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Gendered Personality Dispositionand Gender Role Attitudes AmongIsraeli StudentsLiat Kulik aa School of Social Work , Bar-Ilan University , IsraelPublished online: 03 Apr 2010.

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The Joumul of Social Psychology, 1999,139(6), 736-747

Gendered Personality Disposition and Gender Role Attitudes

Among Israeli Students

LIAT KULIK School of Social Work

Bar- Ilan University, Israel

ABSTRACT. In a sample of 204 Israeli university students, the author examined the rela- tionship between gendered personality dispositions and 2 aspects of gender role attitudes: occupational sex typing and gender role stereotypes. Evaluations of occupational gender attributes were the least sex typed among participants in the androgynous group. At the same time, contrary to expectations, the participants in the undifferentiated and sex-typed groups had relatively stereotyped perceptions of occupations. However, no relationship was found between gendered personality disposition and stereotyped perceptions of gen- der roles. Regardless of gendered personality disposition, the women, compared with the men, had more liberal attitudes toward gender roles.

RESEARCHERS HAVE SHOWN SUSTAINED INTEREST in explaining the content, process, and consequences of social stereotypes, which play important roles in human judgment. In this connection, gender role stereotypes have been investigated extensively. Deux and Lewis (1984). for example, offered a compo- nential model that distinguishes among four content areas of gender role stereo- types: physical characteristics, personality traits, role behavior, and occupational sex typing.

In the present study, I focused on the last two components of the model of Deux and Lewis (1984) and dealt with the use of gender as a cognitive principle for structuring individual perceptions of reality. Specifically, I examined whether gendered personality disposition influences occupational sex typing and gender role stereotypes. Even though these attitudes are distinct, their combination reflects general perspectives of individual attitudes toward gender roles in the family, society, and the work place.

The author would like to thank Mimi Schneidennan for her editorial assistance.

52900, Ramat-Can, Israel. Address correspondence to Liat Kulik, School of Social Work, Bar-llan UniversiQ,

736

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Kulik 737

Two theories emphasize individual differences in the impact of gendered personality disposition on perceptions of reality: gender schema theory (Bem, 1981b) and self-schema theory (Markus, Crane, Bernstein, & Giladi, 1982). Both theories maintain that measuring self-endorsement of masculine and feminine traits taps a more general tendency to process gender-related information and, therefore, to view the world in more distinctive ways. The theories differ, how- ever, in their definitions of schematic and aschemtic individuals. Schematic individuals are characterized as strongly inclined to use gender as a basis for organizing and processing information about the self and others, even when there are other dimensions along which the information could have been organized. Bem (1981b, 1985) argued that only sex-typed individuals are schematic, because they characterize themselves as having a large proportion of gender-typ- ical attributes and a small proportion of gender-atypical attributes. Androgynous individuals (i.e., those who characterize themselves as having a large proportion of both masculine and feminine attributes) and undiferentiated individuals (i.e., those who characterize themselves as having a small proportion of both mascu- line and feminine attributes) are aschematic. In contrast to the gender schema theorists, Markus et al. asserted that individuals can be schematic with regard to masculine attributes, feminine attributes, or both. According to the latter defini- tion, androgynous individuals are also schematic, and they possess both mascu- line and feminine attributes, whereas only undifferentiated individuals are aschematic. For the present study, I considered a gender-schematic view of real- ity as one guided by stereotyped perceptions of gender roles and sex-typed per- ceptions of occupations.

On the basis of the two theories just described (Bem, 1981b; Markus et al., 1982), I focused in the present study on gender-related stereotypes among Israeli students. The basic research question was whether gendered personality disposi- tion constitutes a decisive factor in determining gender role stereotypes. Specif- ically, I examined whether sex-typed participants have more schematic (stereo- typed) perceptions of gender roles and a greater tendency toward occupational sex typing than do the androgynous and undifferentiated participants.

Each theoretical approach generates different predictions regarding the research questions. According to Bem’s (198 1 b) gender schema theory, the sex- typed participants are more schematic (i.e., more stereotyped) than those in the androgynous and undifferentiated groups. In contrast, according to Markus’s ( 1 982) self-schema theory, the androgynous and sex-typed participants are schematic, whereas only the undifferentiated participants are aschematic and relatively non- stereotyped in their evaluations of gender roles and occupational sex typing.

Furthermore, I hypothesized that the schematic participants-that is, those who are sex typed according to Bem’s theory or sex typed and androgynous according to Marhs’s theory-would reveal greater internal consistency and coherence in their attitudes toward gender roles and occupational gender attrib- utes than would the aschematic participants.

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738 The Journal of Social Psychology

In addition, I examined the impact of gender on the relevant attitudes. Pre- vious researchers indicated that regardless of gendered personality disposition, women’s attitudes toward gender roles are more liberal than those of men. These views transcend national boundaries (Galin & Dubin, 1991; Kulik, 1995, 1997) and prevail at every stage of the life cycle (Evelo, Jessell, & Beymer, 199 1 ; Flerx, Fidler, & Rogers, 1976; O’Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Stericker & Kurdek, 1982). I hypothesized, therefore, that women’s gender role attitudes would be more lib- eral than those of men, regardless of gendered personality disposition. Another contribution of the current study is its comparison of Bem’s (1981b) gender schema theory with Markus’s (1982) self-schema theory as a basis for examina- tion of occupational sex typing and gender role stereotypes in society and in the family.

Method

Participants

The participants were 204 students (81 men, 123 women; mean age = 24 years, SD = 2.2) attending a university in the central region of Israel. Ninety-five percent were Israeli-born. The distribution by mother’s country of origin was as follows: 43% Israeli, 25% European, 28% Asian-African, and 4% other. I col- lected data during the summer semester of 1996 by using a set of structured ques- tionnaires. The sample consisted of students enrolled in a general course open to all faculties, and the response rate was almost 90%. The questionnaires were administered at the ends of lectures, according to previous arrangement with the lecturer. On average, it took 20 min to complete the questionnaires.

Instruments

Occupational sex typing. The measure of occupational sex typing was based on 27 occupations examined in a previous study (Kulik, 1997). Respondents eval- uated gender-related stereotypes (e.g., femininity or masculinity) of occupations in a list compiled by the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (1983). The list included occupations defined as masculine, feminine, and gender neutral (9 of each type) on the basis of the criteria of Izraeli and Gaier (1979),’ who investi- gated the occupational structure of Israeli society. In every occupational cate-

‘Their definition was based on representation of the sexes in the work force in a given year. According to the 1997 data, feminine occupations are those in which the representa- tion of women is greater than 55%; masculine occupations are those in which the repre- sentation of women is less than 35%; and gender-neutral occupations are those in which the proportion of women ranges from 35% to 55%. For a more detailed description of the strategy for calculating the aforementioned cutoff points, see Izraeli and Gaier (1979).

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gory, three levels of prestige were presented: High-prestige occupations (e.g., judge, physician) were defined as those requiring academic education; medium- prestige occupations (e.g., optician, technician) were those requiring high school education and vocational training; and tow-prestige occupations (e.g., weaver, operator of mechanical equipment) were those requiring training spe- cific to the job, usually no more than elementary school education, and training in basic skills. Each occupation was presented in both the feminine and mascu- line form (e.g., femalehale nurse; femalehale engineer). The respondents evaluated the gender attributes of each occupation on a 7-point bipolar scale, where the endpoints masculine and feminine appeared on the questionnaire without a numerical scale. I chose this form of presentation to prevent biased gender evaluations of the occupations. In the coding phase, numerical values were calculated from 1 (masculine) to 7 (feminine). The following occupations appeared on the list:*

Female-dominant occupations were preschool teacher (98.8%), hotel-room cleaning person (78.5%), office clerk (70.6%), social worker (83.9%), psycholo- gist (73.9%), accountant (58.2%), registered nurse (89.8%), waiter (58.3%), and occupational therapist (88.8%).

Male-dominant occupations were ship captain (0.7%), physicist ( 12.7%), judge (21.1 %), operator of heavy mechanical equipment (8.7%), aeronautical engineer ( I .4%), treasurer (25.0%), bus driver (1.7%). machine technician (18.9%). and jail warden (6.1%).

Gender-neutral occupations were weaver (37.6%), chemist (36.1 %), archi- tect (36.5). insurance agent (36.5%), tour guide (42.6%), writer (39.9%). dentist (36.1%), agricultural worker specializing in poultry (41.6%), and optician (36%).

The occupations in the questionnaire were presented in mixed order rather than according to the aforementioned categories. For each category, one score for each participant was derived by calculating the mean of the nine occupational evaluations.

Perception of gender roles. The questionnaire included 12 statements related to attitudes toward gender roles in the family and society. The items were derived from previous questionnaires examining gender role attitudes (Katz, 1980; Kulik, 1994; Singleton & Christiansen, 1977). The participants responded to each state- ment on a scale ranging from 1 (disagree) to 5 (agree). Six of the statements rep- resented domestic (henceforth, in-home) roles-for example, “The main role of a woman is to be a wife and mother”; “When children are sick, it is the mother’s responsibility to stay home and take care of them”; and “Men are incapable of performing household chores as well as women.” The other six statements rep-

%e figures in parentheses represent the percentages of women in those occupations in Israel (Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, 1983).

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140 The Journal of Social PsycholoRy

resented roles outside of the home (henceforth out-of-home roles)-for example, “The man must always be the principal breadwinner in a family” and “It is not appropriate for a man to work under the supervision of women.” Four of the statements were presented in reverse order and recorded in the coding phase. I obtained one score for each type of gender role attitude (i.e., in-home roles and out-of-home roles) by calculating the means of the 6 items. The higher the score, the more traditional the attitude toward gender roles. Cronbach’s alpha values for the measure were .68 for in-home roles and .69 for out-of-home roles.

Cendered personality disposition. I measured gendered personality disposition by using the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI; 1981a), a paper-and-pencil self- report instrument that requires respondents to indicate on a 7-point scale how well 60 attributes describe them. Twenty of the attributes reflect cultural defini- tions of masculinity (e.g., assertive, independent), 20 reflect cultural definitions of femininity (e.g., compassionate, understanding), and 20 are gender neutral (e.g., sincere, friendly). In the present study, I used Azgad’s (1984) Hebrew trans- lation of the BSRI. I administered two versions of the Hebrew questionnaire- one in the feminine form and one in the masculine form3-to participants accord- ing to gender (Bern, 1981a).

Each respondent received both a masculinity score and a femininity score based on a median split (Bem, 1981a). As suggested by Spence (1984), this method does not imply absolute meaning for the different labels but, rather, reveals relative differences between groups and provides a conventional heuris- tic for comparing groups.

In the first classification stage, I identified four groups. Androgynous par- ticipants were those who scored above the median on both feminine and mascu- line characteristics. The men who scored above the median on the masculinity scale and below the median on the femininity scale were classified as masculine (i.e,, sex-typed men); the women who scored above the median on the feminini- ty scale and below the median on the masculinity scale were characterized as feminine (i.e., sex-typed women). I then combined responses from both cate- gories into one overall group of sex-typed respondents.

I classified the participants as undifferentiated if they scored below the medi- an on both the masculinity and femininity scales. I defined as cmss-sex-ryped those who revealed the pattern typical for the opposite sex (e.g., women with high scores on the masculinity scale and men with high scores on the femininity scale). Because the number of cross-sex-typed participants, especially men (only 4) was very small, I combined the cross-sex-typed and the sex-typed participants into one group in line with the procedure used by Frable and Bem (1985).

)Because there is no neutral form in the Hebrew language, the adjectives were presented either in the masculine form or in the feminine form.

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Results

I classified the participants into research groups according to gendered per- sonality disposition. On the basis of this classification, I obtained the folIowing distribution in each personality disposition group for men and women, respec- tively: sex-typed, 31.4% and 68.6%; androgynous, 45.5% and 54.5%; and undif- ferentiated, 45.2% and 54.8%.

Occupational Sex Typing

I conducted a 2 (gender) x 3 (gendered personality disposition) multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA), which revealed a significant effect for gendered personality disposition across the three occupational categories, F(2, 201) = 4.43, p < .01. Separate analyses of variance also revealed significant differences in each of the three occupational categories (see Table 1).

A Scheffk post hoc hypothesis test revealed that the main differences in the female-dominant occupations were between androgynous and sex-typed partici- pants as well as between androgynous and undifferentiated participants. The androgynous participants evaluated female-dominant occupations as less femi- nine (i.e., closer to the midpoint 4) than did the other groups. Moreover, the Scheff6 analysis revealed that for male-dominant occupations, the androgynous group differed significantly from the sex-typed and undifferentiated groups. The androgynous participants evaluated the male-dominant occupations as less mas- culine (i.e., as closer to midpoint 4, or more unisex) than did the androgynous and undifferentiated participants. Moreover, for the gender-neutral occupations, as for other two occupational categories, the evaluations of the androgynous partic- ipants were more unisex (i.e., closer to midpoint 4) than were those of the par- ticipants in the other groups.

I found no significant effect for gender and no interaction between gender and personality disposition in any of the occupational categories.

Attitudes Toward Gender Roles

A 2 (gender) x 3 (personality disposition) MANOVA revealed gender dif- ferences in attitudes toward gender roles, F(2, 200) = 3.51, p < .01, across the two factors of the variable. A separate analysis of variance for in-home and out- of-home roles revealed significant differences for each of the attitudinal factors (see Table 2). On the whole, the female respondents expressed less stereotyped perceptions of in-home and out-of-home roles than did the male respondents. Thus, the women’s gender role evaluations were less traditional than those of the men. No significant effect was found for gendered personality disposition, nor was there an interaction between gender and gendered personality disposition in evaluation of gender roles.

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142 The Journal of Sociul Psychology

TABLE 1 Sex Qping of Occupations, by Gender and Gendered Personality Disposition

Gender Gendered personality disposition

Men Women Sex-typed Androg.a Undiffb Occupation M SD M SD F M SD M SD M SD F

Female

Male

Gender

dominant 4.63 .67 4.83 .63 3.22 4.84 .62 4.51 .65 4.85 .67 4.43*

dominant 3.08 .79 3.04 .63 .74 2.97 .67 3.34 .68 2.94 .68 6.03*

neutral 3.85 .46 3.77 .31 2.72 3.75 .36 3.96 .47 3.78 .26 5.57*

Note. The scale ranged from 1 (mmculine) to 7 (feminine).

*p < .01. aAndrog. = androgynous. bUndiff. = undifferentiated.

TABLE 2 Perceptions of Gender Roles, by Gender and Gendered Personality Disposition

Gender Gendered personality disposition Men Women Sex-typed Androg.' UndifLb

Genderrole M SD M SD F M SD M SD M SD F

ln home 2.10 .70 1.61 5 7 11.13** 1.77 .65 1.78 .71 1.67 .6Y .19 out of

home 2.14 .60 1.60 .46 14.03** 1.80 .57 1.86 .68 1.82 .57 .20

Note. On a scale ranging from I to 5 , higher scores represent more traditional (sex-typed) attitudes. aAndrog. = androgynous. bUndiff. = undifferentiated. **p < .m1.

Correlations Between Gender Role Stereotypes and Occupational Sex Typing

In all three research groups, there were significant correlations between the evaluations of occupational gender attributes (Table 3). The more the female- dominant occupations were evaluated as feminine, the more the male-dominant occupations were evaluated as masculine. Thus, the sex-typed evaluations of occupations were coherent in all three research groups. However, as expected, I found correlations between occupational sex typing and stereotyped perceptions of gender roles only in the sex-typed group: I found a significant correlation between out-of-home gender roles and male-dominant occupations as well as

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TABLE 3 Intercorrelations Among Measures of Gender Role Stereotypes and Occupational

Sex Typing, by Gendered Personality Disposition

Gendered personality dispositiodvariable 1 2 3 4 5

Sex typed (n = 121) 1. Out-of-home roles 2. In-home roles 3. Female-dominant occupations 4. Male-dominant occupations 5. Gender-neutral occupations

Androgynous (n = 41) 1. Out-of-home roles 2. In-home roles 3. Female-dominant occupations 4. Male-dominant occupations 5, Gender-neutral occupations

Undifferentiated (n = 42) 1 . Out-of-home roles 2. In-home roles 3. Female-dominant occupations 4. Male-dominant occupations 5. Gender-neutral occupations

- -.14"

.20* -.28* -. 18*

- .75** .03 . I 1 .15

-

.67*

.19 -.20 -.12

- - . 1 1

-.25* .05

- - . I3 .16 .39*

- - .06 .10 .07

- - -

-.68** -.38*

- - -

-.64** -.54**

- - -

-.75** -.53**

*I, < .01. **p < .001.

female-dominant occupations. The more traditional (and stereotyped) the evalu- ations of out-of-home gender roles were, the more feminine (and stereotyped) the characterizations of female-dominant occupations were, and the more masculine the evaluations of male-dominant and gender-neutral occupations were. More- over, a significant correlation was found between perceptions of in-home roles and male-dominant occupations: The more traditional the perceptions of in-home roles were, the more stereotyped the perceptions of male-dominant occupations were. On the whole, the results supported the hypothesis that the sex-typed groups express the most coherent and consistent perceptions of gender role stereotypes, particularly regarding out-of-home roles and occupational gender attributes .

Discussion

In the present study, I examined the impact of gendered personality disposi- tion and gender on occupational sex typing and on perceptions of gender roles. On the whole, the findings indicate that gendered personality disposition affects

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occupational sex typing, whereas gender has the strongest effect on stereotypes of gender roles in the family and society. Neither the gender schema theory (Bem, 1981b) nor the self-schema theory (Markus et al., 1982) was fully sub- stantiated by the present findings. However, in the area of occupational sex typ- ing, the findings were more consistent with Bem’s (1981b) theory. In keeping with Bem’s theory, the androgynous individuals were the least gender schematic in their perceptions of occupational gender attributes-that is, they tended to have more unisex perceptions of occupations when criteria for evaluation were based on gender attributes required for the profession. In contrast, the undiffer- entiated participants were just as schematic (and traditional) in their attitudes as the sex-typed participants-a result that is inconsistent with the predictions of both theoretical approaches. Although both the sex-typed and undifferentiated groups expressed sex-typed attitudes toward occupations, it seems that the ori- gins of those attitudes differ. The participants in the sex-typed group based their evaluations of occupations and gender roles on an existing feminine or masculine personality disposition that had already been clearly formulated. The undifferen- tiated participants, in contrast, had no clear disposition to rely on in their evalu- ations and, therefore, conformed to norms prevailing in their social environ- ment-that is, they evaluated female-dominant occupations as feminine and male-dominant occupations as masculine. According to this rationale, the androgynous group, which identifies with both feminine and masculine attrib- utes, has an independent basis for evaluation. Thus, in accordance with their inte- grated and broad personality dispositions, the androgynous participants’ evalua- tions were more unisex and open-minded than those of the other groups.

Moreover, in keeping with the research hypothesis, the sex-typed partici- pants maintained more consistent perceptions of occupational gender attributes and gender role attitudes than did the rest of the groups. In fact, this was the only group in which a clear relationship was found between occupational sex typing and traditional attitudes toward gender roles.

Gender was found to have the strongest impact on evaluations of in-home and out-of-home roles. Specifically, the female respondents expressed more lib- eral (and less schematic) perspectives of both in-home and out-of-home roles, regardless of personality disposition. These results are encouraging, because pre- vious studies have indicated that the division of out-of-home roles remains seg- regated along gender lines-that is, in most cultures, men are still viewed as the main breadwinners and their occupational status is still higher than that of women (Adler & Izraeli, 1994; Lewis, 1992). Nevertheless, the relatively liberal attitudes of the women in the present study reflect their desire to change their sta- tus and attain a position equal to that of men in the spheres of work and family. Because the burden of maintaining the household still falls squarely on the woman’s shoulders, the liberal attitudes expressed by the women in this study regardless of personality disposition may reflect their desire for a more equitable division of tasks.

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Kulik 745

These findings have special significance in Israeli society, which is family- centered and characterized by definitive gender roles. Analysis of recent trends indicates that even though Israeli women still view themselves as responsible for managing family life, the younger generation is adopting a career perspective of work and making long-term investments in higher education (Izraeli, 1994). Thus, unlike the older generation, which tailored work involvement to the demands of family, young women have begun modifying their family plans to fit their career aspirations (Izraeli, 1992). Therefore, the relatively liberal gender role attitudes expressed by the female university students in this study can be viewed as part of a general shift in family and career priorities.

Another noteworthy finding relates to the androgynous participants, whose attitudes toward occupations were less schematic and more unisex than those of the other groups. This finding is consistent with the results of other studies (Jagacinski, Lebold, & Linden, 1987; Kinney, 1985; Lemkau, 1979), which indi- cate that androgynous individuals tend to choose gender-atypical careers. In sum, the research findings indicate that gendered personality disposition affects occu- pational sex typing but is not related to evaluations of gender roles, which are affected by gender.

The present research findings may have important implications in the con- temporary era, which has witnessed changes in occupational gender roles and increased acceptance of women in gender-atypical fields. This trend is most prevalent among women (Reskin & Ross, 1990) but has been found among men as well, albeit to a lesser extent (Basow, 1986; Sacks, 1987). Moreover, it would be worthwhile for vocational counselors to discourage occupational sex typing and to motivate clients with androgynous personality dispositions and career tendencies to pursue gender-atypical fields. On the micro (individual) level, this trend may help individuals make the best use of their personal aptitudes and vocational inclinations; on the macro (societal) level, this trend may bring ben- efits to the workplace and enable balanced representation of the sexes in differ- ent fields.

At the same time, it should be noted that the research sample was relatively small and that the population of students examined in the present study was gen- erally characterized by liberal gender role attitudes that may not typify other pop- ulations, In addition, because the sample was small, the cross-sex-typed partici- pants could not be analyzed as a separate group. Because the incongruency between their gender and personality disposition may be a source of tension to them, it is recommended that researchers obtain larger cross-sex-typed samples in future studies.

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