Festal and dated coins of the Roman Empire : four papers / by Aline Abaecherli Boyce

8/9/2019 Festal and dated coins of the Roman Empire : four papers / by Aline Abaecherli Boyce

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NUMISMATIC NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS

No. 153

FESTAL AND DATED COINS

OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE:

FOUR PAPERS

By ALINE ABAECHERLI BOYCE

THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

NEW YORK

I965

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NUMISMATIC NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS

Number 153



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ALLRIGHTSRESERVEDBYTHE AMERICAN UMISMATICOCIETY

PRINTED NGERMANYATJ.J.AUGUSTIN GLÜCKSTADT



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TO

G. K. B.



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Festal and Dated Coins

of the Roman Empire:

Four Papers

By ALINE ABAECHERLI BOYCE

THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETYNEW YORK

1965



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TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE ix

THEPAPERSANEWAUGUSTAN UREUSOF17 B.C ITHEDATEDCOINSOFPOMPEIOPOLIS 12THE NINTHCONSULSHIPF DIOCLETIAN NDTHE CONSULAR

REVERSE 22A NEWSOLĪDUS OF THEODOSIUSI AND OTHERVOTA OLIDI

OFTHE PERIOD 40KEY TO PLATESANDTEXT 9IPLATES

IO3

vii



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X Prefacewell as of the handsome consular solidusof TheodosiusII and thesolidus of LiciniaEudóxia, all in the BM; A. Suhle, for casts of afine onsular aureus of Maximian;L. R.Taylor, forhelpin obtaininga photographof the Augustansecular actaand officials f the MuseoNazionale delle Terme forpermission o publishit.

I am also indebted to officialsof the following nstitutions forsendingme castsorphotographsof the coins ofPompeiopolisin their

collections: the Cabinet des Médailles(J. Babelon, and MoniqueMainjonetfor supplementary nformation),BibliothèqueNationale,Paris; The British Museum(R. A. G. Carson and G. K. Jenkins);the Ashmolean Museum,Oxford (C. Kraay); the Fitzwilliam Mu-seum,Cambridge (H.T. Shrubbs) the Hunterian Museum,Glasgow(AnneRobertson); the coin cabinets in the national museums atCopenhagen (G.Galster); Munich,includingthe Gotha Collection(Dr. Christ) Vienna(K. Pink) and Istanbul (N. Dolunayand C.Ar-tuk). From Berlin (A.Suhle)I have received a fulldescriptive ist

of the Pompeiopolitancoinsin the Münzkabinett, nd K. Kraft haskindlyproducedforme castsofspecimenst Frankfurt ndTübingen.In addition M. HenriSeyrigsent me casts of a fine Seveřan pieceatthe American University in Beirut. The followingcollectors havegenerouslymade theircoins availableforphotographing r have sentcasts or descriptions:H. vonAulock,L. Cancio,T. O. Mabbott andD. Stephens.

For the use of its facilities word of thanks is due the Universityof MichiganLibrary, and specialappreciationis owedto the library

staff of the American Numismatic Society for making availablematerial not immediatelyaccessible tome. Finally, thanks are duethe PublicationCommittee nd the Editor and his staff or valuablesuggestionsand for seeing a complicatedmanuscript through thepress.



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A NEW AUGUSTANAUREUS OF 17 B.C.1

In recentyearsthere have beena number of articles on the group-ing into collegiaand on the chronologicalarrangementof the Au-gustan moneyerswhose names appeared on the Roman imperialcoinagein the last two decadesof the first entury b.c. This articleis of another sort; its chiefpurposeis to present a combination ofobverse and reversetypesknown to have been struckby the moneyerM. Sanquiniusin silver but appearingnowfor the first ime in gold(Plate I, i). The newaureus adds a chapter to the history of theone collegeof the Augustan moneyerswhich struck coins in allmetals gold, silver and bronze. The existence of the coin provesthat each of the two varieties of denarii struck by Sanquiniuswasmatchedby a corresponding ariety n gold and its discovery eadsto a reconsideration f the meaningof the coins in the Augustanage.

In 1947H. Mattinglypublishedan article "Vergil's Fourth Eclo-gue, >2nd amongthe photographsused to illustrate it he includedone of the coin described in BMCEmp.I, p. 13, 69, pl. 2, 19, theaureus ofM.Sanquiniuswhichshowsa youngmaleheadsurmountedby a star and a flame,or, if one puts the two elements together,bya comet. In BMCEmp.I, Mattingly, followingconvention,3hadcalled this head "Julius Caesardeified,"the comet evidentlybeinga reference o the comet that had appearedin the course ofthe LudiVictoriaeCaesarisof44 b.c., givingOctavianan excuseto placethissymbolon statues of Caesar.4But in the list of coins forhis article1The historicalmportancef he eries owhichhis ureus elongsas beenemphasizedn such articles s C. H.V. Sutherland'sSenatorialGold andSilverCoinagef 16 b.c.,"NC1943,pp. 40-49, nd F. PanviniRosati's"Leemissioninoro e argento ei Tresvirimonetales' iAugusto,"rch. lass.3(Rome,951),p.66-85.2"Virgil's ourth clogue,"Journ. f theWarburgnd Courtauldnstitutes10(1947)»P-14-19.3Eckhel,octr.Num.6,pp.11-12Div. ul.) cf. , p.102nd5,pp.299-300;Babelon,Monn.

Rép.Rom. I,

pp. 417-18;Cohen

Jul.Caes,and Oct.1);

Grueber,MCRep.I, p. 78.4Pliny, NH 2, 94; cf. Suet. Div. lul. 88; Dio,45, 7, i; Zonaras,10,13;Servius nVerg.Eel.IX,47.1 I



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2 Festal and Dated Coinson EclogueIV Mattingly howedthat he had progressed o the ideathat this head might be that of the young lulus (Ascanius),son ofCaesar's proclaimedancestor Aeneas.The flame in this case wasevidentlyto be considereda reference o the portent of the flame onthe head of lulus in AeneidII, 679-704,which had led, after theappearanceof a comet, to Aeneas' departure from burning Troy,and ultimately, to the foundingof Rome centuries ater. A double

reference, o the deification f Caesar and to Caesar's ancestorlulus,seems not impossible,but an interpretation f the cometed headasthat of lulus has long appealedto me as beingmore consistentwiththe younghead.5 Bothinterpretations, o be sure, fit not only theflameover the star but also the occasionfor which the coins werestruck. As the legendAVGVST DIVIF LVDOSSAE and theherald'sfigureon the other side of the aurei and denarii bearing this headshow (Plate I, 2, 3), these coins of M.Sanquiniuswere struck forthe year of the AugustanLudiSaeculares 17b.c.,6 ust a short time

after the death of Vergil, poet and propagandistof the Augustan5Cf.the deificationbabyonglobe urroundedy stars)of DIVVSCAESARIMP DOMITIANIF (Plate I, 6; seeBMCEmp.I, p.311,62-3,N, ĀL;cf.p. 347,246),andissuesofM.Aurelius orDiva Faustina heYounger, MCEmp.V, pp.655-6and Jupiter, s Defenderf the Emperor'salus sur-rounded y seven starson the bronze oinsof Commodus,MCEmp.V,p.833,679 (pl.109,14).6On the correctnessf this dating eeparticularlyanviniRosati,op.cit.,pp.76i.;onp. 71,however,e fails onote hatMaxv. Bahrfeldtnhis DieRömischeoldmünzenprägungährenderRepublikndunter ugustusHalle,I923)>P-148, eallyated the aureuswith heherald f the SecularGamesn

17,not n15b.c. seen. 18 ofthispaper).The heralds a figureimilar otheoneon the coins of DomitianPlate I, 7,8)struck or he SecularGamesfa.D.88,but Domitian's erald arries simplewand,not caduceus.Grueber,BMCRep.I, p. 78,n. 1,discusses hetype t length.The mportancef he coinagef he moneyersf 17b.c. in mperialolicyis brought ut by Sutherlandn an article n themoneyersf thefollowingyear op.cit.,p. 42).Datedcoins fMesciniusR POT MX=VIII)June 7,16b.c. June 6,15b.c.,BMCEmp., p. 16,85,N cf.89,JR referringo theLudi (Augustusistributinguffimentand a cippusnscribedMP/CAES/AVG/LVD/SAEC;o 1. and r. XVandSF,datedTRPOTonly) ommemoratethe erectionnd dedication f the cippuson whichwas recordedhe officialaccount fthe festival. f L.Viniciuswas thefirst oneyero coinn 16b.c.

(PanviniRosati,op.cit.,p. 70,n.

1),thenMescinius

mightwellhavebeen

issuinghis coinsclose to the nniversaryf heLudiofJune, 7 b.c.Just shis ssuesmayberegardedscommemorative,oSanquinius'eraldypemaybe said to have been nticipatoryf thegames cf.BMCEmp., p.74, 431).



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A New Augustan Aureus of iy B.C. 5

Romae).The cometplacedon Caesar's head andconsecrated n foromaywellhave been aseparatehonorpaid to the phenomenon.Therewereseveral such statues of Caesarin Rome (seen. 9). In a subse-quent passage (NH2, 98) Pliny speaks of some sort of celestialphenomenonwhich attended Octavian's entrance into RomeafterCaesar'sdeath. Vergilgoesbeyondthis. On the shield he describes ashavingbeen fashionedby Vulcan forAeneas(AeneidVIII, 680-681),Octavianhinself s represented t the Battle of Actium with flamesand the sidus Iulium on his head. In AeneidI, 286ff., moreover,Jupiter foretells that the fame of the Trojan Caesar (Augustus),Julius descendantof lulus, will reach the stars and that with hisvictorieswars will ceaseand law willprevail.Two decades earlier nfact Vergil in EclogueIX, 46-50, had identified his comet with atime of prosperity, learly the time of the presentOctavian and thefutureAugustus.Commentingn these lines ServiusDanielis,on theauthority of a certain Baebius Macer, states that certain peoplethought the phenomenon,a stella amplissima quasi lemniscisradiis coronatawas intended to reveal the gloria of Caesar'sheir,while the youngOctavianhimself aid the portent ignified he animaof his father, Julius Caesar,and placed a statue surmountedby agoldenstar in Capitolioinscribing n the base,CAESARIEMITHEO.In the same Commentary third opinionis then cited, that of theharuspexVulcanius. Withoutrelating t to any individual,Vulcaniuspublicly pronouncedthe celestialphenomenonto be a comet whichsignifiedhe endof the ninth aeculum ndthe beginning f the tenth.

It matters ittle that Vulcanius,as the story s told, havingbetrayeddivine secret lore, foresaw his own immediate death and droppeddead before he had finished peaking.The importanceof this storyfor us is that he had associated thecomet with a newage.Themem-oirs ofAugustushimself, pecifically ook II, are givenas authorityfor the story. The inconsistencyof Augustus' attitude toward thecomet as quoted and interpreted by Pliny and as related in theServian commentary perhaps finds explanation in Pliny's refer-ence to Augustus' public pronouncement and private feelings.

Augustus,moreover,may have expressedhimselfdifferently t thetimeofthe actualappearanceof the comet andinhismemoirswrittenmuch later. In any case,the identification f the cometwith a new



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6 Festal and Dated Coins

agein both sources s the crucial theme. The sameconcept s reflectedin the comment of Servius Danielis on Aeneid X. 272:hie [cometes]dicitur pparuisseeotempore uoestAugustussortitus mpérium; uncdeniquegaudiaomnibusgentibusutiera untnuntiata, it [thiscomet]is said to have appearedat the time when Augustustook over thesupreme power; then at last tidingsof great joy would cometo allnations."Obviously,then, celestial orewasassociated withAugustusas wellas with Julius Caesar,who had receivedit mainly throughAugustus'efforts.9 transfer f emphasisfrom Caesar toAugustuswas simpleand suited the times. Muchhad transpired between44and 17b.c. FromPliny'swords wecan see that the comet was some-thing more than a symbolof a deifiedancestor or a ruler seekingdeification.For the comet had earned deification n its own right.By reappearingat the time of the Ludi Saeculares, moreover,thecometbecamethe symbolof the inaugurationof the New Age.Henceit appears (inthe form f a star) on the herald's shield (BMCEmp. I,

pl. 2, 20; on our examplesit showsup best on the plated piece,Plate I, 3). It is then possiblethat the cometed head representedsomethingmore than an ancestorof the Julian House,more thanDivusJulius,more than Augustusseekingdeification.Unidentifiableas this youngcometed bust seems,may it not be the NewAgeitself,the Saeculum,or to put it in characteristicRomanterms, theGeniusof the Ludi Saeculares10phenomenallybrought into being by the9A statue f Caesar urmountedythe idus uliumwas erectedyOctavianintheTemplefVenus Genetrix],io,45,7;for hese tatues n generalee

Suet. ul.88;Serv.onAen.VIII,681.Augustus'olenmaking ropagandaof he omet ecomeslearer hen ontrasted ith hedifferentnterpretationof a later ge, pointed ut n oneparagraphf R. S.Rogers' TheNeronianComets,"TAPA 84 (1953),pp. 242-3.For a recent iscussion f the itera-ture non-numismatic)n the sidus ulium nd the mportancef Octavian'sutilizationf t ("aneventwhichymbolicallyommencednew raofgeneralfaith nastrologyntheWest")seeF. H.Cramer, strologynRomanaw andPoliticsTheAmericanhilosophicalociety, hiladelphia,954, P- 8-80.10Cf. the Seveřanfigure f the Saeculum rugiferum,adiate, nd bearingcaduceusndtrident BMCEmp.V, p.20,4: pl.5, 18)and thefigure f theGenius ftheCircus n therare ureus f HadrianBMCEmpIll, pl.53,5)which elebrateshe874th nniversaryf the traditional irthday f Rome.Cf. lso the discussionf A

on,P.

Graindor,ev.

Belgede

phil.et d1 ist.

(1922),pp. 440-43ndC.Cichorius,om. tud.,187i.That thetypes f Sanquiniusavemore odo withAugustusimselfhanisapparent,nd with hecelebrationf he presentaeculums aninstitution



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appearanceof a comet in the year of the festival? In this case weneed not look for preciseidentification f a portrait. If it is at allpossiblethat the childin Vergil's EcologueV wassymbolicof a NewAge,11hen in 17b.c., when the idea ofa newagehad fullymaturedand becomewidelyknownthrough hegreat poets, wemayhave notCaesar,not lulus, not merelyAugustus,but the AugustanSaeculumsymbolized by the Genius of the Comet whichis itself deity and

everlasting:sunt qui et haec sideraperpetuaesse credantare Pliny'sverynext words 12 f Augustusbelieved,as Pliny states, that he was

ofhisown,maybe suggestedn the fact that the herald arries caduceusandmayhave been ntended osuggest ugustus imselfs themessengerfthe newage(BMCEmp., p.civ;cf. heAugustanctaSaecularia 11.5-8),since hewasidentified ith anothermessenger,hegod Mercurye.g., inHorace,Odes, 2, 43;seealso K.Scott,"Mercuryn the BolognaAltar,Rom.Mitt. 0 [1935],225-30).One reasonfor ttaching pecial significancehere s that the herald n Domitian's oinsfor he SecularGamesofa.d. 88carries simplewand Plate I, 7-8),not a caduceus.Wehave noted bove

that the caduceusppearsnthe hand of the Seveřan aeculumrugiferumwhere he ombinationf egendndtypemakes lear henotion fprosperityimplicitn the concept f the newage. Againstdentificationf Augustuswith he secularheraldmaybe the evidence f the Augustanecular ype,BMCEmp.I, p. 74, 431,if the figureoppositethe herald representsAugustus.On thecomet s a symbolf theNewAge (butnot withreferenceo thecoinsof 17B.c.),see L. R.Taylor, ivinity f theRomanmperor, p. 91-2;cf.H.Wagenvoort,Vergils ierte klogeund das Sidusulium,"Mededeel.derKoninkl. kad.vanW tenschappnAmsterdamfd. etterk.,eel67(1929),pp.18-21,35,where he coins re mentionednlygenerallyn an otherwisebrilliantlynalytical aper,which,ncidentally,greeswith ur nterpretationofPliny,NH2,93-4.11 ee L. R.Taylor, p.cit., p.112-15nd andn.23,p.113,with state-ment f ndebtednessoE.Norden's ieGeburt es KindesLeipzig,1924).Cf. the recent nalysisof I. S.Ryberg, Vergil'sGoldenAge,"TAPA 89(1958),p. 116,n. 15.ržThe tar hat anbe seen ntheherald'shieldmaybe a symboliceferenceto the Augustanaeculum. hestar s clearonsome pecimens,ot obviousonothers,ndperhapswas not ngravedn alldies.Thestory nDio,54,29,8,relatingothe ppearancef comet or everal ays t the ime fAgiippa'sdeath in 12 b.c., and the denariusof the flamenMartialis,L. Lentulus(BMCEmp., pl.4, 14),which hows statuary roup ?)inwhich ugustus,identifiedy theclipeusirtutis V,placesa staronthehead of a heroic r

god-like igureearing Victory Plate I, 5: DiviusJulius,not Agrippa,and the flamenMartialisL. Lentulus,not Augustus ccording o Gsell,Babelon,nd morerecently, .Gagé,Actes,Congr.ntern.Numism.953,Paris,1957,PP-219-227) suggestheprogressf Augustus' seof celestial



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8 Festal and Dated Coins"bornin this comet" {sequen eonasci),then ittle could bemore trueof this "unidentifiable ortrait" than that it was meant to representthe new Saeculumidentifiedwith Augustus and his comet: theAugustanAge.

Identificationof Augustusand his successorswith a new age orwith stars is a concept appearingin imperial iterature, s A. Alföldihas demonstratedn "Der NeueWeltherrscher er V Ekloge Vergils,"Hermes65 (1930),p. 381. ProfessorAlföldi quotes passagesfromliterature n whichvariousemperors Augustus,Claudius,Vespasian,Nerva, Domitian) are identifiedwith a new age and/or stars (cf.Plate I, 4, 6).13This sort of dentificationmaywell have beeninten-ded on the coinsof Sanquinius,for the features of the cometedheadfrequently esemble those ofAugustuson coinsof Sanquiniuswhichhaveon oneside,instead of herald of the games,a head ofAugustus.It would not in any case be surprising o find similarityof featurebetweena portrait of Augustusand another bust which had to be

imagined by the artist.It has longbeenknownthat the type of the youngcometedheadwas struck in combinationwith the type of the secular herald onboth aurei and denarii (Plate I, 2, 3, denarii only; for aurei see

symbolismnd indicate hathe tookforgranted t least similar onors orhimself. n goldand some ofthe beautiful ronzepiecesstruck or DivusAugustusyTiberius,hefirst rincepss DivusAugustusater s represen-tedwith star not comet)nhishead. On thebronze hehead sradiate,andin front f t is a thunderbolt,igns f divinity nknownoanycoinagestruck or he divineJulius utsteadily eing reparedor heuseofhisheirfrom he ime f Julius aesar'sdeath.The star s a symbol fdivine ualityhadlongbeforeppearedn suchpositionss on thecapsoftheDioscurindat the diadem ndsof Hellenisticings.13A cometwascertainly more pectacular ymboloruse aspropagandathan star,but starswere lways vailable,whileno ruler ouldcount n acometo make ts ppearanceor isconvenience.t is therefore ot urprisingthat the stars continued oappearon the coinageforpurposesf mperialpropaganda,hile hecomet isappeared.t neednotbe added that cometwas sometimesegardeds a baleful, ather han a propitiousymbole. g.Verg.,Georg., 487i;see also n.9 above).I havenotconsideredt necessaryo discuss ll the coins arlier hanthecoinsof

Sanquiniusn which he sidus ulium

mayhave been

represented.Thesemaybe found, longwith n Appendixf literary ourcesn A.DeSchodťs LeSidusJuliumurdesmonnaiesrappéesprès amort eCésar,"Rev.Belgede Num43, pp. 329-403.



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A New Augustan Aureus of 17 B.C. 9

BMCEmp.I, p. 13, pl. 2, 19).But the variety which combinesthecometedhead with the head of Augustushas been knownonly fromdenarii. Sofar as I know,the heraldtype was not combined with thehead ofAugustus.Unlessthere should come to light bona fidecoins(i.e.,nothybrids) ombiningheheraldtypewiththeheadofAugustus,this cometed headis the predominanttype of the issue.14 t is San-quinius' chief obverse,taking precedenceover the herald and the

portrait of Augustus.The latter might therefore eem to have takena strangely ubordinateposition n the issue.But we must rememberthat the cometed head is on the moneyer'sside of the coin and maybe consideredfor this reason his officialbadge. And the head ofAugustusdoes not seemin a strangely subordinatepositionif thecometedhead transcendsthe human form hat we see beneath thecometand represents he Geniusof the Festival,the Saeculumitself,a figure erhaps chosenby Sanquiniusas the chief type of his coinsbecausehisyear was theyearof the NewAge.Whomeveror whatever

this bust represents, t was conspicuouslyconnected with the yearof the Secular Games of17b.c., and it must be identified n the lightof this connection and its predominantpositionon the coinageofSanquinius.It might even be supposedthat the type was a silenttribute to Vergil and the influence of his portents of comet andflames no earlieror ater coins showstar withflame, sidus crinitumIt was Vergil who had helped to make the comet a symbolof thedestiny of the Julian House, and who, dying in 19 b.c., his workunfinished, ad missedby a short stretch of time the public glorifi-

cation of the new age for which he had written so much over the14 ableillustratinghepredominancef the cometed eadamong hegoldandsilver ypes f Sanquinius

Cometed ead Herald HeadofAugustusoccurswith 2 N types 1 N type 1 N typeHerald Cometed ead Cometedead

HeadofAugustus

2 jRtypes 1 JR ype 1MtypeHerald Cometedead CometedeadHead ofAugustus

Totals 42 2



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io Festal and Dated Coins

years.15n any case, the comettype was propagandafor the powerof Augustusand his house.16A numberof scholars, ncluding Hardy{TheMonumentumAncyranum,Oxford,1923, p.104),Stuart Jones(TheCambridgeAncientHistory 10,p. 150),Sutherland("The Sena-torial Goldand SilverCoinageof 16 b.c.," NC 1943,p. 42)and Grant(Roman Anniversary ssues, Cambridge,1950, pp. 19, 163) havepointed out that the gamestook place ten years after the title of

Augustushad been conferred.Whether or not this was coincidentalor meaningful, t was an important year and an important eventwhichthe coins of Sanquiniuscelebrated. As with other moneyers'types, the types chosen were allottedon the one hand to an event,on the other to the chief"mover" of the event, the Princeps.

Coins were struck in all metals by the moneyersof 17 b.c., anunprecedented ction, and onenot repeated by any other AugustancollegiumMattingly has already said (BMCEmp.I, p. xcvi) thatthis wasperhapsin honor of the Ludi Saeculares.A morerestrictive

statement can be made here that the only Augustan moneyerwhocan safelybe said to have coinedin the three metals was M. San-quinius.He must have been the chiefmoneyerof 17 b.c. and morethan an ordinary hiefmoneyer.Thisiswhyhe issuedthe mostsignifi-cant coins of the year, the aurei and denarii for the Ludi Saeculares

Aurei to match the denarii of the "herald" issue have long beenknown. But no aurei to match the denarius with the cometed headon one side and the head ofAugustuson the other seem to have beenlisted. Such an aureus has now come to light, tending to support

Pink's theory hat one may safelypostulatesuchpiecesas seemto be15EclogueV, 5, 52; EclogueIX, 46-50;Georgics, 498-501;Aeneid,286-94;AeneidVI, 788-800.With EclogueV, 6 and AeneidVI, 793-4cf. AeneidVIII, 324-5,a descriptionf theAgeof Saturn.16Passagesfrom ergil n which lamesr stars betokenhedestiny f thehouseof Aeneas re Flamesupon hehead:ofAscanius,eneidI, 679-700.Lavinia,AeneidII, 71-80.Aeneas,AeneidX, 270-5.Stars or Comet:ofAeneas,Aeneid, 257-60;AeneidX,270-5;AeneidXII,794-5 cf.XII,166-7).Ascanius,AeneidI, 679-700;AeneidX, 641-2.Descendantsof Aeneas,AeneidII, 258-9.The Latin namehroughheir lood,AeneidVII,98-101,270-2.OctavianAugustus),clogueX, 46-50,through he Caesaris strum

(cf.Horace,ulium

idus,Odes,, 12,47,and

Pliny,NH

2,93-4, heraldingnewage). Georgics, 24-42,clear referenceopossiblendentificationithvariousgods, dding f a novumidus, nd to actualcult;Aeneid, 286-94,stars, ult,new ge (peacend aw).



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requiredbut are lacking.17ormerly n possessionof Mr. Charles L.Morley (whohas kindly permitted ts publicationhere),and nowina private collectionn Italy, this aureus (Plate I, i) is said to havebeenfound n Macedonia.It suggeststhat the issue with the head ofAugustusheld equal status with the herald issue of the gold andsilver of 17 b.c. and shared its subordinationto the cometedheadtype (see n. 14).These issuesclearlycelebratethe secularyear and

cannot, therefore, e juggledaround the years as they wereat onetime.18he new aureus hasan importancebeyond makingan additionto its own numismaticgroup.For in its time t enjoyedspecial politi-cal status as a propagandapiece,and it is important now as a newdocument for the most famousof the imperialLudi Saeculares,theAugustanSecular Gamesknown to us otherwise rom he festalhymnwritten ythe poetHorace,from he acta nscribednstonewhichmen-tionthat hymn, Plate A,b)19nd from oins which commemorate heinscribed cta themselvesBMCEmp. I, p. 17,89andpl.3,12 cf. sim-

ilar cippuson coinsofDomitian,Plate 1,8).Thesequalities,togetherwith the apparentuniquenessof the coin today and its excellentcon-dition, endparticulardistinction o the new aureus of M.Sanquinius.17 tated e. g.,in his "DieTriumviri onetales nterAugustus,"um.Zeit.71 (1946),p. 119.18t is fortunatehatBahrfeldtDieRömischeoldmünzenprägung,41,148),recognized7b.c. as theproper ate for hese oins PanviniRosati fails onote his nsayinghatWillers nd Bahrfeldt laced Sanquinius'ollegiumn15b.c.,cf.n.6),though casualglancet Bahrfeldťsataloguewillnotrevealthis.PanviniRosati's "Leemissionin oro e argento ei Tresvirimonetales'di

Augusto,"Arch. lass.3 (Rome,195),contains bibliographyf works

on theAugustanmonetales.ne of the most recent rticles n themoneyersis KonradKraft's Zur Datierunger römischen ünzmeisterprägungnterAugustus,Mainzereitschrift 7,1951/52abstractnNLOct. 953,P«3°9-10-19 he nscriptionsanbe seennMichelangelo'sloistert the MuseoNazionaledelleTerme n Rome.Theine f nterest ere eads CARMENCOMPOSVITQHORATIVSLACCVS.hepublishedexts f heAugustanudiSaecularesreto befoundntheCorpusnscriptionumatinarum,ol.6,no.32323cf. uppl.(ed.M.Bang,1933)H.Dessau,nscriptionesatinae electae,o.5050,nd nEphemerispigraphica,ol.8,pp.225-274,with numismaticommentaryyDressel,p.310-15nd oneplateofcoins;G.B.Pighi, e LudisSaecularibus,Milano,941.The iterature n theLudiSaecularess,.ikethat onVergil's clogueV, ofcourse ndless.Butbrief assagesn Hardy,TheMonumentumncyranum,p. 104; Jones,TheCambridgencient istory 0,pp.150L L.R.Taylor'sTheDivinityf heRomanmperor,p.114i.,177-80,maybe cited or avingcaughthe pirit f heyear17b.c. andthe Secular" tmosphere.



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THE DATEDCOINSOF POMPEIOPOLIS

The most completeand ordered documentation for the historyofPompeiopolisin Cilicia underthe RomanEmpirecomesfrom scarce

but varied series of coinsissuedin the city's name.1PompeiopolisinCilicia,calledSoli-Pompeiopolisn many handbooksand catalogues,had its birth n the lap ofthe ancient Soli,as it were,as a resultof theextensiveand successfulcampaignof Pompeythe Great against theMediterraneanpirates in67b.c. Soli hadbeendevastatedand depop-ulatedby TigranesofArmenia n the decade preceding he establish-ment of the new foundation.The newcity was created by Pompeyat the height of his career for the purposeof rehabilitating ome ofthe pirates this was part ofa general planin accordancewith which

several such foundationsappeared elsewherein Cilicia and as farwest as Patras and Dium in the Peloponneseand even, it is some-timesthought, s far west as Calabria.2

The earliest coinsof Pompeiopolis,struck almostcertainlybeforethe fall of Pompeyin 48 b.c., seem to bear no dates; while under theRoman emperorsthe coinsgenerally,though not always,indicatedthe year in which they were struck, . e., the year from the city'sfoundation.A single coin with a year-date could establish datedcoins forPompeiopolisin the last days of the Roman Republic,and

certain evidencefor uch coinage,thoughunknownto me,may exist.But evidence fordated coinsamongthe early issues ofPompeiopoliscannotbe found, s we shallsee,on the issue which wasonce saidtobear a date closeto the Battle of Pharsalus and of which the bestspecimenknown to me is in the British Museum(BMCLycaonia,Isauria, and Cilicia p. 152, 48; Plate II, 10). One of the Greekletters forming heyear date on this coin has beenmisread,and the1Fora brief tatement n the coinagend the city'shistory eeA. A.Boyce,"TheHarbor fPompeiopolis," JA62(1958),p. 67.2

Strabo, , 7,5 (388);14,3, 3 (665); 14,5,8

(671);Plutarch,

ompey,8;

Dio,36,37; PomponiusMela, 1,13,71;cf.Appian,Mithr. 6and115;Livy,Per.99;Veil.Pat. 2,32,4; Florus, , 41, 14;Serv.onVerg.Georg.V, 127;Probus nVerg.Georg.V, 127.12



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The Dated Coinsof Pompeiopolis 13coins of this issue fallnot closeto the Battle of Pharsalus but ratherin the reignofTiberius. The date (SÇ= 96,not IÇ =16) makesthisclear,3though the obverse bears the head of Pompey, the city'sfounder. t is a tribute o their ndependenceand to the loyaltyof thePompeiopolitanstoward their patron, and also to the generosityofthe Emperor,that the city's coins were stillbeingstruck under theearly principáte with their customary portrait of Pompey on the

obverse.It is alsoconsistentwith Pompey'sinfluencen the develop-ment of the principáteand the importanceof his work of organiza-tion in the East. Sofar as I know,an Emperor's portrait first ppear-ed on the coinsof Pompeiopolisunder Nero.4

The misinterpreted ssue from he reignof Tiberius is of relativelysuperior uality whenseentogetherwith the rest of the city's coinage.It is a fitting ocumentwith which to beginan examinationof thedated coins of Pompeiopolis.Though not of the early date onceattributed to it, it is yet the earliest ssue ofPompeiopolisknown to

me which indisputablybears a date. It still heads any list of thedated coinsof that city.5In 1883Imhoof-Blumerpublishedhis list of the dated coins of

Pompeiopolisaspart of a study dealingwithsome coins of theCiliciancities in the Zeitschrift ür Numismatik10, p. 296. In 1931 thereappeared another list of the city's dated coins, this compiledbyC.Boschas part of a longlist of the dated coins of the cities of AsiaMinorunder the Roman Empire.6From evidence accumulatedorreconsidered inceImhoof'stime and later than his subsequentref-

erencesto the coins of Cilicia,7and from a wider backgroundofnumismaticmaterial fromPompeiopolisthan was in Bosch'shands,3See thedetailed iscussion,p. 14-15.4Theobversewith heEmperor'sortrait s amply ttested y specimensntheParis,Ashmolean,otha,Berlin ndVienna ollections.&Onrepublicanrpossibly arly mperialoinswhichmay eem obearyear-dates, he etters eemingo be datesare,becauseof their lace n the coindesign,moreprobably bbreviationsf magistrates' ames.Thosecoinswhichhow hehead ofPompeynd lack a year-date,nd are not in suf-ficient upply o produce rrangementhrough ie-study, ill haveto bearrangedy thecriteria f designndstyle, ype- ndmagistrate-dentities.6C.

Bosch,Kaiserdatenuf kleinasiatischen

ünzen,"NumismatikInter-nationale onatsschriftI (München,Q^n),p.62.7"CoinTypesof SomeKilikianCities,"JHS 18(1898),pp.165-9;cf.briefreferencesnhisMonnaiesGrecques1883),p.365.



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14 Festal and Dated Coinsa morereliable ist can be prepared.The revised istpresented n thisdiscussionmay not necessarilybe completesince the evidence isderivedonlyfrom ertain majornational or other nstitutional ollec-tionsand a fewprivate collections.

Imhoof'slist contained a dozen items from he "i6th" year of thecity to the "309th." The last he listed with a question-mark.As faras can be determined,neither of these dates has ever appearedon

the coinage.Imhoof-Blumer'somplete ist and my commentary n itfollow. have omitted mhoof'sb.c. and a.D.equivalentsof the datesindicatedby Greekletters while retainingthe names of emperors.

1. K (16)2. M€ (45) Augustus3. ©MP (149) Domitian4. ©C (209) AntoninusPius5. ©KC (229) L. Verus6. BNC? (252) Commodus7. TEC (263) Caracalla8. TOC (273) Caracalla9. BTTC (282) Caracalla

10. rilC (283) Macrinus11. ST (306) GordianIII12. 0T? (309) Gordian III

No.i does not exist. The evidencegivenfor his date is a coinin theBritishMuseum(BMCCilicia, p. 152,48; Plate II, 10).The obverse

ofthis coin has a head ofPompey, ts reverse standingAthenahold-inga Victory.Abbreviationsofmagistrates'namesappearin left andright fields.Followingthe ethnic, nOKNHIOTTOAITfìN,TOYC IÇis read, = 16.The first etter of the date is not iota however,but %makingthe date = 96. The date can also be read on anexamplein Copenhagenwith the same dies as the BM piece. Onsimilar pecimenswiththe same obversedie but different agistrates'names on the reverse in the British Museum,Paris, and Berlinthe date is in a different osition and has been rather artificially

rendered. n additionto this there are in a private collectionDorseyStephens)and at Berlin two smallerJE coinswith a different eversetype seated Athena)andof cruderworkmanship ut showing hesame



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The Dated Coinsof Pompeiopolis 15date, the year 96.Oneat least, the Stephenscoin, s in fine ondition,affording perfect eadingof the date , following he ethnic. Thewritten description have fromBerlinof the piecein the Münzkabi-nett there indicates that the year is SÇ. Whatever the foundationyear of Pompeiopolis,this date would have to fall in the reign ofTiberius,probablyA.D.30/31or 31/32.

Like no.1,item no. 2 in Imhoofs listdoesnot exist. Its appearancein the list results from readingas a date that whichis evidentlytheabbreviation of a magistrate's name (MG)on the reverseof a coinstruck under Domitian but bearing the portrait of Pompeyon theobverse(Plate II, 16-17).Imhoof citeda specimenn Paris and oneinhis own collection.These coins areclearlypart ofthe coinagestruckunder Domitian in two parallel series bearing the portrait of theEmperor n oneseriesand the portrait of Pompeyin the other. Theyhave nothingwhatsoeverto do with Augustusor the Augustanage,as M€,if it were a year-date, wouldrequire. In his article on the

coin-typesof some Ciliciancitiesin TheJournal of Hellenic Studies1898,Imhoofdid not includethese coinsin his discussionof Pompei-opolis.

Betweennos.3 and 4 should be placed a date under Hadrian,çqp (196).The onlyexampleof this coinknownto me at present sin the Newell Collectionat the American Numismatic Society(Plate III, 20). Its reverse type is, like that of its predecessors,standingAthenaholdinga Victory.

Item no. 6 in Imhoofslist "BNC?"forCommodus I do not now

know from ny authoritative ource.The date appearsto have comefromVaillant throughEckhel.The examplesof the coinsof Commo-dus known to me all bearingthe water-deity, êgê Sounias,on thereverse in the British Museum,Paris (2),Berlin, and the NewellCollections are undated.PêgêSouniasappearsalsoon a Paris pieceofCaracalla whichbearsthe date TOC(273);but the coins of Commo-dus with this type seem to be undated.

For no. 9, which is listed correctly, mhoof notes that 6ÏÏC hasbeenerroneously eadfor BÏÏC,8an errorwhichBoschdid not avoid.

It seemsobviousthat this resulted from coin on which the Bwasin a poorstate of preservation seebelowp. 19).8ZfN10 1883),. 289:onHavercamp,um.reg.Christ.,. 202,pl.28,18.



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i6 Festal and Dated CoinsBetweennos. io and ii there belongsa year H^TC(298)which

appearson the coinsofJulia Mamaea(Plate IV, 27).Imhoofrecordedthis in Rev. Suisse deNum.1908,p. 108.

For coinsof Gordian III thedatesST (306),Plate IV, 28,and HT(308),Plate IV, 29, are known to me, but not 0T (309).9 Thetacould easilybe mistaken for Eta due to the poor condition of thecoin at that point.

Later than any date on Imhoofs list of 1883is IAT (311),well-attested for PhilipI and PhilipII (Plate IV, 30, 31). This dateappeared,however, n Imhoof's articleon the Cilician citiesin JHS ,1898, p.169.The coinsof TrebonianusGallus,with those of his son,Volusian,which apparently ended the issues ofPompeiopolis,areundated.

ClemensBosch,in his list publishedin 1931, beginswith a datetaken from oins bearingthe portrait of Nero the year listedis 131.For this date Bosch cites coinsn Paris,Berlin,and Vienna.

There are two generalgroups (distinguishedby the abbreviatednamesof magistrates)of Pompeiopolitancoinsbearingthe portraitof Nero on the obverse(Plate II, 11, 12).The Berlinpiecebelongsto the group represented ereby Plate II, 12,but this coin is in poorcondition and there is nothing to indicate that a year-date can beread on it. The one Viennesepiece known to me, issued under agroupof magistratesdifferent rom hoseresponsiblefor the Berlinpiece and comparableto the Paris piece (Plate II, 11), showsnolegibleletters which concern a year-date.All of the legibleletters on

it must refer o the ethnic or to magistrates'names. Thereare fourParis coins of the Neronianissue; two in each of the two groupsknownto me. All of these coinshold out definite ossibilityof year-dates, 130 for one group, 131 for the other. But the epigraphicaldifficulties re considerable and Iprefer o suspend judgementuntilI havemore reliableevidence.10he Neroniancoins aretooimportantto dismisswithout thorough tudy.9Eckhel,Doctrina umorum eterum, p.69andMionnet,uppl.7, p. 251,n°.377,record hisfrom aillant.10Onthefirst aris

piecellustrated ere

Plate II, 11)and

representingne

Neronianroup, here re strokeswhichmay ignifyheNat the endoftheethnic, houghegiblethnics nAshmoleanndViennesepecimensndicatethat the ethnic topped hort f this point. Followinghesestrokes here



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The Ďateď Coinsof Pompeiopolis ÏJWhile Boschgivesbut one year-date for Nero, he offers wo for

Domitian,149and 152.The evidencefor the year 149is certain, for0MP can beclearlyread on a number of specimens.The evidencefor152is not quite as clear. An analysisof the Pompeiopolitancoinsstruck n the reign of Domitian is inorder. From the evidence nowat hand it appearsthat there re three maingroups Plate II, 13-19).Thefirstwassupervisedby fourmagistrates:AAK, MA, MH,and NE

(Plate II, 13-15).Thesemen issued coinswith obverseportraits ofDomitianand Pompey,eachportrait represented y a singledie.Theobversesof Domitian and Pompey shared a single reverse die atfirstwith MH and NE,AAKandMAn the r. and 1.fieldsrespectively.I have seenonly one specimenof Pompey (a Paris piece)with thisreversedie (Plate II, 14).A secondreverse die with a newdistribu-tion of the magistrates'names was madeto go with the obverseofPompey,MH,NE and MAbeing n the r. field nd AAKin the 1. fieldonthe new die (Plate II, 15).At present knowof this secondreverse

die only for Pompey. For this reason and becauseunder Nero theimperialportrait had taken the placeof Pompey's portrait a prac-tice which coinagestruck under Domitian might be expected tofollow I am led tentatively to supposethat the coins with Domi-tian^ portrait amefirst, ollowedy thecoinswithPompey'sportrait.Beforethis atter ssueceased anew reversediehad to be made to gowith Pompey'sobverse.All of these coinsbelongto the year of thecity 149 the evidence for hedate, the letters 0MPafter he ethnic,is clear.

appearI P (incompletemonogramorPompeiopolis?)nd €TPA (CTPAwouldbe alternativehoughnot so suitable)"of thePompeiopolitanearI30,>? •ThesecondiecellustratedPlate II, 12), lso acoin ntheCabinetdesMédaillesnd representingsecondNeronianroup f Pompeiopolis,sthebestspecimenf four xamplesf which havecastsandphotographs.Allhave the amereverse ie and thepiecentheGothaCollectionhowshattheethnic id notpassbeyondhe bottom f theright im f the coin thismeans hatthe few trokes isible longthe eft im may represent year-date.Arethey AAP=AAP=131 Thesestrokes an be seen on a secondParisspecimen.heproblemf their ignificances complicatedy the factthat before~fandAH(presumablybbreviationsormagistrates' ames)appearthe lettersAAP(sospaced).Dothese etters epresent agistrates(ora magistrate),s their positionbefore~f and AHsuggests,r do theseindicate yeardate,AAP 131)?2



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i8 Festal and Dated CoinsThe secondgroupis lesssimpleto define.Againwe have the por-

traits of the Emperor and Pompey (Plate II, 16-18).The sameobverse dieas for the first group was used forPompey (Plate II,16, 17),but a new portrait die was made for Domitian with a newarrangement f his name (Plate II, 18),suggesting hat by nowtheobverse of Domitianmade forMH, NE,AAKand MA waswell wornand had to be replaced.New magistrates appear on these coins

a basic criterion, long with the new die and the name-positionofDomitian, for postulating the second group. The magistrates areAIO,AC?, CA,and M€.Thefirst hree are in the left field, he fourthalongthe left rim of the coin (Plate II, 16-18).A third group closelyrelated to group two is representedby a single specimenin theBritish Museum (BMCCilicia, 57; Plate II, 19) with a similarobverse die of Domitianbut the followingmagistrateson the reverseAH, AA,andCAin the left field, nd M€alongthe left rim.11n otherwords,the first wo names haveschangedfromAIOand AC?to AH

and AA.So far have no examplesof these last magistratescoupledwith an obverseshowinga portrait of Pompey. Suchobversesmaynot, of course,have beenmade.

Whilethe date on groupone discussed aboveis clear (©MP),thedate on groupstwo and three s not. For groupthree (Plate II, 19)Boschfollowedthe readingof BMC, 57: BNP,that is, 152:but theconditionof the letters following he ethnic is such that I prefer opostponethe acceptanceof this readinguntil further nvestigation.A Paris piece (Domitian)appears to confirm he N (50),but N is

sometimeseasilyconfusedwith M on these coins.The P is clear. Nand B might easily be somethingelse; and a Berlin specimen,ofwhichI do not have a cast or photograph,has been describedto meas readingPM€, . e., €MP, whichsuggeststhat the date to be readon these coins is, as in group one, 0MP (149),epsilonhaving beenread for worn theta in the case of the Berlinpiece,and BN for©Mon BMC, 57. If, however, there are two year-datesunder Domitian,149and 152,twoto three years passedbetweenthe striking f groupsoneand three 149and "152")and we have tobe willingto admit

becauseof the close relation betweengroup two and groupthreethe use of the same obverse die ofPompeyin the years149and 152.11BMCCiliciap. 154,no.57readsAH,AA,KA, nd, fter he thnic, NPMH.



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The Ďateá Coinsof PompeiopolisUp to this point t seems tomewise to assertthe striking f Pompeiop-olitan coins under Domitian in the year of the city 149, but toquestionthe issue ofPompeiopolitanbronzeunder Domitianin year152,or at least suspend judgment.

In Bosch'slist, as in Imhoof's,no year is listed under Hadrian.This is not surprising, ince the only coin I knowat present whichwas struck for Pompeiopolisunder Hadrian is in the Newell Collec-

tion at the American NumismaticSocietyand bears the date çflP(196)in the lower 1. field,Plate III, 20. Bosch'slist properly acksImhoofs tentative item (6),a year-date252?for Commodus.I findno evidencefor any year-date on the Pompeiopolitancoinsof Com-modusknown to me (see p. 15).On the other hand, Bosch omittedCaracalla'syear-date 282 (whichis in Eckhel,Doctr. Num. Vet. ll,p. 69) and wrongly ncludeda year-date "285" (Elagabalus),as didEckhel(p.69).The erroneousdate "285" seems tome clearlyderivedfrom he misreading f BÏÏC(282)on coins ofCaracalla.This is clear

from he following acts.The piececitedby Boschfor he evidenceisa Pariscoin. There is noPariscoin ofElagabalus,and Eckhel'ssource(S.Havercamp, NiimmophylaciumReginaeChristinae,The Hague,1742), though reproducingthe date incorrectly on Tab. 28, gavethe correct reading on p. 203 and properly attributed the coin toCaracalla,not Elagabalus.Eckhel knew that a date "285" wouldhave to refer o the reignof Elagabalusand so changedthe attribu-tion to that Emperor.12Actually,the date is 282,the emperor,Cara-calla. The B hasbeen read incorrectly s €. It is not surprising, n

view of this error, that Bosch's list lacks the year-date 282,whichappearson the coinsof Caracalla.The rest of Bosch's list is in generalagreementwith the revised list here presented.Year of Pompeiopolis ImperialReign Example ofCoinon Coins IllustratingYear^ Tiberius * Plate II, 9,10;

D. Stephens,BMPA? AAP? Nero ' 11, 12; Paris

0MP Domitian 13,14; Paris15; BM12DNV3,p.69;Imhoofwas aware of thiserror; eep. 15aboveand n.8.3*



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20 Festal and Dated CoinsYear of Pompeiopolis ImperialReign Example ofCoinon Coins IllustratingYeargqp Hadrian Plate III, 20;Newell0C Antoninus Pius 21; Paris©KC M. Aurelius 22 Paris

L. Verusrnc Sept. Sev. (coinsof 23 Newell

Julia DomnaandCaracalla)

TOC Sept. Sev. (coinsof 24; NewellSept. Sev., Caracalla,probablyJulia Domnaand Geta)

BTTC Caracalla 25 ParismC Macrinus, Plate IV, 26 Vienna

DiadumenianH^C Sev. Alexander(coins 27; Paris

of Julia Mamaea)£T Gordian III 28 ViennaHT GordianIII 29 ViennaIAT PhilipI 30 Munich

PhilipI (coinof 31 von AulockPhilip Caesar)

Thereare coinsof TrebonianusGallusand Volusian,but they seem

not to be dated. It is to be noted that the earliestdate in the list iswritten rom eft to right, ut from Domitian,if not before, he datesread from ight o left. Omitted herebut perhapsbelongingwith thesingleyear listed for Domitian may be Plate II, 16-19,fromParis(16, 18),the Ashmolean Museum(17),and the British Museum(19).

The most striking esult of this revisedbut still tentative isting sthe removal,at least for he present, f the datedcoinageofPompeio-polis from the period of the Roman Republic.The dated coinage,beginningwith the year 96, not 16, appears to have been initiated

under Tiberius and evidentlydid not, as Imhoofthought, ommencewhilePompeywasstill alive. It is somewhatdisappointing, confess,



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The Dated Coins of Pompeiopolis 21not to have the first ated coinagefallclose to the Battle of PharsalusBut we nowgaina truerpictureof the coinagen respect o the ndica-tionsofchronologyn it, .e., specific ear-dates, nd we areplacedinapositionto understandbetter the sequenceof issues,their tyle, andthe tradition of Pompeyunder the early Empire.The correcteddateenables us to discover hesequenceof some ofthe earlierundated oins.

Briefly, ecognition f 96 as the correctreadingof no. 1 in the list

of dates helps us to discoversignificant oints in the order of thecoins,dated and undated. Two sizes ofcoins show thedate 96 thelargeM ofsuperior tyle citedby Imhoof-Blumerheadof Pompey,star in front/standing thena holdingVictory; Plate II, 10)and asmaller M known to mefrom heBerlin and Dorsey StephensCollec-tions (head of Pompey/seatedAthena holdingVictory; Plate II,9). Besides thecommonyear-date, 96, this difference etween thetwosizes ofM is noticeable that the reverse type of the larger pieceis a standing Athena, of the smaller, a seated Athena. Both were

struck under Tiberius and perhapsrepresent he last coinageissuedfor Pompeiopolisbefore an imperialhead began to appear on theobverse insteadof, or in additionto, the head of the city's founder,Pompeythe Great. The Pompeiopolitan coinage bearingthe Emper-or's head on the obversehas as a reversetype underNeroand Domi-tian a standing Athena holdinga Victory. This type appears alsounder Hadrian and under Antoninus Pius (on whose coinagenewreverses are introduced),and it appears occasionallyin the thirdcentury ight up to the end of the coinage,though ackingtheVictoryfrom he time of Gordian II. Thisconvention ofa standing,never aseated,Athenaunder the Empiresuggeststhat the seated type of theyear 96 (Plate II, 9) precededthe standing type of the same year(Plate II, 10).This issuggestedfurther rom till earlier nd undatedcoinswhere here s a transition rom standingVictory ype not llus-trated here)to the seated Athenatype a transition n this casemadeclear fromthe striking of both types by the same magistrates.Theabove brief analysisis sufficient o indicate the importanceof theevidence ofas manycoins aspossiblefor the establishment f a valid

chronologicalsequenceof both dated and undated coins.Analysisanddiscussionofthe whole seriesmust be deferred ntil the garneringof evidence has beencompleted.



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THE NINTH CONSULSHIP OF DIOCLETIAN ANDTHECONSULARREVERSE

In epigraphicaland numismatichandbooks,offices nd titles of

the Roman emperorsare usually listed without indication of theevidence onwhich such listingsare based. Sometimes the evidencewill be givenfor some of theseofficesnd titles while omitted n thecase of others.As an exampleof an office or which the evidence isnever listed, the ninth consulshipof Diocletianis a case in point.1The evidence for this consulships both meagerand little known.Inthe consular listspublished by Mommsenn the MonumentaGerma-niaeHistórica the ninth consulshipof Diocletiancan be found istedalongwith the eighthof Maximian under theyear A.D.304,2and it

appears several times in the CodexJustinianus 3But evidencecon-temporaneouswith the reign of Diocletianis exceedinglyslight. Sofar as I know, an inscriptionmentioningthis consulshiphas beenfound but once,in "rozzi caratteri" on the back of a stone on thefront of which are inscribed the proceedingsof the collegeof ArvalBrethrenfrom bout the middle of the second centuryA.D.The Dio-cletianic inscription was published by R. Paribeni [NotiziedegliScavidi Antichità 1919,pp. 105-106)at the end of his edition of theArval record Plate A,c) 4Thestone,onceinprivatehands,is nowin

the Museo Nazionale delle Terme withthe other acta of the Fratres1E.g.,in R. Cagnat, oursďĚpigraphieatine 4thed., Paris,1914), .233;Sir John Sandys,LatinEpigraphy 2nded.,revisedby S. G.Campbell,Cambridge, 927),p.253;M.Bernhart, andbuchur Münzkunde errömi-schen aiserzeitHalle,1926),. 307;A.Degrassi,Fasti Consolariell'ImperoRomanoRome, 952), .77.Ontheother and, uch work s E. Ruggiero,Dizionariopigrafico,, (Spoleto,912),p. 1886G.Costa),refers o numis-matic vidence orCOSIII toCOSVIII;cf.p. 1169.2Chron.Min. , pp.60, 66,231;III, pp.379, 396; presumablyhe istingsnI, pp.291,447,and 710arewrong s is II, p. 150:"DiocletianusVili etMaximianus III."3Codex

Justinianus,, 28, 26;9, 1,18;cf.

Mommsen,esammelte

chriften,p.90,n. on210 11), .4Seealso E.Pasoli,Acta ratrum rvaliumuaePostAnnumMDCCCLXXIVRepertaunt Bologna,950),p. 49,frag. 02.

22



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Ninth Consulship of Diocletian 25TABLE OF CONSULARYPES

Diocletian MaximianMint Consul- ? Yr. of Entrance „ P ?

Consul- MintMark ship ?

?UponConsulship P

?ship Mark

111 Sceptre 287llll Sceptre 290 290 Sceptre III

__ IMI Nosceptre 290 290 Nosceptre III __SMA- llll No sceptre 290 290 Nosceptre III SMA-SMAH V Nosceptre 293 293 Nosceptre llll SMAESMAE* V Nosceptre 293 293 Sceptre llll SMAH*SMAH* VI Sceptre 296

297 Sceptre V SMAH*297 ? V -SMAH*297 Sceptre V SIS

SMAH* VII ? 299 299 Sceptre VI SMAH*

•SMAH* VIISceptre 299 299 Sceptre VI -SMAH**SMAH* VII ? 299 299 ? VI *SMAH*303 Sceptre VII SMAH*303 Sceptre VII "SMAE*303 ? VII "SMAH*

SIS VIIISceptre 303 303 Sceptre VII SISSIS Villi Sceptre 304 304 Sceptre VIII SIS

304 Sceptre VIII"SMAH*

(Wherethe question-mark appearsthe emperorprobablycarriesasceptre.)

CONSULSHIPS F DIOCLETIANAND MAXIMIANDiocletian MaximianCOS 284COSII 285

286

COSIII 287 COS288 COSII289



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26 Festal and Dated CoinsDiocletian MaximianCOS 1111 290 COSIII

291292

cos v 293 cos mi294295

COS VI 296297 cos v298

COS VII 299 COS VI300301302

COS VIII 303 COS VIICOS Villi 304 COS VIII

305

Note on Mints and Some Details of StyleIt is pertinent to the subject to make some observationson the

mints which struck the consular aurei. Besidespieceswith the mintmark of Antioch (far surpassing n number the later consular aureiwith the mint mark of Siscia)are aurei with no mint mark at all.They bear COSllll types for Diocletian,COSIIItypes for Maximian

and have beenassignedto bothCyzicusandAntioch.On theseaureithestandingEmperor-Consulsometimes holdsa sceptre,sometimesnot(Plate V, 34-38). An elongated globein the emperor's right hand(Plate V, 38),moreover, ppears alongwithregular pherical globes.Suchan elongatedglobeseems not to appearon mint marked aurei ofAntioch.Thiselongated globemay therefore e considereda mark ofCyzicus.The attribution of these aurei to Cyzicusgains strengthwhen onecomparesthe portraits on the obverses with the portraitson the few availableearly specimensof Cyzicene"Reform"M coins

of the Tetrarchy, whichare mint marked. A checkthrough hemanyNewelltrays ofTetrarchyM reveals in the caseof no other mint suchidentity of style with these aurei, the only other possiblesimilarity



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Ninth Consulship ofDiocletian 27ofportrait tyle between them nd the early"Reform"M beingfoundat the mint T(icinum),where the neck-line s different. t may beadded that antoniniani ttributed o the same mint Plate V, 39,40)have portraits closelysimilar to the portraits on the CyziceneMand on the aurei of Diocletian(COS1 I) and Maximian(COS111)attributed to Cyzicus.

The point at which these issuesacquiredthe mint mark of Antioch

seems to have occurred when the last aurei of Diocletian withCOSIMIPPPROCOS werestruck. For though have foundno die identitiesin the material have examined,(onthe contrary he issues with themint mark of Antioch showa deliberatechangein the lengthof thediademends, for they are shortened), very similarportraits on cer-tain aurei of Diocletian without mint mark but with elongatedglobe(Plate V, 38)and on aureiwith mint mark of Antioch Plate V, 41,42)show that at least a die,ifnot an engraver f dies,for urei movedfrom Cyzicusto Antioch. The gold coinagewithout mint marks

ceaseswithinDiocletian'sCOS1111,hile the gold coinageof Antiochwith mint marksbegins n the same consulshipand continues nto V,VI andVII. These facts seemto indicate that the whole aureus-produc-ing section of the Cyzicenemint, not just one engraver,made themove: easterngoldwas nowto be struck at Antioch.The change,which must have taken placein 292(COS IUI),wasdoubtlesspart ofthe reorganization onnected with the establishment f the Tetrarchyin March,293.The subsequent developmentinto full Reform styleaurei at Antioch can be seen on Plate VI.

On the reversesof the firstAntiochene consular aurei theEmperorbears no sceptre.On the earlier aurei without mint mark there were"sceptre" types and "no sceptre" types, the latter beinglater as theaccompanying simplerneck-line of the head on the obverse and thelargerheadapproachingfullReformportraiture eveal.Thisexplainsthe fact that the Antiochene ssuesof Diocletian beforeCONSVL VIand of Maximianfor the earlier aurei with CONSVL Milre withoutsceptre.Theappearanceof the sceptre n the hand of the EmperoratAntiochevidentlytook place in the fourth onsulshipof Maximian

and the sixth consulshipof Diocletian,therefore n 296(seetable ofconsulshipsabove),as Plate VI shows,unless indeed an aureus canbe producedwhichwill show Diocletiancarrying hesceptreat Anti-



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28 Festal and Dated Coinsochin hisfifth onsulship.The Antiocheneconsular ssuesfinish henwith the Emperor conspicuously bearinga sceptre. In this respectthey resemble he ANS Siscianaureus which bears the latest consulardate of all (Villi).Finally, it may be worth repeatingthat a featurecharacteristic of many of the Cyziceneissues neveroccurs on theconsularaureiofAntioch the elongatedor oblongglobein the handof the Emperor. By contrast the globeson the Antiochene piecesalways appearas true spheres.Particularlynoteworthy n respecttothisdetailis the perfectly pherical globe n the hand of the consularDiocletianof Siscia(Plate V, 32 also of ater date than the Cyzicenepieces),for on it we seeclearlytwo crossingbands,twicedividingthesphere nto hemispheres.A close lookat an ANS Siscian coin struckfor Maximian's fifthconsulship (Plate V, 33) reveals the sameattention to this detail. I find t on none of the other consular piecesillustratedhere.12

A study of the chronologyof the mints as given by Pink in the

articlecited,and our knowledgeof the transfer f the Cyzicenemintto Antioch in Diocletian's COSII11a.D.290-292),suggestthat ourconsulartype couldhave been struck only at three mints, Antioch,Siscia,and AugustaTreverorum,for all other mints had ceasedtostrike goldby A.D.303, the date of Diocletian'seighth consulship.AugustaTreverorummay not have beenstrikinggoldthen, but wehave reason to assume that Antioch,whichissuedrelativelymanyconsularaurei, may have struck COS Villigold for Diocletian,aswellas Siscia,a mint from whichrelativelyfew consularaureiseem

to have been issued.For, sinceSisciastruckCOS VIIIpiecesof Maxi-mian, there may yet turn up now theoreticalAntiocheneCOS Villipiecesof Diocletian.13

The existence ofconsularaurei of Diocletianand Maximian withthe consularnumberpointsup the relative scarcityof consulardateson coinageimmediatelyprecedingtheir reignand on the inscriptionsof their own time. In the second half of the third century consular12 orattentionothisdetailunderAntoninusius, eeBMCEmp.V, pl.16,nos.2,5.13 inkhas

greatonfidencen the

theoryhatunknown

ieces postulatedthrough nowledgef the coinagemay yet actually urnup. Sincewe havea Siscianaureusof Maximiantruck orCOSV (Newell,late V, 33),anaureus f Sisciastruck or iocletian's OSVImayyet urn p.



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30 Pestai and Dated Coinsmorated,and wasnot beingused as a meansof datingthe document,as previouslyon coins andinscriptions nd in imperial awsrecordedlater in the TheodosianCode.The types of the reverses support thisimpression.

An august name, glamorand honor still were identifiedwith anoffice f which the real constitutionalsignificancehad melted intothe past.16Diocletianmust have renewed consular dates on the

coinagefor very concretereasons,especiallysincethe renewal waslimitedchiefly o gold,i. e., to aurei and goldmedallions.17he con-sulship tself eems to have been thepointof nterest, ot the consularnumber imply s part of a conventionalrecording f offices or datingthe issues.Thetype accompanyingthe legendseemsto bear this out.

The type representing Diocletian togate with globe and shortsceptreis probablyto be associated with the entrance upon a newconsulateandwiththe attendant processusonsularis.Thisis implicitin the combinationof the type with a consular dateattached to it as

a legend,e.g.,COS Villi PPPROCOS,n the fact that the type appear-edonly ongold,a fact whichmaybe due to the bestowal of argessesofgold uponthe entranceby the Emperor nto a new consulate.Butactualprooffor the associationof the type with a new consulateandthe attendant processusonsularis s stillrequired.It is only suggest-ed, I think, in similar types of earlier date; actual proof can befound n later types.

It is not necessaryfor a cointype to be derivedfrom arlier cointypes rather than from contemporary ife. Yet numismaticdesign,like other art forms, evealsa certain historical development;alter-nate dependence upon,and departure from, tradition. The remoteforerunner f our type, which Diocletianused as early as his thirdand fourth onsulships,18eemsto be the togate figure f AntoninusPius standing1.,holdingglobe in extended r. hand, ritual roll in 1.(Plate VII, 51, 52).19 s this type consular? It bears the consular16Pauly-Wissowa,ealencyclopädie,. v. Consulcol.1133-34.17 or medallionseePink,p.24; Gnecchi, Medaglioniomani (Milano,191), pl.4. 18Pink,pp.42, 48.19

BMCEmp.lV, pp.108,nos.

743-743; hi,no.

771;112,no.

772;115,no-795 116,nos.796-8;118,nos.812-13;"Ç*nos.814-15;122,no.835;124,no.843;126,nos.863-4;c*-eated ype, n curule hair,bid., p.313-14,nos.1887-9.



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Ninth Consulship ofDiocletian $î

number, to be sure (COSIUI)but the type continuedto appear longafter AntoninusPius enteredupon COSIIII andconsecutivelyovera number of years (a.D.151-156),as is indicatedby the annuallychangingtribuniciannumber recorded alongwith the consularnum-ber. The use of the type under AntoninusPius therefore eems notto have been related especiallyto entrance upon the consulshipandthe attendant festival. Let us look more closelyat the details of the

type, particularly the globe,which persisted,and the ritual roll,whichgave wayin the third century to a short sceptre.BeforeAntoninusPius, emperorshad been representedon coins

receivingthe globe from predecessoror deliveringit to heir andsuccessor.20There were at the same time some variations on thistheme, for Hadrian had been representedas receivingthe globeaswell as the sceptrefromJupiter,21 nd Nerva had received theglobefrom, r shared it with, the Senate.22The ritual roll in the hand ofthe emperor s an object familiar from sculpturalreliefs nd coins.

But only whenwe cometo the above-mentionedtype of AntoninusPius (globein extendedr., ritual roll n 1.)do wefind nything imilarto the third century ype which moreand more often ubstitutedtheshort sceptrefor the ritual roll.The point at which this substitutiontookplaceshouldgiveus our true prototypeforDiocletian'sstandingtypes with consulardates.

A sceptre ongerthan those of which we are speakingappearedinthe hands of M.Aureliusand Commodusrespectivelyn somesacrifi-cial and other scenes,23ut when the Antonine emperorwas shown

standingor seated and holdingthe globe,he held also a ritual roll,not a sceptre.24he immediatepredecessorsof the Severi,usingthetype with the legend RECTORORBIS,seem not to have held the20Nerva oTrajan,BMCEmp.ll, p.38,no.53 Trajan oHadrian,MCEmp.Ill, pp. 236-7,nos.1-4; 397-8,nos.noi, 1106.21BMCEmp.II, p. 269,no.242 (receiving lobefrom upiter),f.no.1600,n.;p. 417,nos.1203-5ndp. 421,no.1236receivingceptre romagle),22BMCEmp.ll, p.21, *;p. 38,*.23BMCEmp.V, p.505,792:pl.69,15(N , M.Aurel.;p.741,281:pl.98,4,Commodus. nthe sceptren general,Alföldi,Insignien nd Trachtder

römischenaiser/' RM50(1935),pp.110-117,nd on the short ceptrenparticular,p.113-14.24 or Antoninusius, ee n.19above;for ommodus,MCEmp.V, p.724,192:pl.95,20.



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Ninth Consulship of Diocletian 33The legend encirclingthe type of Geta togate with globe and

sceptre s PONTIF COS II.Since Getaentereduponhis second consul-ship on January 1, 208, 0the coinsmust have been struck for thatdate or after t, and before the coins whichbear the legendPONTIFTR PCOSII (BMCEmp. V, p. 359,15,pl.53, 8, placedin A.D.209).31A possibledate is 208for at least some of those with PONTIFCOSII,especiallyfor those which appear to be celebratingthe new consul-

ship, if they can be dated earlierthan others of the issue. Someofthese PONTIFCOSIIcointypes are clearlyearlierthan others, mongthem the strictly onsulartypes.

Relativearrangement f this type within he wholegroupof Geta'sPONTIFCOSIIcoinsshouldbe possible,since it wasduringthe use ofthis legendthat Geta's portrait passedfrombeardless tobearded,asthe list belowand Plates VII-VIII show,thoughportraitswithoutslight race ofbeard arefew.Thepointat whichthe portraiture assesfrom "almost beardless" towell orfully bearded canbe seen in the

productionof the type described n BMCEmp.V, p. 274as a "Geniusholdingcorn ears" (E- Gbelow),actuallyBonus Eventus32 typethecontinuousssue ofwhichbridges heperiodof PONTIF COSIIbetweenslightlybearded and fully bearded portraits of Geta. The BonusEventustype is also the issue in the course of which we pass fromclothed bust to a portrait of Getawhichterminated n the bare neck,a portrait which does notappearwith Geta's togate (sacrificingndconsular)reversetypes (A- B below).The full beard with clothedbust seems to appear first, hen full beard with bare neck, the two

developmentsnot being quite synchronized.The evidencefallsquitenaturally nto hefollowinglassificationwhich sclearly hronological30Ruggiero, izionarioEpigraficoI, 2, p. 946,attestedmostdependablybytheconsularists. nscriptionso notappearto providehereal evidencefor hebeginningf Geta's secondonsulshipn 208.81BMCEmp.V, pp. 273-75; 353-55-32BMCEmp.V, pp.185, 301, 581,introd., lvii,clxi.At the beginningfSeverus*eign female onusEventuswastaken over from he coinageofPescenniusNigerbut was later replacedby the typefamiliar rom arliercoins.A representationf BonusEventuss describedn Pliny,NH34, 77"et simulacrum

oni Eventus dextra aterm, sinistra picamet papaveratenens."A temple nd a newporticusBonus Eventus rementioned yAmmianusMarcellinus29,6, 19).For earlytradition ee Varro,RR i, 6;Cato,Agr. nd BMCRep.I, pp.cxciand289.3



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Ninth Consulship of Diocletian 35A clearpictureof this portrait development alongwith the evolu-

tion of reversetypes can be obtainedby studying Plates VII andVIII. Here thedenarii of Geta have been arranged generallybyobverse (portrait) type alone, passing from a beardless or almostbeardlessportrait to a fullybeardedportrait. Whenthis was doneitwas foundthat the two types showingGeta sacrificing nd holdingglobeand sceptrefell nto first lace.The Bonus Eventustype tooka

transitional place, sharing all types of obverses but matching upchieflywith a bearded portrait. The horsemantype was found tobe contemporarywith the fullbeardedportraits of Geta on piecesofthe Bonus Eventustype; and BonusEventuspassedover into laterissuesbearingthe date TR P II(a.d. 210;Plate VIII, 72).

Within the periodPONTIF COSII,then, the obverseportrait s thedecidingfactor n classification,nd BonusEventusthe chiefreversetype. Andit seemsclear from ur list above,if evidence unknowntome does not render t invalid, that classesA- D were devotedto

publicizingGeta at the beginning f his second consulship.Since theglobe-and-sceptre figure (Plate VII, 57, 60, 61), belongs to theearly group, it is difficult o avoid the conclusion that these coinswere struck n honorof Geta's secondconsulshipand that the typeswere therefore rue consular types, i. e., festal, thereforedifferentfrom he consulartypes of AntoniusPius, whichran throughmanyyears.The quadrigatype struck n gold (Plate VIII, 73, 74; BMCEmp.V, p. 275, 591: pl. 42, 15) and the earlier silver type (BMCEmp.V, p. 243, 443 pl. 38, 20, COS)add weight to this notion.

Thesetypes must represent processusconsularisPA number of years later, at the end of his sole reign (a.d. 217),Caracallaassumedglobeand spearon the coinage,but as a result ofvictory, nd in militarydress.34oth civilian (globeand sceptre)andmilitary globeandspear)motifswerecontinued n the third enturysimilarto Caracalla'smilitary type is a type which becamea stocktype for the PrincepsIuventutis 5The togate figurewith globeand33Cf.Domitian'sepeatedse ofthequadrigaypeCOSXI,COSXI1 ,COSXV,COS XVI:BMCEmp.I, pp. 316,329,335,340;COSXVII:ANS.34

BMCEmp.V, p. 466,no.200

N):pl. 73,6.85Cf.Alföldi, M 50,pp.ii6f., for ommentn the Princepsuventutisnd

sceptre. ack ofmention f the third entury s due to the fact that theprinceps oldsnot sceptrebut spear. SeverusAlexander sAugustusas3*



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36 Festal and Dated Coinssceptrecontinuedbut as a seatedtype rather than as a standingone,a type whichhad alsooccurredunder the Antonines,36nd of whichbeautifulexamplesare to be seen on an aureus ofElagabalus(PlateVII, 53), and an aureus of Postumus (Plate VII, 54). Diocletianused the standing togate type with globeand sceptre and he usedthis type more often than the seated one.37BeforeDiocletianthisseatedtogate type wasaccompanied bya legend includingthe usual

offices PMTR P IMPCOS),a titular schemawhich was used withmany other types. One of the striking haracteristicsof the type asusedbyDiocletian isthat it was accompanied bya legendcomprisingas its onlynumbertitle the consular numberused once moreafterperiodof neglect.38his consular numberwasfollowed y PP PROCOS(Pater Patriae,Proconsul),the latter title havingoccurredpreviouslyin inscriptionsand regularly from SeptimiusSeverus,but not oncoins.39One can hardly escape the conclusionthat Diocletian wasemphasizingthe consulship.The legendis confined o our type. It

must therefore have significancen relation to the type, and thetypes themselvesmust be consular.Only from ometime n Diocletian's sixthconsulship(296-8)and

Maximian'sfourth 293-6)does the sceptre seem to be a firmly s-tablished elementof these consular types. On the earlier consulartypes the emperorheldeither sceptreor ritual roll (seeTable, p. 25),the latter usually beinginvisibleor seenonly as the end of the roll.By the end of the reignthe mints that werestriking he types, Anti-och and Siscia,evidentlyproducedthe globeand sceptre types ex-

clusively (i.e., the roll had beeneliminated).The evidencefor Anti-thisPrincepsuventutisypeRIC, pl.4,4; BMCEmp.VI,pl. 7, 178);Maxi-mus s CaesarRIC, pl.10,13);Gordian sAugustus,n a differentosition,(RIC,pl.2 13i.);also ClaudiusRIC, pl.5,78).38 ater examplesare many: Macrinus,BMCEmp.V, p.502,nos.47i.,pl. 79, 2f.;p.521,no.125,pl.83,1;Elagabalus,bid.,p. 557,no.181,pl.88,18;p.606,nos.427 .,pl.96,9; Gordian, IC IV, 3,p.47,no.294, pl. 4,4;Philip,bid.,p.68,2a, 2b andpl.5,16;Valerian,RICV, 1,p.50,no.151,cf.pl.i, 3,p.52,no.189;Gallienus,p. 79,no.122;84,no.201; 88,no.259;92,no.310;118,no.22;171,no.455.87 ee Pink's

Catalogue.38 ee n.

14.39 ee G.Wilmanns,xempla Berlin, 873),940,n.3; Sandys,at.Epigr.,2nd ed., pp.231i.;M.Bernhart, andbuchur Münzkundeer römischenKaisereit, . 42.



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Ninth Consulship ofDiocletian 37och indicates that the sceptre was substituted for the roll there inDiocletian's sixthconsulshipand Maximian'sfourth, hereforen theyear 296, sincethat was the only year common to both consulships.

It is not to be assumed from what has been said above that theritual roll disappearedfrom Roman ritual, for the developmentofRoman ritual is not under discussion here but rather representationsof the consular type on coins. That representationsmay have been

conditionedby particularmoments of ritual seems possible,but thechoiceof the sceptrefor the consularrepresentationwas morelikelyto have been determinedby the tendency to regard the imperialconsularprocessionas a kind of triumph and the tendencyof thetimes toward more elaborate and monarchical court ceremony.Inany case therepresentation f the togate and sceptredfigure n con-sular coins seems to havecomefrom arly in the third centuryA.D.throughrepetition t became conspicuousin the goldconsular issuesof Diocletian andMaximian.Later it passedthrough nother phaseunder Constantine when the accompanying legendreacheda stageof precisionthat left no doubt as to the full meaningthe type wasintendedto convey.

Aurei and solidi ofthe standingconsultype were struck after theretirement f Diocletian and Maximian.Photographsof a number ofthem can be seen on the plates of Maurice'sNumismatiqueConstan-tinienne40The notablething about this later consularcoinageis theomissionof the consularnumber, factwhich Maurice notesrepeated-ly. Exceptionally,however,Constantius Chlorus'fifth, nd Galerius'

sixth, seventh,and eighth consulshipshave beenreportedon Anti-ochene consulargold,41nd Maxentiusindicateshis third consulship(a.D. 310) on a bronze consular processionaltype, i. e., with the40i, pl.6,no.15; 3,pl.7,no.9: Maximinusaza,from icomedia nd Anti-ochii, pl.23,no.5; 3,pl.7,no.15:Constantine,rom rêves nd Antioch;2,pl.13,no.5; 3,pl.8,no.3: Licinius,rom hessalonicandAntioch.llus-trations an now be seen nthe recentworks f P. Bruun, tudies n Con-stantinian hronology,NM146(1961),pls.3, 72;5,66 and79,and M. R.Alföldi,ie Constantinischeoldprägung,ainz1963),ls.1,19 cat.no.82);5,76and77(cat.no.130); 7,110 cat.no.131);9, 141 cat.no.128).41

Constantius hlorus,CONSVLV, Paris (Missong,fN 7 (1880),p. 270;Galerius,CONSVLVI,London(Missong,. 271);CONSVLVII, Vienna,Cohen,4 (s.v. MaximianHerc.);Maurice,, p. 152;M. R.Alföldi,p.cit.,86;Cohen, 2(nosourcegiven; .v. Maximinusaza),where Maximinus"



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38 Festal and Dated Coins

Emperorin quadriga (seebelow).In Constantine'sfourth onsulship(a.D.315)the consular number returns o the goldconsularcoinage.It appears then and on later consulargold of Constantine and hissonsbearing the same type but with different egends,e. g., FELIXPROCESSVSprecedingthe consularnumber. This legend provesto bemost illuminating orthe type. It appearsto have beenfirst sedbyMaxentius,perhaps in all metals,42 nd occurred subsequentlyon

Constantinian olidi,e. g., FELIXPROCESSVS COSIUIAVG N.43Thisreverselegendleaves no doubt as tothe nature of the togate typewithwhich t is linked.Not only s the type consular;it is associatedwith the processionfor entranceupon the consulship.Whenwe finda similarlegendon a standing consulartype of Maxentius (FELIXPROCESSCONSVLAT AVGN,Rome A.D.308)as well as on abronzequadriga typewith Victoryflying oward theEmperor FELPROCESSCONS III AVGN,Romea.D.310),it is clear that weare dealingwitha consularprocessusnot primarilywith an imperialtriumph. Until

we seethe FELIXPROCESSVSegendon goldof Maxentius,Constan-must e an error or Maximianus;M. R.Alföldi,7;CONSVL VIII:cf.Cohen,85(s.v. Maximianerc.)Maurice,p. 177;M. R.Alföldi,8.Sofar s I canmakeout,however,he evidence itedforGaleriusasnotbeenfully estedto make certain hat t refers o Galerius, ot Maximian.Missongrguedeffectivelyor ttributing o GaleriusheBMCONSVL VI coinwith rescentandstar, and an examination f casts inclinesme to believehimcorrect.Detailedargument,upported y photographs,s required o demonstrateAntiocheneoldwithCONSVLVII ndVIIIorGalerius,oth f whichMissonggaveexclusivelyo Maximian.Maurice'sttributionsn pp.152and177are

somewhat esitant.42N: Maurice, ,p. 184;Cohen,4(Banduri);M. R.Alföldi,34;jR:Cohen,65 (Vienna);Maurice, ,p. 184;M: quadrigatype: Maurice,1, pp.i88f.,pl.17,9; Cohen,9,60,62.43Constantine,revesCOSIMI, ruun, p.cit.,p. 108,71;AquileiaCOSHill, rauColl.3875= Bruun, . 108, 3= M.R.Alföldi,p.cit.,131printedIUI;cf.herpl. 7,no) butnot Cohen 54" COSVI,Bruun, . 108, 6;Cohen,154;Maurice,, p.328;M. R.Alföldi,33;Ticinum:COSIMI,Naville SaleCat.Ill (Evans),ot 185= Bruun, . 108,72;Cohen,52, 153;Maurice,,p. 253('Tarragone")M.R.Alföldi,29,130;COS VI(needsuthenticationfor icinum),Bruun .108, 5;Cohen,54;Maurice, ,p. 273"Tarragone");M. R.Alföldi,33 allbased onCaylus);SirmiumCOSVI,Bruun, . 108, 4and

77;Cohen,55;Maurice, ,p.395;M.R.

Alföldi,32;Antioch:OS

VI,Bruun, . 108,78and79.Crispus,irmium COSIII,Cohen2,Maurice,,p. 405;for he sons of Constantine,eeBruun's ist on p. 107and his dis-cussionf their Antiocheneoldonp.63.



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Ninth Consulship ofDiocletian 39tine, and Crispus,with standing emperor type, our associatingtheprocessusconsularis with the standing consulartype is only an as-sumption based on the probabilitiesmentioned above (see p.30),that is to say, the association of thetogate figurebearingthe globeand sceptrewith a consular date whensuch dates had generallydis-appearedfrom the coinage;and the generalrestriction f the typeto gold, which played a part in the largessesassociatedwith the

processusconsularis uThe legendof the Constantinian solididefinesthe type, and wecan nowsafely, believe,apply the legendson thisconsulargoldto the similar gold piecesof Diocletian andMaximian,and to the types of Geta. All of thegold piecesmay be considered tohave been struck for the beginningof the year,45 r for whatevertime of the year a newconsulshipwas entereduponby an Augustusor Caesar. (Thishad not been the case underAntoninusPius; seep. 31 above).Theywereissuedduringthe festival of which the chiefmanifestationwas the triumphal processionof the ruler as consul.

The coinagespecificallytruck for the imperialconsulwas a featureof the festival that no consul other than the Emperor or a Caesarwas privilegedto enjoy, though he performed he act of scatteringlargess.Perhapswemay say that the honor of the consulardiptychstook the placeof the honorific oinagefor the ordinaryconsul.Thatthere was noconsulshipike Caesar'swas made clear at a later dateby the restriction f the title to, and its annual assumption by, theEmperoralone from he time of Justinus I.46

44. Grierson,SolidiofPhocas andHeraclius,"C1959,. 134,doubts hatconsularoldwasactuallyhrownuringhe onsularrocession.utClaudian,De Sext. Cons.Hon.,605,seemsto imply hat suchscatterings ad taken

placeonocassion;f.Cod. ust.12,3,2and3,andesp.Nov.105, , 1 "aurumspargere,"aurum nim pargereevolvaturmperio.Forrepresentationsfthe argess,whetheriteral r symbolic,eeMaurice,pl.15,4; 2,pl.16,15;Pearce,RIC 9, pl.11, 1; J. M.C.Toynbee,RomanMedallions,S 5,pl.2,5-17, pl.3, 1-3,pl.20,7. Cf.Belisarius'onsular rocession,rocop.,Hist,of heWars4,9, 15-16.RepresentationfLiber litas s an institutioneemsto havedisappearedrom oinsunderDiocletiancf.,however,hegoddesson coinsofConstantine,ohen,316;Pauly-Wissowa,E, s. v. Liberalitas,col.19; list on pp. 87-88; Liberalityceneon coin of Carinus,Cohen,48.45

Pink,p.2, evidentlyhinks heaurei werenot occasional

but,as in the

secondcentury, ouldhavebeenstruckwithin he current onsulardateuntil henext onsulship.46Pauly-Wissowa,E,s. v. consul,ol.1137.



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A NEW SOLĪDUS OFTHEODOSIUSII AND OTHER VOTASOLIDI OF THEPERIOD

The mperialVows

'Thenormal ormfRomanprayerwas the votum' rvow thepetitionfor specificavour,ccompanied ythe promiseopaya specificue, fand when hefavourwasgranted.Dout des' was the thought nderlying.Therewere two criticalmomentsn eachvow the momentwhenthevow was formulated'susceptum', nuncupatum')nd the momentwhenit waspaid('solutunť).Theonly acrificeccompanyinghe nuncupatewouldbe the offeringf ncenseor libation t an altar;at the solutio' hepromisedictimwould ebrought o the ltar for acrifice.n both ccasionstheproper ormula ouldbe recited otheaccompaniment,t might e,oflyreorpipe.

"Apart from he endless massof privatevows therewereverymanyvowsofan officialharacter Vota publica') vows for heEmperor, orhissalvation r safereturn, owsformarriages,irths, r adoptionsntheimperial ouse,vows for he State the senateandpeopleofRome. Eachyearhaditsspecialdayreserved or heannualvows3 January Votis').At the end ofevery enyears later, veryfive)of a reign he vows takenat accessionwouldbepaidandcarried orwardgainwith pecialemphasisanddisplay."- H. Mattingly, n "The Imperial Vota'," Proceedingsf the British

AcademyVolumeXXXVI,p.155.

TheodosiusI reignedfrom January 19, 379 to January 17, 395.His sonsArcadius andHonorius,born n 377and384,wereassociatedwith their father'sruleas AugustifromJanuary 19, 383and January23, 393respectively.After he death of Theodosius in 395Arcadiusreigned n the East with his capital at Constantinople nd Honoriusreigned n the West with his capital first t Mediolanum,and, from402, at Ravenna. Romeremainedin the background,the mothercapitalwhose Senateneverforgother gloriouspast.

Honorius hadno heirs. TheodosiusII, son of Arcadius,was born

in April, 401 and becameAugustuswhen less than a year old, onJanuary 10,402.Evidence forthe publiccelebrationof the vows ofthese emperors, bservedwith particular festivity t ten-year nter-

40



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42 Festal and Dated Coinsunder the divided rule, though it appears that the older Emperorregardedhimself he senior in authority f the questioncame to anissue. The traditional decennalian,vicennalian, and tricennalianvowsof the emperorsare representedon a number of solidi of thisperiod the en

Documents

Festal and dated coins of the Roman Empire : four papers / by Aline Abaecherli Boyce