four llights "Then he showed four lights ~hen he _wished them to set full sail and follow · in his wake.''

From "Firat Voyage 'Round the World by Magellaa."

APRIL 7, 1917 AN ADVENTURE IN INTERNATIONALISM ""'-.....-=~.

War can do many things, but it cannot .end war. No peace can be a conClusive peace: it is beyond the wit of man to draw a treaty of peace which will make it impossi~le for war to recur between Britain and either her present enemies or her present allies. The destruction of militarism cann011 be attained by a military triumph: war is the creator, the sustainer, and the reason-for-existence of militarism. -

BERNARD SHAW.

FRIENDLY RELATIONS COMMISSIONS After this war is over, unless peace brings with it

a greater amount of world organization than we inter­nationalists dare to hope, there will still be numerous independent sovereign nations, each jealous of its rights and aspirations, although at the same time wishing to remain at peace. The foreign offices of these nations will be looking after their respective in­terests, and the armies and navies will be preparing, we dread to think how vigorously, to maintain these interests by force; but what will be done officially by any nation towards realizing this almost universal desire to avoid wars?

One thing that a nation could do is to establish a number o.f permanep.t co~issions, each assigned to a foreign nation or group . of nations, for the_ purpose of making a thorough study of the international situa­tion and recommending policies necessary for the mai_!ltenance of friendly relations. Itwould be a function of these commissions to get in touch with various elements in the foreign countries, such as business and labor organizations, and by thorough publicity keep public opinion at home informed as to the real economic needs of these countries, the sentiments and aims of their people and any cause for grievances which exist, thereby making for a better understanding between the peoples and . greater readiness to cooperate in straightening out difficulties by peaceful means. Fur­thermore, these conunissions would formulate plans

for preventing hostilities and promoting friendship more or less regardless of the commercial interests of their country, and it would then be incumbent upon the nation to decide first as to whether carrying out such plans would be consistent with these interests or not, and if not, then as to whether the friendship in­valved would be worth the necessary sacrifice.

Friendly Relations Commissions of this sort would become the rallying point for all those liberal and cQn­structive forces of the nation which profit by the con-tinuance of peace, just as war departments are centers for the propaganda for war and armaments by those who profit thereby. And as the war depa'rtment of a government is engaged in time o.f peace on plans for hostilities 'with other nations, regarding them as po­tential enemies, so these Co·mmissions, forming a kind of Department of Peace, could constantly present to the nation plans for maintaining peace ; though not having power to enforce such policies any more than the war department has the power to decide upon war. And, finally, just as the latter by preparations and propaganda tends to keep the nation in a warlike frame of mind and to make other nations distrustful, so these Friendly Relations Commissions would not only be working out schemes for peaceful cooperation) but by their very existence and activities would create an atmosphere of trust and conciliation, w~ich is so es­sential for the great task of international organization.

A. D.

I

Hating Germany W ith O t her Notes on N ew Books

If we are going to fight Germany, we've got to hate Germany. Hate as well as ammunition has to be manufactured in preparation for war. It doesn't do to let the supply of either run low. And if we are to hate Gemany, Madeleine Doty's book, ' 'Short Ra­tions" (Century, $1.50), aught to be suppressed. You cannot hate starving women and children. You can ignore them, but you cannot want to make war on them. This war, Miss Doty's book makes clear, ha~ resolved_itself into a contest of starvation. And it is a futile policy, says Miss Doty, this trying to starve a nation into subjection. For, who starves? Not the governing class, nor the war-makers-but the women and children, the old and the helpless. The book is an account of two visits to Europe, but by far the more interesting part of it is this ptcture of Germany in rgr6.

Mr. Herbert Bayard Swope has also been in Ger­many twice. He brings out some interesting contrasts in his book, "Inside the German Empire" (Century, $2.00). On his first visit he found that the German motto was "Siegen." On his second visit he found it changed to "Durchhalten." Strangely enough the quali­ty of German patriotism seems to be exactly the same as that of the other countries at war. This, too, will tend to make hating difficult if we once open our minds to it. (Of course, we won't!) The book reveals some very curious ideas that prevail in Germany. For instance, it seems to be quite generally believed that there is a secret alliance between the United States and Great Britain. No wonder they blow up our sh ips ! The election of last No·vember is now ancient history, and in the present reign of loyalty it may be bad form to mention it. But isn't it a little startling to learn that Germany would have hailed the defeat of Wilson as a victory? She would have seen in it a rebuke from the American people for the sternness of his German po­licy! Imagine the Colonel campaigning in the inter­ests of a more tender policy toward the German Em­pire! Which is important only as an indication of the wide possibilities of misunderstanding.

"Principles of Social Recr.nstntction.'' the English title of Bertrand Russell's recent book, "Why Men Fight" (Century, $r.so), is a better index to its con­tents, although the American title, of course, challenges attention. The analysis of the fighting impulse in hu­man nature which constitutes the first chapter is fol­lowed by proposals for the reorganization of society on e1 basis that w.ould give the constructive forces free play. Mr. Russell offers one of the best definitions we have found of a pacifist: "One in whom some impulse to which war is hostile is strong enough to overcome the impulses that lead to war."

"A Soldier of Life," a novel by Hugh De Selincourt, is one of those remarkable works of fiction ·that go to show that there is freedom of thought in England. It is primarily a study of the mental after-effects of war, dealing with the problem of readjusting to normal life those men who come home with shattered nerves.

America, as Walter E. Weyl in "American World Policies" (Macmillan. $2.25) sees her position, is faced with a choice: between Nationalistic Imperialism and Internationalism. Already in her history, he says, the United States has made three great contributions to the political advancement of the world. To-day she staJldS in a position to make a fourth contribution. .

Should we say that America stood in such a posi­tion? Has she already made her choice~to follow, not to lead?

Protecting Americans

The first duty of a modern govern­ment is to protect its citizens from s tarvation and want. A government has to perform this function in some manner, for it is no longer possible, with our large populations, for each family to produce its ow,n pecessities. A failure to perform it adequately is far more serious than a failure to pro­tect citizens abroad. Neither function is now performed with entire satisfac­tion. To protect against foreign inter­ference will require some international means of adjusting conflicting interests, for protecting by war is obviously not a protection to those who suffer from the war. At its very best, military "preparedness" is but a makeshift pro­tection against foreigners. Meanwhile, what sort of protection do we give against want?

.Really to protect the masses from want and from chronic exhaustion, less must be consumed and more produced at the top; then more can be consumed and· less toil spent in production at the bottom. To bring about such a change presen's a challenge to the highest in­tellectual powers of the statesman and of the true patriot. But the task runs counter to the proposal for universal compulsory service; for th.e latter means more, inst~d .of le.:;s, toil for those wh o are already insufficiently

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CATCHING ON T1 THE FUNERAL

protected; and it ~eans an absorption into military service of whatever leisure might now be dev ted to the task of social readjustment

To secure what t at best a make­shift protection ag inst foteign inter­ference, it is planne to make the gov­ernment still more disgracefully cal­lous than it i:: no to its failure to protect the mass f its own citizens from hunger and e austion.

R. L. HALE. --;....-

The Man e Killed "Had he and I but et

. By s0me old anci inn, We should have sat s down to wet

Right many a nippe kin I

"But ~ged as infa~1try And staring face to[ fa~e

I shot at him as he at !.me ' And killed him in js place.

"I shot him dead b cause.­Because he was my foe,

Just so: my foe of co,urse he was; That's clear enoughl; although

"He thought he'd ·~\st, perhaps, Off-hand like-just s 1-

Was out of work- d sold his traps­No other reason w

"Yes; quaint and c · ous war is! You shoot a fellow down

You'd treat if met Wi ere any bar is, O r help to half-a-c wn.''

H OMAS HARDY rom The New Poetry. (Macmillan, 1917.)

I I

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A Lesson from History

In r812 the American people fought a war for the freedom of the seas. What does the calm judgment of histo­ry have to say of this war after one hundred years?

"From the first the ;:Qar /lal'l)• had fixed on Great Britain as the object of attack. In the sober light of hjstory, Fmnce appears to be qttite as much an enemy to American commerce. But so long as the administration main­tained that Napoleon had withdrawn his decrees, and that England had not, consistency required that Great Britain should be regarded as the greater of­fender . . . . Besides, the group of young Republicans led by Clay and Grundy had looked forward to the com;u est of Canada on the north and of F lorida on the south as the result of war."*

The italics (ours) call attention to the significant points in this statement:

I. There was a war party that wanted war with somebody.

2. While two countries had offended equally against our rights, one was selected for attack, and justification for the choice was found.

3· The nominal object of the war (defense) was not the real ob ject (con­quest).

Is history repeating itself?

*From "Union and Democracy," by Allen J ohnson. ' (v. 2 Riverside History of U. S.) Houghton.

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The Next Step in International Control

Internationalism is not an untried venture; it is al­ready in large measure an accomplished fact. Indeed, if it were not so, one might regard with some dubious­ness the proposition that after the present war is over the world is to change abruptly from a national to an international type of organization. As a matter of fact in large regions of vital administration, inter­nationalism has already been definitively achieved.

The Universal Postal Union has been in increasingly successful operation -for· over forty years. It is inter­esting to note that its formation was delayed by the refusal of France to join it on the ground that her "national interests" might thereby be jeopardized. Such a fear has long since disappeared ; and no nation in the world would any longer dream of operating its postal service along the old. isolated nationalistic lines.

The International Telegraphic Union has been in operation since r865. The thoroughly anarchic con­dition of affairs with regard to 'international railroad service in Europe became sufficiently apparent by r8go to bring into being the Convention internationale sw: le transport des marchandises par chemins de fer. In xgo6 the International Radio Telegraphic Union was formed. This time it was Great Britain wha feared that her vital imperial interests would be endangered by such an international type of administration; but Great Britain is to-day an effective and loyal member of the international union.

In industry and commerce, international administra­tion has been effected through the International Con­gress of Chambers of Commerce, the International Union and Bureau for the Publication of Customs Tariffs, the Permanent Sugar Commission, the Inter­national Institute of Agriculture. In morals and crime, slavery and prostitution are to-day internationally controlled.

The world, in short, is already in large measure in­ternationalized. The crucial problem which the pres­ent war has brought to the front is the problem of the international control of investments in backward coun~ tries. It is not perhaps sufficiently recognized, but it is nevertbeJess true that the competition for investment privileges, particularly for investment monopolies, in backward countries like Morocco, Persia, Egypt and so on-economic imperialism, in short-was the under­lying cause of the present European conflict. The for­eign offices in the respective countries had in literal truth b~en the agents !>f investment enterprises, while the nat10nal armaments had been the forces backing up the financial ventures. If such competition in invest­ments can, after the war, be internationally regular­ized, there can be no doubt whatever that the chief international irritant will be removed and that wars in the main will cease to be.

The comparatively simple pFoblem of international government, then, which will face us after the war will be the formation of an International Convention for the Re~ulation of Investments in Backward Countries. The estabHshment of such a Convention means no cataclysmic change in governmental organization. I t means no United States of Europe or of the world. I t means simply that an organ of international adrninis­tratipn be established whose function it will be to hold open the investment fields of the world to the free en­trance of all investors.. lt means, in short, but one fur­ther step along the international road which we have been learning for some deca des how to travel.

H . A. OVERSTREET.

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l' I TOOK IT I·'' said Theodore Roosevelt in rgu. "We'll pay for it," say the American people in 1917.

The Colombian treaty, which failed of ratification at the close of the last Congress, will be brought up again before the opening ,session of the new Congress. Watch its progress, Internationalists, and give it your · support. The repeal of the canal to11s was prompted by the New Ideal of National Honor. The same ideal de-mands the settlement of our indebtedness. to Colombia. .

Keep watch for the so-called "spy" bills which will undoubtedly co-me before the new Congress, and for other measures that tend towarCl the Prussianizing of America. J

Keep watch, too, for reactionary legislation of all kinds. Moses E. Clapp of Minnesota, in retiring from the Senate, called attention to the fact that the conditions that tend to arouse patriotic feeling "afford a shelter and a shield for the development of sinister forces." "Commercialism," he said, "taking advantage of the fact that the public vision is centered upon the problem of foreign relation~ and national security, is strengthening its h<;>ld and buttressing its legislative citadel as never before in the history of our country." -

· Keep Watch!

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America is the only great nation left in the world in which militarism is not enthroned and the principle of conscription established. In order to defend our institutions and our-democracy 'from imaginary dangers from with­out, we are urged to surrender to this much more real and formidable enemy of militarism and conscription from within. Upon the outcome of the. great debate on "Conscription vs. Democracy" depends the question of whether the last fortress of democracy in the wo~ld and the greatest adventure in human history shall go · down in failure. All patriotic Americans, all who- 'believe that America has a mission and a great message of democracy to give to the world should enroll themselves in defence of America's freedom and democratic ;institutions presenting a united front against this attempt to militarize the whole American people.

GEORGE NASMYTH.

i \ -This number of FOUR LIGHTS is dedicated to- Romain Rolland in France, Karl Liebknecht in Germany,

and Bertrand Russell in England. , They show us" the way.

(:a··· Published by the Woman's Peace Party of New York City, 70 Fifth Ave., who are glad to have contents reprinted, with due acknowledgment.

MARY KATHARINE REELY DOROTHY G. DAN A

· NEL T JE TANNEHILL' SHIMER.

Editors of this Issue.

Additional individual copies, SCents. Bundle• of tOO Copies, $2.50.

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