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Paper submitted to the 12 th International Conference of the International Society for Third-Sector Research (ISTR) in Stockholm, Sweden, June 28 July 1, 2016 Flexible employment: Curse or blessing for women with family obligations in NPO management 1 Franziska Paul / Andrea Walter Institute of Political Science, University of Münster, Germany Citation: Paul, Franziska/Walter, Andrea (2016): Flexible employment: Curse or blessing for women with family obligations in NPO management. ISTR Conference Working Papers Series, Vol. X, 2016 1 Introduction The nonprofit sector in Germany stands for representation of interests, service provision and social integration. The sector stands at the same time for 2.3 million employees who are subject to social security contributions more than 75% of which are female (Dathe et al. 2009). However, the management and control boards of nonprofit organizations do not reflect this proportion on equal terms. It seems rather as if the share of women reduces across the hierarchal levels gradually. The share of women in full-time management boards lies by 27% according to a prevailing study, in executive boards of NPOs by about 50%, whereas in every third executive board no single woman can be found (Paul/Walter 2016). An approach in order to close in on this phenomenon is the examination of time flexible employment (i.a. terminability and part-time), which is especially distinctive within nonprofit organizations (i.a. Schmeißer 2013). Assuming that women in Germany are still more than men responsible for reproduction, care and education work, then there is a need to question, how this traditional role perception affects the employment relationship and opportunities for advancement of women in nonprofit organizations. For the non-executive level of nonprofit-organizations it already can be stated that especially women with family obligations are often working in part-time employment (Priller/Paul 2015). Especially women in management positions with family obligations have scarcely been focused on. Against the background of distinctive flexible employment the question is asked in what way also female managers use flexible employment and how this is to be assessed from the compatibility perspective and also from a social political and career specific view. The following report delivers insight into the family situation and the employment relationship of female managers in the nonprofit sector on the basis of empirical data (DGB-Survey “Gute Arbeit”). Given that reducing working hours and also the option of self-arranging of working time are valued positively, there will be an examination of how women in management positions value forms of working time flexibility for themselves. After introducing the significance of the sector for the labor market (chapter 2) the analysis concentrates on the examination of full and part time employment of female executives and non-executives in the NPO sector with and without care duties of children. It focuses also on the examination of their valuation of the employment conditions regarding the perception of flexible working time regulations and self-reliant planning (chapter 3). On the basis of empirical results, the article gives an answer to how the existing employment structures turn out as curse 1 We would like to thank Sarah Easter very much for the translation of this chapter.

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Page 1: Flexible employment: Curse or blessing for women with ... · work, then there is a need to question, how this traditional role perception affects the employment relationship and opportunities

Paper submitted to the 12th International Conference of the International Society for

Third-Sector Research (ISTR) in Stockholm, Sweden, June 28 – July 1, 2016

Flexible employment: Curse or blessing for

women with family obligations in NPO management1

Franziska Paul / Andrea Walter Institute of Political Science, University of Münster, Germany

Citation: Paul, Franziska/Walter, Andrea (2016): Flexible employment: Curse or blessing for women

with family obligations in NPO management. ISTR Conference Working Papers Series, Vol. X, 2016

1 Introduction

The nonprofit sector in Germany stands for representation of interests, service

provision and social integration. The sector stands at the same time for 2.3 million

employees who are subject to social security contributions – more than 75% of which

are female (Dathe et al. 2009). However, the management and control boards of

nonprofit organizations do not reflect this proportion on equal terms. It seems rather as

if the share of women reduces across the hierarchal levels gradually. The share of

women in full-time management boards lies by 27% according to a prevailing study, in

executive boards of NPOs by about 50%, whereas in every third executive board no

single woman can be found (Paul/Walter 2016).

An approach in order to close in on this phenomenon is the examination of time

flexible employment (i.a. terminability and part-time), which is especially distinctive

within nonprofit organizations (i.a. Schmeißer 2013). Assuming that women in

Germany are still – more than men – responsible for reproduction, care and education

work, then there is a need to question, how this traditional role perception affects the

employment relationship and opportunities for advancement of women in nonprofit

organizations. For the non-executive level of nonprofit-organizations it already can be

stated that especially women with family obligations are often working in part-time

employment (Priller/Paul 2015).

Especially women in management positions with family obligations have scarcely

been focused on. Against the background of distinctive flexible employment the

question is asked in what way also female managers use flexible employment and how

this is to be assessed from the compatibility perspective and also from a social political

and career specific view. The following report delivers insight into the family situation

and the employment relationship of female managers in the nonprofit sector on the

basis of empirical data (DGB-Survey “Gute Arbeit”). Given that reducing working

hours and also the option of self-arranging of working time are valued positively, there

will be an examination of how women in management positions value forms of

working time flexibility for themselves. After introducing the significance of the sector

for the labor market (chapter 2) the analysis concentrates on the examination of full

and part time employment of female executives and non-executives in the NPO sector

with and without care duties of children. It focuses also on the examination of their

valuation of the employment conditions regarding the perception of flexible working

time regulations and self-reliant planning (chapter 3). On the basis of empirical results,

the article gives an answer to how the existing employment structures turn out as curse

1 We would like to thank Sarah Easter very much for the translation of this chapter.

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or blessing for women in management positions and specifically affect the

establishment of social sustainability in nonprofit organizations (chapter 4).

2 The significance of the NPO-Sector for the labor market

The NPO sector has a special meaning in Germany as an intermediate area between

state and market. Charitable organizations adopt central tasks as service provider,

stakeholder and integration entity (Zimmer/Priller 2004: 20) in various fields: care of

the elderly and sick, education and training, child care and education, protection of the

environment and nature, sport and leisure activities, and also art and culture. In the

course of their various tasks the estimated 600,000 active organizations of the sector

are accorded to a large labor market policy function (Zimmer/Priller 2004: 113).2

About 2.3 million employees subject to social insurance contribution work in the

nonprofit sector in Germany (numbers from 2011). Adding to that there are 300,000

marginal employed (Rosenki 2012: 214). The NPO sector is comparable to the

building industry in Germany with its number of employees (2.4 Million in 2015)

(census bureau 2016). The charity association plays an exposed role as an employer.

They provide more than half of the working positions in the nonprofit sector with 1.4

million employees (BAGFW 2016). Accordingly it is not surprising, that in welfare

(without homes) the large part of the employees operate with 83% in nonprofit

organizations, followed by the sector of representation of interests, as well as church

and other religious associations with 81%, as well as homes with 69%. Regarding the

classification of employees in economy branches (numbers of 2007), Rosenski (2012:

214) shows at the same time, how differently the NPO employees distribute

themselves among the individual activity fields. While more than every third (39%)

NPO employee is employed in the field of education and instruction and 31% are

located in the field of sport, entertainment and recovery, a quarter of the NPO

employees work each in the field of research and development (27%) and health care

(25%). Just about every fifth works in libraries and museums. Every thirteenth works

in the creative artistic area.

Looking at the gender ratio among the NPO employees, the staff of nonprofit

organizations shows a special specificity: more than 75% of the employees in this

sector are women (Dathe et al. 2009). The full-time employees are therefore – as well

as the voluntary committed (Gensicke et al. 2005; Beher et al. 2008) – predominantly

female.

In the course of the already shown results, that amongst others the main part of

employees of the areas of welfare, interest representation and education work in the

nonprofit sector, and against the background, that women – according to the recent

volunteer survey of 2014 – also strongly campaign honorary for the target group of

children and teenagers as well as involve themselves in the context of the church

(Simson et al. 2016: 621), it is not surprising, that the highest female labor is located

also in these three areas. Therefore the female share of employees in welfare lies by

69% and in education by 73% (Priller et al. 2012: 31).

2 Already the Johns Hopkings Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project, which started 1991, came to the conclusion

that the dimension concerning employment politics of the third sector is increasing continuously (cp.

Priller/Zimmer 2001 and Salamon/Anheier 2001).

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Germany lies with a share of the employees in the nonprofit sector in its total

employment internationally compared in the middle field (6.8%). In comparison: The

share in the Netherlands lies by 15.9%, in the United Kingdom it lies by 11%, in

France by 9% and in Poland by 0.9% (Irish et al. 2009: 6).

Considering the NPO sector as an employer, the framework requirements for the

organizations need to be included. This way the environment of nonprofit

organizations is currently changing increasingly, which also affects the topic of

recruitment of personnel and working conditions: on the one hand traditional social

milieus are eroding, which so far had a central significance in recruitment of

personnel. On the other hand the cooperation with the public authority changes

through the introduction of instruments of the New Public Management. And not least

commercial competitors can be increasingly found in typical activity fields of NPOs.

This way, organizations – especially with the focus on health care, education and child

care, as well as social services and help – are clearly facing increasing competition

(i.a. Droß 2013, Priller et al. 2012: 45). The organizations are confronted with the

challenge to position themselves in the face of competitive pressure, tendencies of

professionalism and economization, as well as the loss of the classical establishment of

milieus of established NPOs (cp. e.g. welfare associations and their relative milieu tie)

(Evers/Zimmer 2010).

Flexible employment as specific attribute of the sector – especially for women Many organizations react to the competitive and economization pressure and the

changed state general framework with the transition to flexible working conditions.

This way for example the part-time employment is used mainly in bigger

organizations, affected strongly by the economization pressure, as an instrument in

order to combine working time flexibility with planning reliability (Droß 2013: 39f.).

Alongside, limited contracts and marginal employment offer the possibility for

organizations to shape the staff planning more flexible and to react faster to current

problems (Priller i.a. 2012: 34).

A gender sensible observation of the various types of employment shows a clear

gender bias in favor of women (cp. chart 1).

Chart 1: standard employment relation and atypical employment according to gender and sectors

Nonprofit-Sector Other Sectors*

Men Women Total Men Women Total

Unlimited Full-time 70.6% 34.5% 45.5% 69.0% 47.1% 52.9%

Fixed-term Full-time 10,.1% 9.4% 9.6% 6.3% 6.5% 6.4%

Unlimited Part-time 10,.1% 36.1% 28.2% 12.6% 38.9% 31.9%

Fixed-term Part-time 2.8% 5.4% 4.6% 11.5% 4.2% 6.1%

Marginal employement 6.4% 14.5% 1.0% 0.6% 3.3% 2.6%

*For a better comparison, only organizations of branches in which nonprofit-organizations are active, were

included (social, educational and health services, sport and leisure, art and culture, and interest representation)

Source: Priller/Paul 2015: 16

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Only 35% of women occupy a so called standard employment relation, whereas

generally an unlimited full-time employment is meant. This stands in clear contrast to

the 71% of men, who have an unlimited full-time employment. The share of women,

who therefore work in atypical employment (65%), is clearly higher in the nonprofit-

sector than in the other sectors, where it lies by 53% – even if only the economic

branches are considered which are typical for the nonprofit-sector. Astonishingly, the

higher share of atypical employment in the nonprofit-sector only applies to women.

The proportions of male atypical workers in the nonprofit sector (29%) are the same as

those of the atypically employed men who do not work in the nonprofit sector (31 %).

As an explanation for the gender bias in flexible working arrangements applies the

gender-based responsibility for reproductive work and the connected distribution of

employment according to the male breadwinner model (partially with the woman as

secondary wage earner). Priller/Paul 2015 examined the correlation between family

situation and atypical employment of women in the NPO. Accordingly, women work

much more frequently with a family than their male counterparts with reduced hour

volume (83% to 13%) (Priller/Paul 2015: 22). Also the assumption that the cultural

norms of the male breadwinner or secondary earner model are (still) more influential

seems to be confirmed. Thus it is shown that only every 7th woman is working full-

time, if she lives together with a child and an employed partner, next to the men who

live in this situation, nearly 90% of them work in full-time (Priller/Paul 2015: 20).

Unlike the private sector and the public sector, this discrepancy in the nonprofit sector

is particularly pronounced. This discrepancy can not only be attributed to the

seemingly good conditions for reconciling family situation and work in the nonprofit

sector, but also be constituted with the structural factors of the sector. An influence on

the particularly strong occurrence of female part-time depending on the family

situation has also the special age structure in nonprofit organizations (there is an above

average number of female employees in the age group of 35-45 year olds), the level of

education, the focus on the social services sector and the relatively small company size

of nonprofit organization (Priller/Paul 2015: 33-34).

3 NPO-Management women in flexible employment – an analysis

3.1 Disambiguation and data base

Following the evaluations of Priller/Paul (2015), the data of the employee survey

”Gute Arbeit” (“Good Work”) of 2011 of the German Trade Union Confederation

(Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, DGB) is used for the analysis of flexible employment

in management positions. The yearly nationwide sample survey about working

conditions and employment relations from the view of employees collects data about

employees in the age between 16 and 64 years with a weekly working time of at least

10 hours by using Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI) (uzbonn GmbH

2011: 2; 16). During the investigation “Changes in third sector organizations and

their impact on employment conditions” of the Berlin Social Science Center (WZB),

an oversampling with 733 respondents from nonprofit organizations was conducted,

including 514 women and 219 men.

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Based on the available data, time flexible work of managers will be analyzed based on

two dimensions: alongside flexible, non-standard employment the flexibility on the

level of the organization of working time is included. Flexible, non-standard

employment is defined as formal employment, which allows organizations and/or

workers a flexible organization of work, such as part-time or limited employment. In

order to describe the flexibility in the organization of working time, the evaluations of

managers from the correspondent questions of the survey “Good Work” are used. In

these, statements on the working time are rated on basis of a four-point scale

(“strongly agree”, “agree somewhat”, “disagree somewhat” and “strongly disagree”).

Managers are defined as all employees that are active in management positions in their

organization and in addition also employees that carry human resource responsibility.

The management positions include all employees of employment major group 1

“managers” according to the International Classification of Occupations (ISCO) of

2008, such as managing directors, directorates, general secretaries and directors

(N=61), as well as people whose duties include management functions, such as

department managers, station managers or home managers (N=108). All respondents

who indicated that they are superiors of employees in their organization were

classified as employees with human resource responsibility. Altogether this results in a

sample size of 169 executives in nonprofit organizations, including 103 women and 66

men.3

In order to have a gender-sensitive consideration, the family situation of the executives

is included in the analysis. The classification of family models of the German micro

census survey serves as a basis, which differs in couples with or without children and

also in singles with or without children (Keller/Haustein 2013: 863). 4 The DGB

Survey “Good Work” counts children as the children in the household which are under

16 years and for which the respondents bear the responsibility. The partner must also

live in the household of the respondents.

3.2 Women in management positions

Women in management positions are (still) not represented according to their average

in many nonprofit-organizations. A common explanation for the under-representation

of women in management positions, refers to the family formation and the associated

temporary exit of women and the reduction of working hours (through part-time) (i.a.

Kricheldorff et al. 2014). The traditional gender division of roles is thus still

influential: because women often take over the family care work and chores, starting a

family is a greater obstacle for the promotion into a management position for women

than for men (Holst et al. 2015: 44).

In fact, the results of the analysis show that the family constellations of women and

men in management positions differ in the nonprofit sector (see Figure 1). 62% of

women in management positions live with partners in their own household,

3 Given that not all interviewees answered all question, the specific number of cases varies for the specific

evaluation. 4 Another important aspect is the care of people in the need of care, which also is adopted as unpaid work

predominantly by women and represents an adding time liability compared to the gainful occupation. By reason

of too few number of cases this aspect however needs to be excluded.

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considerably less than men in management positions (77 %). Also women in

leadership positions have less often responsibility for children under 16 years in their

household (30%), than their male colleagues in the upper echelons (37%). There are

rarely any differences to the private economy. Thus the Management Monitor of the

German Institute for Economic Research (DIW) of 2011 estimates the proportion of

female managers with children at 28% and the proportion of male managers with

children at 35% (Holst et al. 2015: 49).

Women in the nonprofit executive also live rarely with partners or children in their

household compared to women at the operational level (see Figure 1). For men, this

ratio is reversed: more men in executive positions have families than men in the

operational area. One reason for this is the age or stage of life: younger men who are

early in their careers have rarely leading and human resource responsibility while they

also have not entered the family formation phase yet. Nonetheless, this is also true for

women – which makes it all the more evident that women in management positions

put family last.

Figure 1: Family constellations of women and men in the nonprofit sector

Data basis: DGB-Survey “Gute Arbeit” 2001 – WZB-Oversampling for nonprofit employees, N=731

Along the lines of studies from Hipp/Stuth (2013) and Holst et al. (2015), executives

work much less frequently in part-time than non-executives. Only 6% of male

managers in the nonprofit sector work part time. Regarding the female executives

there are quite a lot more, almost one-third is working part-time. However, this is

significantly less compared to the female colleagues without management

responsibility. In the private sector there are only 2% male executives who work

35hours per week in 2011, the proportion of female managers hereis 13% (Holst et al.

2015: 33).

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If we distinguish the female executives more detailed and differentiate in women at

management level and other women in charge of personnel, then only one-fifth of

women in management positions work in part-time.5

Furthermore it can be shown, that children are not the only reason for women in

management positions to work part-time: only half (48%) of part-time working female

managers are responsible for children under 16 in their household. At the same time

female managers do not much rarer have children (see above). The need to reconcile

childcare with the job by working in part-time is apparently less urgent for female

executives than for women in the operational area of nonprofit organizations.

Chart 2: Standard employment and flexible employment of executives in the nonprofit sector

Men Women Total

Unlimited full-time (NAV) 89.2% 62.0% 72.7%

Fixed-term full-time 6.2% 7.0% 6.7%

Unlimited part-time 4.6% 26.0% 17.6%

Fixed-term part-time 0.0% 5.0% 3.0%

Data basis: DGB-Survey “Gute Arbeit” 2011 – WZB-Oversampling for Nonprofit-employees, N=165

The reduction of working time is one of several ways to coordinate work and family

life better. Beyond that, a flexible schedule and an independent organization of

working time can be supportive. Women in the nonprofit sector rate their possibilities

to arrange their work time better than by their female colleagues in the other sectors

(Priller/Paul 2015: 35-44).

An ambivalent picture is expected for executives. The exercise of leadership activities

is often connected with autonomy. At the same time the degree of responsibility, the

scope of the tasks and the demands on the availability of the executives are increasing.

The burden of extra work in their own household may affect the assessment of options

to divide the work time autonomous and flexible. Especially for female executives

who care for children, there are different resources and strains. Thus rather women in

management positions without children in their own household indicate to be able to

plan and divide their work independently, than management women with children

(Figure 5). For women in the operational area, it makes hardly a difference whether

there are children in the household or not. While there are hardly any differences

between the groups in terms of the impact on the transferred amount of work, female

managers without children evaluate their influence on the organization of working

time significantly better than female executives with children. For women who have

no management responsibilities, it is however reversed: women with children assess

their impact on work as better than women without children. Obviously in the

operational area there is more leeway and a special consideration for women caring for

children. A similar finding can be derived regarding the reliability of the planning of

work time: while women in management positions without children can rely more on

the planning of their time, this is more difficult for management women with children.

5 This differentiation is not specified for men due to the low number of cases, both sub-categories of executives

also do not differ.

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On the operational side, the difference between women with and without children is

very low – and more in favor of women with children.

Figure 2: Evaluation of working time flexibility and autonomy of women in the nonprofit-sector

Data basis: DGB-Survey “Gute Arbeit 2011 – WZB Oversampling for nonprofit employees, N=507-

513

The extent of the weekly working time is less crucial for the assessment of the

organization of working time. Overall, the difference between the ratings of full-time

88%

86%

74%

79%

80%

82%

76%

71%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

without childwith child

in full-timein part-time

without childwith child

in full-timein part-time

exec

uti

ves

no

n-

exec

uti

ves

I can divide and plan my work independently

80%

71%

51%

57%

58%

82%

69%

58%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

without childwith child

in full-timein part-time

without childwith child

in full-timein part-time

exec

uti

ves

no

n-

exec

uti

ves

I have influence on the organization of my working time

75%

71%

76%

76%

62%

71%

80%

78%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

without childwith child

in full-timein part-time

without childwith child

in full-timein part-time

exec

uti

ves

no

n-

exec

uti

ves

I can rely on the planning of my working time.

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and part-time workers both in the leadership and in the operational area turns out

considerably lower than between women with and without children.

Full-time employees have an advantage regarding the independent planning and

organization of their working time. Regarding the female executives the difference is

relatively low (4%), however, in the non-executive posisitions the full-time employees

can plan and divide their work more autonomously (79%) than the part-time workers

(71%). If the upper echelons are taken as a measure for independence and autonomy,

the comparison between female executives and non-executives shows moreover, that

the women in the operational area of nonprofit organizations already have a large

degree of autonomy.

However, at least part-time executives have more opportunities to exert influence on

the arrangement of working time than the full-time employees. 82% of the part-time

managers rated this aspect of their work positively, 11% more than managers in full-

time (71%). Women in management positions here have overall better opportunities

than women in the operational area of nonprofit organizations. Compared to women in

leadership positions, again the female employees from the operational level evaluate

the reliability of the working time planning as mostly good. Full-time and part-time

workers do not differ in this case on both levels.

4 Flexible employment for NPO-management women – more curse than

blessing

This article has investigated the extent of how management women in nonprofit-

organizations use flexible employment and how this is to be assessed from a

compatibility perspective. In fact, there were findings that in the nonprofit sector the

share of NPO management women in part-time is higher than average with 30%, but

that only half of these women perform an hour reduction because of children .

However, flexible employment includes not only a reduction of hours, but also have

the option to arrange their own work independently (in terms of the amount of work,

time and planning). The empirical findings have shown that flexible working hours for

women in leadership positions with family responsibilities were not perceived as

positive as by women without leadership positions. One explanation could be that

leadership positions bring structures with them (date commitments, availability, etc.),

which the management women can hardly influence. Another approach could be based

in the fact that a culture of consideration for managers is less pronounced than in the

operational area. If flexible employment does not deliver what it promises, it can be

also a curse because the organizational structures are more powerful. From a social

political perspective, flexible employment is to be seen as problematic if atypical

employment (fixed-term contracts, part-time contracts) is not selected freely or if the

employees continue in those positions permanently. Then for several reasons flexible

employment can conflict with the social sustainability of organizations. First, atypical

employment affects the social security. Therefore, concerned individuals must usually

accept a loss of income and lower social security claims in the case of unemployment,

retirement, etc. In terms of gender equality atypical employment of women

reproduces - in connection with the unpaid reproductive and care work - the male

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breadwinner or secondary earner model and solidifies an unequal distribution of

employment and reproductive work between the genders.

In connection with this, but also beyond, atypical workers in management positions

reduce their chances of future career options. Although the proportion of women in

part-time is also significantly higher than the share of male employees with leadership

responsibilities working part-time; part-time work, however, is significantly less

common among both male and female managers than for non-managers. Also women

in management positions, which have children, take comparatively rarely part-time

posts. Against this background, it should be emphasized that the women's share in the

NPO sector, which is above-average, is not reflected at the management level

(Paul/Walter 2016). For women in part-time, it will be more difficult to rise from

leadership position to leadership position. Gender equality in management positions in

NPOs as a facet of social sustainability thus for a start moves into the distance.

At this point it is clear that the disadvantages of a reduction of working time are often

linked to state and organizational culture and structure conditions. To counteract the

disadvantages on short- to medium-term, organizations could increasingly offer

opportunities for flexible working time arrangement, regardless of the weekly hour

volume. As has been shown already, women in nonprofit organizations evaluate

autonomy and flexibility of working time arrangement as relatively well – especially if

they care for children at home. Good working conditions – in the light of the large

number of women particularly in terms of work-life balance – should be a central

theme of nonprofit-organizations. In addition to the social sustainability of the

employment relation of their employees they thus secure the recruitment and the

remaining of their professionals – and thus the quality and sustainability of their work.

5 Sources

Beher, Karin/Krimmer, Holger/Rauschenbach, Thomas/Zimmer, Annette (2006):

Führungskräfte in gemeinnützigen Organisationen. Bürgerschaftliches Engagement

und Management, Berlin: Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und

Jugend. Online abrufbar unter:

www.bmfsfj.de/BMFSFJ/Service/Publikationen/publikationsliste,did=76022.html

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