45

GENDER ROLES IN OR TRADITION IN KRD OF WESTERN NIGERIA

DWSH,O.O

bnrn r bba o

Kba drs,

bnrn bba

Kba drs,

M jb obnrn.

It is woman that gives birth to the oba

Before the oba becomes an rs (deity)

It is woman that gives birth to the oba

Before the oba becomes an rs (deity)

I will pay homage to womanhood

Abstract

Among the Yorb, Or is believed to be a strictly patriarchal cult, in which women have no voice. However, the role of the Ambas, a female Or guild among the krd of Western Nigeria, sufficiently belies this general belief. Women are very fundamental to the origination, practice and function of Or in krd. On the day of female confinement, there is a clear evidence of re-enactment and psychological fear resulting in masking that go back to the dominant position of women in Or cult. A poetic and ritual symmetry exist between the male cult and the Ambas.

Introduction

krd is a town in Lagos State of Western Nigeria. Like any other Yorb town, the exact date when krd was founded is difficult to establish because the original settlers were non-literate. Oral history, however, has it that the foundation of krd could date back to over fourhundred (400) years. krd is situated by the lagoon, and it is surrounded by thick forest. It is about 25 kilometers from the Lagos mainland. krd is surrounded by many towns: to the southwest is btpakod, Igbogbo is to the West, s and Imta are to the NorthWest while Odgnyn, which is to the North, shares borders with gijo in Ogun State. The Eastern part of krd is headed mostly by the Bal (villageheads) under the Oba

46

of krd. While this area shares its border with forests and river gn, other towns such as pkod, Imta and s share their borders with the seas.

The traditional occupations of the people include farming, fishing and hunting. Today, civilization has brought about various other occupations. krd people like other Yorb, are basically traditionalists. They are deeply religious; worship to them begins, controls and ends all the affairs of life. The krd believe in Oldmar and they worship Him through different deities. krd people have different festivals depending on the number of deities being worshipped. krd town has such festivals as: Osi, Or Mgb, Or Lw, Agm, Or lku, gr or As, gn, s, NmArre, gunnuk, Egngn to mention a few. The most prominent worshiped deities in krd are, Agm and Or.

The Yorb people and communities preserve their identity as groups by handing down orally from one generation to the other, the most vital elements of their verbal culture. The jb people are a major subgroup of the large Yorb nation of the Western Nigeria. They have such festivals as Agm in jbde and its environs (Ogunba 1965). Oks in p, Egngn festival in jbIgb, Yemoj in lnlse (Dagunduro 1982), gb in gbwks and Or festival in Agwy, (Adetowubo, 1977), krd and its environs (Idowu, 1999). Each of the festivals has a distinct oral poetic genre attached to it.

rngb is a term for the traditional oral poetry of krd people, performed during the Or festival to review events good or bad, which ordinarily may not be known to many people. This performance has become an integral part of the culture of the krd people. In spite of the emergence of written literature and contact with the western world, krd people still hold in high esteem their festivals and oral literary genres. This is because the elders in the community continue to transmit their customs, beliefs and expectations of the race to the younger ones through it.

The performance of rngb is attended by male indigenes on sm day (the day of confinement for females). No non-Yorb indigene is allowed to come out. In other words, only Yorb male indigenes are eligible to come out on this day. This highly philosophical verbal art is performed by members of rngb groups which are drawn from particular families like: AdknlAtba (a.k.a Bmbt), Msgbk (a.k.a Ondl), BelloAlsinly, Lawalgndr (Lgumg), rmtn, etc. Its nonsecular function is to accompany the annual Or rituals both in the grove and to the shrines located in places within the town during the festival. The Egbdu singers normally perform these non-secular roles. The secular role comes to life in the hands of the pp groups. They are the ones who create rhythm. The Egbdu and pp groups are found in both the Or Mgb and Or Lw.

X X X X

47

Gender roles are tasks and activities a culture assigns to each sex. One of these tasks is religion, where both male and female have their respective roles to play. Religion which is cultural and universal, consists of beliefs and behaviour concerned with supernatural beings, powers and forces. In Yorb society/culture, females are restricted from actively participating in some of these religious rites/activities. Even in some cases where myths associate women closely with the emergence of some deities, women are still restricted from active participation in their rites. The Or cult for example, is considered a patriarchal religious cult. However, the myth that surround the Or Mgb in krd has it that Mgb was brought into the town from gbland through a barren Abkta woman. She was told by If diviners to bring the deity worshipped in her fathers compound to her husbands home in krd before she could have a child. This she did, and ever since, the deity has been part of the prominent deities in krd. Despite this fact, females are usually confined to their homes during the celebration of Or festivals.

We have asked questions about why females are restricted from Or worship. There has been no valid reason proffered for female subjugation beyond the fear that Or might become a womens affair wn s di Or obinrin; thereby removing the aura of fear around Or. It will appear then that men are tacitly admitting a chauvinistic hijacking or appropriation of what in reality belongs to women.

Another reason for women segregation is the issue of their menstrual cycle. The female menstrual cycle is believed to possess the natural power which destroys the potency of any magical power. The men therefore feel threatened that, if women are given a free access to participate in ritual festivals, the potency of mens magical superiority will be rendered ineffective when they come in contact with the women. This is perhaps part of the mens insistence on the segregation of women during some ritual festivities.

However, there seems to be something paradoxical about the place of women in Or worship and performance in krd. The ritual object of Or itself known as t is kept in the shrine of the Ambas (female Or guild). t is cleansed annually by Basgn a male priest appointed for the women by the male Or cult. We may therefore wonder why the justification for the female confinement despite the fact that the emblem of Or resides among the women in the Ambas shrine. This situation could lead one to think that the issue of females segregation/subjugation is not in doubt.

Oyewumi (1997: xii) does not subscribe to anatomical/biological difference as a basis for gender inequalities among the Yorb as it is in the West; she says:

48

In Western societies, physical bodies are always social bodies.

But she states further of the Yorb case as providing a different scenario:

In pre-colonial Yoruba society, body-type was not the basis of social hierarchy: males and females were not ranked according to anatomic distinction. The social order required a different kind of map, not a gender map that assume biology as the foundation for social ranking.

We can therefore infer from the above that the Or emblem is being kept in womens custody because the Yorb social categories were not based on anatomical differences. Quite often, people talk about Yorb as a strictly patriarchal society; Oyewumi (1997: xii) believes this statement is a serious misconception when applied to y-Yorb. She stresses further:

In fact, my central argument is that there were no women-defined in strictly gendered terms in that society:

In corroborating this assertion, we find among the Yorb that there are some patriarchal cults that are controlled by women1.

In justifying gender study in oral literature, Ilesanmi (1998:11) submits:

We cannot make gender criticism in a vacuum or else we merely parrot what Euro-American critics advertised to the world. Neither is it a sign of true scholarship to remain different without a sound justification.

In the light of this caveat, the foundations of the Yorb society and of krd especially, should faithfully and truthfully be examined to prevent false subscription to genderism. Therefore, we shall now proceed to highlight the role of women in Or tradition which is considered to be a patriarchal cult.

The role of women in Or tradition

The Ambas guild is the female cult of Or in krd. The Ambas exist in both the Or Mgb and Or Lw cults. Their membership is restricted. It is matrilineal and drawn from mothers who are offspring of Or Mgb or Or Lw cult fathers. Hierarchy attainment is by seniority based on position within the hierarchy. These positions are known within the guild.

49

The Ambas are always dressed in white. They tie their wrappers above their burst and gird their waist with a cloth. They adorn their bodies (faces) with fun (white chalk) and rub osn (camwood) on their feet. In Yorb religion, the white chalk is the symbol of rsl or Obtl the god of creation. It therefore stands for both purity and creativity. At the same time, camwood is rubbed on the feet by women who have just had babies. One can therefore say that the Ambas, in terms of their dressing and adornement, represent motherhood and fertility as well. The account of the Ambas which we shall soon give and their role within the Or cult will amply demonstrate that the Ambas are the mothers of the community as they go through their rituals with fear and trembling, a quintessence of gladness and sorrow which is a mothers joy.

The leader of the Ambas guild, Ambasjn believes that, if the Or is worshipped regularly, the members of the guild will always have their needs met. It is therefore necessary to establish a cordial relationship between the Ambas and the Or deity. Hence, the Ambas have regular periods of worship which are weekly, occasional and annual.

The weekly worship takes place every fifth day. At this time, water libation is poured to the deity, and there is breaking of kolanuts for divination. Prayers are also offered for their families, relations and every member of the guild and the town as a whole. The members deliberate on issues concerning the guild and on preparation towards the next annual Or festival. They also pay weekly contribution. This is to solidify their financial base before and during the festival. In other words, they are financially independent and needs no patronage. The occasional worship has to do with those who consult the Ambas for spiritual assistance. The worship period for such people is irregular. They come for worship and sacrifice with materials such as kolanuts, fowls, pigeons, rams, etc. The annual worship, comes up on the eve of the sm day. The following are the items of worship at that time: yam tubers, guineafowls, plenty of kolanut, spirits, ram, etc.

Early in the morning of the eve of sm, every member of the Ambas guild except the Ambasjn goes to river Ota2 to fetch water with a pot called tn3. The women also pluck wr leaves. The wr leaf is symbolic of peace. The Ambasjn stays at the shrine praying for their successful return. It is a taboo for any of the members to stumble on her way to the river. They file in a single line to the river singing specific songs. According to my informant who is a song leader, the song is not cheerful nor for entertainment. This is because of the fear of uncertainty about what may happen before or when they get to the river. One of such songs is:

ry o,

rye o

Oldun j,

50

Oldun j o,

Oldun j tt m gbre 5

gnmp4 ma i pdn j l sro o.

May we carry the tn (pot) without stumbling

May we carry the tn (pot) without stumbling

We have gathered for the annual festival

We have gathered for the annual festival

We have all gathered for the annual festival, 5

may our sacrifices be acceptable

The groundhorn bill does not miss the yearly ritual.

The song above has an element of incantation in it. The chorus leader is praying that the women may go for the annual water fetching and return successfully without stumbling. One may wonder why they sing such a cheerless song. No woman goes to child labour with smiles on her face. If things turn awry, she can loose her life, the baby or both. None of these women must strike her feet against anything nor stumble on the way to and back from the river. They are therefore, extracareful in their footsteps and carriage to avoid the unexpected. Their minds, respectively, are set on this great task as they must not fail themselves, the guild and the community as a whole, thereby bringing calamity on the people.

The Ambas on their way home, with the water in the tn on their heads and Wr leaves in their hands, sing, dancing joyfully back to their shrine. The song is:

Mo jw i wr o

K r m, k rm o

K r mi,

Mo jw i wr o

r ff o, 5

R m solkb o.

Mo jw i wr o

51

K r mi,

K r m, k rm o

Mo jw i wr o 10

I have plucked wr leaves

May peace be mine, peace must be my childrens

May peace be mine

I have plucked wr leaves

Ceaseless fear 5

Is the portion of the tale bearer

I have plucked wr leaves

May peace be mine.

May peace be mine, may peace be my childrens

I have plucked wr leaves 10

The singer is announcing with all conviction her successful journey to the river without stumbling. She is therefore praying for peace for herself and for her children, (lines 2 3/ 8 9). This is in line with the womanist stand that motherhood is central to an African woman. She also believes in openmindedness with every one. That her thought towards mankind is fair enough. So she needs not be afraid. Uneasiness then becomes the portion of a talebearer (lines 5 and 6). If we take a second look at the concept of Or worship, it is meant for everyone within krd and its environs. Since these womens worship is towards Or, everyone in the community automatically becomes their child. We can therefore, say that, the Ambas are praying for the society. They are the mothers, seeking for their childrens peaceful lives.

However, when the Ambas reach the arena in front of their shrine, they change the song from Mo jw i wr to:

Ll: Mo yn F, mo b F o

gb: f ure

Ll: Mo yn F, mo b F o

52

gb: f ure

Soloist: Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus: My journey to If has been successful

Soloist: Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus: My journey to If has been successful

These women are rejoicing for overcoming all the spiritual and physical risks that have attended their journey to Ota river. They have successfully gone to fetch the water for purification and plucked Wr leaves which is to bring peace to the community. On their return from the river, they all line up in a single file, while Ambasjn prayerfully collects the tn with the water from them one after the other, and takes them into the shrine.

At this point, the Als (head of male Or cult), the jn (the one who leads the Or as he goes in his ritual through the town) and the Basgn (who is the priest assigned to the Ambas guild) enter the female shrine to make sacrifices and necessary rituals before t (emblem of Or). They pray for the community and the Ambas also. Both Als and jn return to the male cult except Basgn (the only man within the Ambas guild)who stays behind with the women. Basgn, uses the water from river Ota to wash t (emblem of Or), cleanses the environment and performs the necessary rituals and sacrifices. There is a saying that:

Ota k ssn

Kokooko lara ta le!

Ota does not fall sick

Otas body is always very strong!

Ota also means rock and it is symbolic of strength and longevity.

We can therefore say, that the fetching of water from river Ota for the cleansing of t is to make Or virile, strong and healthy all through the year. The goal of this ritual is that as Or goes through the town during the festival, these qualities of strength, virility and longevity will be transferred to the people and at the same time, the wr leaf will ensure peace within the community. The virility, strength, longevity, healthy living and peace needed in any community are all what the Ambas stand for even within a patriarchal cult such as Or. The role of the Ambas as described above seems to support Ezeanyas (1976: 108) statement that:

53

As a matter of fact the African woman realizes that there are moments in her life when she is called upon to be even more religious than the men.

It is not out of place to say that, there is a symbolic relationship between the male and female cults of Or. This is reflected in the role played by men to see that the Ambas guild succeeds. From the male grove, ample food is sent through the wives of the male cultists to the Ambas at their shrine. This offer of food by the male cult is in appreciation of the Ambass role during the Or festival and within the community as a whole.

Nudity and Unusual Male Dressing on sm Day

In African societies, there is historical/mythological evidence of male appreciation of female feats. For example, in Yorbland Mremi is worshipped in If for saving If from Igbo marauders. Ajikobi (1999: 65 66) has discussed a similar veneration of a Yemja votary for saving w people from being overrun by invaders from its southern part during one of the inter-tribal wars. He concludes that:

It is clear indication and evidence that feats performed by women in Africa are never swept underneath the carpet. They are not only recognized and acknowledged but as well openly commended.

This shows clearly that Yorb males appreciate female feats especially in a traditional setting and this will become clearer as we go on to discuss the various unusual dressings by some members of the audience during the grand finale of Or festival. The last day of the Or festival is known as sm. This is the day when females are not allowed to come out of their homes. The Ambas themselves are also confined on this day. On sm day, eligible males dress according to their hearts desire. Their mode of dressing symbolizes mens free day women having been confined to their homes. This dressing takes various forms. Some men dress normally in bb and sr with or without agbd. Many others, however, dress in unusual ways: some wear skt without bb or agbd, while some wear panties only (semi-nude). Some dress like women in bb, wrapper, bra, headgier with bags and shoes to match. And some come out nude.

The various unusual dressings of males on sm day are symbolic. First, it will appear that the mythical origination or coming to the world of Or is being reenacted by the males who go about nude on that day. According to Idowu (1962: 192-194), and Jeje and Daramla (1968:268), Or came nude into the world. He therefore could not go about in the day to cover his shame and avoid being ridicule by women.

Second, another myth as contained in Adeoye (1985: 147 149) attributes the origin of Or in Yorbland to a woman in Od wnrnAsyn. In the same way, oral history supported by Adetowubo (1977:3) has

54

it that Or Mgb was introduced into krd by an Abkta woman. Mens wearing of womens clothes can in this respect be seen as a reenactment of the introduction of Or into Yorb society and the Or Mgb into krd by a woman named Adjwn.

Third, those men who dress like women are by their dressing, masking as women in order to shield all men from possible dangers. In other words, they are trying to tame the anger of women spiritually having denied the women access to what they created. This point has been demonstrated by gnb (1976/77: 38):

Another group of performers who do not put on masks in African festivals are women. The assumption being that they live a more poetical life than their men folk, have secret powers, are more of spirits than human beings and therefore an object of fear or veneration. This exclusion from the masking art goes to such an extent that when a goddess appears in a masked form it is invariably a man who is under the mask.

Professor Ogunbas submission is corroborated in the Gld masking as described by Ibitokun (1993: 35):

Gld has no dress of his own; he never had after performance, the women would recover their clothes from the masker leaving him as he was before.

This act of giving and retrieving of costumes from the masker, Ibitokun submits, validates the premise of exclusive ownership of Gld cult or art form by the women. We can therefore conclude that this unusual dressing by men goes to the heart of the origin of Or. The men are hiding their fears of possible danger and seeking womens favour they do not wish to incur, the wrath of the women after denying them direct access to what they have originated.

There is ritual symmetry of song and ritual between the Ambas (female Or guild) and the male Or cult. As has been discussed earlier, on the eve of sm when the Ambas (female Or guild) are returning after successfully fetching the water from Ota river without any hitch or stumbling, their song of triumph is:

Ll: Mo yn F, mo b F o

gb: f ure

Ll: Mo yn F, mo b F o

55

gb: f ure

Soloist: Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus: My journey to If has been successful

Soloist: Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus: My journey to If has been successful

It is noteworthy, that after the ritual and poetic performance at the jn market, the song which the male cult members sing to bid Or farewell for the year is the same as the Ambass:

Ll: Mo yn F, mo b F o

gb: f ure

Ll: Mo yn F, mo b F o

gb: f ure

Soloist: Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus: My journey to If has been successful

Soloist: Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus: My journey to If has been successful

For the Or, the song means that he has successfully carried out the ritual purification of the community as well as secular cleansing through poetic verbalization. He can now go back to his forest habitation till the following year. This cyclic or symbiotic relationship between the ritual role of the womens guild and the ritual cum poetic function of the male Or cult is significant. Also in our discussion with Chief Kamoru Adekunle (Bmbt), who is currently the leader of Lw rngb (pp) group, and with his eldest sister, Chief (Ms) Idiat Bmbt aged about seventy, we gather that Bmbts daughters contributed in no small measure in the composition of his rngb songs. These daughters compose songs for performance by their father. It is ironic that rngb songs which are of ritual-cultic origin and are performed when women are restricted to their homes can also be composed by women for performance by men. The ritual collaboration between women and the Or cult comes to the fore. Perhaps one can say then, that the much touted opposition, oppression and denial between women and men during the Or festival culminating in sm day (day of females confinement) does not exist at the ritual level. This therefore calls for a re-examination/re-assessment of the view that the Yorb society is strictly patriarchal.

56

Far and above the cases earlier cited, there have been women who have ruled as ba (kings) in different parts of Yorbland. This point have been documented by several scholars namely, (Atanda 1980:16), Fabunmi (1985:73), and Aw (2004:6), Aluko (1993:6), Ajikobi (1999:44-45) and Oyewumi, (2000: 95) etc.

It could be deduced from the scholars work cited above that if at all patriarchalism seems to be dominating the Yorb society today, it is certainly as a result of Western influence. The pre-colonial Yorb society was a traditionally, politically and economically genderless society. Seniority was not gender-based. What mattered were expertise and excellence.

However, spiritually, women are naturally endowed, men cannot but need women for spiritual sustenance. The ritual song below shows the extent of female power in African traditional religion. Ajikobi (1999: 62 63):

K m d pobnrin mawo

Awo mjllgn lobnrin m

Mj t l lr r tknrin

Gbogbo ogn yk tobnrin ni

We should not say women are un-informed about esoteric cults.

They are initiated into twenty-two (esoteric) cults

Only the last two are known to men

The remaining twenty belong to the women folk

An Opa5 song that depicts the essence of ygan is:

pa palwa r

Eni t b foj d ygan

pa palwa r

Eni t b foj d ygan

Eni mj a Sng 5

K j fos ser

Opa plwa r

57

Eni t b foj dygan

Opa will kill that person

Who disregards the ygan

Opa will kill that person

Who disregards the ygan

He who has experienced the wrath of Sango 5

Will never fiddle with his Os staff

Opa will kill that person.

Who disregards the ygan,

It is therefore worthy of note that foreign pressures on African esoteric institutions have had no effect on the vital roles of women in the African traditional religion till today. Their essence within the societies knows no bounds.

Conclusion

It is a fact that at the surface level, women are not seen or heard as far as the Or cult is concerned. It is true they are confined to their homes on sm day. We have however demonstrated in this paper that women are at the heart of Or cult in krd town. We have also shown that there is a kind of fear of the women in the heart of the males as evidenced in their dressing on sm day. This seems to be the fate of women in other parts of Yorbland whenever male cult are discussed. But, as Yorb scholars have demonstrated, women are fundamental in such cults.

Our discussion of the role of women in Or cult in krd and our further examination of the role of women in other seemingly patriarchal cults in Yorbland, call into question the much touted view that Yorb society is strictly patriarchal. The view is challenged by the historical fact that women have reigned as ba in many parts of Yorbland. One may therefore conclude that the role of women complements that of men in Yorb society. There is however a kind of tokenism about this female representation. For example when we talk of the role of the Ambas in Or cult only a small fraction of women are associated with the Or emblem ta; majority of women are left out. What percentage of women were ba and bal? And when we talk of deities among the Yorb, what proportion of them are female? But must women continue to accept a situation in which they are denied what should be their positions in spiritual matters? They should change a situation in which they are subjected to intimidation and create an atmosphere in which they can realize their hopes, aspirations and visions.

58

They can only be what they want to be through boldness and resourcefulness. This may be difficult at the spiritual-cultic level. At social-political and intellectual levels however, such great strides have been taken by females that there is very little or no gender discrimination. The Feminist Movement as well as Womanism, its African counterpart, made this possible. This Movement has advocated empowerment at various levels such as economic, political, religious, judicial, educational, etc. (Olujinmi 2004: 58-72), in order to free females from real or perceived chackles of domination or servitude6.

Notes

1 It is the women who play some vital roles during the coronation and the life of any Alfin in Yorbland. They include: y-il-or, the priestess who keeps in her apartment, the kings or, the symbol of inner-head, the essence of personality (Idowu 1962:170). yalemnl is the head of the Babalwo in the city who keeps the kings If (oracle) image: and the y-mnd, whose duty it is to worship the spirits of dead kings, calling out their egngn (ancestors) in her apartment (Abrahams, 1958: 18-21). The importance of women is also recognized in other Yorb traditional cults. In the egngn cult, the Ato or y-gan is the woman privileged to know the mysteries of the egngn secret festivals. Within the gbni cult, also, there is the Erel who is the only woman within the traditional system of administration. Considering the above, women can therefore legitimately be said to be empowered even in a seemingly patriarchal setting like the Yorb society.

2 River Ota: This is one of the traditional rivers in krd. Legend story has it that, a certain woman named Ota at her ripped age, turned to a river.

3 tn: It is a clay-pot, painted white and used in fetching water from river-Ota for washing t (Or emblem) in the female shrine.

4 gnmp: wr dialectal form of klmgb. Tradition has it that the Or Lw came from sri in wrland. This perhaps explains the use of the wr dialectal form.

5 Opa: It is one of the traditional secret cults prominent among the gb and jb people.

6 For literature on Feminism, this you can easily get in Blanle Aw (1979, 2004). Acholonu, C.O. (1995), Oyewumi Oyeronk (1997).

For literature on Womanism, see Uko, I.I. (1996), Klawle Modupe (1997), etc.

59

Bibliography

Abrahams, R. C. (1958). Dictionary of Modern Yorb, London: University of London Press Ltd.

Adeoye, C. L. (1985). gbgb ti sn Yorb, Ibadan: Evans Brothers (Nigeria Publishers) Ltd.

Adetowub, T. (1977). Or Festival Songs in Ag-Iwoye, B.A. (Hons.) Department of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages, University of Ibadan, Ibadan.

Ajikobi, Dimeji (1999) What does an African New Woman want? Ark Publications. Ikeja, Lagos.

Aluko, J. O. (1993). Osomalo: The Early Exploit of the Ijesa Entrepreneur, Ibadan: African Book Publishers.

Atanda, J. A. (1981). An Introduction to Yoruba History, Ibadan: Ibadan University press, University of Ibadan.

Aw, Blanle (1979). Yorb Women in History, Gngan, A Magazine of y State, Issue No. 8, October.

Aw, Blanle (2004). The Feminist Saga: The Nigerian Experience, at the 11th J. F. Odunj Memorial Lectures, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, p. 1-21.

Dagunduro I. O (1982) Yemoj festival, M.A. dissertation University of Ibadan, Ibadan.

Ezeanya, (1976) women in African Traditional religion, in Awobeluyi, J.O. et al (ed) (1976) ORITA, Ibadan Journal of religions studies, pp 105- 108.

Fabunmi, M. A. (1991). IF: The Genesis of Yorb Race, Lagos: John West Publications.

Ibitokun, B. (1993). Dance as Ritual Drama and Entertainment in The Gelede of the Ketu Yoruba Subgroup in West Africa (A Study in Traditional African (Feminism). Ile-If ; Oba Femi Awolowo University Press Ltd., p. 35

Idowu E. B. (1962) Oldmar God in Yoruba Belief. London: Longmans, green and co Ltd.

Idowu, O. O (1999) AdknlAtba (Bmbt): A Rare rngb Singer, M. A. Dissertation, University of Lagos.

60

Idowu-Osho, O. O. (2004). The Place of Women in Or Cult in krd: The Case of Ambas Guild, A paper presentation at the 4th National Conference of School of Languages, Federal College of Education, Osiele, Abeokuta. Pp. 1-13.

Ilesanmi, T. M. (1998). Justifiable Reasons for Gender Study of Orature and Literature, Paper presented at YSAN Conference at Ibadan, pp. 11.

Jackson, S. and Scott, S. (2002). Gender: A Sociological Reader, London: Routledge, New Fetter Lane.

Jeje and Daramla (1968). wn s ti rs Il Yorb,

Klawle Modup,(1997). Womanism and African Consciousness, Africa World Press, Inc. Austria.

Kottak, C. P. (2000). Cultural Anthropology, U. S. A: The McGrawHill Companies, Inc.

Ogunba, O. (1967) Ritual Drama of the jb People: A Study of Indigenous Festivals, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Ibadan.

Ogunba, O. (1976) Traditional African festival drama, in Oyedaran, O. O. (ed), (197677). Seminar Series, Department of African Languages and Literature, University of If, p. 38.

Olujinmi, O. (2004) The Portrait of The Female In Yoruba Video Films, Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Linguistics and African Languages, University of Ibadan, Ibadan.

Oyewumi, Oyeronk (1997). The Invention of Women: Making An African Sense of Western Gender Discourses, London: University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis.

Uko, I.I (1996). Africa Feminism and the theatre of Zulu Sofola and Tess Onwueme: A Celebration: in Africana Marbugensia-women in Africa, Special issue 16.