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This article was downloaded by: [University of Tasmania] On: 14 October 2014, At: 00:21 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Women & Therapy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wwat20 Finding a Voice in Shakti Neha Navsaria MA a & Suni Petersen PhD b c a The Counseling Psychology program , Temple University b Counseling Psychology , College of Education at Temple University c The California School of Professional Psychology , Sacramento, CA, USA Published online: 20 Oct 2008. To cite this article: Neha Navsaria MA & Suni Petersen PhD (2007) Finding a Voice in Shakti , Women & Therapy, 30:3-4, 161-175, DOI: 10.1300/J015v30n03_12 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J015v30n03_12 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan,

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Page 1: Finding a Voice in               Shakti

This article was downloaded by: [University of Tasmania]On: 14 October 2014, At: 00:21Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH,UK

Women & TherapyPublication details, including instructions forauthors and subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wwat20

Finding a Voice in ShaktiNeha Navsaria MA a & Suni Petersen PhD b ca The Counseling Psychology program , TempleUniversityb Counseling Psychology , College of Education atTemple Universityc The California School of Professional Psychology ,Sacramento, CA, USAPublished online: 20 Oct 2008.

To cite this article: Neha Navsaria MA & Suni Petersen PhD (2007) Finding a Voice inShakti , Women & Therapy, 30:3-4, 161-175, DOI: 10.1300/J015v30n03_12

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J015v30n03_12

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all theinformation (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform.However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make norepresentations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness,or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and viewsexpressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, andare not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of theContent should not be relied upon and should be independently verified withprimary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for anylosses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages,and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly orindirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of theContent.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes.Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan,

Page 2: Finding a Voice in               Shakti

sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone isexpressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found athttp://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

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THERAPEUTIC APPROACHES

Finding a Voice in Shakti:A Therapeutic Approachfor Hindu Indian Women

Neha NavsariaSuni Petersen

SUMMARY. Despite their growing numbers, Asian Indians in the U.S.,specifically Indian women, seek mental health services at a lower ratethan other populations, but not due to a lesser need. This paper seeks topresent an emergent intervention model for working with Hindu Indian

Neha Navsaria, MA, is a graduate student in the Counseling Psychology program atTemple University. Suni Petersen, PhD, is former Assistant Professor of CounselingPsychology, College of Education at Temple University and now is at the CaliforniaSchool of Professional Psychology, Sacramento, CA.

Address correspondence to: Neha Navsaria, Department of Counseling Psychol-ogy, College of Education, Temple University, Weiss Hall, 1701 North 13th Street,Philadelphia, PA 19118 (E-mail: [email protected]).

[Haworth co-indexing entry note]: “Finding a Voice in Shakti: A Therapeutic Approach for Hindu IndianWomen.” Navsaria, Neha, and Suni Petersen. Co-published simultaneously in Women & Therapy (TheHaworth Press, Inc.) Vol. 30, No. 3/4, 2007, pp. 161-175; and: Feminist Reflections on Growth and Transfor-mation: Asian American Women in Therapy (ed: Debra M. Kawahara, and Oliva M. Espín) The HaworthPress, Inc., 2007, pp. 161-175. Single or multiple copies of this article are available for a fee from TheHaworth Document Delivery Service [1-800-HAWORTH, 9:00 a.m. - 5:00 p.m. (EST). E-mail address:[email protected]].

Available online at http://wt.haworthpress.com© 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.

doi:10.1300/J015v30n03_12 161

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immigrant and second-generation women by incorporating componentsof Hinduism and an understanding of the cultural ideals and gender rolesin Indian culture. Cultural values and religious beliefs are exploredthrough descriptions of the roles of women, impact of immigration, andthe ethnic-specific constructs of mental illness and spiritual functioningfor this population. Special emphasis is placed on the Hindu concept ofShakti, spiritual feminine power, explicating the conflict between the di-chotomous roles maintained by Indian women living in the U.S. andways in which Shakti can serve as a construct of change in the therapeu-tic process. Information for a therapist to apply these principles evenwhen unfamiliar with Hinduism is provided. doi:10.1300/J015v30n03_12[Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Ser-vice: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: <[email protected]>Website: <http://www.HaworthPress.com> © 2007 by The Haworth Press, Inc.All rights reserved.]

KEYWORDS. Asian-American, Asian-Indian, culture, Hinduism,multicultural counseling, women

According to recent statistics, the Asian Indian population in the U.S.stands at 1.7 million, which represents an astounding 106% increaseover the 1990 Census figures, the largest documented growth in theAsian American community (Humes & McKinnon, 2000). The major-ity of these Indians, approximately 1 million (Hodge, 2004), practiceHinduism, suggesting that Hinduism is the largest Asian religion in theU.S. (Richards & Bergin, 1997). Despite their growing numbers andvulnerabilities, such as immigrant and refugee status, language differ-ences, negative attitudes toward counseling as a coping strategy(Panganamala & Plummer, 1998), and devaluation of individualism(Das & Kemp, 1997), these Indians tend to underuse mental health ser-vices (Panganamala & Plummer, 1998; Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993;Sodowsky & Carey, 1988). Specifically, Indian women are at risk asthey are confined by more rigid cultural role distinctions (Hodge, 2004)and may be perceived by outsiders as having an “underdeveloped ego,”lacking self-reliance and self-direction because of Hinduism’s empha-sis on selflessness and detachment (Roland, 1996). Furthermore, AsianIndians are underrepresented in mental health research and culturallyrelevant interventions in the U.S. This is due in part to the tendency tocluster all Asian subgroups under the nominally misleading umbrella

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term “Asian” (which for most people evoke the prototype of the EastAsian Chinese, Korean, and Japanese populations). Due to these group-ing patterns, unique factors, such as the impact of particular religionslike Hinduism and specific gender roles for Indian women, can be over-looked.

Religion is a source of positive influence and has only recently re-ceived attention in research and interventions in mainstream psychol-ogy. Little attention has been shown in either research or practice to therole of religion in the mental well-being of Hindu Indians. It has beenfound that although practicing psychologists believe client religious-ness/spirituality to be an important area of functioning, most do not rou-tinely assess the domain or address it in treatment planning (Hathaway,Scott, & Garver, 2004). Tarakeshwar, Pargament, and Mahoney (2003)contend that religious pathways are relevant for the psychologicalwell-being and adjustment of Hindus and assert that researchers and cli-nicians need to take into account the multidimensional nature of Hindureligious life. This suggests that religion can be a salient resource forHindus, in particular women, in developing a therapeutic framework forcounseling this population.

There has been emerging research on the large Indian immigrant popu-lation (Farver, Narang, & Bhadha, 2002; Hastings, 2000; Panganamala &Plummer, 1998; Das & Kemp, 1997; Ibrahim & Ohnishi, 1997;Durvasula & Mylvaganam, 1994; Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993; Sodowsky &Carey, 1987; Sodowsky & Carey, 1988); however, there remains a signif-icant paucity of existing literature on mental health and psychological in-terventions for Indian women in this population. Therapy is moreeffective with a client if an approach is used that encompasses her val-ues and contexts (Sue & Sue, 1999). Therapists’ credibility with a clientcan increase if they demonstrate and communicate an understanding ofthe client’s worldview and acknowledge cultural differences betweenthem (Chung & Bemak, 2002a). Therefore, developing a model ger-mane to a Hindu female’s religion and culture is imperative as it can im-prove the therapeutic connection and provide a relevant context forexploration.

The present authors introduce a model inspired from psychological,sociological, and anthropological perspectives. The cultural role ofwomen in Indian society and its impact on their psychological function-ing and coping mechanisms will be presented. At the core of the modellies the Hindu concept of Shakti, representing feminine power derivedfrom goddesses. A therapist can effectively use this belief to navigate thecounseling process for a Hindu Indian female client. Even non-Hindu

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therapists can join with a Hindu woman client to navigate the use of thisintervention. The paper will further incorporate how any therapistwould be able to introduce the concept to such a client. Furthermore,this intervention is not only relevant for first generation immigrantHindu Indian women, but can be applicable to Hindu Indian-Americanwomen, as second and third generation Hindus may strongly affirmHindu traditional values (Hodge, 2004).

CULTURAL MILIEU FOR INDIAN WOMEN

Roles of Women. Indian culture dictates the content of the feminineidentity, which is defined by service to family and society, underscoringthe roles of wife and mother (Guzder & Krishna, 1991). Beliefs about awoman’s calling is referred to as dharma which relates to keeping thefamily honor, being modest, and putting others first (Bottorff et al.,1998). Karma provides a sense of justice in that individuals reap theconsequences of their unjust or meritorious actions in this life and thenext life (Hodge, 2004). Through the beliefs of dharma and karma, boththe psychological and physical afflictions of Indian women may be in-terpreted as shameful or ill omens for the whole family since a woman’swell-being is seen as a reflection of family integrity. Subsequently, In-dian women are significantly more vulnerable to shame, guilt, andstigma than men, while an Indian male’s affliction is perceived as acause for sorrow rather than shame (Guzder & Krishna, 1991). Indianwomen are placed in a unique position due to their role in the family andtherefore warrant further research relevant to specific therapeutic ap-proaches.

Although differences in acculturation and generation may impacthow cultural values are manifested in an Indian woman’s functioning, itis important to note that Indian women generally operate from the samecore values. It has been suggested that first generation Hindus retaintheir beliefs in interdependence and family roles, regardless of howlong they have lived in the United States (Hodge, 2004). Second genera-tion Indian American women, having been educated in Americanschools and raised in an American social environment, appear to bemore self-directed, assertive, and verbally expressive. At the same time,this generation shows signs of deep internalization of the core valuesfrom the experience of growing up in an Indian family (Roland, 1996).These Indian-American offspring display a strong sense of family con-nection that ostensibly resembles the Western notion of enmeshment.

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This presence of components of both individualized and collectivistideals can engender a considerable amount of confusion and conflict.

Cultural Contexts of Immigration. Immigration status for Indianwomen is also of concern to Indian women in the U.S. since they mayface psychological challenges in the resettlement process. Not onlyhave they undergone forced migration and loss of family, community,and social support networks, but once in the host country, they may befaced with living in a foreign culture and environment with little or noresources or emotional support (Chung & Bemak, 2002b). Another fac-tor contributing to the understanding of the mental health of Hindu In-dian women in the U.S. is evidenced by the alarming number ofdomestic violence cases. Recent research has shown that two in fiveSouth Asian women (South Asian refers to women of Indian descentalong with those women from neighboring countries of Pakistan andBangladesh) in the U.S. have experienced physical or sexual intimatepartner violence, a rate disproportionately higher than that reported byother racial/ethnic groups in the U.S (Raj, Silverman, & McCleary-Sills, 2005).

Further exacerbating their vulnerabilities, women in a traditionalHindu context are discouraged from divorce, even if they are victim-ized, and prohibited from remarriage if they are widowed (Guzder &Krishna, 1991). Threats to choke off U.S. citizenship are some of themost common ways Indian women in this country are forced to stay inabusive marriages (Raju, 2004). Federal law does not allow womenwhose husbands have come to the U.S with a H-1B work visa to workprofessionally or petition for a green card individually, thereby makingit easier for a husband to gain leverage in a relationship. In the case ofdomestic violence, the U-visa was developed, under the ViolenceAgainst Women Act, to address the immigration status of womentrapped in violent relationships. To obtain this visa, a woman wouldneed to report the violence to law enforcement and certify that she willbe helpful in prosecuting the abuser. Although the U-visa does exist, itis likely that immigrant Indian women would not know that such an op-tion is available, and may still live in fear that they will be deported iffound and therefore stay in the abusive relationship.

Cultural Understanding of Illness. Indian women typically viewhealth as an integration of mind, body, and spirit with a greater focus onthe physical than the psychological. Such a holistic approach does notdiscriminate between physically “feeling bad” and emotionally “feelingbad.” There is a tendency to attribute bad feelings to physical function-ing. Furthermore, Indian women, in an effort to achieve selflessness,

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may focus their self-reflection on behavior rather than their own emo-tions. There are two consequences in providing therapy to women usingthis way of functioning. First, the diagnosis of somatization that is ap-propriate for a Western-enculturated client would be inappropriate foran Indian woman. Second, the personal construction of distress may ap-pear for Indian women that there is a dissociation from their mental stateor inner self. The dissociation can be construed that for Indian women,there is confusion about one’s emotions and that there is an inability todescribe or identify one’s feelings. Rather than interpreting this dy-namic as a deficit, the therapist can understand the dissociation as a cul-tural artifact and find ways to work within the cultural paradigm toassist the client.

Rather than attempt to tease apart the psychological, physical, andspiritual dimensions, the therapist, following the lead of the client, as-sumes that when a client reports distress, it has an accompanying psy-chological component and avoids directly pressing the client forpsychological symptoms. By asking for specific descriptions of the cli-ent’s experience, the therapist can ascertain how the psychology of thewoman is affected. After a discussion leading to symptom identificationwithin the framework of the client, the therapist can subsequently ex-plore the sources and remedies. The application of psychiatric diagnosisrooted in Westernized ideals and the subsequent treatments can bedetrimental to the Indian woman client.

A social anthropological account of South Asian immigrant womenin Britain by Fenton (1996) echoes this notion of personal constructionof mental illness by illustrating the elaborate language and symbolismthrough which South Asian women (in particular, women from Indiaand Pakistan) represent and express mental and physical distress. Thereare no words in Indian dialects that directly translate to “depression” or“guilt.” Therefore, in articulating mental states, a core expression formany women in this study translated to phrases such as “thinking in myheart” and “my heart kept falling and falling” and “my sorrow has be-come my illness.” One woman, after her husband left, received newsthat her sister passed away which “made the illness grow.” Another re-spondent spoke of the benefit of receiving anti-depressants stating, “Myheart grew a little stronger.”

The results of this study are telling as they indicate that for Indianwomen, there is indeed a recognition of distress when these women de-scribe mental anguish. However, there is an absence of a focus on an “I”self, revealing the non-universality of the Western languaging of emo-tional expression (Fenton, 1996). In a Western form of expression, there

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is a strong tendency to align statements of emotion with the “I” self, us-ing phrases such as “I am sad” or “I feel depressed.” Therefore, there isan assumption that the development of an idea of the “self” as an objectis one which may be reflected upon, and acted upon (Fenton, 1996). TheWestern notion of “self as object” is alien to Indian women. To imposesuch objectification and separation of the self into a traditional Hinduwoman would be a repressive tactic that robs the woman of her culturalsupports. Centering the self in such a manner and then reflecting upon itrequires an individualistic philosophy, which based on the responses inFenton’s study, South Asian women did not display. However, currentWestern therapeutic practices call for this type of self-reflection and ex-pression, thus rendering therapy an invalid and incongruent experiencefor many Indian women.

Responses in Fenton’s study also indicate that South Asian women in-terpret mental distress as originating from an external source, such as a darkspirit, that has consumed their mind, heart, or body. In a similar vein, in In-dia it has often been said that the emotional and physical changes that occurfor menstruating women are because at that time women have access to thepowers of Kali Ma, the Dark Goddess (Noble, 1991). There is a notion thatexternal forces control mental and physical states and an implication that,to heal oneself, the invading force must be removed. Many Western modesof therapy focus on autonomy and taking control of one’s illness whichclearly contradicts the Indian attributions to an outside force that cannotbe controlled. Such a stance requires the client to move outside theirframe of reference to connect with the therapist, which is clearly inconsis-tent with the therapist meeting the client “where she is.” In typical Westerntherapy, the work of bringing together two competing dualities would in-volve intense self-focus and often a cathartic experience. In the process ofexternalizing the problem with Indian women, the therapist assists the cli-ent in exploring the outside forces that have led to her construals of distress,specifically exploring her emotional field through her cultural experienceof spirituality. The externalization process with Indian women would state,“How have external forces or spirits assisted you in work you consider im-portant?” It is possible for the Indian woman client to remain externally fo-cused as the therapist, rather than directing her attention inward, woulddirect her attention to her behavior, demands, and roles.

Examining Indian Women Through a Religious Lens

Paradigms of Hinduism. Notions of individualism and autonomy thatcharacterize Western and U.S. culture are in direct contrast with Hindu

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culture and ideals. For most Hindus, there is a great awareness of and re-spect for human interdependence and interconnectedness, and if an in-dividual’s actions weaken the community to which the person belongs,those actions weaken the person as well (Hodge, 2004). Hinduism isalso characterized by rituals which have the potential to ease anxiety,defeat loneliness and promote a sense of security (Hodge, 2004). Thera-pists can encourage clients to tap into these coping strengths by engag-ing in ritualistic behavior that reinforces more effective, healthy, andimplicit messages. Rituals such as puja (worship and devotional offer-ings to god) and religious fasting reinforce and strengthen an individ-ual’s relationship with God, serve in cleansing one’s spirit, and serve asa more relevant coping mechanism to provide an enhanced purpose inlife. A therapist can help a client develop a routine based on existing rit-ualistic practice incorporating the client’s issues and, if applicable, en-courage the client to consult a Hindu priest. Hindu meditation has alsobeen linked with positive outcomes (Hodge, 2004). A therapist can en-courage a client to engage in meditation while repeating positive mes-sages that can promote resilience. Meditation can also be combinedwith imagery tasks to allow the therapist to collaborate in understandingthe client’s imagery and worldview.

Hierarchical Relationships to the Mother Goddess and Source ofShakti. Indian culture also has a marked emphasis on idealization.Hindu and related mythologies of the idealized feminine-maternal haveprofound social and psychological implications for many Indianwomen (Guzder & Krishna, 1991). Indians may attribute mythic statusto certain elders, gurus, and others in idealizing self-object relationshipsor may even identify with idealized mythic figures and gods or god-desses (Roland, 1996). An important distinction between Western cul-ture and Indian culture is that this idealization serves not to direct thesocial and work world, but rather the involvements in self-transforma-tion to becoming a better and more mature person. For a therapist, it isvery important to work with Indian women in this context, as it is one inwhich they can explore self-betterment. One such context is through anexploration of the Hindu Mother Goddess.

Narratives of Hinduism have emphasized a central matriarchal figurereflected in the powerful presences of the Mother Goddess, variouslyreferred to as Devi, Parvati, Durga, or Kali (Erndl, 1993). The MotherGoddess represents the life-giving, procreative power of the universe(Guzder & Krishna, 1991). These deities also serve very specific func-tions such as curing diseases and helping people in distress (Erndl,

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1993). Generally, devotees use two names, Durga Ma and Kali Ma, todistinguish the duality in her nature, gentle protector and fierce warrior.

The Mother Goddess is the embodiment of Shakti. Shakti representsan overwhelming conscious or unconscious feminine primal force(Guzder & Krishna, 1991). The power of this symbolic feminine entitystands in contrast to the Indian social reality where women often remainprecariously positioned in patriarchal joint family systems and are, fromchildhood onwards, devalued compared to their brothers (Guzder &Krishna, 1991). In the state of Orissa in eastern India, Hindu womenwill claim that because they are female and share the essence of the god-dess Devi, they embody Shakti and the ability to transform the undoableinto the doable (Menon, 2002). In particular, Hindu women, in describ-ing the power of their Shakti, assert that they alone have the ability tohold their families together, yet at the same time to devastate them com-pletely (Menon, 2002). The power is great in the sense that it embodiesoutcomes that are polar opposites and places women in a pressured role.The Kali Ma image is also representative of the unconscious mind thatis stirred up by emotional cravings of the heart (Chaudhuri, 1957).Therefore, it is assumed that giving in to Kali Ma will lead to individualassertions and wants, devaluing the family system as a whole and, sub-sequently, making the family suffer.

Overall, the difficult circumstances of Indian women and the culturalcontexts which define their identities motivate the present authors tocall for progressive change and a realignment of tradition with changingcultural realities. In particular, with Indian-American women, incorpo-rating Shakti into therapy is imperative because Indian-Americanwomen face a strong dichotomy of Indian values versus Western valuesof autonomy and independence. Therapeutic approaches are neededthat are contextually grounded in cultural beliefs. Discussing issues ofcontrol and power through the lens of Shakti will provide familiarity tothe client and a more traditional agent of change, enhancing thetherapeutic relationship and connection.

USING SHAKTI TO GUIDE THE THERAPEUTIC PROCESS

The challenge of culture change is to redefine the cultural metaphors,spaces, and ego ideals that shape life and so establish meaning withinthe new social contexts (Guzder & Krishna, 1991). Menon (2002) ap-plied this redefinition using Shakti by proposing that for women to be-come powerful, it is necessary to remake their Shakti through more

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culturally relevant actions. Our interventions rest in this assertion asShakti can be used as a therapeutic construct for Indian women to createmeaningful and satisfying identities to make choices and take action.The notion of Shakti can be integrated into counseling sessions in thecontext of a vessel of personal transformation. This Shakti is what givesrise to the form and expression of the “dark side,” as opposed to the “I”self, which would be a feared and anxiety-provoking path for Indianwomen.

The dual nature of Shakti can be explored within the context of awoman’s life by helping her to determine how her power is being usedand how it was determined that she use it in that way. Whereas, usingpower in support of her individualism might feel selfish, the womanmay be able to acknowledge ways in which she is using that power onbehalf of her family, making more negative emotional states acceptablewithin her cultural value system. Once negative emotions become ac-ceptable, and a woman understands she has control over how they areused, she can integrate them as part of her psyche, identifying with thedual nature of Shakti.

The guidelines for our model follow a diffused ideology (Abraham,2000) emphasizing more dispersed values. Therefore, a notion of fight-ing the patriarchy in Indian society is not the central value that definesthe model. Rather, a set of selective values, such as the ability andstrength of the woman within various contexts (i.e., with husband, fam-ily, career, society) is the focus. A woman can move toward muchgreater self-appreciation and self-acceptance while retaining her role inthe family and understanding the sense of control she has in determininghow to fulfill her role, while still maintaining various facets of a familialself (Roland, 1996). For many women, the family is very important andit is not easy to leave or go against it; therefore, a model that supports theindividual while simultaneously making the family and society a viableinstitution is needed. Guidelines are presented as follows:

Eliciting One’s Story of Shakti. Core cultural values continue to in-fluence the behavior of all Hindus, whether they are from lower orhigher castes (Menon, 2002). Taking a spiritual history may be an ap-propriate means of understanding the spiritual capabilities and experi-ences that have developed over time and inform the consumer’sspiritual universe (Hodge, 2004). In a Canadian study examining SouthAsian women’s beliefs on cancer (Bottorff et al., 1998), women whoconsidered themselves Westernized often described other women asholding traditional beliefs; however, traditional beliefs were noted astheir own stories emerged. Therefore, eliciting a discussion on religion

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and culture leading to how Shakti is manifest in the life of a particularclient will provide the therapist direct access to the core of an Indian cli-ent’s value system. This discussion is of relevance as Shakti is a conceptthat may have historical maternal links, transmitted from generation togeneration where Shakti is not only derived from a Goddess, but ratherfrom a maternal elder, revealing distinct family patterns. Eliciting sto-ries from a client can also provide a description of rituals that one mayperform that provide an Indian woman with a source of Shakti whichspeak to that individual’s coping mechanisms and sources of strength.Therefore, in assessing an Indian woman’s familiarity and understand-ing of Shakti, we can understand the salience of her spiritual assets.

Identify the Conflict of Cultural Values and the Space in Which It IsOperating. The omnipotence of the idealized object and the unthinkableanxieties of maternal destructiveness are both at work within this con-flict in space of Shakti (Guzder & Krishna, 1991). For example, in com-bining a career and motherhood, Indian women face a number ofconflicts. Having a career is fundamentally a family endeavor with anIndian woman’s ego-ideal for achievement and success related to thefamily (Roland, 1988). The experiential sense of Indian women is muchmore of a “we” self that includes others in the extended family, whereasthe American self is an individualistic “I” self (Roland, 1988). The no-tion of displaying a more autonomous self that must show initiative andbe assertive is a source of conflict because it goes against the deeplyengrained expectations of the extended family taking care of one’s vari-ous needs (Roland, 1996). Assisting a client in defining her conflict anddetermining how that conflict is manifested in one’s Shakti is importantgroundwork in using this concept.

The client elaborates on the cultural metaphor as learned and previ-ously interpreted by her. Then the client and therapist together explorethe boundaries of the metaphor, stretching it to fit the new situation inwhich the woman finds herself. This mutual exploration is done withthe therapist in a not-knowing position, asking questions that allow theclient to teach the therapist, and in doing so, the client begins to reinter-pret in ways that reflect her new environment, new struggles at adapta-tion, and new perspective through her own cultural interpretation ofwhat Shakti means in her new life. This approach can be used effec-tively by a naïve therapist as the client leads the way.

Making Their Shakti Moral. Borrowing from Menon (2002), forwomen to become truly potent, they must remake their Shakti to bemoral. This is a difficult task, as Indian women can easily fear theShakti held within as it bears consequences of protecting the family, but

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holds an equally destructive force for one’s family. To begin to confrontthe spirit of Kali Ma requires acknowledgement of one’s unconsciousdrives and desires and an acceptance of the existence of an “I” self thatwould go against Indian cultural ideals and thus appear immoral. How-ever, Noble (1991) stated that for women, the willingness to face thedark is the key to their development. For Indian women, cultural factorshave programmed her reality; therefore, this experience can seem“ungrounding” (Noble, 1991). She may begin to fear for her mind. Theneed here is for work that is grounding to help the Indian woman em-body the energies that are awakening in her being, and also for a shift inattitude that makes it all right to feel these new feelings (Noble, 1991).This shift can be achieved by developing how one can use Shakti as anexternal container that holds thoughts and impulses from the “I” self,but does not necessarily define the core of the individual. In this way, atherapist can explore one’s Shakti to understand inner conflicts withoutforcing a client to explore her conflicts from the “I” contexts. The clientis actually encouraged to project her negative feelings on Kali Ma, thenreevaluates Kali Ma in her life, and is helped to discriminate betweenthose aspects of Kali Ma that can be beneficial in her life and those thatare not.

Using an Indirect Approach to Allow One to Embody Shakti. Asmentioned earlier, social isolation for recent immigrants like Indianwomen results in a lack of meaningful relationships. A relationship withthe Mother Goddess can engender a greater connection with one’sShakti where one may shift from viewing it as an external entity to aninternalized force with increased self-control. To allow one to embodywhat is held in one’s Shakti, a non-directive approach can be beneficial.For example, Indian women can be sensitive to direct discussions aboutbreast cancer as they may be viewed as insults or even as curses(Bottorff et al., 1998). Approaching the issue through a story of anotherwoman or a mythical Goddess can be more effective. In times of dis-tress, to tide over one’s difficult times, Hindu women invoke the help ofDurga Ma or Kali Ma through tales of their victories (Chaudhuri, 1957).The personality of the divinity offers a very effective solution in dealingwith conflicts and distress. It is said that one can willingly confide itover to the personality of the Goddess, standing outside oneself(Chaudhuri, 1957). A process of embodiment can take place whereShakti is the vessel of strength, the instinctual becoming.

The role of the therapist is as an expert, but devoid of paternalism, en-couraging empowerment through identification with Shakti. Even atherapist familiar with the Hindu stories would not know those that par-

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ticularly impacted her client. Therefore, the therapist asks the client torecall stories from the Goddess and her female ancestors. In relaying thestories, she gains a greater metaphoric understanding of how theseforces operate. Typically, the therapist would have the client identifyhow the stories refer to her own situation in order to use them. However,with traditional Indian women, such a strategy requires a level ofself-focus inappropriate for the culture. Therefore, the therapist inter-prets the relationship between the story and the client’s situation. To-gether, then, the woman and the therapist explore how the metaphors fitthe specific challenges she is facing.

CONCLUSION

The article serves to provide an exploratory conceptual framework inwhich to counsel Hindu Indian female individuals. Although this modelwarrants further assessment, it extends our knowledge of the beliefs ofSouth Asian women and furthers our understanding of how culturalparadigms endure and allow for change. Along with building a thera-peutic connection, incorporating religion into therapy reveals the es-sence of a Hindu individual’s value system, decreasing assumptionsand miscommunications. Contrary to other beliefs, South Asian womendo recognize mental illness, however, the externalizing language inwhich emotion is expressed reflects their personal construction of men-tal distress. This expression of mental distress, along with the notion ofa more collectivist self, is markedly different from core assumptionsmaintained in Western models of therapy, highlighting the need for amore culturally competent intervention model for this population. Thenotion of Shakti can be used as a container in which to explore the “I”self of an Indian woman in an indirect manner. The Shakti concept is anattempt to find a solution to bring harmony between the conflicting con-scious and unconscious mind in a more socially accepted outlet.

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