCOMIUM HELENAE, ? 12.

THIS oration (now generally recognised as authentic) exists in the Codex Crippsianus (now Burneyanus 95) of the British Museum (A), in the Palatine Codex of Lysias (X), and in the Laurentian Codex of Lysias (C). These are, it seems, the only MSS. which need be considered. The passage in question has reached us in a deplorable state. Blass, in his edition of Antiphon (p. 155), gives it as it stands in A, with no variants of any im- portance from X. It runs as follows': ,t orv aUTta KW\v?<. Kdl rrv 'EAev-rfv | v,uv/os vAOev ofJotus aLv ov veav ovfrLV | rarep sl pbtaTY)piov, ,l3a 77pzracrOr. TO | Syap rrn s Treious eajv o ?? VoUS KaTOL l | avdyKY 6 elo < ~:EL /nev o~v rv of | avvafJLiV TYfV avTJ7v e^?i. Aoyo<s yap | K.T.A. The words o ~e vovs are inserted between ~-rv and KaTO~, but Mr. F. C. Conybeare, who has kindly examined the MS., assures me that they are to be attributed to the first hand (Blass says om. pr. A). I am not satisfied with the restoration proposed by M. Croiset (Mgelanges Graux, p. 127). It appears to me that the sentence beginning with Ka[TO( is a criticism of the argument, which has found its way into the text, and, in doing so, has ousted some words of the original. C has Xoyov XO66vwa for v~ulvos ~Akev, and ap7raoaa for 77p=crOa7. It is difficult to believe ,that, in the first case at least, this MS., which is now considered to be valueless for the text of Lysias, does not represent an independent tradition. I should venture to suggest as a

THIS oration (now generally recognised as authentic) exists in the Codex Crippsianus (now Burneyanus 95) of the British Museum (A), in the Palatine Codex of Lysias (X), and in the Laurentian Codex of Lysias (C). These are, it seems, the only MSS. which need be considered. The passage in question has reached us in a deplorable state. Blass, in his edition of Antiphon (p. 155), gives it as it stands in A, with no variants of any im- portance from X. It runs as follows': ,t orv aUTta KW\v?<. Kdl rrv 'EAev-rfv | v,uv/os vAOev ofJotus aLv ov veav ovfrLV | rarep sl pbtaTY)piov, ,l3a 77pzracrOr. TO | Syap rrn s Treious eajv o ?? VoUS KaTOL l | avdyKY 6 elo < ~:EL /nev o~v rv of | avvafJLiV TYfV avTJ7v e^?i. Aoyo<s yap | K.T.A. The words o ~e vovs are inserted between ~-rv and KaTO~, but Mr. F. C. Conybeare, who has kindly examined the MS., assures me that they are to be attributed to the first hand (Blass says om. pr. A). I am not satisfied with the restoration proposed by M. Croiset (Mgelanges Graux, p. 127). It appears to me that the sentence beginning with Ka[TO( is a criticism of the argument, which has found its way into the text, and, in doing so, has ousted some words of the original. C has Xoyov XO66vwa for v~ulvos ~Akev, and ap7raoaa for 77p=crOa7. It is difficult to believe ,that, in the first case at least, this MS., which is now considered to be valueless for the text of Lysias, does not represent an independent tradition. I should venture to suggest as a

restoration of the whole TIS oW a~ria KWv? Kai rrjv 'EAvrv X6yov ev&e%v aKovovrcav, wrep ?fJL/3arrjpio))v, /3ta apTraa*0rRvan; TrO yap rrs Tretiovs &rrrv, o of vovS [ovKez wraprwv vel similia. The critical remark, which has taken the place of the last words of the sentence, would run Kacatot, y avayKYf, o elow5 ̂ eXe afJv vowv, TY]V os ovvafJLiv ov Tfv avTrrv ̂eiX (i.e. ' where there is necessity, a conscious agent has vous, but his power of resistance is gone.'). I suppose that the Aoyov hOgovra of C is a corruption of X6y?v ev,ezv. and that both AXOev and O/zo/W? in A represent ev&ewv (OMOIOC has, I believe, been elsewhere confounded with

6N060C)': uvos is an explanation of

/fiaTWpt%v which has taken the place of k6y~v in the text: as Blass points out, avovveav- avovocav is a dittography. To recover the actual words of the rhetor is of course impos- sible; the above seems to me to give a good sense. For Xoyo~ &e,o~ cp. Oevo~ &&a X6y?v 7r)8ua (supra ? 10). The allusion is to the

seductive words, not of Paris, but of his pro- curess Aphrodite. The comparison of her Trdpfacts DT ocXe VOO vov Ka Trep c^pOV(OVT@V to the ~!uiBar~pta tzLeAr which made the Spar- tans blind to danger seems peculiarly apt, and Gorgias no doubt wished to suggest the other and more common meaning of euag- V?v--to embark.

W. R. PATON.

restoration of the whole TIS oW a~ria KWv? Kai rrjv 'EAvrv X6yov ev&e%v aKovovrcav, wrep ?fJL/3arrjpio))v, /3ta apTraa*0rRvan; TrO yap rrs Tretiovs &rrrv, o of vovS [ovKez wraprwv vel similia. The critical remark, which has taken the place of the last words of the sentence, would run Kacatot, y avayKYf, o elow5 ̂ eXe afJv vowv, TY]V os ovvafJLiv ov Tfv avTrrv ̂eiX (i.e. ' where there is necessity, a conscious agent has vous, but his power of resistance is gone.'). I suppose that the Aoyov hOgovra of C is a corruption of X6y?v ev,ezv. and that both AXOev and O/zo/W? in A represent ev&ewv (OMOIOC has, I believe, been elsewhere confounded with

6N060C)': uvos is an explanation of

/fiaTWpt%v which has taken the place of k6y~v in the text: as Blass points out, avovveav- avovocav is a dittography. To recover the actual words of the rhetor is of course impos- sible; the above seems to me to give a good sense. For Xoyo~ &e,o~ cp. Oevo~ &&a X6y?v 7r)8ua (supra ? 10). The allusion is to the

seductive words, not of Paris, but of his pro- curess Aphrodite. The comparison of her Trdpfacts DT ocXe VOO vov Ka Trep c^pOV(OVT@V to the ~!uiBar~pta tzLeAr which made the Spar- tans blind to danger seems peculiarly apt, and Gorgias no doubt wished to suggest the other and more common meaning of euag- V?v--to embark.

W. R. PATON.

STUDIES IN CAESAR. II. STUDIES IN CAESAR. II.

B.G. I. 2, 1l: regni cupiditate inductus coniurationem nobilitatis feeit, etc. The political and social position of Gaul was a curious one in 58 B.C. There was a feudal aristocracy, with abortive efforts at estab- lishing monarchy, the feudal lords living no doubt from the labour of the common people, whose position is distinctly defined as that of serfs, VI. 13, 7, not helots but like the manorial peasants of the middle ages. Each baron strove to have as many squires and mounted men about him as possible, VI. 15, 2, eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos circum se ambactos clientesque habet, cf. II. 1, 4 in Gallia a potentioribus atque eis qui ad conducendos homines facultates habebant,

B.G. I. 2, 1l: regni cupiditate inductus coniurationem nobilitatis feeit, etc. The political and social position of Gaul was a curious one in 58 B.C. There was a feudal aristocracy, with abortive efforts at estab- lishing monarchy, the feudal lords living no doubt from the labour of the common people, whose position is distinctly defined as that of serfs, VI. 13, 7, not helots but like the manorial peasants of the middle ages. Each baron strove to have as many squires and mounted men about him as possible, VI. 15, 2, eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos circum se ambactos clientesque habet, cf. II. 1, 4 in Gallia a potentioribus atque eis qui ad conducendos homines facultates habebant,

vulgo regna occupabantur.1 This feudal condition renders it credible that Orgetorix had a familia of 10,000 men, I. 4, 1. The annual vergobret among the Aedui has a republican flavour: still the tendency was for powerful barons to strive after a monarchi- cal position, to establish a dynasty. In perfect accord with this striving is the fact that the great barons had coins struck bear- ing their names; cf. an article by F. de Saulcy in Revue Arc]eologique, 1869, vol. 13. Most of the coins there discussed bear the name of some baron, e.g. No. 7. Commios. 12. Deiviciac.... 13. Dubnorex. 14. Dubnoreix.

1 Why not occupantur ? Does the tense designate a condition which had passed away at the probable time of composition, after the fall of Alesia ?

vulgo regna occupabantur.1 This feudal condition renders it credible that Orgetorix had a familia of 10,000 men, I. 4, 1. The annual vergobret among the Aedui has a republican flavour: still the tendency was for powerful barons to strive after a monarchi- cal position, to establish a dynasty. In perfect accord with this striving is the fact that the great barons had coins struck bear- ing their names; cf. an article by F. de Saulcy in Revue Arc]eologique, 1869, vol. 13. Most of the coins there discussed bear the name of some baron, e.g. No. 7. Commios. 12. Deiviciac.... 13. Dubnorex. 14. Dubnoreix.

1 Why not occupantur ? Does the tense designate a condition which had passed away at the probable time of composition, after the fall of Alesia ?