Gettin a Raise-Organizaing Worker in a Industrializing Hospital

8/22/2019 Gettin a Raise-Organizaing Worker in a Industrializing Hospital

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Getting a Raise: Organizing Workers in an Industrializing Hospital

Author(s): E. Paul Durrenberger and Suzan EremReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 53, No. 1 (Spring, 1997), pp. 31-46Published by: University of New MexicoStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3631114 .

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GETTINGA RAISE: ORGANIZINGWORKERSIN ANINDUSTRIALIZINGHOSPITAL'E.PaulDurrenberger

DepartmentfAnthropology,niversityfIowa,owaCity, A52242and

SuzanEremServiceEmployeesnternationalnion,Local 3,Chicago,L60610

Wedevelop practice erspectivehatintegrateshought,ontext, nd actionto under-standtheworkof a unionrepresentatives she triesto change, ather hanreproduce,conditionsor workersn an industrializingnddownsizing ospital. yalternatingurnarratives,uzanErem, heunionrepresentativen the tory, peaksor herselfopresentan insideviewofmotives, esponses,ndreactions,whilePaulDurrenberger,n anthro-pologist, rovides n outsideobservationalndanalytical erspective.ONTHEWAYo theairport wasrantingo Paulagainaboutmy strugglesat oneof the hospitalswhereI amthe unionrepresentative."They're sking, Can ometwitty ittlegirlsitting n a managementmeet-ing do morethanwe can?'"I said half n desperation.'dbeentrying o gainthe trust of the engineers.Paulstartedscribblingn his notebookagain.Iknew the maintenance ngineerswere dissatisfiedwith the unionfrom thetime I had taken over as theirrepresentative.At the meetingto ratify heircontract, hey askeda few questions,stuffed heirballots nto the box, andstormedout.Eventhough he engineershadreceivedbigger ncreases n thiscontract han most of the otherjob classes, they were angrybecausetheywere stilllumpednto the samebargainingnitas thejanitors,whotheythinkdragdown heirwages.I hada feelingI wasgoingto takethe heatfor all theburned-outepsand ousycontracts hat hadcome beforeme.I knewI was rightwhenI invitedall unionmembers o meet with me ontheir breaktime, during heir lunchperiod,or before or after their shifts.Itackeda unionposteronthe bulletinboardoutside he meetingroom hat themanagementof the hospital,operatedby a nonprofitorganization, ad as-signedme.Onthe tableIputchartsofwageprogressionsor eachcategoryofworker,bumper tickers,unionbuttons,and iterature.Workers eginto driftin oneby one, somestayinga fewminutes,otherslonger.Paulwas sittingatthe endof the tabletakingnotes.The engineerscamein as a group,all butone newone, in theirgreenuni-forms.Anolderone namedGregorybegan o outline he problems:I knowyoucan'tchangeanythingbecausewe signedthe contract.Lotsof things worry us. Pay is inadequate. We don't just do maintenance

(Journal fAnthropologicalesearch,ol.53, 1997)31

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32 JOURNAL FANTHROPOLOGICALESEARCHwork.A to Z.They give youa time,theyneed thejobdonenow. ... Wecan't change that, but we can change conditions. . . . We do a lot ofprofessionalworkwe don'tget recognizedor. ... Theysaid f we'dgetrid of the union,we'dgain.

A youngeruniformedmaintenanceworkersaid:Whyhavea union feverytimewe go upstairs heysay"nomoney"andwe comedownhere andhearthe samething?

The men complainedhat while they are classifiedas "maintenanceme-chanics,"hey do specialized, killed worksuchas layingpipeforplumbingandrunningwire forelectricity. n anotherunionthey wouldhavereceived"apprenticeships"nd"journeyman"tatus to recognizetheir education nthese skills. Ourunionoffersnone of that,andtheyfelt that onereasonman-agement efused orecognize heirskillswasthat heydidn'twear hose titles.Theytoldme howinprotest heyhadboycottedhe management'solidaydinnerbecausethey found he turkeysandwiches t offered nsulting.Theyhadboycottedovertimeworkbecausemanagementwasdemandingheydoitbyflexing heirschedules nsteadofpayingovertimeas thecontract emands.Theyhadevenpetitionedhe presidentofthe hospital ndhadwona meetingwithmanagement;hey had aidout theirdiscontents;hey had heardprom-ises. Theyalso toldme they'dfiledformalgrievances,butnothinghadhap-penedwiththem.Nothinghadchanged.These workerswere engagingn classicunorganized ork-site actics-inlegalterms,"concertedctivity."Management asrespondingustas it wouldto avoida unionat anunorganizedlacebysaying,"Let's alk,we'll isten, et'sresolve it,"then sittingbackandwaiting, ettingtimepass.Re-creatinghatorganizationverytime s suchastrugglehatonceworkersdo it anddon'twin,they give up.The union,on the otherhand,says "put t in writing."Withacontractwe don'thave to rev workersupeverytime. Wekeepthe organiza-tional structure n placeand offerbackup.The engineerswere operating sthough heydidn'thavea unionat all.When heyfigured uttheywererunninginplace, heydecided heymightas wellgive "thenew union ady" shot.

WHAT IS GOINGON HERE?SuzanErem is the directorof communicationsorServiceEmployeesIn-ternational Union (SEIU) Local 73 in Chicago and a union rep. PaulDurrenbergers an anthropologistndprofessorat the Universityof Iowa.Likethe rest of the labormovement,SEIU s awareofthe decliningnfluenceof organizedabor n the U.S. To provide he basis for new initiatives, heleadershipof the InternationalUnionappointedacommittee andcommissioneda study of its members and leaders.As Erem read the results of the study, she concluded that while the com-



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GETTING RAISE 33mittee hadamasseda largeamountof surveyandfocusgroupdata, t hadnotmade hese datarelevant o the dailyactivitiesofpeopleworkingnthe locals.This situation truckus as a uniqueopportunityo experimentwith newwaysof doinganthropologyo approachome questionsabout nequality ndpower,insideand outsidevoices, and academicandpractical nthropology.Weresolved o embark n a collaborativetudy.Eremwouldprovide heday-to-day nsiderview by keepingdetailedrecordsof eventsandconversations.Durrenbergerwouldprovide he outsiderview by ethnographicbservationandinterviewing.We laterexpandedhe scopeof the studyto includeotherreps,work-site eaders(unionstewards),and othermembers.We extendedthe scope of employers o industrialworksites as well as hospitals.Eremmovedamongthe roles of informant, articipant,nd coworker orwritingandanalysis.Durrenberger bserved,questioned, nterviewed,and workedwith Erem on writing,analysis,andorganizinghe study.As we startedto experimentwith variousformulations f what we hadlearned,Suzanremonstrated gainst he drynessof formulaic edanticwrit-ing:the stock and trade of academicanthropology.We determinedo try tobreaksome of the formulae ndto shift fromour earlier ndefinitehird-per-son formulationso first-person arratives.Paul: The main ssue I was thinkingaboutwas howwe couldmakeany-thingaboutanthropologyelevant o the problemof, as Suzanputit, gettingpeopleto see the unionas an organizationf themselvesso they can runit,insteadof seeing it as an insurance ompanywith the rep as an agentwhocomes in to fix thingswheneverthere'strouble.A secondaryssue that be-comesmore salient n this essay is thatwhatSuzanwasdoing s anexampleof trying o achievechange hrough verydayactionwithina settingofdiffer-entialpower.The mainpowerSuzanhadavailablewas theabilityofengineersto worktogetheras a unit,to be organized.Theirsolidaritywouldgive herwhatJimScott(1985)calleda weaponof the weak.

Suzan: Unionrepresentativesanmobilize esourceson behalfof ourmem-bership. saw an opportunityo use these resourcesto put somepunchbe-hind he unity he engineerswereshowing. knew I couldcallmeetingswithmanagement,s theyhad,butI couldalso includeworkers romotherpartsofthe hospital. coulduse the limitednumberof labor aws withsome impact.ManagementndIbothknew thatI couldharm hehospital's mage hroughpublicity ampaignelated o anyaspectof the hospital's ervice.AndI woulduse literaturedistributedwithin he hospital o inform ndhelp unify he restof the workforce. till,I knewmanagementouldshut down he entireargu-mentbywaving he signedandratified ontractnmyface andwalkingaway.SOCIALMOVEMENTSAND PRACTICE

Paul: Suzan's struggle to mobilize resources on behalf of the engineers isone example of larger historical processes that social historians see develop-ing in predictableways throughtime. Their currentparadigmcenters on ques-



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34 JOURNALFANTHROPOLOGICALESEARCHtions of availabilityndorganizationf resourcesand statefacilitation r ob-structionof mobilization. arolMueller 1992)reviews howquestionsof theconstruction f meaningand structuralnequalityhavegained ncreasedat-tention.Centrals the analysisof socialcontext,the development ndtrans-formation f meanings,andthe definition f actors embeddedn socialnet-works.The writers in the volume she and AldonMorriseditedargued hatfurthertheorizingrequiredunderstandinghe connectionsbetween socialmovementsandthe disparitiesn the resources andopportunities f socialstructures.Zald(1992)reinforces hese views, and Morris(1992)suggeststhe importance f understandinghose dimensions f cultureandsocialorga-nization hatgenerateand nhibit ollectiveaction.Morrisconcludes hatthekey dimensionsnvolvedeterminations f howsystemsof dominationhospi-talmanagement)nd nfrastructuresfchallenging roups theengineersandtheirunion)are structuredhrough ime andwhom heybenefit.The problemorsocialhistorians, s foranthropologists,s to sort out therolesofaction, deas,andmaterialnterests.Materialnterestsdon't ranslatestraightforwardlyntoguidesforaction. f struggleswereprimarily ymbolic,we couldunderstandhem as contestsbetweenpolitical ropes nsteadofpal-pablehistorical vents(Tarrow 994:119), ndengineerscouldwin theirgoalsby cleverslogansor literaryactionalone.However, heir efforts o datehadproved neffective.Whycouldn'the engineerswin theirdemandsbysheerforceofargument?MacLennan1994:61)calls foranthropologistso studybarriers o participa-tionto show howtheyare erected nspecific ettings,wheretheycamefrom,andhowtheyaffect nvolvementnpoliticalife. This is what CarolineWhite(1987-1988)did in herparticipant-observationtudyof two English actoriesthat led her to ask why workersworkas hard as they do. She found thatworkerscontributedo productionboveandbeyond he demands fmanage-ment, ratherthanengaging n active resistance or sabotage,because eachsuchcooperative ctivitywas also a formof resistance hatshowedupincom-petenceof a superiorandgaineda respitefromthe productionine'spacing.As Whitesays, the reasons workers ry to expand heir control n the workprocessare problematic. he oppositionbetweencapitaland labordoes notexplain he many ormsofresistance,some of themenhancingome ofman-agement's goals, norwhy there is resistanceat one time and not another.Motives,actions,and nterpretationsrecomplexandcontradictory,utWhitemoves the questionfrom one of individual onstruction f meaning o howinequalitys maintained ndhowworkersrespond o it.SuzanandI are studyingdifferential owerin the ethnographicetailsofthe workof a union ocalas it confrontsmanagemento benefit ts members.JamesPeacock 1994:42) uggeststhatanthropologistsavethe responsibil-ity to describe the particularitiesof cultures because nobodyelse does it verymuch or very well and that is what we do best. He argues (Peacock 1994:42)that via ethnography U.S. anthropologists could move toward coordinatingfield studies with larger issues of structure andsystem in America.We agree.



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GETTING RAISE 35Barrett 1984:201-2) dentifiesanemerging ynthesis n anthropologyar-allel to thatof socialmovement heory.Someof the issues it focuses on in-clude: heprocessof theproductionf culture rom he dialectic f the mentalwith the material; hoice,manipulation,ower,contradiction,omplexity; y-namicrather than static analysis;a tolerancefor disorderandopen-endedconceptual chemes;and the explanation f expressionsof inequality.Dorinne K. Knodo(1990:114-225)hopedto abandon he searchfor anArchemedianpoint outside social action and to understandpeople asdecentered,multiple elves who livecontradictoryivesas they strugglewithmeaning.Reviewinghe massive iterature ncontradiction,arrett1984:150)arguesthat we live in a worldof "clutteredontradictions"hat are "at imes

messy, lopsided, oosely integrated, mbiguouslyocated,anddevoidof ulti-mate rational esign."He recognizes hat this viewmaydrive ogicians razyandmake"thephilosophicalairof Frenchrationalismtandon end"but thatit is closer to the character f sociallife thantidy systems. Buthe, like thesocialhistorians,does not echo Knodo'srecommendationhat we focus onindividual uestsformeaning.Rather,we shouldstudydifferentialowerbe-causeit alwayscontains he capacityorimmoralityBarrett1984:151).Weareattractedo thesynthetichinkinghatMacLennan1994)andBarrett(1984, 1996)and the social historiansurge-an anthropologyf practice,asSherryOrtnercalled it (1984)when she suggestedthat the principlesandrelationsamongcultural lements derivefrompeople nterpretingheir situ-ations andactingcoherentlywithintheirinstitutional rders.Thisviewpointfocuses our attentionon agencyandperformance,ndividuals efiningprac-ticeas wellas the limitsgiven bythe past.Otherpeoples'understandingsndmotives constrainanyperson'salternatives.Peopledon't ust act out rulesand normsbut makepragmatichoices to get whatthey value.Whatpeoplewantdependson whatis useful to themin their historical ontexts. Ortnerwonderswhetheranychange s possible feverythings reproducednevery-dayaction.Hence the importancefunderstandinghepractice fpeoplewhoattempt o change hingsrather hanreproducehem,people ike unionorga-nizers andreps.Ortner ees historyandanthropologynifiedn the questionof howsocietyandcultureareproduced ndreproducedhroughhumannter-actionand action.JeanLave 1988)reinforcesOrtner's iew whensheargues hat hearrange-ments of knowledgensidepeoples'heads s indivisible rom he waythe so-cialworld s organized utside heirheads.Tounderstandowordinary eoplecalculate, he askedaboutrelationsbetweenthe mindand he worldandcon-cluded hat t isn'tpossible o makesucha division.Shedeveloped he notionof cognitionas stretchedacross individual istories,futureprojections, on-creteongoing ituations, ndhistorical ndeconomic tructureshroughime.We found this practice point of view congenial because it allowed us to seemotives, actions, and interpretations in complex and shifting relationships(Durrenberger 1990, 1996). Suzan's goal was to change people's minds sothat they would participate in small actions-actions she could interpret to



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36 JOURNAL FANTHROPOLOGICALESEARCHmanagements sufficientlyhreateningo that heywouldrespondo theengi-neers' demands. hecould henrepresent hissuccessto otherworkersas anexample funion trengthwhich heycouldemulate o achieve heirobjectives.We couldsee the relationshipsetweenpersuasion, ction,decisions,andre-sults. We couldthen ask questionsabouthow andwhy efforts o encourageparticipationorked n differentwaysindifferent laces.Ordidnot.

ASYMMETRIESOF POWERLawsand egalpractice tructure elationships etween aborandmanage-ment,to labor'sdistinctdisadvantage, y making t difficult o organizeand

maintain nions Durrenberger992, 1994, 1995,1996;Geoghegan 991).Asforces favorableo management ainedascendancyn legislativeand execu-tive branchesof government,abor aw has redefined he functionof unionsfromorganizingworkers o protecttheir ownrightsagainstmanagementoproviding hat protectiondirectlyby enforcing he provisionsof contracts.Thus the unionsmovedfrombeingprimarily rganizers f workers o beinginsurersof the provisionsof theirparticularontractswithmanagement.Becausegrievanceprocedures re less costlythanstrikes,employerswel-comedthe Taft-Hartley ct of 1947,whichmadecollectivebargaininggree-ments enforceableontracts etweenmanagementndunions.Unionswere torepresentworkersandbe responsibleor theircompliance y seeingto it thatdisputeswere settledby arbitrationather han strikes.The actchanged hefunction f unions romorganizing norganized orkers,mobilizingmembersforbuildingbetterbargainingeverage,andorganizingmembers orpoliticalaction to protectingmembersagainstunfairmanagement ractices.Thus itturnedunions nto vast bureaucracieso handlegrievances DurrenbergerndEremn.d.).JohnSweeneyandthe newlyelected(in 1996)leadership f theAFL-CIO ppear o want to reversethis trend.The AFL-CIOrganized ndfunded he "Union ummer" f 1996,a move to trainanddeployneworganiz-ers. In the pastfouryearsthe Organizingnstitutehasprovided totalof fourhundred eworganizers. hegoalfor1996 s one thousand.Thisdevelopmentmay ndicate hatorganizations takinganincreasinglymportantole.The insurance oleof the unionhas mademembersrelianton unionrepre-sentativesas quasi-lawyers nd,becausethe relationsare indirect,has dis-couragedheiractiveparticipationndetermininghe conditions f theirwork.Disputesettlement,a processthatwas once in the handsof workersviathestrikeorslowdown, asbecomebureaucratized,rofessionalized,ndremovedfrom their awarenessandpurview.For federalworkersandsome others,strikesare forbiddenylaw; orothers,theyare bannedbycontracts.Eveniftheyweren'tunlawfuln onewayoranother, trikeshavebecome neffective.SocialmovementanalystCharlesTilly(1983, 1984,1986b)observed hatalimited number of forms of action are feasible to achieve the interests sharedby the people of any time and place. In Western Europe, the process of stateformationand the expansion of capitalismled to the replacement of old forms



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GETTING RAISE 37ofcontentionuchas shivareesandbread iotswith hedemonstrations,allies,publicmeetings,petitions,strikes, barricades,ndurbannsurrections f thesocial movementsof the eighteenthandnineteenthcenturies(Tilly 1986a,1990). SidneyTarrow(1994) observed that some forms of contentionaremodular-usefulto different ocialactorsagainstdifferentargets.Theyformavocabularyfprotestwhichpeoplecancombine o suit theirneeds.As someof these methodsbecomeconventional,hey lose theirpower,but as theybecome ess risky,morepeopleparticipate. s arepertory fprotest s routin-ized,authorities earnhow to diffuseorrepress t. Thecyclewindsdown,andthe repertoiremaybecomeaninstitutionalizedeatureof politicsas usual.Strikes have been ineffectivesince the 1980s, whenhighunemploymentcreateda largereserve of replacementworkersand administrativenterpre-tations of the NationalLaborRelationsActbeganto support hese replace-ments. Labor eaderTom Balanoff1988:7)explainedwhy.Management p-pearsto bargain,whileproposingwageandbenefitcuts,butactuallys tryingto achieveanimpasseso that it canimplement finaloffer.Ifworkersstrikeover thisoffer, heyarestrikingoverwages,hours,andterms andconditionsofemployment. heyare thusdefinedbylaw as economic trikerswhocanbepermanentlyeplaced,f not fired.Whenreplacementworkersarehired, heunion s displaced, o strikesplayinto the handsof employerswho want tobust unions.As one module n the repertoryof contention,he strike, s rendered nef-fective,another s developed.The International rotherhood f Boilermak-ers, whichrepresentscementworkers,has developed n-plant trategies orworkersto gaincontrolof workplacesromthe inside. The main deais forworkers o stay in a plantandlegallyapplypressurefromthe insideto gainconcessions Balanoff 988:17).As presidentof SEIULocal73, TomBalanoffadvocates his approacho organization.

ORGANIZINGCHANGESuzan: Gregoryand the otherengineersat the hospitalwere displeasedwiththeircontractandfelt they hadbeen ignored.Paul: From he timethe contractwasratified,heyhadmade heirdisplea-sure knownbytheirangrycomportmentowardunionrepsand heirepisodicapproacheso managementor relief of specificcomplaints.WhenSuzan ookoveras repafterthe contractwasratified, ne of hertasks was to strengthenthe union nthe hospital.Sheseized onthe discontentofthe engineersas oneway to do that. If she couldorganize hese workersto attainsome of theirgoals,otherunionmembersmight ee the valueofin-planttrategies orthem-selves andmightbeginto organize heir own workarenasto achieve theirobjectives. This development would then shift Suzan's role from insuranceagent to organizer. Suzan knew that an early model of success was importantfor her credibility with workers and would serve as an example for futureefforts.



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38 JOURNAL FANTHROPOLOGICALESEARCHSuzan:I began o recruitstewardsamong he engineers.With he helpofAngela,the chief steward,I foundMichael,a responsive ndividualwho at-tendedthe training essions.Michael, he steward,and I held a membershipmeetingto heardirectly romthe engineeringdepartmentworkers.ThenIsent a newsletterto the entiremembershipo announce hat we wouldad-dress the engineeringdepartment's ssues at the next labor-managementmeeting,an informal orumused by both sides to discuss concerns.Manyunionshave builtsuchmeetings ntotheircontracts o createa forum beforethe formal,andoftenconfrontational,rievanceprocedure)o raise mattersthatmaynot be clear contractviolations,butwhichmay improve he opera-tions of the workplace ndgive workersopportunitiesorinput.Agreementsmade at these meetingsare not binding,butthey oftenprovideresults thataremutuallybeneficial.Themembersnoticed he newsletterandwere wait-ingto see whatwouldhappen.Paul: Suzanbeginsto use the organizationallementsthat areavailableoher-union stewards, he union'sability o train new stewards, he union'scommunicationsesources to produceand distributea newsletterto mem-bers,andmeetingswithmemberswhentheyare offdutyto clarifygoalsandmethodswithworkers.She uses labor-managementeetingsas arenasforcontinuednegotiationwithmanagement.Suzan:I organized labor-managementeetingbetween the unionstew-ardsandthe hospital'sDirectorof HumanResourcesand othermanagementpersonnel o discussa rangeof issues thathadcomeupinmembershipmeet-ings. Paul was there with his notebook.The new steward romengineeringreada letterinwhichhe outlined he discontentsof his department. he hu-manresourcesdirectoragreedto namean ad hoccommittee o consider heissues. He alsodiscussed he economicexigenciesof the hospital:

All of us aretrying o figureout how to do withthe resourceswe have.How do we payfor t?Ifwe don'tget increasedproductivity-operation-ally, t'snotgood.... We'remakingoughchoices.Therearetrade-offs.

Michael,he steward rom ngineering, hallengedheeconomics fcontractingforgroundskeepersather hanpayingwageworkers irectly.The DirectorofHumanResourcesresponded:I don'tknowwhat the contract ost is. I knowwhatthe employeecostis. Whenan employee s sick or on vacation,who is doing t? There'smore thanmeets the eye in this process.... Every department as tofindwaysto be as productive s possible.We don'thaveunlimited e-sources.

I acknowledged that we would discuss such topics in further meetings.Paul: The ad hoc committee to discuss issues created an arena to continuethe discussion. Meanwhile, though, the Director of Human Resources cited



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GETTING RAISE 39resourcesandproductivity. ikemanyhospitals,his one is in the processofindustrialization.hepresidentof the hospitalhadcirculatedmemorandaon-gratulatinghephysicians ndstaff ora profitable earand orthe introductionof new managementystems, but he added hat to provide or "appropriatewageincreases, ontinue o recruithighly killedprofessionalsndmeet finan-cialobligations.. management as set into motion nitiativeso restructureprograms nd services"whichresulted n fewerpositions.The memo contin-ued that"management illcontinue o meet with alldepartment irectors s[thehospital]mplementshiswork orcereduction ndbeginsrestructuringfprogramso thatwe cancontinue o providequality.. services n a changinghealthcarenvironment ithshrinkingiscal esources."Workersnterpretuchmemosandmessagesto mean: ess resources, ewer obs,somebodys goingtobeout ofwork, omeonewho still has ajobwillhave opickupthe differenceby doingmorework.Farfrombeinga neutral tatementofmanagerialact, hehuman esourcesdirector's epetitivediscussion f resourcesandproductivitycontributedo the conclusion hat there wouldbe fewerpeople doingmoreworkwith less. The Director f HumanResourcess tryinghere to createtheappearancef inevitability, f lackof alternatives, f no choicesto be made.However, hediscontent ftheengineerswassufficienthat nthe ad hoc com-mitteehe provided meansto continue he discussion.

Suzan: A week later,I called the engineeringdepartmento remind hestewardand he workerwhohadraisedmatterswhen I firstmetwith them ofthe ad hoccommitteemeetingthat the human esourcesdirectorhad sched-uled.I was informedhat the engineerswere in a meetingwith the depart-mentheadandsome othermanagement eople.1tookthis as a signthat thehead of the engineeringdepartmentwas trying o amelioratehe situationnorder o move the employeesaway romworking hrough he union.Paul: As hospitals ndustrializenddownsize, hey sometimesattempt oeliminateunionsamong heiremployees.Onewaythehospital oulddiscreditthe unionwould be to actuallydealwith the engineers'discontentsthem-selves, thus making he union irrelevant o the goals andobjectivesof theengineers.Suzan:Thatafternoon, met with the ad hoc committeeof stewards,withJason, he human esourcesdirector,with the headofthe engineering epart-ment,andwithsome othermanagement ersonnel ncluding vicepresident.Jason ramedhe issues as defining killed radeswork,economizing y usingfewercontractors,nd he problem fwork hatwas notgettingdonebecauseof downsizing, specially he changing f filtersin the ventilation ystem.

Paul: Theengineershadmentioned ilterchanging s anexampleofimpor-tantwork hatwasbeingneglectedbecauseof the consolidationfjobs.Chang-ing filters,they said,hadbeen relegated o sucha low priorityn new workrulesthat,in practice,t was neverdone.Suzan: Almost immediately, the head of the engineering departmentand Ibecame embroiled n ananimateddiscussionaboutwho is responsibleforchang-ing filters in the hospital.He said snidely, "Doyou know anythingaboutfilters,



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40 JOURNAL FANTHROPOLOGICALESEARCHMiss?" knewhe wastrying o separateme from he workersoneithersideofme, so I ignored he question. asserted hatwhatI knew was thattheywerenotbeingchangedrequently nough,andI alluded o myabilityo invoke heOccupationalafetyandHealthAct(OSHA) ndbringnits agents ora federalinspection.The vicepresident skedwhytheengineerswerejustnowbringingthe issue forward. heydidn't nswer, o I offeredhatthis was not theappro-priate orum or thisdiscussion.Paul:Suzanknew whatthe engineershadreported bout ilters.The headofengineeringried o use hispresumedechnologicalxpertise,as well as animplicit eference o genderedknowledge fengineering opics, nanattemptto silenceSuzanon the issue of filters. She counteredwithher ability o in-volve a federalagency.Thevicepresident, ecognizinghegravityof theprob-lem,wonderedwhythe engineershadnot mentioned t earlier.Suzandefersthatdiscussion orreasonsthat willbecomeapparentater.Suzan: The next issue waspay.Gregory,he olderengineersaid:

You'vegot goodguysherewho dogoodwork.You ike theirwork. Man-agementpeoplenoddedandmade humbsupsigns.]Givethema dollarmorean hour. It won't break the bank.It's only,what?Twenty-five,thirtyguys?Ijoinedin:

You'vegotpeopleyouknowand rusthere. AndI know he unioncouldhave done a betterjobin the pastkeepingupwiththese guys' issues,butin the lastfewmonthsI'vegottento knowa lot of them. I'vegot tosay, in all the worksites I've ever repped,I've never seen such lowmorale.EverydayI talk o adifferent uywhosays,"Eh,whocares,I'mlooking orsomething lse, I'mgettingout of here." .. You olkshavebeencoasting oolongon the loyaltyof theseguys.You're oing o startlosingthem,andthenit'll be too late.

I toldthe managementeamthatthese workerswere notmaking heprevail-ingwageforChicago.The vicepresident nterruptedndasked,"ForChicagohospitals?"nd I said,"That's ight."The seniorengineer,Gregory,nterjected:Allyou'regonnaget for these wages is drugaddictsandsuch. You'renot going to get good skilled workers like us .... I just want you toknow,I've been here twenty-oneyears.I put my kidsthroughcollegeworkinghere andanotherobto do it. Thisplace s likemyhome.I lovethepeopleIworkwith.But I'mold.I'mretiringn three orfourmonths.It's too late for me. I'm telling you all this for the young people. Theydeserve better. It's not so much-$1 an hour-but it's something, it'sgoing to help, andthey'll know you appreciatethem andyou want them



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GETTING RAISE 41to stay.Yougot to do this.They'regoodpeopleand hey give you goodwork.I'mouttahere,butthey'llbe here a longtime, if you give themdecentmoney.Paul: Suzanmentionsthe prevailingwage of other areahospitals o sug-gest that the engineershave moreattractivealternatives.The seniorengi-neer tries to reinforce his by contrastinghimselfandhis colleagues o thedruguserswhomthe hospital ouldexpectto recruitwithinadequatewages.He then bolstershis argumentwith his personal tory.Suzan: The Directorof HumanResourcessaid he'd be able to respondbythe end ofthe month.Later learnedhatthe twostewardshadbeen reluctant

to pressthe pointabout ilters nfrontof the vice presidentbecause heyhadraised t repeatedlywith theirdepartment ead-the manacross the table-whohad assuredthemthat he wouldremedythe matter.Fearinghis futureretaliation,heydidnot want o riskembarrassingim nfrontofhis superior.This verifiedmy fears thatmanagement adattempted o maneuveraroundme again.CONCLUSIONS

Suzan:Afewweeks later, he HumanResourcesDepartmentf thehospi-talagreed o a $1.25raisefor most ofthe engineersanda smallerone for theothers.There s nowayto tellwhatswayedmanagement-whethertwas theargument hat they mightlose their engineersto better-paying mployers,the threatof badpublicity rOSHAnvestigation funchangedilters,orfeel-ingsofsympathy vokedbytheseniorengineer's loquence. nanyevent,wewon,though am not confidenthatthere is anycause-and-effectelationshipbetween ourcombined ctivitiesandthe responseby management.n envi-ronments ess friendly o unions-this one is relatively riendly-we wouldhave hadto doproportionately ore,and n the end we maystillhavehadtowait until he contractwasopenfornegotiationo tryto gainanythingortheengineers.There'sa lot ofguesswork nwhatwe do.I continue o recruitand rain tewardsand o urgemembers o take collec-tive actions o defineandresolve their ownworkplace roblems hrough hestructureofthe stewards hat the unionprovides.Theproblems how to getpeopleto see the unionas an organizationf themselveso thatthey runit,instead of seeing it as an insurancecompany-so they participaten it andbecomepartof the problem olving,instead of reachingout to an externalagencyand aying"solve heseproblems." hepoint stodevelop heiragency.Oncethey dothat,I've workedmyselfout of a job.Paul: Law defines the positionsof unionsandemployers, he salience ofcontracts, ndgrievanceprocedures.Tochange hese limits o action equirespoliticalpower which unions now lack.Unions can,however, use the resourcesavailable,amongthem, the discontents of workers as their companiesdownsizeandconsolidatemore workin the handsof fewer people. The workers feel these



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42 JOURNAL FANTHROPOLOGICALESEARCHchanges ntheirdaily ives,changes hatmake he rhetoric fproductivityndresourcesringhollow n their ears.The unioncanorganizeworkers n theirworkplaceso pursue heirowngoals,as Suzandidwiththe engineers.Thechiefavenueavailableorchange s inthe union tself,andthat s whatSuzanhasbeen trying o effectamong he members.Hertask is not to con-vince-but to show-members thattheycanachieve heirobjectives hroughworking ogetherviathe union n a versionof the in-plant trategy.Against hisapproachreorderedallofthe established hetoricsandmeth-odsofmanagement.Department eads canco-opt ssues bypromising ctionandestablishing ituations n whichworkerscannoteffectivelychallenge n-action.Managementan intimidateworkerswhotryto organizealternativesor to engagein individual r concertedaction.Finally,managementan cre-ate anatmosphere f insecuritybyrhetoricsandpracticesof downsizing ndlayoffs, o whichthe unioncanonly respondwithan ineffectivequasi-legalprocedure f grievancehandling.Bothorganizationnddisorganizationpiral. f unionsareineffective,heylose membershipndresourcesandbecomeeven less effective. fthey orga-nize more workersandbecome moreeffective, hey havegreaterresourcesfor such initiativesas lawsuitsandlegislativeactionandcanbe even moreeffective.Thus some in management,hosewhoopposeorganizedabor,useevery availablemeans to thwartunionsthat are organized r preventthemfrombecomingorganized.Suzan: Some unionmembershavebegunto see that their collectiveef-forts can makea differencen the qualityof theirwork situations.At anotherhospital,unionmemberswho riskedpassingpetitions o protesttheirsuper-visors have received immediateresponses.Oftenmanagement eacts firstwithhostility,but nalmosteverycaseit hasmet withthe membersand akenaction o change he supervisor's ehavior.Twosupervisorsweredischarged.Inthepast, attemptsbythe repto intervene,orbythe stewards o filegriev-ances,have had little or no influenceover these types of situations,andsu-pervisorshave continued o act withimpunity.At thathospital,petitionsnowspringupspontaneously mong he members.Membershave added he peti-tionto theirrepertory f contention.As we were discussing hese questions, told Paul:

We're eachingworkersnewtactics.They're mployinghemand hey'rewinning.[A steward] s an example.She had to internalize his. Shecameto the conclusion hatpetitionswere workingbetter thangriev-ances. So there'llbe a change here.

Theengineerswon araise,andIcredit heirsuccess to theirowncollectiveactioncombinedwithmy abilityas a unionrepto maintain ressureandmakethe collective ctionmoreeffective han ftheyhadbeenactingalone, opresenta credible hreatof involving utsideagenciessuch as OSHA,andto commu-nicatewith members n otherdepartments t the samehospital.



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GETTING RAISE 43Paul: We startedwith the questionof whethera unionrepcanaccomplishmore than the engineers working ogether,but we discovered hata morerelevantquestion s howmemberscan mosteffectively ervetheirown inter-ests through he union.To the firstquestion, he answer s a qualified yes";the repcanaccomplishmore,if for no other reasonthanbeingmoreconsis-tent anddemandingn gettingmanagemento deliveron its promises.How-ever, the rep'seffectiveness ncreaseswith the activityandresourcesof therest of the unionand its membership.The rep canhelpworkersorganizeacontinuous n-plant trategyto handleproblemsbeforethey becomegriev-ances. Whether he organizationf workers hat wouldmakethis a meansofhandlingworkproblemswillbe effective n the longtermremains o be seen.As Michael,he newstewardSuzanhadrecruited, aid nan interviewwithme several months ater:

If the unioncan be true to their word,to theirpurpose, hey can winbackthe people.Oncethey winthe confidenceof the people,they cando whateverthey want to. They can influencepoliticsand economicsand the way Congress is run.... Once they get to trust the union lead-ership, he peoplewillgo withthem.... Showyouarefighting ortheunionmembership."Bygrievances?" asked."Thingsike that,notjust that,the generalcondi-tion of the workingplace,"he answered.To conclude,we see a dynamicnterweavingfchangingmindsandactions.Smallactionsmake forslightlydifferent utlooksanddaily ives thatlaythegroundworkor morechanges.This is the centraldimensionof the in-plantstrategies,andwe think heycan be effective.Whatwouldbe missingwithoutthe union s the abilityo bringresources uchas newslettersandmeetings obearon issues andthe organizationalontinuity.What his case contributesoanthropologys an exampleof thatprocessat work,an exampleof whatJeanLave(1988)calledcognitionn practice. t is this approachhat MiriamWells(1996)uses so successfully o show how economicandpolitical ystems inCalifornialuidly volvetogether,as individualsf socialclasseswithheteroge-neousworldviews,enerated y ocaldifferencesnsociopoliticalndwork truc-tures,engageandchallengehesesystems byabiding yorresisting heireco-nomicroles andby confrontingheirlegalstatusesin courts andworksites.Politicsdefines he legitimateermsfor therelations fproduction,ndpeopleacting ocally eciprocallyhape he structures round hem.Because of the academiccontext of "merit" aises, continualgradingofstudents,andbeing gradedby deans anddepartmenthairs,anthropologistsat universitiesare saturatedwith the ideologyof meritocraticndividualismwhichKatherineNewman 1988,1993)describes n herstudiesofdownwardmobility. Ourworkplace ideology explains things in terms of individualquali-ties rather than overarching structures. To move away from models of cul-tures as deterministic blueprints for unreflective action, we have sometimes



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44 JOURNAL FANTHROPOLOGICALESEARCHprojected he meritocraticndividualistdeologyof ouracademy o developindividual-centeredccounts DurrenbergerndPRilsson996).

The practiceperspectiveallowsus to see engineers n action--construct-inginterpretationsf insultor intimidation; aking hoices to followSuzan'ssuggestionsornot.Ourstoryfocuses on neitherof these,butonthe contextthat shapestheir alternativesand their experimentsat usingthe availablemeans to achievetheirgoals.We see Suzandoingthe samething,tryingtoenlarge he rangeofavailablemeansandcreatenew ones. Inthe processshestrives to organize orlongerterm andmore collectivegoals.Thepracticepointof viewkeepsus focusedon those dimensions fpowerthatprovideopportunitiesnd frustrate hem.It keeps ourattentionon themotives of actors, how they understand heir situations,the constraints,whether hey understandhem or not,andhowtheirresponsesmake differ-ences. Or do not. Thus our ethnography oes not get distracted o descrip-tions of individualdentity,constructionof narratives,symbolicforms,oragency,andwe canattempt hegoalwe statedearlierofdeveloping n anthro-pology hatcanspeakto questionsof inequality ndpower n a practicalway.

EPILOGUESuzan: A few daysafterI got wordabout he raises forthe engineers,astewardcalledaboutgrievances."Tomorrow e'llbe backon the groundandforgetto filethe grievances. don't hinkhe knowshow to file one but won'tadmit t,"I toldPaul.A membercalled o enlistme in a fightagainsthis dis-chargebecausehe'd cometo workdrunk. toldhim I didn't areif he were asaint, fhe cameto workdrunk,he'dbe fired, irsttime,everytime.I toldhimif he hada drinkingproblemand wanted o get treatment, couldpleadhiscase,butthey didn'thave to listen.To be sure thatthe messageabout he raises hadbeenspread, alsospoke

with one of the engineeringdepartmentmembers,a painterwho was verycynicalwhenI first met him.Afterexplaininghe rules and whohadgottenwhatraises,I said,"Youguys shouldbe proudofyourselves."He said:You, oo,Hon.Wecouldn't avedone it withoutyou.Whensome of theguyswerecomplaininghatonegotthis muchand he othergotthatmuch,I toldthem,"Hey, hisis a victory.Twoyearsyouguyshavebeenwhin-ingabout his,andnothing." ut,I gotta ellyou,whenI cameoutof thatfirstgrievancemeetingwithyou..., I knewit, I went to theguysandIsaid, "Thisgirl. .. ." andthey said,"She'sjust. .. ."andI said, "No,she'snot.She wasintherepunchingt outforme. She'sdifferent. he'snot ikeallthoseonesthatcamebefore, ellingyouguysouteverytime. Givehera chance."I told them, "Give her a chance." Andyou did it.

In telling this story, or doing this work, I don't have a vested interest indeveloping a fanclub.My bigger concern is that these workers give too much



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GETTINGRAISE 45credit to some outside force, "the union,"and not enough to themselves andtheir willingness to work with each other and with me. I've been and oftenstill am on the end that fails-and that gets blamed--when they think thatway, so I have to take the opportunitywhen I can to put the responsibility onthem. Blamingthe victim is such a pervasive outlook that it is easy for victimsto do it themselves without analyzing the power of the organized inequalitythey are up against. Part of the union's job is to prevent that.I answered, "Well,we all did it. I guess we don't make such a bad team,huh?"

NOTE1. We thankTom Balanoff,presidentof ServiceEmployeesInternationalUnionLocal73 of Chicago,orhis support f thisproject.Wealso thank hose membersandworkerswhosestorieswe tell andthe invisibleotherswhose storiesthey echo.Thefieldwork ponwhichthis essay is based was carriedout in 1995 and1996. We alsothankourdiligentcolleagueswho read the paper or the JournalofAnthropologicalResearch,speciallyLouiseLamphere,nd he Editor,allofwhomhelped o make hepapermuchbetter than t otherwisecouldhave been.

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46 JOURNALFANTHROPOLOGICALESEARCHLave,J., 1988,Cognitionn Practice:Mind,Mathematics,nd Culturen EverydayLife.Cambridge, ng.:Cambridge niversityPress.MacLennan,C., 1994,DemocraticParticipation: View fromAnthropology. p.51-74inDiagnosing merica: nthropologyndPublicEngagemented.byS.Forman).Ann Arbor:Universityof MichiganPress.Morris,A.D., 1992,PoliticalConsciousnessandCollectiveAction.Pp.351-73 inFrontiersn SocialMovementTheory ed.byA.D.MorrisandC.McC.Mueller).NewHaven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress.Morris,A.D., andC.McC.Mueller,eds., Frontiers n SocialMovementTheory.New Haven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress.Mueller,C.McC., 992,Building ocialMovementTheory.Pp.3-25 in FrontiersnSocialMovementTheory ed.byA.D.Morris ndC.McC.Mueller).NewHaven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress.Newman,K.S., 1988,Falling romGrace:TheExperience f DownwardMobilitynthe AmericanMiddleClass.New York:The Free Press.Newman,K.S.,1993,DecliningFortunes:The Withering f the AmericanDream.New York:BasicBooks.Ortner,S., 1984,Theory nAnthropologyincethe Sixties.Comparativetudies nSocietyandHistory26(1):126-66.Peacock,J.L.,1994,AmericanCulturalValues:DisordersandChallenges.Pp.23-50 in DiagnosingAmerica:AnthropologyndPublicEngagemented.by S. Forman).AnnArbor:Universityof MichiganPress.Scott,J.C.,1985,Weaponsof the Weak:EverydayForms of PeasantResistance.New Haven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress.Tarrow,S., 1994,Powerin Movement:SocialMovements,CollectiveActionandPolitics.Cambridge, ng.:Cambridge niversityPress.Tilly,C., 1983,SpeakingYourMindwithoutElections,Surveys,or SocialMove-ments. PublicOpinionQuarterly 7:461-78.Tilly,C., 1984,Big Structures,LargeProcesses, Huge Comparisons. ew York:RussellSageFoundation.Tilly,C., 1986a,The ContentiousFrench.Cambridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversityPress.Tilly,C., 1986b,EuropeanViolenceand CollectiveActionsince 1700.Social Re-search53(1):159-84.Tilly,C., 1990,Coercion,Capital,ndEuropean tates,A.D.90-1990.Oxford: asilBlackwell.Wells,M.J.,1996,Strawberry ields:Politics,Class,and Work n California gri-culture. thaca,N.Y.:CornellUniversityPress.White,C., 1987-1988,WhyDo WorkersBother?Paradoxes f Resistance n TwoEnglishFactories.Critique f Anthropology(3):51-68.Zald,M.N.,1992,LookingBackwardo LookForward:Reflections nthe Past andFutureof the ResourceMobilization esearchParadigm. p.325-48 in Frontiers nSocialMovementTheory ed.byA.D.Morris ndC.McC.Mueller).NewHaven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress.

Documents

Gettin a Raise-Organizaing Worker in a Industrializing Hospital