The Presentation

of

Erving Coffman

TI he name Erving Goffman is virtually synonymouswith microsociology. Throughout his life, Goffmanargued that social interaction should be studied as

a topic in its own right. He maintains that social in-teraction has its own logic and structure, regard-less of the participants' personality characteristicsor the social organizational and institutional con-text in which it occurs. That position is the basis

for Goffman's very novel and influential analysis ofthe self. He was not interested in the individual'ssubjective self or inner conversations but ratherin the social definition and construction of thepublic self during social interaction.

Goffman's approach to this topic is commonlydescribed as dramacurgical.That is, Goffman viewsthe self, social interaction, and life as dramatic ortheatrical oroductions. Individuals are social ac-

tors who play different parts in the varied scenes

of social life. Every time individuals interact withone anothen they enact a self, influencing others'definition of them and of the situation. They usu-ally arrive at a working consensus concerning thedefinition of each other's self and of the situationthat consequently guides their interaction. Ar-though social actors' per{ormances are some-times clumsy and unconvincing, they generallycooDerate to save each other's individual showsand their collective show as a whole.

Goffman's dramaturgical analysis is more thana creative use of metaohor. We humans cannotpeer into one another's hearts and minds, norcan we ever l<now another's "real" or "true" self.

t10

IZOur knowledge of each other is limited to w-:-we can observe. Our definition of one anothe-:self is necessarily based on appearance, condu:--and the settings in which we interact. In turn, r.

=

present a self to one another through how ',,.:

look and act, and where we go. Regardless -whether these self-presentations are intentio-:or unintentional, honest or dishonest, they a-.nonetheless oerformances. The self is not a rr..terial thing that the individual carries aroui:and can show others. lt must be dramatically r:.alized on each and every occasion of social i-.teraction.

Goffman wrote this selection in the l95i:and a few of his illustrative examples trade upc -

prevailing stereotypes of women at that tirr:Although contemporary readers may find thos:dated examples to be sexist, they do not de.

tract from Goffman's insight into the drama c'everyday social life.

ll hen an individual enters the presence r-'

others, they commonly seek to acquire infc-mation about him orto bring into play infc-mation about him already possessed. Thewill be interested in his general socioeccnomic status, his conception of self, his attituc=toward them, his competence, his trustwo:thiness, etc. Although some of this informetion seems to be sought almost as an end i

itself, there are usually quite practical reasor,for acquiring it. Information about the incvidual helps to define the situation, enablin=others to know in advance what he will e.rpect of them and what they may expect c-him. Informed in these ways, the others ui.know how best to act in order to call forth "desired response from him.

For those present, many sources of information become accessible and many carrier,(or "sign-vehicles") become available for con-veying this information. If unacquainted withthe individual, observers can glean clue.from his conduct and appearance which al

low them to apply their previous experience

Self

- ::d to what: -: another's-: anotners-::. conouct,-_ r turn, we-:r now we

=ardless of- ntentional:::. they are: not a ma-

- =s around

- arically re-:' social in-

- :he | 950s

- :'aoe uPon,: :hat time... ind those:r not de-

-: drama of

: -:sence of- -ire infor-- l:v infnr--'"f " ""'

,-rl Thprr

;ocloeco-- s attitude:rustwor-

, informa-in end in

-il reasons

- the indi-enabling

-: will ex-:xpect of

-:hers will-:ll forth a

', of infor-, -.\' carners, : for con-, rted with=an clues

' ',vhich al-,. ncrlcnae

.\ ith individuals roughly similar to the one:efore them oq more important, to apply un-::sted stereotypes to him. They can also as-.tme from past experience that only individ--;als of a particular kind are likely to be foundI a given social setting. They can rely on,, hat the individual says about himself or onlocumentary evidence he provides as to.'. ho and what he is. If they know, or know of,re individual by virtue of experience priortore interaction, they can rely on assumptions

js to the persistence and generality of psy-:nological traits as a means of predicting his-'resent and future behavior.

Howeve4 during the period in which therdividual is in the immediate presence of,:re others, few events may occur which di-:ctly provide the others with the conclusiverf,crmation they will need, if they are to di--:ct wisely their own activity. Many crucial':cts lie beyond the time and place of inter-j.tion orlie concealed within it. Forexample,.re "true" or"real" attitudes, beliefs, and emo-..ons of the individual can be ascertained--'nly indirectly, through his avowals or.rrough what appears to be involuntary ex-:ressive behavior. Similarly, if the individual-'-,fers the others a product or service, they.,. ill often find that during the interactioniere will be no time and place immediately

.,r ailable for eating the pudding that the:roof can be found in. They will be forced to,-cept some events as conventional or natu--al signs of something not directly available.o the senses. ln lchheiser's terms,

the individual will have to act so that heintentionally or unintentionally expresseshimself and the others will in turn haveto be impressed in some way by him.

Taking communication in both its narrow.-:id broad sense, one finds that when the in-:ividualis in the immediate presence of oth-=:s, his activity will have a promissory charac-:;-r. The others are likely to find that theyrust accept the individual on faith, offering:im a just return, while he is present before

-rChapter 12: The Presentation of Self lll

them, in exchange for something whose truevalue will not be established until after he hasleft their presence. (Of course, the others alsolive by inference in their dealinss with thephysical world, but it is only in the world ofsocial interaction that the objects aboutwhich they make inferences will purposelyfacilitate and hinder this inferential process.)The security that they f ustifiably feel in mak-ing inferences about the individual will vary,of course, depending on such factors as the

tlon they already possessamount of such past evrobviate the necessity of

of inferences.Let us now turn from the others to the

point of view of the individual who presentshimself before them. He may wish them tothink highly of him, or to think that he thinkshighly of them, or to perceive how in fact hefeels toward them, or to obtain no clear cutimpression; he may wish to ensure sufficientharmony, so that the interaction can be sus-tained, or to defraud, get rid of, confuse, mis-lead, antagonize, or insult them. Resardlessof the particular objective which the individ-ual has in mind and of his motive forhavinsthis objective, it will be in his interests to conitrol the conduct of the others, especiallv theirresponsive treatment of him. This conirol isachieved largely by influencing rhe definitionof the situation which the others come to for-mulate, and he can influence this definitionby expressing himself in such a way as to givethem the kind of impression that will leadthem to act voluntarily in accordance withhis own plan. Thus, when an individuat ao-pears in the presence of others, there wlllusually be some reason for him to mobilizehis activity, so that it will convey an impres-sion to others, which it is in his interests toconvey. Since a girl's dormitory mates willglean evidence of her popularity from thecalls she receives on the phone, we can sus-pect that some girls will arrange for calls to bemade, and Willard Waller's findine can beanticioated:

ll2 Part IV + The Self and Social Interaction

It has been reported by many observersthat a girl who is called to the telephonein the dormitories will often allow herselfto be called several times, in order to giveall the other girls ample opportunity tohear her n:opd l

I have said that when an individual ao-pears before others, his actions will influencethe definition of the situation which theycome to have. Sometimes the individualwillact in a thoroughly calculating mannet ex-pressing himself in a given way solely in orderto give the kind of impression to others thatis likely to evoke from them a specific re-sponse he is concerned to obtain. Some-times the individual will be calculating in hrs

activity but be relatively unaware that this is

the case. Sometimes he will intentionally andconsciously express himself in a particularway, but chiefly because the tradition of hisgroup orsocial status require this kind of ex-pression and not because of any particular re-sponse (other than vague acceptance or ap-proval) that is likely to be evoked from thoseimpressed by the expression. Sometimes thetraditions of an individual's role will lead himto give a well-designed impression of a par-ticular kind, and yet he rnay be neither con-sciously nor unconsciously disposed to create such an impression. The others, in theirturn, may be suitably impressed by the indi-vidual's efforts to convey something, or maymisunderstand the situation and come toconclusions that are warranted neitherby theindividual's intent nor by the facts. In anycase, in so far as the others act as f the individual had conveyed a particular impression,we may take a functional or pragmatic viewand say that the individual has "effectively"prolected a given definition of the situationand "effectively" fostered the understandinsthat a given state of affairs obtains.

There is one aspect of the others'responsethat bears special comment here. Knowingthat the individual is likely to present himselfin a light that is favorable to him, the others

may divide what they witness into two parts:a part that is relatively easy for the individualto manipulate at will, being chiefly his verbalassertions, and a part in regard to which heseems to have little concern orcontrol, bein-e

chiefly derived from the expressions he gives

off. The others may then use what are con-sidered to be the ungovernable aspects of hrs

expressive behavior as a check upon the va-lidity of what is conveyed by the governableaspects. In this a fundamental asymmetry i:demonstrated in the communication process, the individual presumably being awareof only one stream of his communicationthe witnesses of this stream and of one otherFor example, in Shetland lsle one crofter.wife, in serving native dishes to a visitor fror-the mainland of Britain, would listen with ,polite smile to his polite claims of liking whahe was eating; at the same time, she woul:take note of the rapidity with which the vis

tor lifted his fork or spoon to his mouth, th..eagerness with which he passed food into h ,

mouth, and the gusto expressed in cher.l,in:the food, using these signs as a check on tl-=stated feelings of the eater. The same woma:-in order to discover what one acquaintan..(A) "actually" thought of another acquai:tance (B), would wait until B was in the pre,ence of A but engaged in conversation r.',i--still another p".ronlC). She would then crvertly examine the facial expressions of A 'he regarded B in conversation with C. Nbeing-in conversation with B, and not beirl-directly observed by him, A would son',=times relax usual constraints and tactful c=ceptions, and freely express what he was "a:

tually" feeling about B. This Shetlander -short, would observe the unobserved c:server.

Now given the fact that others are likelrcheck up on the more controllable aspectsbehavior by means of the less controllab

=

one can expect that sometimes the indir.--ual will try to exploit this very possibil;:guiding the impression he makes throu:'behavior felt to be reliably informing. For

=

::ss lnto two parts:. -or the individualg :hiefly his verbala:ard to which he

--: cr control, beingr:essions he givesu,: what are con-l":ie aspects of his

:k upon the va-Lhe governable

,=, asymmetry is

-rnication pro-.: r'being aware- tmmunlcatlon,.-J ofone other: one crofter's- a visitor from: listen with a

, rf liking what-.:, she would

, hich the visi--.s mouth, the

- - od into his

= r in chewing

- :heck on the,ime Woman,

',qualntance'-.er acquain-,, in the pres-::sation with--:ld then co-

ons ofA as,rth C. Not

- -: not beinguld some-

-- ractful de-' ie was "ac-

'=:lande4 in.,:rved ob-

.:e likely to

' aspects ofrtrollable,-: individ:ossibility,., through-: Forex-

ample, in gaining admission to a tight socialcircle, the participant observer may not onlywear an accepting look while listening to aninformant, but may also be careful to wearthe same lookwhen observing the informanttalking to others; observers of the observerwill then not as easily discover where he ac-

tually stands. A specific illustration may becited from Shetland Isle. When a neighbordropped in to have a cup of tea, he would or-dinarily wear at least a hint of an expectantwarm smile as he passed through the doorinto the cottage. Since lack of physical ob-structions outside the cottage and lack oflight within it usually made it possible to ob-serve the visitor unobserved as he approachedthe house, islanders sometimes took pleasurein watching the visitor drop whatever expres-sion he was manifesting and replace it with a

sociable one just before reaching the door.Howeve4 some visitors, in appreciating thatthis examination was occurring, wouldblindly adopt a social face a long distancefrom the house, thus ensuring the projectionof a constant image.

This kind of control upon the part of theindividual reinstates the symmetry of thecommunication process, and sets the stage fora kind of information game-a potentially infi-nite cycle of concealment, discovery, false rev-elation, and rediscovery. lt should be addedthat since the others are likely to be relativelyunsuspicious of the presumably unguided as-

pect of the individual's conduct, he can gainmuch by controlling it. The others, of course,may sense that the individual is manipulatingthe presumably spontaneous aspects of hisbehavior, and seek in this very act of manipu-lation some shading of conduct that the indi-vidual has not managed to control. Thisagain provides a check upon the individual'sbehavior, this time his presumably un-calculated behavior; thus re-establishing theasymmetry of the communication process.Here, I would like only to add the suggestionthat the arts of piercing an individual's effortat calculated unintentionality seem better de-

Chapter 12: The Presentation of Self ll3

veloped than our capacity to manipulate ourown behavior; so that, regardless of how manysteps have occurred in the information game,the witness is likely to have the advantageover the actor, and the initial asymmetry ofthe communication process is likely to be re-tained.

When we allow that the individual pro-jects a definition of the situation when he ap-pears before others, we must also see thatthe others, however passive their role mayseem to be, will themselves effectively pro-ject a definition of the situation by virtue oftheir response to the individual and by virtueof any lines of action they initiate to him Or-dinarily, the definitions of the situation pro-jected by the several different participantsare sufficiently attuned to one another sothat open contradiction will not occur. I donot mean that there will be the kind of con-sensus that arises when each individual pres-

ent candidly expresses what he really feelsand honestly agrees with the expressed feel-ings of the others present. This kind of har-mony is an optimistic ideal and rn any casenot necessary for the smooth working of so-ciety. Rather, each participant is expected tosuppress his immediate heartfelt feelings,conveying a view of the situation which hefeels the others will be able to find at leasttemporarily acceptable. The maintenance ofthis surface of agreement, this veneer of con-sensus, is facilitated by each participant con-cealing his own wants behind statementswhich assert values to which everyone pres-ent feels obllged to give lip service. Further,there is usually a kind of division of defini-tional labor. Each participant is allowed to es-

tablish the tentative official ruling regardingmatters which are vital to him but not imme-diately important to others, e.g., the rational-izations and justifications by which he ac-counts for his past activity. ln exchange forthis courtesy, he remains silent or non-com-mittal on matters important to others but notimmediately important to him. We havethen a kind of interactional modus vivendi.

ll4 Part IV + The Self and Social Interaction

Togetheq the participants contribute to a sin-gle over-all definition of the situation, whichinvolves not so much a real agreement as towhat exists, but rather a real agreement as towhose claims concerning what issues will betemporarily honored. Real agreement willalso exist concerning the desirability of avoid-ing an open conflict of definitions of the situ-ation. I willreferto this level of agreement as

a "working consensus." It is to be understoodthat the working consensus established inone interaction setting will be quite differentin content from the working consensus es-

tablished in a different type of setting. Thus,between two friends at lunch, a reciprocalshow of affection, respect, and concern forthe other is maintained. ln service occupa-tions, on the other hand, the specialist oftenmaintains an image of disinterested involve-ment in the problem of the clienq while theclient responds with a show of respect for thecompetence and integrity of the specialist.Regardless of such differences in content,however, the general form of these workinsarrangements is the same.

In noting the tendency for a participant toaccept the definitional claims made by, theothers present, we can appreciate the crucialimportance of the information that the indi-vidual initially possesses or acquires concern-ing his fellow participants; for it is on the basisof this initial rnformation that the individualstarts to define the situation and starts robuild up lines of responsive action. The indi-vidual's initial projection commits him towhat he is proposing to be and requires himto drop allpretenses of being otherthings. Asthe interaction among the participants pro-gresses, additions and modifications in thrsinitial informational state will of course oc-cur, but it is essential that these later develop-ments be related without contradiction to,and even built up from, the initial positionstaken by the several participants. lt wouldseem that an individual can more easilymake a choice as to what line of treatment todemand from and extend to the others ores-

ent at the beginning ofan encounterthan hecan alter the line of treatment that is beingpursued, once the interaction is under way.

ln everyday life, of course, there is a clearunderstanding that first impressions are im-portant. Thus, the work adjustment of thosein service occupations will often hinge upona capacity to seize and hold the initiative inthe service relation, a capacity that will re-quire subtle aggressiveness on the part of theserver when he is of lower socioeconomicstatus than his client. W. F. Whyte suggeststhe waitress as an example:

The first point that stands out is that thewaitress who bears up under pressuredoes not simply respond to her custom-ers. She acts with some skill to controltheir behavior. The first question to askrvhen we look at the customer relation-ship is, 'Does the waitress get the iumpon the customer, or does the customerser the ir rmn on the waitress?'The skilledwaitress realizes the crucial nature of thisquestton. . . .

The skilled waitress tackles thecustomer with confidence and withouthesitation. Forexample, she mayfind thata new customer has seated himself beforeshe could clear off the dirty dishes andchange the cloth. He is now leaning onthe table studying the menu. She greetshim, says, "May I change the coveq please?"and, without waiting for an answer; takeshis menu away from him so that he movesback from the table, and she goes abouther work. The relationship is handledpotitely but firmly, and there is never anyquestion as to who is in charge.'

When the interaction that is initiated by "firsrimpressions" is itself merely the initial interaction in an extended series of interactions involving the same participants, we speak o."getting off on the right foot" and feel that it is

crucial that we do so. Thus, one learns tha:some teachers take the following view:

You can't ever let them get the upperhand on you or you're through. 5o I start

out tough T''-

in, I let then'r ,

got to stari a-up as )'ou -easy gorng. ',they'll just 1c

iimil:rlrr :tre'-rJ, e!!! I

nay feel that, i.

r his place tl'.,:lade to see r,, :

--ulty will be p::Civen the i=

.:r'ely projects,i hen he ente:,:an assume thar.

rteraction u it-rtherwise thro.'\,\'hen these d.s::raction itself :-

=mbarrassed ha

-rpon which tl-r-'r:r'l hpan nrodi-

.he participantsnteraction for .

i rongly define--lned. At such r--'r-esentation ha:shamed, whil.rostile; and all ::et ill at ease,

^-L - ---idllLg/ glllUdl l6:jnomy that is _s-- irl srrsfem nf j

-lown.In stressing ii'

:f the situatio::ends to pror ii:ctivity that fb.-:oint of view-',--ial fact that a:

'rtuation also ir

:er. It is this rr..l-rat will chieflr:iety is organizeJividualwho p,

:eristics has a

others will valr.

-Uep patJelo.rd;o uoqdn-rsrp ]uena;d ot ualpleJe suoqnpJa;d teql tceJ eq] ol uoqrppp uJ

.}IJO

uorldece: JreLI] ur ]f,e] uexe ]ou plp uorssa:d-tUI aql penlef,eJ oq/\r esoq] JI 'e^lruns plnoJsuorssa:du-rr A\eJ ]eql ees ol sdeqrad ,{pea-r

ssel e;e am'pa{o1dr-ue }ou eJeA\ sacqce-rd anrs

-ueJep Jr elrnJns pFo^\ uorssardur pe;elsoJou ]e9] aas o] ,{pea.r eq {eu am elrq^\ '}eq}peppe eq plnoqs tl 'srelllo eroJaq acuasa:d srq

Euunp Ienpwpur ue ,{q paralso; uorssardu-neql prenEa;es o1 pa,{o1dua sanbruqce} aq}esuduroc sacqce:d a,tlcalord pue e^rsuaJeptaqieEol ,,'llel,, Jo ,,secnce:d enrlcalo:d,, ;oleeds am laqloue '{q paicalo:d uoqen}rs eq}

Jo uoqruuap eq] enes o] tueql sr{o1dua lued-rcq:ed e ueql\ 1,,secqce;d enrsueJep,, se ueq]o] JeJeJ {eu a.,ll. 'suoqcelo:d u^,o srq }calo:dol scrpe] pue sar8ale:ls eseq] s'{o;dua Ienpn-rpur eq] uell/v|pepro^E {;1n;sseocns ueeq loue^eq leq] seJuaJJnJJo Suqlpe;csrp -ro; alesued-r.uoJ o] pa{o1dua ,{lluelsuoc a;e sacqce:denrlJejJoJ ]eq] pue sluausseJJeqlue aseq]prone o] pa{o1dua ,{puelsuoc e:e sacqce:danlluana:d leq] puu eAA 'ue)el suorlneca:d]uelsuoJ ]ou eJe \ 'r{lluanba:; eJotu JnJJoplno^\ r{aqt ,{1tua;edde:o; lncco ,(eqt qcrqmqll^| r{cuenba:; aqt ,{q suoqdn.rsrp leuoDru-UepJo aruel:odtur eqt e8pnllouum euo

,,'sr,, eq] se ees ollq6no r{eql leqzrr o1 se

pue sr leq/v\ ol se (Ueql peurJoJur seq Ienph-rpul eql ]eq]'uaqi 'puu sraqlo aql'slenpr^Ip-ur qJns:o; aleudo:dde aq plnon\ leql ]uatu-]eeJ] aq] saoSa:o; 'ecuaq 'pue aq o]:eaddelou seop eq s8urqt eq ol surelc 11e seo8ero;,(prcrldtur osle eH ']cadxa ot tq8u e e eq pur)srq Jo suosJad teqt Jeuueru aq] ur turq ]pe:tpue anle^ ol ueq] Sur8rlqo 's;eqlo aql uodnpueuep leJor.u e syexe {11ecr1euo1ne aq/puDlJelnJrued e;o uosrad p eq o] urrelo lrclyd-xe Jo lcrldrur ue saletu {qalaql pue uol1p-nlrs oqlJo uorluuep e sloalo-rd lenphrpur ueuaqm'ecuanbasuoc ul 'sr eq swrelf, er.{ leq/\\eq ol lJpJ ur lqEno sf,rlsrJepe;er-1f, lerJos urel-Jac seq aq leq] sagru8rs ,{llrcrldxa ro ,{1ircr1d

-rur oq/t\ lenpr^rpur ue leql {leueu 'puooase sr aldrouud slq] qll/\\ pelJauuo3 fem a]et:d

Sfi lps lo uouzuasild aqJ :Zl raldeq3

-o;dde ue ur turq lear} pup anlpn llr/\ s:ali:-]eq] ]cadxa o1 lqEu Ie;otu e seq sortsL=--ceJEqJ lerJos ureuec sassessod oL{,,\\ lenpr

.. :-ur r{ue leql eldrcuud aqi uo pazueS.lo sr {r: _

-og ']roda; srql ur sn uref,uoJ {garqc lp/l l€ -suo4calord Jo JelceJeqJ leJolu srql st U -;--JPJer.{3 IeJOr.u eADJUrlSrp e Seq osle uorlEr-- l

aqt Jo uoqruuep papalord {ue teqt Jf,eJ i?._

-nJJ eq] Ioolje^o ]ou ]snu e,/K-/\\er^Jo ]u: _ :uoqf,e srql Surssa4s ur-sl\olloJ 1eq1 {1r,r:-:.anrlaado-oc eql JoJ ueld e apno:d ol sp-=.

Ienprnpur ue {q papelo:d uo4pn}rs aqt _-.

uoqruuap leqrur eq] teq] ]reJ eLI] tu,rt"u:,:, _

$leejq uorJcpjelul elpJ-o]-elpj ;o ualsAs ': -

-os elnu[u eq] ueq^r palaauaB s 1eq1 ,(ur,: -=Jo puH aq] Surcuauedxa'passe;Jpqr.ua'e:-. --elunoJ Jo ]no 'passnlduou 'esea 1e y1 -ol el.Uoc r{eu s}uedtctyed aql lle pue lelr:: -

1aa; z{eru luasa;d sJeqlo eq} alrq^\'peLuz---1aa; ,{eu pelrpeJJsrp useq seq uoBeluei=_ _

esoq^\ Ienphrpur eq] sluel.Uo(U qsns ]v'F:_-ap :e8uo1 ou /\rou sr pue peuuep {13u - -ueeq seq uoqenlls eq] qlrq^\ JoJ uorllp-:_ _

ue ur paSpol se^lasueqt pug sluedrJruec = _

pue'alqeuelun eluof,aq palecrpa;d ueec. :, _

sluedrcq:ed eqlJo sesuodsa: aq] qJrq^\ u -,:-suo4du;nsse eqlJo euos ']leq peSSpllE:-:pue pasnJuos e ol aruoo ,{eru Jlaslr uor::?-:-ur eql lnoJo sluene anrldn:srp eseql u; -'uoqcalo-rd srq] uodn lQnop /\{o:q} esr/\u; -Jo ']rpeJJsrp ']JrpeJluoJ rlclq^A uorlf,E_;- _

eq] uqlr/\ Jncco feru s]ue^a JgHl aunss: -:an 's-raqlo ;o acuasa;d eql s;elue eq L= - "

uoqenlrs eq] Jo uoqruuep e slcelo.rd ' .-JeJJa lenpr^rpur aq] teql ]leJ ell ue., -

peluane;d eq llr,y! .- --uJrp aJnlnJ qcnu 'ssoq sr oq^\ ees o1 ::: _pue pJe^\ aq] uo ,{ep r:g aqt eceld . -lnd r(1d:eqs sr luaqed

^ au eqlJI '1eqt yae- , _

suollnlllsul leluel'U ul sluepuaDe ,{1:z -o'qEnel pue no.,{ te iool lsnl 11.

..- _

'q8no1 la3 ol f:1 no'{ uaqm '3uro3-.'.,:'lno Uels no,{ g1 '8uo1e o3 no,{ se - -esee uec no.,{ ueql 'q8no1 ;;o gels o: - :e4no^' ' ' 'ssoq s,oL{/\\/\\oDI LII3lil lai ' _

sselo ^\au

e 1eB 1 {ep ls-rg eq1 'q8no: --

116 Part lV + The Sel[ and Social Interaction

nitions, we may also note that an intense interest in these disruptions comes to play asignifrcant role in the social life of the group.Practical jokes and social games are played,in which embarrassments which are to betaken unseriously are purposely engineered.Fantasies are created, in which devastating ex-posures occur. Anecdotes from the past-real,embroidered, orfictitious-are told and retold,detailing disruptions which occurred, almostoccurred, or occurred and were admirably resolved. There seems to be no groupingwhrch does not have a ready supply of thesegames, reveries, and cautionary tales, to beused as a source of humor, a catharsis foranxieties, and a sanction for inducing individ-uals to be modest in their claims and reasonable in their projected expectations. The in-dividual may tell himself through dreams ofgetting into impossible positions. Families tellof the time a suest sot his dates mixed andarrived when neither the house nor anyonein it was ready for him. Journalists tell oftimes when an all too meaningful misprintoccurred, and the paper's assumption of ob-jectivity or decorum was humorously discred-ited. Public servants tell of times a client ridicu-lously misunderstood form instructions, givinganswers which implied an unanticipated andbizarre definition of the situation.j Seamen,whose home arva1, from home is rigorouslyhe-man, tell stories of coming back homeand inadvertently asking mother to "pass thefucking butter."" Diplomats tell of the time a

near-sighted queen asked a republican am-bassador about the health of his king. . . .'

For the purpose of this report, interaction(that is, face-to-face interactron) may beroughly defined as the reciprocal influenceof individuals upon one another's actionswhen in one another's immediate physicalpresence. An interactron may be defined as

all the interaction which occurs throughoutany one occasion when a given set of individuals are in one another's continuous pres-ence; the term "an encounter" would do as

well. A "performance" may be defined as all

the activity of a given partrcipant on a givenoccasion which serves to influence in anyway any of the other participants. Taking a

particular participant and his performance as

a basic point of reference, we may refer tothose who contribute the other perfor-mances as the audience, observers, or co-participants. The pre established pattern ofaction, which is unfolded during a performance and which may be presented orplayed through on other occasions, may becalled a "part" or "routine." . . .

When an individual plays a parr, he implicitly requests his observers to take seri-ously the impression that is fostered beforethem. They are asked to believe that thecharacter they see actually possesses the at-tributes he appears to possess, that the taskhe performs will have the consequences thatare implicitly claimed for it, and that, in gen-eral, matters are what they appear to be. Inline with this, there is the popular view thatthe individual offers his performance andputs on his show "for the benefit of otherpeople."

It will be convenient to begin a consideration of performances by turning the ques-tion around and looking at the individual'sown belief in the impression of reality that heattempts to engender in those among whomhe finds himself.

At one extreme, one finds that the per-former can be fully taken in by his own act;he can be sincerely convinced that the impression of reality which he stages is the realreality. When his audience is also convincedin this way about the show he puts on-andthis seems to be the typical case-then, forthe moment at least, only the sociologist orthe socially disgruntled will have any doubtsabout the "realness" of what is presented.

At the other extreme, we frnd that the performer may not be taken in at all by his ownroutine This possibitity is understandable,since no one is in quite as good an observa-tional position to see through the act as theperson who puts it on. Coupled with this,

:he performer r--.

,-onviction of his:ther ends, har:-he conception:he situation. \\ iref in his own .r ith the beliefs .

rim cynical, res..ndividuals whorcstered by their:e understood iir

=ssional disinvoirsional pleasures f::ncing a kind o:rom the fact thai.hing his audienc.

It is not sssun:rerfornrers are ..

audiences for cself-interest" or :

i idual rnay delu;:onsiders to be '

:ood ofthe con::ol'this we need ;

L-ned showmen. )

Hsun Tzu. We k:-.ions practitioneritncere are some:-ustomers, beca,>uch a heartfelt :are led into givir,--endants who re.irre pressures foishoe clerks whothe customer ithear-these are :audiences will r.

aere. . . .

lWlhile the p.postors and liarsdiffers in this res:mances, both are ,

iormers must exeimpression that is

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118 Part IV + The Self and Social Interaction

maintaining selves do not reside inside thepeg; in fact, these means are often bolteddown in social establishments. . . .

The whole machinery of self-production is

cumbersome, of course, and sometimesbreaks down, exposing its separate compo-nents. . . . But well oiled, impressions will flowfrom it fast enough to put us in the grips ofone of our types of reality-the performancewillcome off, and the firm self accorded eachperformed character will appear to emanateintrinsically from its petformer. . . .

ln developing the conceptual frameworkemployed in this report, some language ofthe stage was used. . . . [However], this reportis not concerned with aspects of theaterthatcreep into everyday life. It is concerned withthe structure of social encounters-the struc-ture of those entities in social life that comeinto being whenever persons enter one an-other's immediate physical presence. Thekey factor in this structure is the maintenanceof a single definition of the situation, this defi-nition having to be expressed, and this ex-pression sustained in the face of a multitudeof potential disruptions.

A character staged in a theater is not insome ways real, nor does it have the samekind of real consequences as does the thor-oughly contrived character performed by a

confidence man; but the successful staging ofeither of these types of false figures involvesuse of realtechniques-the same techniquesby which everyday persons sustain their realsocial situations. Those who conductface-to-face interaction on a theater's stagemust meet the key requirement of real situa-

tions, they must expressively sustain a defini-tion of the situation, but this they do in cir-cumstances that have facilitated therrdeveloping an apt terminology for the inter-actional tasks that all of us share.

Notes

l. Custav lchheiser; "Misunderstandings inHuman Relations," supplement to The

American Journal of Sociology, LV (September

1949), pp. 6-7.2. Willard Walteq, "The Rating and Dating Com-

plex," Ameican Sociological Review,ll, p. 730.

3. W. F. Whyte, "When Workers and CustomersMeet," Chap. Yll,lndustry and Society, ed. W. F

Whyte (New York: McCraw-Hill, 1946), ppraa a1| )/-- )).

4. Teacher interview quoted by Howard S.

Becker, "Social Class Variations in theTeacher-Pupil Relationship," lournal of Edu'cational Sociology, XXV p. 459.

5. Peter Blau, "Dynamics of Bureaucracy"(Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociol-ogy, Columbia Universiry tl955l, Universityof Chicago Press), pp. 127-29.

6. Walter M. Beattie, fr., "The Merchant Sea-

men" (unpublished M.A. Report, Depart-ment of Sociology, University of Chicago,1950), p. 35.

Z Sir Frederick Ponsonby, Recollections of Three

Rergns (New York: Dutton, 195D, p. 46.

Reprinted from: Erving Goffman, The Presentotion of Self

in Everydoy Lifg pp. 1-4, 6-18, 66, 252-253 CopyrightA, 1.959 by Erving Goffman. Reprinted by permission ofDoubleday, a division of Random House, Inc. *

(yberspa((

tyborselve

tl

Dennis D. Was

6offman's "Presentatic

:veryday social life, we:ude of others towarc3nce their attitude to',.

:ging their impressiorsocial validation for thewe want to be and ccsrruction of our own sr

ife, we cannot be jus:

Physical characteristicssexual characteristics.are difficult, althoughconceal. The clothes:laces we can affordpresentations of selvewhom we encounterknowledge of us, eitheself that we present rcmally consistent with '

hope to avoid being cc

we influence the self rieveryday social life anc

different situations, ourion has definite limits

Contemporary ccrpanded our freedom ,

ating new realms of :

construction. In thisexplores how the prrspace both resemblersentation of self in e

observed online char