Fong 11/17/03 1 Penn Ghosts, Shadows and Resultatives: The Lexical Representation of Verbs Sandiway Fong, Christiane Fellbaum, David Lebeaux, Talana 42,

Fong 11/17/03 1

Penn

Ghosts, Shadows and Resultatives: The Lexical Representation of Verbs Sandiway Fong, Christiane Fellbaum, David

Lebeaux, Talana 42, pp. 755-784, March, 2001.

CIS 630

Martha Palmer

November 17, 2003

Fong 11/17/03 2

PennCompared to:

Malka Rappaport-Hovav & Beth Levin (1998) The Projection of Arguments: Lexical and

Compositional Factors. Miriam Butt and Wilhelm Geuder (eds.), CSLI Publications.

Same examples considered, different mechanism for constructing representations.

Fong 11/17/03 3

PennRegular Polysemy?

sweepTerry swept. ACTIVITYTerry swept the floor.*Terry swept the crumbs.Terry swept the crumbs into the corner. CH-LOCTerry swept the leaves off the sidewalk. CH-LOCTerry swept the floor clean. CH-STATETerry swept the leaves into a pile. CREATION

Fong 11/17/03 4


sweep, wipe?Terry wiped. ACTIVITYTerry wiped the table.*Terry wiped the crumbs.Terry wiped the crumbs into the sink. CH-LOCTerry wiped the crumbs off the table. CH-LOCTerry wiped the slate clean. CH-STATE?Terry wiped the crumbs into a pile. CREATION

Fong 11/17/03 5


runPat ran. ACTIVITYPat ran to the beach. DIRECTED-MOTION/GOALPat ran herself ragged. CH-STATEPat ran her shoes to shreds. CH-STATEPat ran clear of the falling rocks. CH-LOCThe coach ran the athletes around the track. CH-LOC

Fong 11/17/03 6

PennEvent structure templates

Activities [X ACT <MANNER> ] States [X <STATE>] Achievements [BECOME [X <STATE>]] Accomplishments [[X ACT <MANNER> ] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y <STATE>]]]

[ X CAUSE [BECOME [ Y <STATE>]]]

Fong 11/17/03 7

PennLexical aspectual classification

Manner verbs are activities (sweep) [X ACT] [X sweep ]

Result verbs are achievements (arrive) [BECOME [X <STATE>]] [BECOME [X <arrived>]]

or accomplishments (dry) [[X ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y <STATE>]]] [[X ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y < dry >]]]

Fong 11/17/03 8

PennLexical aspectual classification

Transformations x CAUSE y XFORM <manner> (y’)

Manner verbs are activities (sweep) [X ACT] [X sweep ] x ACT <manner> ON y

Result verbs are achievements or accomplishments (dry)

[[X ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y <STATE>]]] [[X ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y < dry >]]] x CAUSE y BECOME <state>

Fong 11/17/03 9


Sweep as an activity. [X ACT] [X sweep ]

Sweep as an accomplishment [[X ACT Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y <STATE>]]] [[X ACT Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Z <PLACE>]]]

Fong 11/17/03 10

PennBuilding the meaning

participants associated with the constant

variables in the event template structure

# Participants > then # variables?

Two types of participants, structure and content:1) licensed by constant AND event template2) licensed by constant

Fong 11/17/03 11

PennAccounting for variations

Template Augmentation: Event structure templates may be freely augmented up to other possible templates in the basic inventory of event structure templates.

Fong 11/17/03 12

PennWell-formedness conditions

Subevent Identification Condition: Each subevent in the event structure must be identified by a lexical head (e.g., a V, an A, or a P) in the syntax.

Argument Realization Condition: There must be an argument XP in the syntax

for each structure participant in the event structure.

Each argument XP in the syntax must be associated with an identified subevent in the event structure.

Fong 11/17/03 13

PennAugmenting Templates: sweep

Basic meaning -> [X sweep Y] Augmentations [[X sweep Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y <STATE>]]] Phil swept the floor clean. *Phil swept the floor clean for an hour. Phil almost swept the floor clean. Phil almost swept the floor. *Phil swept clean. Y cannot be omitted.

Fong 11/17/03 14


Sweep as an activity. [X ACT] [X sweep ] x ACT <manner> ON y John ACT <swept> ON floor

Sweep as an accomplishment [[X ACT Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y <STATE>]]] [[X ACT Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Z <PLACE>]]] x ACT <manner> ON y & y BE <state> John ACT <scrubbed> ON floor & floor BE <state(clean)> John scrubbed the floor clean.

Fong 11/17/03 15

PennCondition 1

Check Off Condition: All secondary template elements must be checked off against corresponding elements in a primary template. (Two y’s have to corefer.)

Unique State Condition: <state> may occur at most once in a template. (Rules out *The alarm awakened the hotel guests alert.)

Fong 11/17/03 16

PennTransformations – Change of state?

The spy shredded the documents into pieces. x CAUSE y XFORM <manner> (y’) & y BECOME y’

spy CAUSE documents XFORM <shredder> (pieces’)

& documents BECOME pieces

Claim is transformations are more permanent The spy shredded the documents into pieces but

the CIA pieced it back together again.

Fong 11/17/03 17

PennSyntactic analysis of resultatives

Small clause [VP [V wipe] [AP [NP the table] [A clean]]]

VP

Case

wiped

I(AGR)[1]V

VGrid([x],[y]Act(<wiping>,x,on(y),move(z)

AP

NP[2]case(acc)theta(y)

A1Be(y,<clean>)gri

N1DET

the table

VP

Fong 11/17/03 18

PennGhosts

Licensing ghosts: Check off unchecked y, resulting y* unrestricted. (Must appear in direct object position.)

She ran her new shoes threadbare. *She ran her new shoes. y BE <state> x ACT <manner> & y* BE <state> She ACT <manner> & shoes BE <state(threadbare)>

Fong 11/17/03 19

PennFigure/Ground verbs

rub the skin. GROUND rub the skin with lotion *rub the lotion. rub the lotion into the skin. x ACT <manner(rubbing> ON y *set the ring. set the ring with the diamond. set the diamond. FIGURE set the diamond into the ring. x CAUSE diamond BECOME <state(set)> [FIGURE]

Fong 11/17/03 20

PennThe FIGURE feature

[FIGURE] The argument encoding the Figure feature in a Figure/Ground template must be realized in syntax.

Is the ground argument a shadow?*spread the bread.*spread the bread with cheese (garlic butter?).spread the cheese.spread the cheese onto the bread.

Fong 11/17/03 21

Penn± FIGURE inject the patient. inject the patient with drugs. inject the drug. inject the drug into the patient. x CAUSE drug/patient BECOME <state(injected)> [± FIGURE]

Contrast with taste the soup for poison No change of location of y.

Also The needle poked the cloth. No moving of y to subject position.

Fong 11/17/03 22

PennAugmenting Templates: sweep

Basic meaning -> [X sweep Y] Augmentations [[X sweep Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Z <place>]]] Phil swept the crumbs into the corner. Also

scatter the seeds./scatter the seeds on the field.daub the paint/daub the wall with paint/ daub paint

on the wall.

Fong 11/17/03 23

PennShadows

Shadow Realization Rule: Shadow arguments are not realized in syntax except when checked off by matching secondary templates.

Secondary Template Subject Rule: Subjects of secondary tempates must be realized as direct objects.

Fong 11/17/03 24

PennShadows – removal verbs

Mary cleared the table. Mary cleared the table of dishes. *Mary cleared the table up/away. *Mary cleared the dishes. ?x CAUSE y BECOME <state(clear)> (REMOVE z)

No secondary predication, so dishes can’t be DO

Mary cleared the dishes from the table. Mary cleared the dishes up?/away.x CAUSE y BECOME <state(clear)> (REMOVE z) & z up

Fong 11/17/03 25

PennShadows – manner verbs Mary swept the driveway. *Mary swept the driveway up. *Mary swept the driveway of leaves. Mary swept the leaves off the driveway.x CAUSE y BECOME <state(clear)> (REMOVE z) z OFF Mary swept the leaves up./Mary swept up the

leaves? *Mary swept/raked the leaves.?x CAUSE y BECOME <state(clear)> (REMOVE z) No secondary predication, so leaves can’t be DO

Fong 11/17/03 26

PennAugmenting Templates – spray/load

John sprayed paint on the wall. Ambiguous [John ACT<painting> wall]

CAUSE [BECOME [ paint <on the wall>]]]

John sprayed the wall with paint. [John ACT<painting> wall]

CAUSE [BECOME [ wall <painted>]]]

Fong 11/17/03 27

PennShadows – Put verbs I painted the wall. I painted the wall with latex paint. *I painted latex paint.x CAUSE y BECOME <state(clear)> (ADD z) No secondary predication, so paint can’t be DO I painted latex paint on the wall.x CAUSE y BECOME <state(clear)> (ADD z) z ON

I sprayed the wall. I sprayed the wall with latex paint. ?I sprayed latex paint. I sprayed latex paint on the wall.

Fong 11/17/03 28

PennShadows and Resultatives Mary piled the books. Mary piled the books high.x CAUSE y RECONFIG <pile)> (LOC z) & y BE <high> Mary piled the books on the shelves. *Mary piled the shelves.x CAUSE y RECONFIG <pile)> (LOC z) No secondary predication, so shelves can’t be DO Mary piled the shelves high (with books).x CAUSE y RECONFIG <pile)> (LOC z)

& z WITH y & y BE <high> syntactic – shelves -> high, semantic – books -> high Mary piled the shelves with books.

Fong 11/17/03 29

PennImplementation wipe:

Template: act(manner(wiping), x, on(y)) Theta-grid: grid([x],[y]) Syntax: [NP x] [VP [V wipe] [NP y]]

clean(A): Template: be(y,state(clean)) Theta-grid: grid([y],[]) Syntax: [AP [NP y] [A’ [A clean]]]

clean(V): Template: cause(x,become(y,state(clean))) Theta-grid: grid([x],[y]) Syntax: [NP x] [VP [V clean] [NP y]]

Fong 11/17/03 30

PennImplementation Lexical entries:

semTemplate(wipe,v,activity(wiping),[morph(wipe,[])]). semTemplate(clean,v,accomplishment(clean),[morph(clean,[])]).

Verb Classes: semTemplateNetwork(activity(M),[],[act(manner(M), x, on(y))]). semTemplateNetwork(accomplishment(M),[], [caus(x,become(y,state(clean)))])

External Theta Roles: linkRule(act(_,X,_), [grid([X],_)]). linkRule(caus(X,_), [grid([X],_)]).

Internal Theta Roles: linkRule(act(_,_,on(Y)), [grid(_,[Y])]). linkRule(become(Y,_), [grid(_,[Y])]).

Resultative: linkRule(be(Y,_), [grid([Y],_)]).

Documents

Fong 11/17/03 1 Penn Ghosts, Shadows and Resultatives: The Lexical Representation of Verbs Sandiway Fong, Christiane Fellbaum, David Lebeaux, Talana 42,