Female Empowerment through Village Savings and Loan Associations in Rwanda Associations in Rwanda

Bachelor’s Thesis, STS, 15 hp Department of Business Studies Uppsala University Spring Semester of 2021

Date of Submission: 2021-06-02

Mikaela Eriksson Ellen Kyhle Supervisor: Susanne Åberg

Acknowledgements

There are many people who have been involved in making this thesis project possible. First of all, we would

like to thank our supervisor, Susanne Åberg, for your advice and guidance.

Secondly, a big thank you to everyone at Vi Agroforestry in Kigali for your time, effort and invaluable

guidance in assisting us during every step of the way, and for helping us make it possible to carry out our

research digitally when our planned field study had to be cancelled.

Lastly, we are very grateful for all the things we have learned from our interview participants. Thank you

for taking the time to share your experiences and insights with us!

Abstract

The village-based microfinance approach Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs) has been imple-

mented in developing countries for three decades, and is found to be an effective tool in alleviating poverty

and facilitating access to financial services in rural areas.

This study, done in collaboration with Vi Agroforestry, aimed to investigate the impact of VSLA activities

on female empowerment in Rwanda, and more specifically, how women’s access to and control over assets

have been affected by VSLA participation. The term ‘female empowerment’ refers to the process by which

women gain control and power over their own life situations and their ability to make strategic choices, that

is, the capacity to turn choices into desired actions and outcomes.

A qualitative methodology has been used, where the main data collection consisted of six individual

interviews with VSLA staff responsible for implementing, monitoring and evaluating VSLA groups in six

different districts, and two focus group interviews with female VSLA participants in two different districts,

carried out during April and May 2021.

The findings show that VSLA participation significantly accelerates the process of female empowerment

in both household and community domains for women in Rwanda and that VSLA is an efficient first step

in moving from a marginalised position in the society. However, women are still in many cases restricted

from claiming all potential benefits from VSLA participation by structures that dictate normative gender

roles and power structures. The findings highlight the importance of continued gender-related and financial

training in order to further increase female access to and control over resources through VSLAs.

Keywords: Female Empowerment, Village Savings and Loan Associations, VSLA, Microfinance, Vi

Agroforestry, Rwanda.

Contents

1 Introduction 1

1.1 Purpose and Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

2 Theoretical Framework 4

2.1 Empowerment - The Ability to Make Choices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

2.2 Measuring Empowerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

2.2.1 Opportunity Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

2.2.2 Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

2.2.3 Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

2.2.4 Achievements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

2.3 Domains of Empowerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

2.4 Analytical Tool . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

3 Research Methodology 10

3.1 Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

3.1.1 Choice of Interview Respondents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

3.1.2 Interview Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

3.1.3 Development of Interview Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

3.1.4 Practical Details . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

3.1.5 Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

3.1.6 Summary of Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

3.2 Data Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

3.3 The Trustworthiness of The Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

3.4 Ethical Considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

4 Female Empowerment and VSLAs in Rwanda 18

4.1 Historical Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

4.2 Women in Rwanda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

4.2.1 Laws, Rules and Regulations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

4.2.2 Norms and Structures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

4.3 Partner Staff Interview Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

4.4 Focus Group Interview Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

5 Analysis 35

5.1 Opportunity Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

5.2 Economic Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

5.3 Social Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

5.4 Human Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

5.5 Psychological Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

5.6 Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

5.7 Achievements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

6 Conclusions 42

6.1 Limitations of The Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

6.2 Further Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

References 43

Appendices 49

Appendix I. The VSLA Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49

Appendix II. Interview Themes and Corresponding Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

Appendix III. Interview Questions for Initial Interview with Vi Agroforestry . . . . . . . . . . . 52

Appendix IV. Interview Questions for Staff at the Partner Organisations . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

Appendix V. Interview Questions for Female VSLA Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

Appendix VI. Background Information About the Female VSLA Participants . . . . . . . . . . 59

Appendix VII. Photos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

1 Introduction

Microfinance projects are often described as an effective tool for decreasing poverty in developing countries.

Microfinance refers to small loans, savings, and insurance services to financially and socially vulnerable

sections of society (Kaur & Kaur, 2017). In the last couple of years, several village-based approaches

to microfinance have emerged to further ease constraints on access to financial services. One of these

approaches is Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs), which is an informal mechanism for

borrowing and saving that does not require ongoing administrative or financial support from founding

organisations (Brannen & Sheehan-Connor, 2016). The first VSLA was launched in 1991 in Niger by

the humanitarian organisation CARE, and today the VSLA concept is active in 51 countries across the

world, representing more than seven million members in more than 330 000 groups with an overwhelming

majority of women (CARE, 2019). VSLAs have proved to help overcome the difficulties for people living

in suburbs and rural areas to access and use financial services, as the model enables an autonomous and

self-managing approach to saving and loaning. Therefore, it has the ability to reach the very poor and rural

population better than formal, centralised microfinance institutions (Nyamweya, Ndungutse & Ngarambe,

2020; Kashaija Musinguzi, 2016; Singh, 2013). A VSLA consists of a group of people, usually no more

than 20 to 30, who pool their own savings into a shared account and allow members to take small individual

loans from these savings. Meetings are usually held biweekly, and all transactions are carried out in front

of all members during these meetings (Allen & Staehle, 2006; VSL Associates, n.d.). See a visualisation of

the VSLA savings cycle in Appendix I.

One actor active in establishing the VSLA approach in East Africa, as one means of fighting poverty, is

the Swedish non-governmental development organisation Vi Agroforestry. One of the countries that they

operate in is Rwanda, where VSLA programs have been initiated since 2005 (Vi Agroforestry, 2020). In

Rwanda, poverty is one of the most crucial problems as the country has one of the lowest GDP:s per capita in

the world (World BankGroup, 2019a). Systemic barriers hinder access to financial services for impoverished

people in rural areas of the country (AFR, 2017), which in turn affects rural development by preventing

households from engaging in non-agricultural businesses (Ayalew Ali, Deininger & Duponchel, 2014). For

the rural population, 42.5 percent experience several forms of credit constraints (Papias & Ganesan, 2010).

Among impoverished people, women are one of the most underprivileged and vulnerable groups (Swain

& Wallentin, 2009), and constitute the majority of those who are financially excluded in Rwanda (65%)

(Katabarwa, 2020). One way of empowering women is by giving them access to microloans, for example

through VSLA activities. The provision of small loans to poor people has been shown to be a useful tool

for alleviating poverty, and poverty tends to be a very strong indicator of female disempowerment (Bercaw,

2012). The term ‘female empowerment’ refers to the process by which women gain control and power over

their own life situations and their ability to make strategic choices (United Nations Statistics Division, 2015);

that is, the capacity to turn choices into desired actions and outcomes (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005).

By giving women control over and responsibility for financial activities, the village savings and loans

approach to microfinance has the aim to enable female empowerment (Maclean, 2012). Poor women are

often excluded from household decision-making because of financial restrictions that are derived from

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traditional gender roles. This, in turn, leads to a limited capability to partake in income-generating activities

which often forces them to rely on male family members (Bercaw, 2012). Participation in informal

but structured savings mechanisms like VSLA groups may therefore be especially beneficial for women

(Brannen & Sheehan-Connor, 2016), providing them with tools to advance financially, socially, physically

and emotionally (Bercaw, 2012). It has been argued that an empowering aspect of village savings activities

is to put the management of the banking activities in the members’ hands (Simanowitz &Walter, 2002), and

that women’s engagement in VSLA activities improves their control of their environment, their self-esteem

and their confidence. Taking responsibility for the economy is associated with autonomy and empowerment

(Maclean, 2012).

Porter (2016) has shown how the allocation of resources within a household is affected by the borrower’s

gender. The findings suggest that a greater female impact on decisions within the household is enabled by

increased borrowing by women, compared to solely male financial borrowing. In contrast, other studies

have shown that while access to financial services may improve women’s empowerment through financial

decision-making and income generation, it does not necessarily lead to greater control over those resources

(Kulb et al., 2015). Ahlin & Townsend (2007) and Emran, Morshed & Stiglitz (2021) further discuss how

women may not have full control over the use of the loans and may be pressured to make repayments,

creating a larger debt liability, which might lead to a decreased bargaining power. Maclean (2012) has also

investigated the relationship between risk, responsibility and empowerment. She argues that besides the

benefits of village loans there are also risks, for example repayment difficulties. It is therefore of interest

to look further into if and how VSLA activities actually can contribute to financial, decisional and other

aspects of female empowerment in the context of our study.

Operating with a self-sustainable approach, VSLAs have potential to improve financial access in more

remote areas, but it is not clear exactly what impact these groups have on female empowerment (Brannen &

Sheehan-Connor, 2016). Regarding VSLAs in Rwanda, Katabarwa (2020) states that women are constrained

from full participation and benefits from VSLAs, due to inequitable power relations and normative gender

roles. Gendered social norms in Rwanda determine how borrowing, saving and investing differs among

male and female VSLA members, and how decisions on loans and assets purchased with the loans are made

(CARE Rwanda, 2012). However, many initiatives and programs are being implemented in order to enhance

gender equality and women’s empowerment in Rwanda (Katabarwa, 2020), but complete evidence on what

effect these initiatives have in relation to VSLAs and evidence on prevailing challenges with achieving

positive impacts through VSLAs are lacking (Habamenshi, Habumuremyi & Mvunabo, 2019). Therefore,

our study can contribute to the currently limited knowledge base that exists of the relationship between

female empowerment and VSLA activities.

1.1 Purpose and Research Questions

The purpose with this study is to investigate what impact savings groups and microfinance activities have

on the empowerment of women in a developing country. This will be done by analysing the effect of Village

Savings and Loan Association (VLSA) activities in connection to Vi Agroforestry in Rwanda. The following

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research question and sub-question has been formulated in order to fulfill this purpose:

• What is the impact of VSLA activities on female empowerment in Rwanda?

◦ How have women’s access to and control over assets been affected by VSLA participation?

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2 Theoretical Framework

Female empowerment is a multi-dimensional phenomenon and has been defined in many different ways.

Exactly what female empowerment is and the best way to measure it has been debated as the term is

being used more and more frequently in multiple contexts (Carr, 2016). For this study, it is necessary

to define relevant dimensions of female empowerment to be able to operationalise interview themes and

draw conclusions from the data. Kabeer (1999) defines empowerment as a process that entails change.

Malhotra and Schuler (2005) also emphasise that empowerment should be seen as a process, as opposed to

a condition or state of being. More specifically, female empowerment can be described as a process that

strives to change gender norms, reach gender equality and systematically transform institutions supporting

patriarchy (Kulb et al., 2016). The expansion of assets and abilities of impoverished people to participate

in and influence decision-making, negotiate, take control over resources and hold institutions accountable

to deliver quality services that affect their lives is also a way to define empowerment (Narayan, 2002; van

Eerdewijk et al., 2017). Bercaw (2012) further suggests that being empowered should imply that women

have the freedom to earn their own income and make their own financial decisions, having the ability to

participate and engage in social activities, feel self-confident as well as valued in their household, and be

free from abuse of both physical and emotional nature. Mosedale (2005) argues that while third parties can

create favorable conditions and facilitate the process of becoming empowered, they cannot directly empower

an individual. Ultimately, an individual can only become empowered if they choose to claim it. While there

is no distinct, agreed-upon definition of the process of empowerment, the most frequently used definitions

all include the action of taking control over assets and processes of decision-making that can influence the

quality of life, taking into account both relational and personal characteristics (Carr, 2016).

2.1 Empowerment - The Ability to Make Choices

Kabeer (1999), Mosedale (2005) and Alsop and Heinsohn (2005) discuss the ability to make choices as

one way of thinking about power, where the concept of empowerment is bound up with the condition

of disempowerment: being denied choice implies being disempowered. Having power does not imply

being empowered: it describes a static condition, and how that condition was achieved is not indicated.

Empowerment refers to the movement from a marginalised position in society to a position of more freedom

and the ability to make choices (Carr, 2016). That is, increased capabilities of making strategic life choices

in a context that previously prevented this opportunity (Kabeer, 1999). Strategic life choices are those

decisions that have great influence over a person’s life path, and that further affect that individual’s ability

to make autonomous choices (Malhotra & Schuler, 2005).

2.2 Measuring Empowerment

To be able to monitor and measure empowerment, it is important to have a clear definition of the concept

and to define a framework that both identifies indicators of empowerment and links them to development

outcomes (Narayan, 2005). Various attempts have been made to reduce the concept of empowerment

into measurable components, and the following sections will discuss similarities and differences among

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previously used definitions, and which definition this paper will apply.

Kabeer (1999) identifies three different kinds of levels where empowerment can take place, namely ‘deeper’

levels, intermediate levels and immediate levels. Deeper levels refer to hidden structures of gender and/or

class, that affect the distribution of power and resources in a society and reproduce it over time. The

intermediate levels constitute institutional rules and regulations which influence personal, economic, social

and political aspects of life. Lastly, immediate levels refer to three interconnected dimensions: individual

resources, agency and achievements (see Figure 1). These three dimensions incorporate the ability to

actually exercise choice, where resources (both human, social and economic) are seen as pre-conditions

for agency (processes of decision making), leading to achievements (well-being outcomes). This ability

to exercise choice is also exceedingly affected by previously mentioned deeper and intermediate levels of

societal structures and rules and regulations. Therefore, a holistic approach to empowerment is important to

understand how the process of change takes place in different levels and dimensions and how these impact

each other: only one dimension in isolation cannot describe the empowerment process by itself.

’Deeper’ Levels: Structural relations of gender and/or classIntermediate Levels: Institutional rules and regulationsImmediate Levels: Individual resources, agency and achievements

Figure 1: Levels of Empowerment (Kabeer, 1999).

Another perspective that has been highly used, particularly by the World Bank1, is presented by Alsop

and Heinsohn (2005). They provide an analytic framework for monitoring and measuring empowerment

processes and outcomes, where the capacity to make effective choices is primarily influenced by agency and

opportunity structure. Similar to Kabeer (1999), agency is defined as an individual’s ability to envisage

options and make meaningful choices, and resources and achievements are included in the notion of agency

as the indicators and outcomes of agency. Opportunity structure refers to the institutional context in which

choice is made, in accordance with Kabeer’s (1999) deeper and intermediate levels. Together, these two

factors are hypothesised to be associated with different degrees of empowerment, which can be measured

by assessing (1) the existence of choice, (2) the actual exercise of the choice and (3) if the action results in

the desired outcome (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005).

2.2.1 Opportunity Structure

Further explained, the opportunity structure includes regulatory frameworks, laws, structures and norms

governing people’s behaviour (Alsop, Bertelsen & Holland, 2006). People live their lives in the context of

structures (van Eerdewijk et al., 2017) - that is, the presence of laws, formal and informal rules, cultural

and social norms and societal structures of gender and class, which all contribute to govern behaviour and

expressions of agency, meaning whether a person or a group has access to resources and if these persons

can use these resources to accomplish desired outcomes (Alsop, Bertelsen & Holland, 2006; van Eerdewijk

1The World Bank is an international financial institution that provides loans to middle- and low-income countries for the purposeof ending extreme poverty within a generation and boosting shared prosperity (World Bank Group, 2019b).

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et al., 2017). Beyond the presence of laws and rules, the ability to exercise agency is also affected by

the actual knowledge of these legal rights and the existence of support for exercising rights (Malhotra &

Schuler, 2005). There must exist an opportunity structure that allows for an individual to translate their

resources into effective agency, in order for them to become empowered (Alsop, Bertelsen &Holland, 2006).

Edwards (2015, p. 5) states that change in the lives of women and girls “is not possible without changing

the underlying structures of constraint”.

Opportunity structures both enable and constrain women’s freedom to choose and to make informed choices.

In patriarchal societies, gender norms and ideologies justify and maintain male privilege, gender inequalities

and disempowerment of women, and social norms shape womens’ decision-making power in the household

and in the community (van Eerdewijk et al., 2017). This can for example take the form of women having

difficulties to balance paid and unpaid household work, as the care burden of house work and child care

often are seen as normal responsibilities for women under prevailing cultural norms in patriarchal societies.

This, together with patriarchal gender norms in general, affect the extent to which men regard women as

equal to them and thereby continue to allow certain positions to only be held by men, and restrict women

from engaging in community activities as well as from holding leadership- and decision-making positions

(Katabarwa, 2020).

In this paper, the notion of opportunity structure will be used to include both the deeper and the intermediate

levels in Kabeer’s (1999) framework. Moreover, the immediate levels identified by Kabeer (1999) including

the three dimensions agency, resources and achievements (see Figure 1), will be used to examine how the

empowerment process is affected when strengthening these components. Figure 2 clarifies how the two

frameworks are combined.

Figure 2: Clarification of how the frameworks of Kabeer (1999) and Alsop and Heinsohn (2005) arecombined in this paper.

2.2.2 Agency

Agency is similarly defined by many scholars (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005; Kabeer, 1999; Narayan, 2005), as

the actual exercise of choice. It refers to the ability to envisage options, plan for the future, define goals, act

toward achieving them and thereby make meaningful choices, and it encompasses the motivation, meaning

and purpose behind the choice. It can be described as the processes of negotiation and decision-making

required in order for women to use resources effectively (Cheston & Kuhn, 2001). According to Kabeer

(1999), one of the most frequently used methods to measure agency involves asking women about their

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role in relation to specific household decisions such as purchases, their children’s education and whether or

not the woman should work. Katabarwa (2020) adds that women might have the ability to exercise certain

choices, while not having complete agency. For example, when female decision-making is increased, it

often tends to concern decisions of little consequence or which were already assigned to women by the

gendered division of roles, such as those related to domestic improvements and household consumption,

while decisions about larger-scale investments and major assets are still performed mainly by men (Kabeer,

1999; Katabarwa, 2020).

Increased agency can have the benefit of making poverty reduction programs such as VSLA groups more

effective (Kulb et al., 2016). Alsop, Bertelsen and Holland (2006) emphasise the fact that agency itself

is not synonymous with empowerment. They mean that even if the capacity to make a choice exists, the

opportunity structure might prevent agency from being used effectively.

2.2.3 Resources

Alsop and Heinsohn (2005) and Kabeer (2005) describe resources as indicators of agency, and refer to them

as the conditions under which choices are made. If a woman’s access to resources is dependent on a member

of the family, her ability to make strategic choices is limited (Kabeer, 1999). According to Kabeer (1999),

whether someone has access to resources is in itself not sufficient for that person to become empowered.

What matters is if certain choices regarding that resource are conceivable and therefore has any impact on

agency. A way of operationalising this could be to examine if control over resources has been gained, as

well as future claims to the different types of resources, not only access to these.

Kabeer (1999) divides resources into economic, human and social resources and Carr (2016) divides

them into political/legal, economic/entrepreneurial, social/cultural and psychological/emotional. Similarly,

Alsop and Heinsohn (2005) describe resources in terms of financial, material, human, social, informational,

psychological and organisational assets, while Malhotra and Schuler (2005) divide them into the categories

economic, social and cultural, legal, political and psychological. For the purpose of this thesis and to broadly

capture all of these aspects, resources have been divided into economic, human, social and psychological in

the operationalisation of the theory.

Economic resources, according to Kabeer (2018), include women’s access to financial assets, capital

and owned land. Additionally, Malhotra and Schuler (2005) include control over income, as well as

access to employment, credit and markets as indicators of economic resources. To truly have power over

these resources, the woman also needs to be included in decision-making processes regarding household

spending, how money is distributed within the household, and in money-generating activities (Katabarwa,

2020).

Educational background, ‘soft’ skills (such as communication skills) and ‘hard’ skills (such as farming-

related skills) and all other gained knowledge are part of the individual’s human resources (Kabeer, 2018).

Regarding educational background, Kabeer (2018) states that a lack of formal education is a restricting

factor in an individual’s human capital, constraining women from accessing resources and translating these

into improvements in livelihood outcomes.

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Social resources are constituted by all personal networks and other relationships that might be an asset in

improving the individual’s situation (Kabeer, 2018). Malhotra and Schuler (2005) also include freedom of

movement, freedom from violence, participation in domestic decision-making, involvement in community

organisations, access to social networks and access to and visibility in social spaces as indicators of this

resource. The division of labour and unpaid care work are additionally part of the social resources, as it

centers on the social dynamics on the household level between women and men, similarly to the prevalence

of women in leadership and decision-making roles in organisations and businesses on a community level

(Katabarwa, 2020; van Eerdewijk et al., 2017). Collective action is when women, through their social net-

works, gain solidarity by collectively acting on their interests and common goals andmobilise their collective

power (van Eerdewijk et al., 2017), and can also be considered to be a significant social resource.

Alsop, Bertelsen and Holland (2006) discuss that although psychological resources are often disregarded

in measuring empowerment, they can have a significant impact on an individual’s agency and their ability

to transform their assets into action. If a woman lacks psychological assets, such as the capacity to envision

or a sense of self-confidence and self-esteem (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005), she may perceive her state of

disempowerment to be ‘right and proper’, as often perpetuated by her cultural context. If this state is

internalised, it is likely to lead to choices that further perpetuate this state. Malhotra and Schuler (2005)

additionally include psychological well-being and a collective awareness of injustice to the psychological

resources.

Understanding the complex interaction among resources is of importance. A person’s ability to make

meaningful choices can be affected by access to a single resource, such as ownership of land. Access to a

certain resource can also affect the endowment of another resource (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005). For example

new knowledge, a human resource, possibly gained from VSLA participation, might improve the ability

to visualise alternative options, a psychological resource. In this case, several resources contribute to a

person’s capacity to make strategic choices. Data gathering on a range of resources can therefore test for the

effects of one resource on another as well as their effects on empowerment outcomes.

2.2.4 Achievements

Achievements can be likened to the ’outcome’ of choices enabled by resources, agency and opportunity

structure and are referred to as the consequences of choices that reflect how the activity has increased the

capacity to change the existing power structures that subordinate women (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005; Kabeer,

1999; Mahmud, 2003). Examples are financial autonomy, reported sharing of roles and decision-making

and equality in marriage (Kabeer, 1999). This dimension is mainly concerned with the measurements of

the results of empowerment.

2.3 Domains of Empowerment

While using previously discussed dimensions to frame analysis of empowerment is helpful, it leads to the

question of whether an individual’s capacity to make strategic choices varies depending on in which domain

the person is acting (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005). A crucial part of measuring empowerment is therefore

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awareness of the context (Carr, 2016). Carr (2016) defines a framework of three different socio-spatial

domains that empowerment can be measured within: household, livelihood and community. Including these

different domains enable a way to measure different levels of empowerment in various contexts. People

may be empowered in one of these domains but not in another, or the degree of empowerment may vary

among the domains (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005; Carr 2016). A woman may for example be empowered in the

community domain by working and earning an income but experience disempowerment in the household by

facing restrictions on her participation in decision-making or in how to spend household funds (Carr, 2016).

The focus in this paper will be on the two domains household and community, as livelihood is perceived to

overlap in some ways with community. The notion of community will therefore include everything outside

the household such as community organisations, institutions, employment, income-generating activities and

VSLA participation in the context of this study.

2.4 Analytical Tool

As discussed in the previous section, context is an essential aspect when measuring empowerment. Figure

3 visualises the theoretical framework that consists of an opportunity structure and immediate levels of

individual resources, agency and achievements, in the context of household and community.

Figure 3: Visualisation of the theoretical framework.

This paper will examine whether and if so how these interrelated dimensions (Figure 3) in connection

to VSLA activities together affect the process of female empowerment in the domains of household and

community. While viewing the dimensions separately can indicate an individual’s ability to make strategic

choices, they need to be viewed together in order to be able to say something about empowerment.

9

3 Research Methodology

This study was conducted in collaboration with the development organisation Vi Agroforestry (hereafter

referred to as ViA) in Rwanda. To investigate the situation of women in connection to VSLA activities,

the original intention was to carry out a field study consisting of interviews with female participants of

VSLA groups in Rwandan villages. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, resulting in lockdowns in Rwanda

and travel restrictions, it was not possible to travel to Rwanda and visit rural areas to conduct group

interviews as intended. Therefore, digital interviews were carried out with ViA staff, staff at four of their

partner organisations as well as two focus group interviews with female VSLA participants from two partner

organisations in two different districts. Even though collecting data mainly from first-hand sources of

experiences and opinions of female VSLA participants proved unfeasible in the current situation, a greater

proportion of alternative data sources such as interviews with VSLA staff was considered to be sufficient to

answer the research questions. The collection of qualitative data from these interviews was analysed using

the theoretical framework developed for this purpose.

3.1 Interviews

3.1.1 Choice of Interview Respondents

In the following section, the choice of interview respondents in the three phases of interviews will be

outlined.

Interview Phase One

First, an initial interview was held with Jean Claude Rutayisire, FED Officer & Gender Focal Point and

Jackline Mugoboka, Assistant M&E 2 at ViA in Rwanda, to achieve an overview and understanding of ViA’s

collaboration with their partner organisations. The questions used as a basis for this initial interview can be

found in Appendix III. ViA engages in long-term collaborations with local partners, mostly member-based

farmers’ cooperatives. Projects, such as VSLA implementation and related training, are implemented in

partnership with these local civil society organisations (Vi Agroforestry, 2020).

Interview Phase Two

The second phase of interviews included staff from partner organisations (see interview questions in Ap-

pendix IV), and participants were contacted with help from Rutayisire andMugoboka. First, an introductory

meeting was held with staff at the four partner organisations KAB, Cotumo, Unicoopagi and Zamuka as

well as staff at ViA, intended to introduce everyone involved to each other and to the purpose of the study

before conducting the actual interviews. To gain insights on long-term effects for women participating in

VSLA groups, staff with relevant field experience and knowledge about concrete outcomes for women, and

with a few years of work experience with VSLAs, were chosen for the interviews. To enable comparison

between different research sites and to draw more general conclusions, interviews were conducted with staff

with different experiences and responsibilities related to VSLAs, from four different partner organisations

operating in six different districts. In total, six interviews with partners were carried out (two with Zamuka,

2Monitoring and Evaluation

10

two with Unicoopagi and one each with KAB and Cotumu). Below, a short description of each partner

organisation, the respective interviewees and their work with VSLA groups will be presented.

Details About the Involved Partner Organisations

Zamuka, KAB and Cotumu are primary cooperatives operating in different districts of Rwanda, while

Unicoopagi is a union of multiple cooperatives in multiple districts (see Figure 4).

Figure 4: Districts where ViA partner organisations operate; Zamuka (blue), KAB (green), Cotumu (red)and Unicoopagi (yellow).

ViA cooperates with local farmer cooperatives (partners) by implementing the ALIVE programme (Agro-

forestry for Livelihood Empowerment) through initializing and funding projects at the partner locations.

The ALIVE programme’s main objective is to ‘contribute to a sustainable environment that enables women

and men living in poverty to improve their lives’. This is done by promoting human rights and economic

empowerment through training in sustainable agriculture practices and gender equality, and by implementing

financial services such as VSLA (Vi Agroforestry, 2021).

Zamuka operates in the Gasabo district in the capital city Kigali located in central Rwanda. It has 1310

members out of which 605 are female (46.2%). ViA supports Zamuka through the implementation of the

project ’Market-Oriented Agroforestry for Livelihoods Improvement in Zamuka’, which aims to promote

gender equality, sustainable farming, women and youth in leadership positions and small scale farming.

One means used to achieve these objectives is by initializing VSLA groups, and currently there are 50

groups in the Zamuka cooperative, where all cooperative members are active in one of these. Two staff

members were interviewed from Zamuka; one field officer who works with implementing, monitoring and

evaluating VSLA groups, with three years of experience, and one project coordinator who is responsible for

coordinating the projects Zamuka implements with ViA, with six years of experience.

KAB is based in the Gicumbi district in northern Rwanda, and is supported by ViA through the project

‘Tropical Fruits and Climate Action for Livelihood Empowerment’ (TROCALE). The cooperative consists

of 2231 members, and there are 24 VSLA groups with a total of 728 VSLA participants. Out of these, 483

participants (66.3%) are female. A project coordinator who had been at KAB for six years was interviewed

11

for this study. He works with supervising VSLA activities through field visits, and helps organise training

for cooperative members.

Cotumu operates in the Gakenke district in northern Rwanda, and has implemented the project ‘Agroforestry

for Sustainable Maize Production in Cotumu Cooperative’ (ASUMP) with the support of ViA. The main

objective of the project is to increase profitable maize production through agroforestry practices. Cotumu

has 1557 members, whereof 1341 VSLA participants in 43 active groups, out of which 824 participants

(61.4%) are female. A field officer who had been at Cotumu for four years, and had worked with VSLAs for

two years, was interviewed for this study. He is in charge of coordinating and facilitating the Cotumu VSLA

groups.

Unicoopagi is a union of 34 different cooperatives which operate in the Nyamagabe, Nyaruguru and Huye

districts in southern Rwanda. There are 2557 members, making them ViA’s largest partner. With ViA’s

support they have implemented the project ‘Agroforestry for Agriculture and Economic Empowerment’

(AGAPE). The project aims to improve social and economic living conditions by addressing unsustainable

agricultural practices linked to land degradation and low income linked to unreliable markets. There are

currently 445 VSLA members in 22 active groups, of which 262 participants (58.9%) are female. One

project coordinator from Unicoopagi, in charge of organizing, advising and training VSLA groups, with

five years of experience was interviewed. In addition, one field officer working with initiating, educating,

monitoring and evaluating VSLA groups, with three years of experience responded to our questionnaire via

email.

Interview Phase Three

The third and last phase of interviews included two focus group interviews with female VSLA participants

from two different partners, Zamuka and KAB, with ten and fifteen participants respectively. Find the

interview questions in Appendix V and some background information about all participants in Appendix

VI. Regarding the group composition, persons belonging to a minority might feel impeded to express their

opinion if not putting the groups together in a thoughtful way regarding for example age and sex (Bell, 2006).

In our case, first of all we made sure that no man participated during the interviews. The female participants

were of varying ages, between 23 and 57 in one group and between 38 and 69 in the other group, but this

was compensated by the fact that all were part of the same two VSLA groups and knew each other well,

which can be an advantage in how confident they were in expressing their opinion.

3.1.2 Interview Method

Both individual interviews and focus group interviews were conducted digitally in a semi-structured way.

Semi-structured interviews provide the opportunity to ‘probe’ answers, where the respondents were en-

couraged to explain, or build on, their responses (Lewis, Saunders & Thornhill, 2009). Depending on the

direction of the conversation, we adapted follow-up questions based on unclearnesses or interesting topics

that were brought up, which added depth to the obtained data. This flexible structure enabled adaptation for

each interviewee, and left room for them to express experiences and personal feelings (Brinkmann & Kvale,

2009).

12

Regarding the choice of focus group interviews in the last interview phase, they are characterised by a

non-directive style of interviewing, where the main focus is not to reach a solution to the issues discussed

but to encourage a variety of viewpoints on the topic (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2009). It is a valuable way of

gaining information about how people think about a certain question and their reflections about why they

have the perceptions that they have (Bell, 2006), and focus groups were therefore considered to be the best

option for this interview phase. Some aspects of female empowerment might be sensitive topics, such as

physical empowerment, referring to a woman’s experience of conflict or controlling behaviour within the

household. This is also a reason for conducting interviews in a group, as group interaction may facilitate

expression of viewpoints usually not accessible in the case of sensitive taboo topics (Brinkmann & Kvale,

2009).

Further on, the issue of power asymmetry was taken into consideration when the choice of focus group

interviews instead of individual interviews was made for the female VSLA participants. The research

interview is a specific professional conversation with a clear power asymmetry between the subject and the

researcher. The interviewer is in a dominant position and has a monopoly of interpretation (Brinkmann &

Kvale, 2009). Being two persons and one interpreter leading the interview, the power asymmetry might be

reduced to some extent if respondents are not interviewed individually.

3.1.3 Development of Interview Questions

When using a semi-structured interviewmethod, an interview guide needs to be developed containing central

themes and questions covering the most important areas of the study. The overall problem formulation of

this study was translated into concrete themes with underlying questions (Dalen, 2007). Interview themes

were derived from the theoretical framework (see Appendix II), and subsequently, interview questions

were derived from those themes (see Appendix IV and V), to assure all themes were covered during the

interviews and provided all necessary data to answer the research questions. The questions in Appendix II

were specifically phrased for partner staff as they were interviewed first, however, the same questionnaire

was rephrased and shortened to fit the focus group interviews with female VSLA participants. Furthermore,

some questions were designed to capture multiple themes, as many of the themes closely overlapped.

3.1.4 Practical Details

The individual interviews with partner staff lasted for averagely two hours each and the group interviews

with female participants lasted for around three hours each. The meeting tool Microsoft Teams was used

for all interviews and some pictures of how it looked like can be found in Appendix VII. The unstable

internet connection disrupted the video calls several times, sometimes the video had to be turned off due to

this and therefore the interviews were not without difficulties. Challenges included language aspects such

as differing skill levels in English among interviewees, the conversation flow, disturbing environments and

decreased possibilities of noticing details such as body language, reactions to questions and conversational

tones when not performing the interviews at the same physical location as the respondents.

The national language and the first language of almost the whole population in Rwanda is Kinyarwanda,

13

although also English, French and Swahili are official languages (Africa News, 2017). The interviews

with partner staff could be carried out in English, while the rural population including our female VSLA

participants speak Kinyarwanda or other local languages only. Therefore, a project officer at ViA assisted

with interpretation during these group interviews.

During all the interviews, one of us was responsible for leading the interview while the other took notes.

Additionally, all interviews were screen recorded, which allowed the one of us interviewing to fully pay

attention to the discussion and the answers from the respondent, and for both of us to transcribe the interview

afterwards. This was also a way of handling language issues as the recording enabled several listens in order

to understand the answers. Moreover, the recording was a way of ensuring that the content of the notes taken

during the interviews were correct and to verify the exact content of a citation. Recording is particularly

important when a content analysis is to be made (see Section 3.2) and several listens to the answers from

the discussion is needed to be able to identify different categories (Bell, 2006).

3.1.5 Interpretation

The communication is undoubtedly changed when working with interpreters, which we have carefully tried

to handle. Uncertainties and misunderstandings might arise if the interpreter for example does not possess

knowledge about the terminology used (Björk Brämberg & Dahlberg, 2013; Dalen, 2007), and the need of

simplifying in order to ensure that the interpreter can follow might risk the quality of the communication. In

order to minimise this risk, Jackline Mugoboka was appointed as interpreter, as she is working at ViA with

similar types of questions in her monitoring and evaluation responsibilities. She is therefore knowledgeable

in the topics of this research. Additionally, matching the interpreter and respondents in terms of gender and

cultural background is of vital importance (Björk Brämberg & Dahlberg, 2013). Also therefore, Mugoboka

was found to be the most suitable choice as we requested a Rwandan female interpreter in order to facilitate

discussions on potentially sensitive gender-related topics covered in the interview template, and to encourage

all participants to raise their voices without having to consider the opinion of a man.

The interpreter and the interviewees were at the same physical location, and the interpreter translated our

questions and gave the word to a person in the group when someone indicated she had something to share.

The participants generally distributed the word independently by passing a microphone among themselves

to whoever wanted to share her experience. Most of the time, the interpreter waited for a full answer from

one person and then she translated it. This was found to be the most convenient way to assimilate the largest

possible amount of information from a digital interview with a group of 10-15 people, with an unstable

internet connection and from time to time a disturbing environment.

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3.1.6 Summary of Interviews

Table 1 shows a summary of all conducted interviews.

Table 1: Summary of interviews.

InterviewNumber

Respondent(s) Organisation Duration Date

1 (InitialInterview)

Jean Claude Rutayisire, FED Officer & GenderFocal Point and Jackline Mugoboka, AssistantM&E at Vi Agroforestry

Vi Agroforestry 2 hours 2021-04-20

2 Field Officer 1 (Male) Cotumu 2 hours 2021-04-29

3 Project Coordinator 1 (Male) KAB 2 hours 2021-04-29

4 Project Coordinator 2 (Male) Zamuka 2.5 hours 2021-05-03

5 Project Coordinator 3 (Male) Unicoopagi 2 hours 2021-05-03

6 Field Officer 2 (Male) Zamuka 2.5 hours 2021-05-03

7 Field Officer 3 (Male) Unicoopagi Email 2021-05-10

8 VSLA Group 1 (10 Female Participants) Zamuka 3.5 hours 2021-05-10

9 VSLA Group 2 (15 Female Participants) KAB 3 hours 2021-05-12

3.2 Data Analysis

To be able to categorise and analyse the data in relation to the choice of theoretical framework, a content

analysis following the procedures of the Gioia Methodology was used (Corley, Gioia & Hamilton, 2012).

This methodology can be used as a tool to translate the participants’ language to theoretical concepts. As it

provides a transparent way of interpreting interview data to theory, it provides the study results with a higher

degree of trustworthiness and traceability (Geiger, 2017). The Gioia Methodology is an inductive approach

that builds on first conducting a “1st-order” analysis, which focuses on participants’ direct information and

word usage, followed by a “2nd-order” analysis, which uses researcher-centric concepts and themes linked

to the intended theory (Corley, Gioia & Hamilton, 2012). After this stage, it is possible to separate the

data into “aggregate dimensions”, representing top-level categories in the model proposed in the theoretical

framework (Geiger, 2017).

When analysing the transcribed interview data, direct quotes containing interesting information were first

sorted out, either one sentence or a shorter paragraph. This is the 1st-order data, which is the most expansive

category set. In the next stage, these were further categorised under broader concepts and themes with

linkage to the theory. These 2nd-order themes are, for example, ‘individual knowledge’, ‘financial assets’,

‘access to social networks’, and so on. This generated a more manageable number of categories compared to

the 1st-order. As the chosen theoretical framework centers on different dimensions of female empowerment

within the domains ‘household’ and ‘community’, the data analysis reflected this by categorising the 2nd-

order themes into either one or both of these domains. The 2nd-order themes were then further separated

into ‘aggregate dimensions’ corresponding to the dimensions in the theoretical framework (Corley, Gioia

& Hamilton, 2012). These are Opportunity Structure, Agency and Resources (with sub-categories). Based

on the data structure this methodology provides, it was then possible to induce what dimensions of female

empowerment are affected by VSLA activities, and which were most strongly affected. Table 2 illustrates

two examples of how 1st-order data was categorised into 2nd-order theme(s), domain(s) and aggregate

15

dimension(s).

Table 2: Example of coding schedule using the Gioia Methodology.

1st Order (Quote) 2nd Order Domain Aggregate Dimensions

“[Female VSLA participants] get the confidence to joinleadership positions in the community, in VSLA or inother groups of the community. The VSLA groups ex-pand their knowledge. Different members have differentinformation from different places. When they are ex-changing, deciding, they are empowered. It is like aschool.”

Self-esteem, Self-confidence,

Individual knowledge, Skills,

Access to social networks,Increased female participationin leadership positions.

Community andHousehold

Psychological Resources,

Human Resources,

Social Resources

“Before I was waiting for my husband to buy clothes forme. Now, with the money I get, I am able to save someamount to buy the clothes that I want.”

Access to and control over eco-nomic resources,Decision-making in householdspending.

Household Economic Resources

3.3 The Trustworthiness of The Study

Reliability refers to the trustworthiness and consistency of a study and whether a finding can be replicated

by other researchers at other times, using the same method. Validity means whether a method investigates

what it claims to investigate (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2009). Awareness regarding the manner in which

interaction with respondents occurs, how questions are asked and how that impacts the collected data, is

of high importance (Lewis, Saunders & Thornhill, 2009). Our aim was to generate highly qualitative and

representative material, taking into consideration factors that might affect the reliability and validity, such

as that a greater proportion of the empirical data had to be collected from alternative sources and the limited

number of respondents.

Regarding the individual interviews with partner staff, all interviewees are male. The reason is that men

constitute a majority on the specific positions targeted for these interviews, and only men were available

for interviews during this time frame. Therefore, one has to keep in mind that through their position and

work tasks, by meeting and discussing with the female participants, they can likely provide a good, overall

picture of how life situations for women in the villages have changed due to VSLA, but they might not have

complete insight into topics such as women’s change in self-esteem and self-confidence or their experience

of violence in the household. One can also imagine that they have an interest in giving positively angled

answers and make the results of their work with VSLA look good. We have therefore tried to focus on filling

these potential gaps by asking ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions rather than ‘what’ in the focus group interviews

with the female VSLA participants to increase the reliability and the validity of the data. Additionally, as we

sent the questionnaire to the staff members prior to the interview in order to facilitate discussion, they might

have prepared some answers that ‘sound good’ and emphasise positive outcomes, compared to the answer

they would have given if they had to reflect on the question in the moment without preparation.

To handle the language issue and to ensure reliability in capturing the exact meaning of each interview

answer, all interviews were listened to several times during transcription. Another reliability issue is the

limited number of female respondents included in the study. The data will be based on a small number of

VSLA group participants from a few selected districts, and considering the total number of VSLA groups

in Rwanda, this can skew the result of the study as these participants may not be representative of all VSLA

groups. Furthermore, the female respondents may be more keen to share their positive experiences rather

16

than their negative experiences, for example related to equality in the household and other gender-related

issues, as some participants might feel that those issues are private and do not feel comfortable discussing

them in front of their friends and neighbors in the room. This might be reflected in the trustworthiness of

the collected data.

3.4 Ethical Considerations

Participation in the study was completely voluntary. Mutual approval was a criterion to be included in

the study, and all participants were asked to give their informed consent. The objective and aim of the

study was clearly stated before the participants were asked to consent to ensure that no participant felt

misled or deceived. As some interview questions might have been perceived as sensitive, it was also crucial

that all participants felt safe in how their identities and the interview data was handled in the study. It

was important that the participants should feel able to share their honest experiences in relation to VSLA

groups, both positive or otherwise. Confidentiality and anonymity was therefore important to gain trust and

access to participants’ experiences (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2009; Lewis, Saunders & Thornhill, 2009). Only

involved ViA staff are mentioned by name, with their consent. For the partner staff, background information

such as gender, name of the organisation, their role and years of experience is disclosed in the report with

their consent. For the female participants, information about their age, marital status, number of children,

education, source of income and number of years in the VSLA group was collected with their consent, in

order to achieve a greater understanding of factors that might affect their life situations. Additionally, a

few pictures of the interviewees and interview set-ups are included in Appendix VII with the participants’

consent. To further the candidness of the participant’s answers and the interviewer’s trustworthiness, it

was also clarified that the study is unaffiliated with any other actor’s agenda and that we, as interviewers,

are independent and objective (Lewis, Saunders & Thornhill, 2009). The study should not cause the

participants any embarrassment or discomfort, and they were therefore informed that they were free to

withdraw from the study at any point. Permission was additionally asked for all recordings, screenshots and

photos taken.

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4 Female Empowerment and VSLAs in Rwanda

In order to understand the context of the situation for women in Rwanda and the complex history of events

that has shaped the country to what it is today, a historical background is first presented. Thereafter, there

is a brief description of the situation for women in Rwanda today, including laws and regulations as well as

prevailing cultural and social norms.

Empirical data from the series of qualitative interviews with VSLA staff and female participants of VSLA

groups will be presented from section 4.3 onwards.

4.1 Historical Background

Rwanda, located in Eastern Africa, is a landlocked country where about 80 percent of the population are

engaged mainly in subsistence agriculture, where the primary sources of export earnings are tea and coffee

(CountryWatch, 2018). The population, consisting of 12.5 million people (Katabarwa, 2020), is poor and

predominantly rural. For a majority of the population, agriculture is the main source of subsistence as the

vast majority of Rwandan households own land (Abbott, Sapsford & Mugisha, 2018). In the early 1990s,

Rwanda experienced an economic deterioration due to world coffee prices decline, corruption, economic

mismanagement and lack of economic diversification. Rwanda’s fragile economic base was further damaged

from the 1994 genocide (CountryWatch, 2018), in which it is estimated that more than 800 000 people were

killed and 150 000 to 250 000 women were raped. The roots of the conflict that resulted in the genocide

stretches back to the late 1950s, where an ethnic conflict begun. During the First World War, the former

colonial power Germany lost possession of Rwanda and the country was put under Belgian administration,

until Rwanda gained independence in 1962. After independence, a new cycle of violence and ethnic

conflicts continued (United Nations, n.d.). Tensions further increased between ethnic Batutsis (Tutsis) and

Bahutus (Hutus) during the late 1980s to early 1990s. Rwanda’s coffee-based export economy collapsed

(CountryWatch, 2018) and the deaths of the Presidents of Burundi and Rwanda on 6 April 1994 in a plane

crash caused by a rocket attack were events that triggered the start of weeks of systematic and intense

massacres on the orders of the interim Hutu-dominated government (United Nations, n.d.).

It is clear that the war and genocide affected men and women differently. Hundreds of thousands of women

were victims of some form of sexual violence, while men constituted the majority of those who died, fled

Rwanda and never returned or were imprisoned on charges of genocide. This resulted in responsibilities for

caretaking of families and orphans as well as duties traditionally carried out by men in patriarchal Rwanda,

were largely placed on war widows and single women who survived (Izabiliza, 2005).

Following the genocide, an extraordinary national regeneration programwas undertaken, and recovering and

stabilisation of the economy has been successful (CountryWatch, 2018). The promotion of gender equality

and women’s empowerment has been considered a prerequisite for sustainable development and peace by

the government of Rwanda (Izabiliza, 2005).

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4.2 Women in Rwanda

Rwanda is currently one of the poorest countries in the world, with a GDP of 820 USD per capita as of

20193 (World Bank Group, 2019a). As part of their national development agenda, they aspire to become a

middle-income country by 2035 and a high-income country by 2050, and to shift from being an agriculture-

based economy to a knowledge- and technology-based one (Katabarwa, 2020). This is to be achieved

by a seven-year National Strategy for Transformation, which includes the aim of reaching the Sustainable

Development Goals (SDGs) by reducing poverty, ensuring education for all and facilitating economic growth

(The National Industrial Research and Development Agency, 2020).

However, women in Rwanda are still lagging behind men in several aspects in regards to this progress. In

terms of employment, only 45.3% participate in the labour market in comparison to 63.2% of men. Women

are less involved in business development and entrepreneurship, generally due to a lack of skills, knowledge

and opportunities. This is especially evident in rural areas where women only own 17% of enterprises, in

comparison to urban areas where women-owned establishments make up 45%. Formal financial inclusion

is lower among women than men, as only 24% of women own an account in commercial banking systems

in comparison to 29% of men. Additionally, further constraints include a higher illiteracy among women

(23.1% compared to 18.1% among men), which continues to hinder women’s already limited opportunities

in terms of access to resources, participation in decision-making processes and managing small businesses

(Katabarwa, 2020).

4.2.1 Laws, Rules and Regulations

When it comes to gender equality andwomen’s rights, Rwanda is a complicated place. 52% of the population

consists of women, and therefore they have a critical role in enhancing economic and social development

(Katabarwa, 2020). Gender equality in Rwanda has made remarkable progress in the last 25 years, and 80%

of the country’s gender gap4 has been closed since the genocide (Abouzeid, 2019). Through institutional

and policy frameworks, Rwanda is committed to incorporate gender equality and women’s empowerment

into government programs and policies (Katabarwa, 2020). Under the leadership of President Paul Kagame,

Rwanda has passed legislation to protect women’s rights, such as promoting the rights to equal education

opportunities for both boys and girls and the right for women to own and inherit land (Berry, 2015). Since

2003, the Rwandan constitution has required that 30% of decision-making jobs in government and public

organisations should be held by women (Abouzeid, 2019; Katabarwa, 2020). In 2010, the ‘National Gender

Policy’ was specifically implemented, with the aim to address gender-based violence and gender issues

in economic, cultural, social and political planning and programming (Ministry of Gender and Family

Promotion in Rwanda, 2010). Regarding women in the political sphere today, Rwandan women make up

a greater percentage of the parliament than in any other country in the world - with 61% - and four out of

seven seats in the supreme court are held by women (Abouzeid, 2019). Further on, discrimination based on

gender is prohibited by Rwandan labour law. In total, 20 policies, 15 laws, 36 programs (such as VSLA), 61

3Compared to 51 648 USD per capita in Sweden (World Bank Group, 2019a).4The difference between men and women as reflected in economic, political, social, intellectual or cultural attitudes or attainments.

For example, differences in salaries, participation in the workplace or the number of leaders (Harris, 2017).

19

initiatives and 13 regional and international conventions concerning gender issues and women’s economic

empowerment have been identified currently in Rwanda, showing that these questions are seen as important

and prioritised. However, the majority of these lack a sufficient monitoring and evaluation system and

therefore the impact and effectiveness is not clear. Also, many of these provisions mainly benefit women

in formal employment, leaving out the majority who live in rural areas and work in the informal sector

(Katabarwa, 2020).

4.2.2 Norms and Structures

Despite the progress in the political and institutional sphere, this equality is not reflected in the home life for

most Rwandan women. For example, women still spend around twice as much time as men on unpaid care

work (UCW) in their households (averagely 25.3 hours per week compared to 13.5 hours for men). Under

prevailing cultural norms, the burden of UCW has for a long time been seen as a normal responsibility for

women, and has therefore not been recognised, redistributed or rewarded. Most women in Rwanda still

experience challenges balancing paid and unpaid work, obviously limiting women’s participation in paid and

productive economic activities. Moreover, access to and control over resources is still limited for women,

as patriarchal gender norms continue to constrain women’s employment opportunities and involvement in

business development, entrepreneurship and cooperatives. Community leadership and decision-making

roles are less likely to be held by women, limiting the relevance and reach of local programs and policies

(Katabarwa, 2020).

4.3 Partner Staff Interview Data

In the following section, the empirical data from the six interviews with ViA partner staff will be out-

lined.

General Information about VSLA Participants and VSLA Activities

The vast majority of all VSLA participants are small holder farmers with some kind of agricultural activity

or business as their main source of income, for example rice, banana, avocado or vegetable farming. They are

all members of a farming cooperative operating in that particular area, where VSLA is one of the initiatives

that has been implemented, and they are encouraged by the cooperative staff to join a VSLA group in order

to better cope with their basic needs such as access to food, clothes and health insurance. Some members

join because they have seen their neighbors or friends being positively affected, and some children have

been motivated to join by their parents. The idea is to take a small loan from the group and invest it in their

farming activities or other businesses, especially needed during intense farming periods, for example to be

able to pay labour or invest in farming equipment. Some also use the loans to buy some animals, like pigs,

cattle or goats, sell their offspring and in turn use the profit to for example pay school fees.

The participants of the VSLA groups are both men and women, but in general the number of female

participants is higher than men. Some groups only have female participants, however the majority of the

groups are mixed. In general, most female participants are married, while some are widowed. The married

participants can either participate together with their husband, or by themselves, it depends on how the

20

household is organised. Regarding age, most female participants are around 40 years or above, but there are

also younger women participating. The majority have either primary education or no education, but literacy

is not required to be a member of a group, because then they memorise the numbers of loans and amount of

savings instead.

Most of the VSLA groups meet for around one hour, twice a month. When the group starts their savings

cycle, they collect money in the form of shares for three months before they start to give out loans. These

shares are investments in the group of which members can take loans, and by the end of one savings cycle,

there is a share dividend. Usually, one share is 2000 RWF (Rwandan Franc), which is equal to 16.71 SEK.

See more details on how the VSLA methodology works in Appendix I.

Training

Closely connected to VSLA activities, the cooperatives, supported by ViA, have recently started to organise

different types of ‘training’ sessions related to joint decision-making and gender mainstreaming. Project

Coordinator 2 describes these training sessions as an important complement to VSLA in order to increase

the joint decision-making on a household level and thereby make the outcomes of VSLA participation more

successful. According to Field Officer 2, the training help change the mindsets of the participating spouses

regarding gender balance, how to value one another, and how men view women. Most interviewees bring up

one of the focal points of the training as an example, which is that they are instructed to design a household

roadmap - a strategic plan on the household level. The household roadmap is a long-term plan that the

husband and wife discuss and decide on together, and is meant to outline what goals they want to reach in

the coming two, three or five years, and how they are going to get there, for example, through their VSLA

activities. These goals can for example be buying new land, schooling their children, earning new farming

resources, buying animals and starting enterprises. Field Officer 2 and Project Coordinator 2 claim there is a

significant difference between those VSLA groups who have had these gender training, and those who have

not. Those who have participated have a very strong reason to continue being part of VSLA because they

want to reach those long-term goals. Field Officer 1 says that VSLA members who have had the training

often take the time to ask each other where they are in their respective household roadmaps, and in that way

they encourage each other.

Decision-Making

Project Coordinators 1 and 3 and Field Officers 1 and 3 have experienced an increased female participation

in decision-making on a household level. They explain this change with the introduction of training on

gender mainstreaming and how to manage household resources together. They further describe VSLA as a

contributing factor to this change, by meeting and discussing such issues with other participants of the group.

Project Coordinator 3 says that he sees the progress when visiting them in their households and in their

activities, for example VSLA meetings. Before, the husband tended to make decisions without involving

his wife and children, for example regarding selling land, and he could use all money as he wanted without

discussing it. Field Officer 1 agrees with this and adds an estimation that 95% of household decisions

were made by men prior to VSLA. Now, the families who are resisting the changes on increased sharing of

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decision-making are few.

"Before, it was terrible, but now we are happy because our farmers are happy."- Field Officer 1

Increased female contribution to family income tends to result in husbands affording and investing in much

bigger projects than before, while women are solving the other household needs, according to Project

Coordinators 1 and 2 and Field Officers 1 and 2. Because of the long history and culture of men being

decision-makers for the family, even though decision-making now is done together to a larger extent due to

VSLA participation and gender-related training, there are differences in what types of decisions men and

women make. Big decisions like buying land or investments in big crop projects tend to be controlled by

men, while women still are coping with smaller decisions on household level and basic needs for the family,

such as health insurances, school fees, food and kitchen utensils for improving the family conditions.

"If we look at male, they prefer big investments, long term decisions" - Project Coordinator 1

"When women make money, household members tend to have good health."- Project Coordinator 2

Field Officer 1 and Project Coordinator 1 state that small household decisions can be made independently by

either husband or wife, but regarding big decisions like buying or selling land, there must be an agreement

between them. There are still cases where men make such decisions without informing his wife, but they

are few, and if such cases are communicated to local authorities, the husband can be charged.

Ownership and Control over Resources on a Household Level

Regarding control over economic resources, Project Coordinator 3 states that before, it was men who

controlled them. But VSLA participation has now contributed to that economic resources are discussed

with the woman and that they now can manage them together to a greater extent. However, Project

Coordinator 2 is aware of a few cases where conflicts arose due to women claiming the income they got

from the harvest, but the husband still controlled the income in one way or another. Regarding ownership,

the view of Project Coordinator 1 is that household resources are equally owned between husband and wife,

but in terms of control, it depends. Especially livestock, like cattle, is most of the time controlled by men.

Other resources like household equipment are mainly controlled by women. He further mentions that one

focal point in the gender mainstreaming training is to spread awareness about resources and how they are

controlled, and work towards equal control.

Field Officer 2 remarks that the percentage of loans that are taken by women compared to men in their

cooperative has increased over the past year. Between 2019 and 2020, the percentage of loans that were

taken by women increased from 42.4% to 53.0%. He also notes that women are starting to become engaged

in bigger projects that need larger investments.

There have been some problematic cases where loans taken by women have not been invested properly, as

they have been controlled by their men. In those cases, women may face challenges to pay back, but these

cases are not common. “VSLA groups do not tolerate this kind of people”, says Project Coordinator 2. He

continues with explaining the roots of these challenges, that all of them are based on family understanding,

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in one way or another. He believes it is good when all members of a family are part of a VSLA, so they

all get the chance to reach the same level of understanding, and work together under the rules of the VSLA

group. If that is the case, the mood in the family tends to be more encouraging.

Female Contribution to the Family

Project Coordinator 2 describes the origin of men being viewed as the authoritarian of the family. The root

is that rural households are very bound to traditions, where the traditions tend to favour men compared to

women, as they previously were the only providers of income for the family. The women were expected

to handle all unpaid care work in the household, but they were not valued nor appreciated for it. But with

the initiative of VSLA, by finding ways for women to generate money and thereby financially contribute

to the family, it raises their voices and makes them feel more important in their families. Field Officer 2

further says that increased female contribution to the family income has been an incentive for husbands to

encourage this change, share opinions and motivate their wives to join a VSLA group.

"The more women can save money, buy livestock, contribute to the family, the more they cancontribute to decision-making. It is a progress, the VSLA groups have contributed to this."- Project Coordinator 2

"Long ago a man was always taking the lead, and deciding where to get the money, andsometimes whatever he does, he does not tell the wife. But today things have changed, sincethe women started having that access to money and providing for the family. You find that, thatgave them some kind of respect" - Field Officer 2

Project Coordinator 2 and Field Officers 1, 2 and 3 further describe how most families have attained higher

school attendance for their children from an increased income due to VSLA participation. The VSLAs have

pushed women to work more and start businesses, and use the loans to invest in their business, instead of

consuming all money right away which was the common case before VSLA. Apart from health insurances

and family upkeep, school fees are one of the most expensive things for families to pay for, and this is often

what the majority of their income is used for. This is, according to Field Officer 1, also the second most

prioritised expense in the view of all VSLA participants - the most prioritised expense is the family’s medical

needs. All other expenses come after these two, and all participants understand these two priorities.

"One of the main reasons parents have for VSLA support is to be able to pay school fees fortheir children. For them, it is one of their goals of being in VSLA." - Field Officer 2

Norms, Structures and Division of Household Work

Project Coordinator 3 and Field Officer 2 discuss cultural norms and different responsibilities that historically

have been assigned to men and women respectively. Before, you never saw a man cooking or taking care

of the children, as this was viewed as the responsibility of women. The man was seen as the leader of

the household, which still is the case to quite a large extent. Field Officer 2 states that there was a time

when a woman was not even allowed to go out and participate in anything outside the household. As of

now, Project Coordinator 2 and Field Officers 2 and 3 have seen a great change in these types of norms

and the extent to which men and women regard each other as equals, for those who have been part of a

VSLA group, compared to those who have not. Field Officer 1 estimates that 70% of the households in

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Cotumu cooperative have reached an acceptable gender balance, where the household labour is shared and

the household members understand that they are equal in terms of household resource management. But

there are still households where you never see the husband taking care of the children or cooking, and the

whole burden of unpaid care work is left to the woman. The cooperative staff are hoping to increase this

percentage by continuing with education and discussions together with the farmers.

"It is not yet at a perfect level, but the understanding is now there. If my wife is at VSLA, I willfix things e.g. fetch water, bring firewoods, household duties, so when she comes back she willnot be delayed with her work. It is not yet a good level where a man feels ‘ok, let me go andcook’. [...] The burden of those heavy activities remain on women, it has roots in the culture,giving respect to her husband. [...] But there is now at least a tendency to look at cooking andchildcare as something men also can do" - Field Officer 2

Gender-Based Violence

The interviewees had different inputs on the topic of gender-based violence (GBV). According to Project

Coordinator 2, GBV exists in the rural households, but most of the women experiencing it are silent, and

it can be hard to know who is exposed to it. He further states that when violence has been reported, they

have intervened through their gender committee and the cooperative leadership in KAB. Field Officer 1

experiences that fights or quarrels within households have been reduced after introducing VSLA groups

and a conflict management committee in Cotumu. Before that, there were many problems with women

being beaten by their husbands in the farmer households, and the management of household resources was

not good. Most of the interviewees expressed that GBV is commonly related to monetary issues, such as

competition for money or a lack of money. When introducing VSLA groups, farmers have been educated in

saving and investing money, as well as how to make decisions together. Field Officer 2 adds that increased

financial involvement for women has changed many things in terms of respect and violence. They all further

emhasise that an important factor of change in gender issues and GBV is understanding how decisions

should be taken together, and being able to sit down together to discuss issues concerning their family and

share ideas.

"So when the husband has no money, and the wife comes and asks for money, sometimes thewife was beaten. But after women joined the VSLA groups now some of those needs are resolvedby women. Like buying food, buying children’s clothes, even buying clothes for the husband, ‘Ineed underwear, I need whatever’ - so the burden has been easier for the husband. So this hasbrought a reducement of quarrels or conflicts within the household." - Field Officer 1

"When she is giving a certain amount of contribution to well-being at household, this gender-based violence is rare, because most of the time this kind of violence was based on how menused to praise themselves as the one supporting the family, they used to neglect the work done bywomen, looked at women as useless, but through these training, women have been empoweredby participation in financial activities, which has raised their standards." - Field Officer 2

Field Officer 2 explains that they have talks in the VSLA groups, and each group has a person who is in

charge of gender balance. This person is usually a woman, is trained by ViA and is given some time during

the meetings to address gender issues and give guidance to members if needed. If a woman has been exposed

to violence, she can speak to this gender person privately to get help and support. According to Field Officer

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2, these talks contribute to reducing negative views that husbands might have, and in turn, it helps reduce

home-based violence. Despite this, it is still hard to know exactly the situation inside every household and

according to Project Coordinator 2, the households who are still facing these problems are the ones that

still lay behind. These women are likely not even joining the VSLA groups in the first place, and therefore

do not have a chance to take part of the positive impacts. In general however, he experiences a progress

in decreased GBV when more and more households are educated to a greater extent through an increased

amount of training and VSLA participation.

Knowledge, Skills and Awareness of Rights

All interviewees note that women have been able to gain financial skills and knowledge from participating in

VSLA activities. According to Field Officer 2 and Project Coordinator 1, this is due to the financial training

they receive when they join a group, but also from the opportunity to learn from one another. Women

can see how their fellow group members manage to start small businesses, and they all share experiences

with each other. Project Coordinator 2 also mentions that particularly those women who are in positions of

keeping records in the groups, such as treasurers and secretaries, gain valuable financial knowledge.

"When you sit there - even if you don’t ask - you learn. You learn how financial activities aredone [...] Much financial skills are shared during the meetings." - Field Officer 2

"[Being in a VSLA group] empowers them in many ways, in leadership, politically, in takingdecisions, even in thinking economically. Yes, so they are empowered." - Project Coordinator 2

Field Officer 1 brings up an example of how VSLA has changed the mindsets of women in terms of skills,

and how a business spirit has arised among them. Before VSLA, when getting money, a woman’s first focus

was often to buy clothes or go to the pub and drink. But now, she has started to think how the money can

be invested in order to gain a profit.

"She now thinks: I have to use this money and get profit, I have to invest this money. Maybe Ican buy two chickens or ten chickens, I can buy a pig. When I buy a pig, in five or six monthsthe pig will give me three or four more pigs. So it will be a good profit." - Field Officer 1

Regarding awareness and knowledge about legal rights, laws and regulations, the female participants have

learned about this within the VSLA group but also within other gender-related training, according to Project

Coordinator 3 and Field Officer 2. Being in these groups has exposed women to other means of information,

by interacting, listening and talking during the meetings, which has helped them to be aware of their rights.

Field Officer 1 also states that most women are aware of laws and regulations regarding their rights, including

the ‘National Gender Policy’, stating that men and women are equal. Project Coordinators 1 and 2 on the

other hand, experience that the awareness among women in rural areas regarding their legal rights is low,

and that these issues rarely are discussed. However, the political will of changing conditions of gender

issues and discrimination is there, and one example brought up is that married couples have equal rights on

family properties, by Rwandan law. There are many platforms and tools in place working for equality, but

the most remote sites have still a long way to go, according to Project Coordinator 2.

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"[...] But when knowing about rights, she can now speak about things that do not feel right orare not right. Because she knows her rights. When she did not know her rights, she could feel‘this is ok’. Before she might think that this behaviour is just right. There is a bigger awarenessnow." - Field Officer 2

Social Networks and Female Involvement in Income-Generating Activities

Project Coordinator 2 mentions a few cases of where female members of VSLA groups have started a

business together, for example making and selling banana juice, fire briquettes making or art craft with

banana leaves. These are examples of initiatives collectively taken by women as a result of their VSLA

participation, where the loans were used for investing in these businesses.

VSLA participation is also a way for women to gain new social connections and friendships outside

the household, and enable deeper communication with other female participants, according to Project

Coordinator 3. Project Coordinator 1 says that within the savings groups, they also have social resources

including a ‘social fund’, in order to support each other when someone is in need of, for example, medical

care. According to Field Officer 2, if feelings of injustice or experiences of rights violations have occurred,

they can be discussed during the meetings. He further describes how he, when participating in VSLA

meetings, noticed new social bonds form among the participants. The mood and atmosphere during the

meetings he describes as “amazing”. He says that the members are required to know about each other’s

everyday life, and that there is a high amount of trust among members in most groups. While it is not 100%

perfect, there are requirements and procedures that need to be followed and respected by all members that

contribute to this trust.

"There is this kind of brotherhood, sisterhood, this kind of sociability. One being concernedabout another." - Field Officer 2

Project Coordinator 2 and Field Officer 2 further describe that despite the trend of women mainly making

smaller decisions and starting small businesses, some women have been confident enough to undertake big

projects by themselves, for example related to crops or other bigger farming projects. In Cotumu, there were

40 big enterprises started by women last year. In one year, the big enterprises made around 2 000 000 - 4

000 000 RWF each (17 000 - 33 000 SEK)5. Field Officer 1 describes the number of 40 big entrepreneurs

out of 824 women in VSLA groups in total in Cotumu as “not very good but it is not bad - based on the

culture of Rwandan women”. These big female entrepreneurs have been an inspiration for other women to

start businesses themselves, and apart from these big enterprises, there are numerous smaller enterprises run

by women as well, bringing around 100 000 - 200 000 RWF (830 - 1 660 SEK) per year. Some examples

of such smaller enterprises are goat, pig or chicken breeding.

"So we have some women who have made a big step, and some women who are staying in the‘middle step’." - Field Officer 1

5In comparison, during 2018, the average yearly income for women in rural areas was 285 000 RWF, compared to 417 000 RWF formen (National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, 2019). Another study from 2016, including 616 households in the Southern provinceof Rwanda, showed an average annual household income of 60 500 - 68 000 RWF for double households (both husband and wife) and31 000 - 37 000 RWF for female-headed households (Pavanello et al., 2016).

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Female Participation in Leadership Positions

All interviewees mention an increase of women in leadership positions during the last couple of years.

Regarding VSLA groups, the main leadership consists of a chairperson, a secretary and a treasurer. All

interviewees describe that these leadership positions are shared between men and women in most groups,

which Project Coordinator 2 specifically sees as important when it comes to making decisions and plans for

the group. However, Project Coordinator 1 has experienced that in the beginning, only men were interested

in the leadership positions, but this is changing. In Unicoopagi, 50% of the VSLA leaders are women,

according to Field Officer 3.

Project Coordinator 3 explains that even in the local communities, the required percentage of women in local

authority positions need to be respected, according to the gender programs and policies set by the national

government. He has not seen a big change in these numbers as a direct consequence of VSLA participation,

but indirectly, he means that if a woman can lead a VSLA group, this increases her chances to be elected to

another community position. This is because of the leadership skills she has gained from leading the VSLA

group and the ability to manage a relatively big number of people.

On the cooperative level, a woman was selected vice president in Zamuka cooperative in the last election,

and in KAB, the chairperson is a woman. This progress is due to an increased trust the community has

in women, according to Project Coordinator 2. Being in the leadership of the cooperative, you have an

important position in terms of raising your voice during meetings and workshops for women rights and for

other matters. In Cotumu cooperative, there are also some women competing for local authority leadership

positions. For instance, there are female community health facilitators and female advisers at the village and

sector level. Before, this was not the case, and this is a big change for the female farmers which has arisen

partly due to VSLA implementation. Currently, three out of seven in the board of directors are women in

Cotumu, and in the whole cooperative, 40% of the leadership positions are held by women.

"They get the confidence to join leadership positions in the community, in VSLA or in othergroups of the community. The VSLA groups expand their knowledge. Different members havedifferent information from different places. When they are exchanging, deciding, they areempowered. It is like a school." - Project Coordinator 2

In all cooperatives, there are ‘community facilitators’ helping the cooperative staff to organise the savings

activities. Field Officer 1 describes the community facilitators as farmers who have gained certain skills

through training on how to organise meetings, how to elect leaders for the groups and how to handle all

aspects of the VSLA approach. In the KAB cooperative, all community facilitators are women, according

to Project Coordinator 1. These women are leading activities within the VSLA groups and, through this,

they have attained new skills and enhanced their self-confidence. Most of them also have been elected for

other social or leadership responsibilities in the community because of their experience of leading VSLA

groups. In Zamuka cooperative, two out of ten community facilitators are women. Project Coordinator 2

explains that Zamuka trained many women on skills required to be a community facilitator, but most of

them declined the role due to household responsibilities. He further states that community facilitators are

really good voices for the community, in meeting local authorities and attending meetings where policies

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and programs are expressed.

Self-Esteem and Self-Confidence

All interviewees describe that VSLA participation has contributed to a change in the self-esteem and self-

confidence for the female participants during the last couple of years. More specifically, contributing factors

are for example exposure to financial activities including access to own money, increased contribution to

the family, increased contribution to decision-making and leadership positions in the VSLA groups. When

women feel able to share ideas and contribute with advice, they become more confident to participate in

other activities or elections, such as other leadership roles in the community.

VSLA has also contributed to women expanding their minds and gaining the confidence of seeing themselves

in other activities than farming, some are for example wishing to be entrepreneurs, says Field Officer 1.

Apart from the core activities of saving and loaning, VSLA is also about social activities. The VSLA scheme

and the structure of the activities enhances the women’s minds, expands their abilities to analyze different

situations and cope with different situations, for example financially, or in decision-making. He believes

that women in VSLA groups start to feel the confidence that they can do everything that men do, and this is

largely due to the new knowledge and information they have gained from the group. Field Officer 2 gives

an example of this: Before, men made all decisions on what price to sell crops or harvest for. Now, he sees

women who have been involved in VSLA activities participating in the market, bargaining and discussing

prices with buyers, which he describes as a sign of the confidence women have gained.

Field Officer 1 describes a change in the mood during the VSLA meetings, which he has seen when he has

visited and participated in meetings. Before, most women were shy and afraid to speak in front of their

husbands. Now, he has noticed an increased capacity of women speaking in front of others, intervening,

and raising their opinions. He has also seen husbands bringing up ideas which their wife has contradicted

if she thought it was bad. Field Officer 1 further states that it has been a goal with VSLA and the training to

make women more active and daring to speak up, and by that increase their confidence.

Long-Term Goals and Planning for the Future

Regarding long-term goals and plans for the future, Field Officer 1 brings up the previously mentioned

household roadmaps as an important tool for planning forward, for example in how to invest in new

businesses. With new sources of income from small businesses started with help from VSLA loans, women

can now buy clothes and pay the school fees for their children without having to ask the husband for money.

This enables them to impact their own future as well as the future of their family to a much greater extent

than before.

Further on, as a result of the genocide in 1994, many families are led by widows. These women have had

to be visionary for the family and take control over the family’s future. According to Project Coordinator

2, joining a VSLA has helped them cope with these responsibilities, for instance restoration of their houses,

paying school fees and combining family duties with livestock keeping.

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Challenges

The interviewees mainly bring up positive impacts with VSLA participation, but they also mention some

challenges. According to Project Coordinator 2 and Field Officers 1 and 2, there are many challenges for

small holder farmers and households. Women often lack time to participate in VSLA activities, as unpaid

care work at home and farming activities take most of their time. In general, women struggle with less

free time compared to men, due to the burden of activities such as child care, fetching water or finding

firewood.

"Time is important. That is why whatever interventions should reduce those home duties thatmay prevent women from participating in those activities. This plays an important role inempowering women, in rural areas especially." - Project Coordinator 2

Another challenge, mentioned by Project Coordinators 1, 2 and 3 and Field Officer 2, is the availability of

money, that some people lack resources to such an extent that they are not able to join a VSLA group in the

first place, as they are not able to pay the shares required from a member. Another challenge, mentioned

by Project Coordinator 2, is from time to time prevailing surplus and deficit of funds. This has been an

issue affecting some VSLAs, as these groups sometimes easily could give out loans, while sometimes they

were not able to financially support their members. This problem occurs especially during intense farming

periods, when more people need loans in order to pay for labour. Additionally, Field Officer 2 describes

potential challenges of members not being able to pay back their loans, if not having the basic understanding

about financial management.

Other Aspects

When asking if other needs are being expressed by women in VSLA groups, some examples are given.

Field Officer 1 expresses that most wishes from women require financial support, for example putting in

place a women’s social fund that can be an additional support for them to start small enterprises. This is

needed as the funds in the VSLAs are sometimes not enough for all members who wish to take a loan. Field

Officer 2 adds that when the female VSLA participants are exposed to financial services and grow in their

financial understanding, they start to require more education about finances, monetary management and

project management. He has noticed this “hunger of knowing more” when he has been involved in VSLA

meetings and in educating them. There is a desire of them wanting to be more skilled, which he thinks is

related to women’s history of previously not being able to contribute financially to the family. In order to

further improve women’s confidence through VSLA, Field Officer 2 and Project Coordinator 1 believe a

good step is to offer more training on financial services, follow-ups on the training they received as well as

training on project management to help them with the next step after VSLA. Also, they suggest to include

the men in this, to involve their husbands, to make them more engaged and train them on understanding

gender balance and joint decision-making.

"Involving both wife and husband will contribute significantly to female empowerment, beingthere for many years, many generations." - Field Officer 2

"The positive impacts [with VSLA] are so many, the amount of people who went to localauthorities to ask for help has reduced." - Field Officer 1

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"VSLA are not only contributing to Zamuka, but to the whole society. [...] It does not end inthe community, it goes beyond, in our culture, it is a source of social harmony. It is a peacedeveloper. It is a good supportive platform for the government to reach certain targets that thegovernment has set for its citizens, for the people of this country." - Field Officer 2

4.4 Focus Group Interview Data

After the individual interviews with cooperative staff, two separate focus group interviews with female

VSLA participants were carried out in cooperation with Zamuka in the Gasabo district, and KAB in the

Gicumbi district. They will hereby be referred to as the Zamuka group and the KAB group respectively,

and in the following section this interview data will be outlined.

General Information about the Interviewees

The average age of the Zamuka group of ten women was 52 years old, and the majority (eight out of ten

women) had participated in VSLA for more than eight years. The average age of the larger KAB group of

15 women was 38 years old, and the majority (ten out of fifteen women) had participated in VSLA for more

than five years. All participants claimed that their main source of income comes from farming activities,

while a few women additionally stated other sources of income, such as tailoring, bee-keeping and brick

making. In both groups, all women were either married or widowed (three widows in the Zamuka group

and two in the KAB group) and the average number of children in their households was four. Additional

background information about all participants in these respective groups can be found in Appendix VI.

Furthermore, some pictures of the groups can be found in Appendix VII.

Life Changes and Income-Generating Activities

On the subject of how their VSLA participation has affected their lives, women in the KAB and Zamuka

group give examples on the largest impacts the VSLA loans have made for them. They mention becoming

able to build and renovate their houses, to pay for their children’s school fees and medical insurance, to

connect water to their house, and to buy land, seed and animals like cattle and sheep.

As for how their income-generating activities have changed since joining VSLA, several women give

examples on how they have been able to improve their farming, and subsequently been able to both increase

their sales profits and bring more of their harvest back home to their families to eat. In the Zamuka group,

there is also an example of a woman who has been able to additionally support her family by buying a

sewing machine and making and selling school bags, and another woman who has been able to start a brick

business.

"Generally, you can see the life for many women who are part of VSLA, there are some changes.Some changes are that visible, that even the neighbors can see." - Woman in Zamuka group

Decision-Making

Most women in both the Zamuka and the KAB group claim that decisions in the households are made

more jointly than previous to their VSLA participation. Generally they report that they sit together with

their husband and discuss how to spend household resources, VSLA loan taking and investments, and that

30

it has become more commonplace since joining VSLA. A woman in the Zamuka group says that when her

husband is away, she is now able to make decisions on her own in the household regarding what needs to be

done, and even stand up for her decisions and defend them when her husband returns home.

"Decisions are made jointly. The older children also take part in some of the decisions. [...]We try to bring ideas together in order to raise the family." - Woman in KAB group

Household Work

Regarding the division of household work, women in both groups say that their husbands help them to some

degree but mainly in cases when they are not at home or busy with other household work. In general all

women express that they do most of the unpaid work at home. One woman says there have been some

changes in these aspects in her household since she joined VSLA. Now, when she is not at home she knows

that her children will not have to spend the whole day hungry as her husband is able to prepare some food

for their children, and in general tries to support her when there is a lot of work to do in the household. She

claims that the division of household work used to be much worse, and that it has become better. Another

woman expresses that, due to her household commitments, it often becomes difficult for her to attend VSLA

meetings.

"Most of the time, when I am busy preparing the meals, my husband helps me take care of thekids. Also, when I am just cleaning utensils, the cups and pots, my husband can help me to addfirewood to the stove." - Woman in KAB group

Treatment in Community and Household

The women in the Zamuka group say that before joining VSLA, there used to be more conflicts in the

household, often related to money-problems and the woman’s inability to contribute. According to one

woman, being trained on gender equality and gender mainstreaming in the household through their VSLA

participation has contributed to reducing those kinds of conflicts in the households, even for non-members

of VSLA. Some women in the KAB group say that, while they rarely feel unfairly treated in their household,

they have experienced cases of unfair treatment in the community. They describe multiple cases when there

have been rumours and jealousy directed towards them because they have started gaining financial capacity

because of VSLA. One woman in the group says that when you have become known in the community as

someone who does not have any money, the community starts talking and asking questions when you later

start progressing and achieving things.

"At home, for me it is fine, I have no conflicts. I am treated fairly, the husband is fine. But forthe community, there are times when there have been some neighbors that have been jealous ofme, by seeing me coming up, seeing me getting some money." - Woman in Zamuka group

According to a woman in the KAB group, there are cases where women are denied assets because of their

gender. She gives an example of how she wanted to purchase a cow, but the people who were selling the

cow were worried that because she is a single mother with small children, she would not have the energy

to manage taking care of the animal. She was denied the purchase, even though she felt she would be able

to manage it. Two women in the Zamuka group give different examples of how their ideas in meetings

31

have been denied by men because of their gender. One of the women says that she shared some input in a

non-VSLA meeting and it was disregarded, and afterwards one of the men approached her and said that her

input cannot be considered because she is a woman but that he considered it relevant input. Later she found

out that her idea was in fact used in the project, but she was not credited. When asked if they ever share

their feelings of injustice with other women in the VSLA group, one woman in the Zamuka group says that

while they often discuss different issues in their household life during the meetings, they seldom discuss

these kinds of injustices they experience.

Knowledge and Skills

Having gained knowledge on how to better spend money and resources through their VSLA participation

and other training on financial management is mentioned in both groups. A couple of women mention that,

previously, they used to immediately spend any money they earned, but now they have learned how to save

and invest their income. In the KAB group, several women also say that before joining the VSLA group,

they did not consider it important to take care of their bodies. But since joining and spending more time

in social contexts, they have become aware of the importance of this and have started taking better care of

themselves in terms of hygiene and clothes. Women in the group additionally mention that they try to teach

their neighbors in the community the skills they have learned from VSLA participation, in order to make

sure they also get to take part in some of the training they have received.

"VSLA has made me awake. Now I am aware that I need to work, and work hard.”- Woman in Zamuka group

"Being part of the VSLA, it requires you to understand the idea of saving, otherwise you cangive up. Some of us do not have enough money. It requires you to have that commitment andarrive at the meetings.” - Woman in Zamuka group

Social Networks and Female Participation in Leadership Positions

The VSLA group has become a valuable social network according to several women. A woman in the KAB

group says that her VSLA participation is an opportunity for her to meet others and to socialise, as she

previously spent a lot of time in her house feeling lonely. Many women note that they have become active

in other groups and organisations after joining VSLA. One woman in the KAB group joined the National

Women’s Council, an organisation under the supervision of the Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion

that helps build women’s capacity through advocacy and social mobilisation (National Women’s Council,

n.d.), and several women in the group say that they are part of a committee that helps handle gender-based

household conflicts, which they joined after meeting other women in the VSLA group. In the Zamuka

group, one woman says that after joining VSLA, she is now also part of a women’s group at sector level

that works with human rights and gender-based issues, in which she is responsible for helping impoverished

people. On being probed on whether they have ever taken any action to promote their rights and to influence

the local government or local authorities together in a group with other women, the women in the Zamuka

group say that they have not taken part in that kind of action.

"People [in Rwanda] have such history and barriers... So being in VSLA, it requires you tolearn how to be with other people, to be social.” - Woman in Zamuka group

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Self-Esteem and Self-Confidence

Women in both the Zamuka and KAB group agree that their participation in VSLA activities has unarguably

boosted their confidence. One woman in the Zamuka group says that she notices that she has gained

confidence because she can now stand up and hold a meeting with both women and men by herself, and at

home, she is able to give advice and share her own ideas on what can be done, rather than just waiting for

her husband to decide what to do. Another woman says that she used to be very timid and felt like her own

ideas had no value, but now, even when she’s with other people outside the VSLA group, she feels confident

in sharing her ideas and speaking up. In the KAB group, one woman says that just leaving home, taking

decisions, and coming to VSLA meetings regularly is a sign of confidence in women.

"The time when I joined, two weeks after I joined VSLA, I could not even give an idea in themeeting. I just kept quiet; but now I can raise my voice in the meeting and say something.”- Woman in Zamuka group

When asked what specific activities have had an impact on their self-esteem and self-confidence, several

women in the Zamuka groups specifically highlight the training they have received from the cooperative, for

example in financial management and gender-mainstreaming, and activities that enable them to contribute

to the household financially. Another woman mentions that they have also learned some practical skills, like

making table mats, which also has had a positive impact on their confidence. Instead of just sitting at home

alone and thinking, they can now create things which they can sell and earn money from which raises their

confidence.

"This group has somehow built our capacity to have confidence, to have respect also in othergroups” - Woman in KAB group

Long-Term Goals and Planning for the Future

In the KAB group, many women have set long-term goals for desired outcomes of the VSLA loans. These

goals are, for example, buying an animal, building a new house with room for tenants, growing and selling

new kinds of produce and improving their harvest to increase profit. The KAB group also noted in the

beginning of the interview that the name of their VSLA group, translated to English, is ‘Out of poverty’

which can also be viewed as the main goal the group participants strive for.

Several women comment that VSLA participation has made them feel hopeful for their future. In the

Zamuka group, one woman says that, even though she is a widow, she has been able to buy animals and

start growing crops through VSLA loans so that she is now able to provide food and buy what she needs for

her children. Her problems have been decreasing, and this gives her hope for her own future. Women in

the KAB group similarly state that their VSLA participation has given them hope for the future in terms of

providing for their children, and being able to send them to school and give them a good education.

"Every month, I must look for ways to get 20 000 RWF (166 SEK) for the meeting. So it hasopened my mind, I’m now looking at the future. But, before I was not even thinking about whattomorrow would look like. I could just keep asking people for help.”- Woman in Zamuka group

33

"There is a lot that has changed for me. Before I was just someone who was behind. Notthinking about the future. But now, ever since I joined VSLA, I feel that it is my responsibilityto get money.” - Woman in Zamuka group

Challenges and Improvements

Regarding different challenges that occasionally hinderwomen fromparticipating inVSLAmeetings, women

in both the Zamuka and the KAB groups mention household work as something that consumes a lot of

their time and makes it difficult to leave their homes and attend the meetings. One woman in the Zamuka

group says that since she has a tight schedule from morning to evening in her household, she often cannot

physically attend the meetings and has to send her money with someone else. Several women in the KAB

groupmention that it is more difficult to attend the meetings when they are home alone. Sometimes, husband

and wife are part of different VSLA groups, and if their meetings occur in the same time slot, the husband’s

meeting attendance is often prioritised so that the woman can stay home and take care of the children or do

other household work.

On suggestions for improvements on VSLA activities, manywomen in both groups wish for financial support

in order to supply everyone’s needs for loans. A woman in the KAB group says that sometimes, she comes to

get a loan and finds that there are not enough funds and a woman in the Zamuka group comments that there

are times when there are many loan requests, some people have to wait another month. Another woman says

that it would be good if they had their own microfinance institution on the village level, staffed by their own

members to avoid costs. Additionally, several women in both groups comment that there are some people

in the group that have a habit of failing to pay back their loans, and they often need to run after them or get

the cooperative to follow up on that person. This affects the whole group, as they then as a result have less

money than expected.

"We share the money we have, but we find that we cannot solve the problems for everyone.”- Woman in Zamuka group

One woman in the Zamuka group says that the group would benefit from more financial training in how to

manage the money they get from VSLA, and another woman in the group suggests that they should have a

business that they run together in the VSLA group and in that way they could earn some money on their

own, instead of having to wait for other people to support them. On commenting on the atmosphere in the

group during meetings, one woman notes that they need to get to the point where everyone can contribute

in terms of ideas and in terms of money. She thinks they have not yet reached a level in the group where

everyone feels included in decision-making and everyone’s input is equally valued, and they need to put

emphasis on that.

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5 Analysis

The following chapter will be analysing the empirical data based on the different levels of empower-

ment included in our theoretical model (opportunity structure, resources with sub-categories, agency and

achievements), taking into consideration the context of the household and community domains in each

section.

5.1 Opportunity Structure

Opportunity structure refers to the institutional context in which choice is made, where structures both can

enable and constrain women’s freedom to choose and to make informed choices (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005;

vanEerdewijk et al., 2017). The empirical data shows numerous prevailing norms and structures constraining

women from exercising choice. In the household domain, the most commonly mentioned example regards

the burden of unpaid care work. The interviewees discuss how these activities take most of the time for

women, restricting them to find time for VSLA participation and other income-generating activities, in

line with Katabarwa’s (2020) findings. However, both the partner staff and the focus groups experience

improvements for women in the division of paid and unpaid work since implementing VSLAs.

It can be argued that apart from the constraining structures, enabling structures can also be found. There are

many laws, regulations and policies in place (Katabarwa, 2020), with the purpose to support and promote

women in the domains of both household and community and thereby aiming for increased exercise of

choice. For example, as stated by one of the partner staff, even in local communities the nationally required

percentage of women in authority positions need to be respected. The interview data also shows that in

the community domain, these numbers have increased, partly as a result of increased female participation

in the community where VSLA has contributed to this. Of course, there are still deeply rooted social

norms allowing certain positions to only be held by men, for instance, only men were interested in leading

VSLA groups in the beginning, according to one of the partner staff. Additionally, as mentioned during the

female focus groups, only ideas from men tended to be considered during meetings, restricting women from

making their voice heard and using their decision-making power. In order for this to change, one important

aspect is not only the presence of legal rights, but also the actual knowledge of these rights and support for

exercising them (Malhotra & Schuler, 2005). According to one of the partner staff, there are supporting

platforms in place and a political will of supporting women’s rights, but it does not yet permeate all levels

of the community - and especially not in the household domain. Regarding knowledge of legal rights, there

are different views on the level of awareness. Some of the partner staff experience that the knowledge is

there through gender-related training and discussions during VSLA meetings, while others believe that the

awareness is low, and that these specific issues rarely are discussed. Similarly, the interviewed women claim

that injustices and violations of rights rarely are discussed among them. On the other hand, examples they

give on certain situations show that they are aware when they are unfairly treated because of their gender

and they recognise that men and women should be treated equally.

The last important aspect of opportunity structure is the extent to which men actually regard women as equal

35

to them (Katabarwa, 2020), as this ultimately affects women’s possibilities to engage in community activities,

make decisions in the domains of household and community and thereby translate resources into effective

agency (Alsop, Bertelsen & Holland, 2006). The collected data clearly indicates that this is not yet at a

perfect level, however, all interviewees experience improvements and increased awareness when households

begin taking part in VSLA activities and gender mainstreaming training. This is shown by increased joint

decision-making in the household domain and increased female participation in the community domain,

that is, increased ability to exercise choice.

5.2 Economic Resources

Economic resources include an individual’s access to financial assets, capital and owned land, access to

employment and markets, the distribution of household money and decision-making in household spending

(Kabeer, 2018; Katabarwa, 2020; Malhotra & Schuler, 2005). The empirical data suggests that VSLA

participation has significantly increased women’s access to economic resources in both the household and

community domain. Women’s increased access in the community domain is evidenced by their ability to

borrow money in the VSLA groups, as well as the money-generating activities that they have been able to

establish and support through their loans, such as different kinds of farming enterprises. Interview data

further shows that, in some cases, women have been able to access markets to buy and sell goods and have

gained employment through their own or collective enterprises.

Kabeer (1999) states that in order for someone to become empowered it is not enough to merely have access

to resources, but they also have to have gained control and future claim of different types of resources.

Regarding women’s actual access to and control over these economic resources in the household domain,

all interviewees indicate that this has been improved to some degree through women’s VSLA activities.

According to Katabarwa (2020), women need to be included in decision-making processes that involve

spending and distributing economic resources on a household level to truly have power over them, and

similarly Kabeer (1999) claims that if a woman’s access to resources is dependent on a family member,

her ability to make strategic choices is limited. Men in Rwanda have traditionally been solely in charge

of all decision-making responsibilities in the household, and women have had to ask their husband for

money if they needed to purchase, for example, clothes for themselves. But the women who participate

in VSLA activities report that they have generally attained an increased influence and bargaining power in

financial decision-making in the household domain, and that the money is more equally distributed between

household members.

Female interviewees in both focus groups give several examples of how they previouslywere not consulted by

their husband on household spending, but how they now have become involved in decision-making processes

in the household since becoming a financial contributor through their VSLA loans and subsequent business

activities. Women and partner staff all agree that the inclusion of women in household decision-making

and women’s increased control over household assets have been significantly facilitated by the training the

households receive from the cooperative on gender-mainstreaming and gender equality. However, regarding

women’s ownership and control over household assets of large value, such as land and livestock, the interview

36

data indicates that there are still tendencies that men are in greater control of these. This supports Kabeer

(1999) and Katabarwa’s (2020) findings that women’s increased decision-making involvement mainly occurs

in areas that are of small consequence and already traditionally assigned to women.

5.3 Social Resources

Social resources are all personal networks and other relationships that can be an asset in improving the

individual’s situation in terms of empowerment (Kabeer, 2018). Participation in VSLA is in itself a

social resource in the community domain, which the empirical data infers has had an effect on the social

circumstances for participants on a larger scale. Gaining access to and visibility in a social network such

as VSLA has enabled women to socialise and communicate more deeply with each other, as well as make

them more comfortable with speaking and engaging in other public spaces, according to interview data.

This, in turn, motivates women’s participation in other groups and organisations in the community, and in

some cases it has even led to them pursuing and becoming elected to leadership roles in local authorities

and in the cooperative board, which empowers them in the community domain (Katabarwa, 2020; van

Eerdewijk et al., 2017). Regarding challenges in social resources in the community domain, the focus

groups mention that conflicts have risen and relationships with certain neighbors and members in their

community have worsened due to jealousy triggered by the female participant’s increased financial capacity

and perceived social status. Regarding collective action, which according to van Eerdewijk et al. (2017)

is when individuals gain solidarity by collectively acting on their common goals, women in VSLA groups

have mobilised themselves to engage in joint business endeavors and to tackle social issues in the VSLA

group. However, no interviewee indicated that any political advocacy has been initiated by women as a

result of their VSLA participation, and, according to the focus groups, issues regarding feelings of injustice

and gender discrimination are rarely discussed in the community nor household domain.

Several women in the focus groups attest to frequent difficulties in attending VSLA meetings and other

community activities because of time constraints due to household work. The division of unpaid care work

in the household is part of the social resources according to Katabarwa (2020), as it can lead to restricted

freedom of movement for the woman as she is held most responsible for carrying out these kinds of duties.

One of the partner staff says that previous to VSLA, women were often not allowed to leave the home

at all to participate in any activities in the community, and that there has been significant improvement

in this area and the overall social status of women in the household domain. According to interviewees

among both partner staff and women, this is largely credited to cooperative training on gender equality,

balancing household work and gender mainstreaming, as well as women’s increased ability to contribute

financially.

Additionally, multiple interviewees state that the occurrence of gender-based violence inflicted by the

husband has decreased as a consequence of VSLA participation. Freedom from violence is, according to

Malhotra and Schuler (2005), an important social resource in enabling women to improve their situation

and empower themselves. One partner staff member says that violence still exists in the household domain,

but that the women afflicted are often silent. In the focus groups, women state that household conflicts have

37

been reduced due to their ability to bring in money, as well as household training on gender equality and

gender mainstreaming. Overall, the empirical data suggests that women experience an increased freedom

from violence in the household domain.

5.4 Human Resources

The human resources consist of an individual’s educational background, soft and hard skills and gained

knowledge (Kabeer, 2018). Regarding educational background, the majority of the female VSLA partici-

pants have either primary education or no education, which according to Kabeer (2018) can be seen as a

constraining factor in the human capital. As a means of overcoming this constraint, VSLA implementation

has been combined with training (education) on gender mainstreaming and joint decision-making, which has

shown to greatly improve women’s skills and knowledge in various areas. This is specifically highlighted

by several women during the focus group interviews, for instance they experience that training on financial

management connected to VSLA has helped them benefit more from the savings activities. Additionally,

training on gender mainstreaming has contributed with increased joint decision-making in the household

domain, which all partner staff emphasise has been a main pillar for empowering women and making the

outcomes of VSLA participation more successful.

In addition to the training, the empirical data shows that VSLA participation in itself has enabled women to

gain new skills and knowledge, by discussing with, learning from and getting inspired by each other. Clearly,

this increase in skills and knowledge is one important part that contributes to an increased ability to make

informed choices, and thereby contributes to female empowerment in both the household and community

domains.

5.5 Psychological Resources

Psychological resources have a significant impact on an individual’s agency and ability to transform assets

into action (Alsop, Bertelsen & Holland, 2006). First of all, the psychological resources include self-esteem

and self-confidence, which both unarguably have been boosted as a result ofVSLAparticipation, according to

all interviewees. This change can be seen in both the household and community domains; in the community

domain, some women in the focus groups state that before, they were very shy and timid and felt that their

ideas had no value. Now, after joining VSLAs, they feel more confident in speaking up and sharing their

ideas. The partner staff experience the same transformation, and mention exposure to financial activities

including access to their own money, increased access to social networks and increased participation in

decision-making and leadership positions as contributing factors to this change. In the household domain,

the interviewees state that women’s self-esteem and self-confidence has increased thanks to VSLA when

they start feeling more important in their families, by being able to contribute financially and taking part

in domestic decision-making. This indicates that the psychological well-being, an important psychological

resource according to Malhotra & Schuler (2005), has increased as well, when women start feeling more

comfortable in themselves and their achievements, although this state of being is harder to measure.

Moreover, in order to not further perpetuate the state of disempowerment, Alsop and Heinsohn (2005) state

38

that the psychological resource of capability to envision alternative options is of importance. As Mosedale

(2005) argues, an individual can only become empowered if she chooses to claim it, requiring the capability

to visualise options and not perceive her state of disempowerment as being ‘right and proper’. One tool

that has contributed to women’s capacity to envision their options and their future, has been the ‘household

roadmaps’, a part of the gender mainstreaming training. By creating a vision of where they want to be

in a number of years ahead, a plan for how to get there for example through VSLA, and by discussing it

with all household members, the interviewed partner staff experience that the female VSLA participants

have expanded their capacity to envision themselves in alternative living conditions, and by newly gained

self-esteem, self-confidence, knowledge and skills are capable to get there. The empirical data also shows

that VSLA participation in itself has contributed to the capacity to envision, as access to such social networks

in the community domain enable discussions and possibilities to learn from and get inspired by others. For

example, seeing how other women are able to start businesses, instead of spending all time in the household

without social interactions. Several women describe different types of long-term goals they have set for

desired outcomes of VSLA, for example investing in a new enterprise, increasing their profits and by that

being able to restore their house. Further described, the main difference from before stated by both partner

staff and women, is that women previously tended to immediately spend all money they earned, only think

one day ahead and keep asking people for help. Now, by learning how to save, investing and envisioning

desired outcomes, they are able to plan for themselves and their families in the long-term.

It can be argued from the empirical data that the increased access to social spaces and social connections, has

somewhat contributed to a collective awareness of injustice, included by Malhotra and Schuler (2005) in the

psychological resources. Some of the partner staff state that women’s awareness of rights and injustices is

raised from interactions on these topics during VSLA and other training. During the focus group interviews,

several examples of unfair treatments were brought up by the women, mainly occurring in the community

domain.

5.6 Agency

Agency is defined as the actual exercise of choice, and the encompassing motivation, meaning and purpose

behind the choicesmade (Alsop&Heinsohn, 2005; Kabeer, 1999; Narayan, 2005). The previously discussed

opportunity structure and resources are seen as pre-conditions for agency, affecting the ability to effectively

translate resources into strategic life choices (Cheston & Kuhn, 2001; Kabeer, 1999). In order to investigate

women’s ability to make meaningful choices, understanding the complex interaction between opportunity

structure and different resources is of importance (Alsop & Heinsohn, 2005).

Agency is closely associated with processes of decision-making (Kabeer, 1999), as this ultimately affects a

woman’s access to and control over resources and the ability to envisage options as well as plan strategically

for the future. First of all, the overall opportunity structure affects women’s decision-making capabilities

regarding different types of resources in the domains of both household and community. Prevailing pa-

triarchal norms and structures hitherto discussed govern women’s ability to partake in decision-making in

household spending (economic resource) and other domestic decision-making (social resource). They also

39

affect psychological resources such as the capability to envision alternative life situations outside the current

norms for women, for example being expected to handle the majority of unpaid household work and thereby

struggling with finding time for other activities, such as participating in VSLA, and by that taking control

over their own lives. As shown in the empirical results, new knowledge (human resource) gained from

VSLA participation together with gender mainstreaming training has been successful to a certain extent in

changing norms and structures previously cemented in the opportunity structure. Learning about equality,

shared responsibilities and joint decision-making in connection to VSLA activities has in turn enabled in-

creased freedom for women to exercise agency in terms of important social resources: freedom of movement

outside the household domain to access social spaces, community organisations, leadership positions and

business opportunities. It is clear from previously mentioned examples that VSLA participation in itself

has contributed to increased agency in many aspects when women gain financial autonomy through VSLA

loans, business participation and increased control of the income (economic resources).

However, in the household domain, complete agency regarding all types of decision-making is not fully

gained, as women in general are still frequently excluded from certain major household decisions, such

as those related to land or livestock. Furthermore, despite having access to resources in the community

domain, some women may be restricted in the household domain by husbands who claim their income or

otherwise control their actions. Additionally, there are women who are unable to join a VSLA group in the

first place due to constraints in the household domain imposed by the opportunity structure and by a lack

of resources, such as being confined to the home by unpaid care work or by insufficient access to funds to

pay for a share. In the community domain, women’s ability to exercise agency is further restrained by a

lack of economic and human resources. The need for external financial support, due to occasional deficits

in VSLA funds, and more savings-related financial training is expressed by female interviewees as crucial

tools in improving their situation, and subsequently their capability to make strategic life choices.

5.7 Achievements

Achievements can be viewed as the concrete outcomes of the choices made by women, enabled by her

resources, agency and the opportunity structure she operates in, and they reflect how those choices have

increased thewoman’s capacity to alter the existing power structures that subordinate her (Alsop&Heinsohn,

2005; Kabeer, 1999; Mahmud, 2003). As evidenced by the empirical data, women have reached substantial

achievements in both the household and the community domain.

In the household domain, women have become able to better support themselves and their household

financially through their VSLA investments, for example by being able to pay for medical insurance,

school fees, house restoration, animals, clothes and other household necessities. Another achievement in

the household domain is that the power structure between husband and wife shows indications of having

shifted toward becoming more equal, exemplified by accounts of increased sharing of unpaid care work

and decision-making responsibilities, as well as a reduction in domestic violence. To note however is that

outcomes within the household domain are generally more difficult to confirm as these are based on more

subjective accounts, especially when asking alternative sources, rather than on quantifiable results.

40

Achievements in the community domain are arguably easier to measure, as they consist of outcomes visible

to anyone. These are most clearly signified by women increasingly partaking in leadership positions and

income-generating activities, and becoming more active in community organisations and authorities. Loan-

taking bywomen inVSLAgroups has increased and surpassed the proportion ofmale loan-takers in one of the

cooperatives, indicating that women are increasingly engaging in entrepreneurial ventures. In both domains,

women act with greater confidence and assertiveness as a result of their VSLA participation.

41

6 Conclusions

Conclusively, our study has expanded the current knowledge base on the effects of VSLA participation on

female empowerment in rural Rwanda.

To answer the first research question - what the impact of VSLA activities on female empowerment in

Rwanda is - we can conclude that female VSLA participation significantly accelerates the process of

female empowerment in both the household and community domain for women in Rwanda. As discussed

above, women have been able to translate gained economic, social, psychological and human resources into

effective agency through their VSLA participation, and attain substantial achievements. However, while

VSLA participation expands women’s opportunities to make strategic life choices and enables them to move

from a marginalised position to a certain extent, they are still in some cases restricted from claiming all

potential benefits from VSLA participation. This is due to the prevailing opportunity structure that dictates

patriarchal gender roles and power structures, and economic issues such as occasional deficient funds in the

VSLA group limiting the possibilities of taking loans.

Regarding the second research question - how women’s access to and control over assets have been affected

by VSLA participation - it is clear that their access to assets is improved due to VSLA activities. Among

the achievements for female VSLA participants there is evidence of increased access to money, increased

female loan-taking and greater participation in household decision-making involving assets. Our findings

are more nuanced regarding how VSLA activities have impacted women’s control over these assets, as the

opportunity structure and the cultural and social norms within are prevalent in the dynamics between men

and women in the household, and hence in the distribution of control between them. While there has been

improvements overall in women’s control over assets, one cannot say it is fully equal.

There is still a long way to go to reach equal opportunities for all women and men in Rwanda, but

VSLA groups have shown to contribute with steps in the right direction for the rural population - the

previously outlined achievements are the results of the process of female empowerment taking place in

various dimensions and contexts. The VSLA approach is shown to be an important means to create

favorable conditions for female empowerment to take place, and to help shift the patriarchal structures

that subordinate Rwandan women - but women can ultimately only become empowered if they choose to

claim it. Our findings highlight the importance of implementing gender-related training along with VSLA

activities, to help counteract the underlying gender-based restrictions women face, as well as the importance

of continued efforts to educate women about financial management and savings, to enable them to take

further steps towards empowering themselves.

6.1 Limitations of The Study

First of all, the main limitation of the study is that it could not include a greater number of first-hand sources

- female participants of VSLA groups - due to the study having to be performed through digital interviews

rather than field interviews, which made it much more difficult to reach the rural population. Furthermore,

all partner staff involved in the individual interviews are male, due to a majority of men on these positions.

42

Asking solely men about the feelings and outcomes of women can affect the trustworthiness of our results,

as their own life experience and understanding of women’s perspective likely differs more from female

participants of VSLA than a female staff member’s, which may skew the answers they give.

6.2 Further Research

For future research, conducting a field study in Rwanda in order to additionally observe meeting activities

and conduct many more interviews with first-hand sources could provide much greater insight into the social

and psychological effects of VSLA activities, and the overall impact of the VSLA methodology on female

empowerment in Rwanda. Additionally, in this study we have only been able to focus on women already

active in VSLA activities - it would be valuable to look deeper into the circumstances of women unable

to participate in VSLAs, to examine what obstacles there are and how to include these women in savings

activities.

43

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Appendices

Appendix I. The VSLA Methodology

The cycle of the VSLA methodology is visualised in Figure 5.

Figure 5: A visualisation of how VSLA groups work (Care, 2019).

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Appendix II. Interview Themes and Corresponding Questions

The corresponding questions in table 3 are those asked to the partner organisation staff (alternative sources),

which are the interviews that were conducted first. The questions to the female participants of VSLA groups

are similar but adapted to being asked to first-hand sources, however the amount of questions is shortened

due to time limits for those interviews, and these can be found in Appendix V.

Table 3: Themes derived from the theoretical framework.

Dimensions Domains (Household and/or Community) Questions

OpportunityStructure

Themes:

Household and Community:Cultural and social norms, societal structures ofgender or class,Formal and informal laws, institutional rules andregulations,

Extent to which men regard women as equal tothem,

Knowledge of legal rights, support for exercisingrights

Household:Division of paid and unpaid care work in culture

Community:Social norms allowing certain positions to only beheld by men

Are there any challenges that make it difficult for women to participatein VSLA? For example, cultural norms? Other?

In general, to what extent do men regard women as equal to them? Towhat extent do women regard themselves as equal to men?

Are women in VSLA groups aware of laws and regulations that promotetheir legal rights? Such as their rights to own and inherit land, andrights to equal education for boys and girls.

Are there any challenges for women to balance household work withpaid work/VSLA?- How is the household work divided in the family? (E.g. cooking, childcare, caring for elderly and ill people)-What attitudes do their husbands/men have regardingwomen balancinghousehold work with VSLA activities/paid work?- Has anything regarding this changed due to VSLA participation?

Agency Themes:

Household and Community:Exercise of choice,

Decision-making,

Autonomy of choice regarding decisions within theVSLA-group,

Control over resources

Creation of goals for oneself,Envisages options,Strategic planning for the future

Who in the household makes the decisions regarding when loans aretaken and how much to loan? Do you have any examples or stories?

Are there any differences in what kind of decisions men and womenmake regarding types of investments made, size of loan, how oftenloans are taken?

Have women expressed that participation in the VSLA group has led tothat their influence in decision-making in the household has changed?E.g. regarding Household purchases, Children’s education, Children’shealth, How much the woman should work, Whether or not to sell land,Other?

[More questions on decision making below for Economic Resourcesand Social Resources]

Do you have any examples of how participation in VSLA:s have en-abled/inspired women to make long-term goals for themselves and/orplans for the future?

EconomicResources

Themes:

Household:Access to and control over economic resources,Decision-making in household spending,Ownership of assets,Ownership of land,Distribution of money within the household,Financial assets/Capital.

Community:Access to employment, credit and markets etc.,Other income-generating activities.

Have women’s access to and control over economic resources changeddue to VSLA participation?For example:a. Whose is the money that (initially) is saved in the VSLA group? Theman’s, the woman’s or both?b. Increased/Decreased/Unchanged ownership of resources or assets?- Any change in access to health insurance, clothing, food, water,electricity, animals, land?c. Access to money within the household? Do you know if money isdistributed differently within the household due to VSLA participation,or unchanged? Who makes decisions about how to spend householdmoney?

d. Enabled women to start a business or participate in any otheremployment/money-generating activity?

Have VSLA in any way enabled higher school attendance by children?E.g. through more money in the household from investments made withthe loans, OR through access to capital from borrowing.

50

HumanResources

Themes:

Household and Community:Individual knowledge,Skills,Educational background.

What is the average education level among female participants?

Have you seen any change in financial knowledge and skills for thefemale participants of VSLA groups due to their participation?

Social Resources Themes:

Household:Freedom of movement,Division of labour,Division of unpaid care work in household,Participation in domestic decision-making,Freedom from violence.

Community:Access to and visibility in social spaces,Access to social networks,

Collective actions,

Increased female participation and decision-making in organisations and businesses,

Increased female participation in leadership posi-tions.

What do you know about the occurrence of gender-based violence, bothinside households and in the community? How common is it?a. Does VSLA participation contribute to any change in the threat ofviolence for women in the household and the community?

Has their participation in activities outside the household changeddue to VSLA (such as church activities, work activities, other socialgatherings outside of the home)?

How is the atmosphere/mood in the groups and during the meetings?Have you experienced an increased sense of trust or fellowship amongthe group members?

Has some kind of collective action been taken by women who have metin the VSLA groups? For example to influence the local government,to promote their rights as women etc.

Have leadership roles been assumed by women, either in the VSLA oroutside, as a direct result of participating in the VSLA?

PsychologicalResources

Themes:

Household and Community:Self-esteem, Self-confidence,Psychological well-being,Capacity to envision

Community:Collective awareness of injustice.

Do you know if women experience a change in self-esteem and self-confidence as a result of being part of a VSLA group? What specificVSLA activities have had an impact on women’s self-esteem and self-confidence, if any?

Achievements Changes/outcomes (in above factors) that have oc-curred in the household and/or in the communitydue to engagement in VSLA activities.

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Appendix III. Interview Questions for Initial Interview with Vi Agroforestry

Questions

1. What are your tasks in relation to VSLA groups?

(Initiating projects/Communicating with partners/Collecting data about outcomes/Evaluating project

results/Other)?

2. Can you describe how you collaborate with partners in implementing the VSLA model in villages?

3. What type of data do you collect from the VSLA projects? How do you monitor and evaluate the

projects?

4. What knowledge do you have regarding outcomes/effects of VSLA activities for female participants?

5. Plan for interviews! Decide on practical details.

(a) Interviewees. Staff at partnership organisations that you could put us in touch with? Educators,

evaluators.

- ‘Coordinate with Claude and partnership officers what we can ask and what they know about

the results’.

- Do they speak English? Do we need an interpreter? If so, could you assist with interpretation?

Or who could assist with that?

(b) Dates. Can we decide on date and time?

(c) Communication medium. Is WhatsApp the best alternative? Audio call?

52

Appendix IV. Interview Questions for Staff at the Partner Organisations

Introduction:

As mentioned during the introductory meeting, We (Ellen and Mikaela) are two students from Uppsala

University in Sweden, currently writing a Bachelor’s thesis in Business about Female Empowerment through

VSLA participation.

About the study:

The aim is to study what effect VSLA groups have had for female participants (in terms of economy, skills

and education, social effects such as access to social networks, and psychological effects), and how their

access to and control over resources have changed due to their participation.

We are interested in knowing more about the outcomes for female participants that have been active in a

group for a longer period of time (a minimum of three years is suggested).

Your participation:

Your participation and the information you provide is anonymous - your name will not be displayed in the

report. The information/answers from this interview will be used only for our research.

Is it okay to use quotes from the interview in our report?

Is it ok for you that we screen record this interview?

Lastly, for your information, it is ok to leave the interview at any time if you want or need that.

Also, please try to share your honest experiences in relation to VSLA groups, both positive or otherwise.

We are interested not only in the positive outcomes but also possible challenges.

We are very grateful for your time and your answers!

Part 1 - Introduction

1. What is your name?

2. What is your position/role at *organisation*?

3. What are your tasks in relation to VSLA groups? (Initiating/educating/evaluating/other)?

- For how long have you been working with that?

4. How many VSLA groups have been started by *organisation*?

- For how long has *organisation* been implementing VSLAs?

- How many female participants?

- How many male participants?

For the following questions: Remember, we are trying to learn about the experiences of female

participants and the possible changes in their lives due to VSLA participation. Try to focus on

changes in these aspects before vs after a few years in a VSLA group. Also, please try to share your

honest experiences in relation to VSLA groups, both positive or otherwise. We are interested not only

in the positive outcomes but also possible challenges.

53

Part 2 - General questions about VSLA participants

5. Can you tell us a bit about the background of the women participating in VSLA (such as education,

marital status, age, employment) in general?

- Ex. Are most participants married? Single? Widowed?

- If married - do they generally engage in VSLA activities alone or with their husband?

- What is the average education level among female participants?

- What is the average age among female participants?

- What are the most common types of employment among female participants?

6. How are women recruited to a VSLA group, or how do they generally decide to join a group?

Part 3 - Decision-making

7. Who in the household makes the decisions regarding when loans are taken and how much to loan?

Do you have any examples or stories?

8. Are there any differences in what kind of decisions men and women make regarding types of invest-

ments made, size of loan, how often loans are taken?

9. Have women expressed that participation in the VSLA group has led to that their influence in decision-

making in the household has changed? For example regarding:

- Household purchases, Children’s education, Children’s health, How much the woman should work,

Whether or not to sell land, Other?

10. Do you have any examples of how participation in VSLAs have enabled/inspired women to make

long-term goals for themselves and/or plans for the future?

Part 4 - Economic resources

11. Have women’s access to and control over economic resources changed due to VSLA participation?

For example:

- Enabledwomen to start a business or participate in any other employment/money-generating activity?

- Increased/Decreased/Unchanged ownership of resources, assets or land? Any change in access to

health insurance, clothing, food, water, electricity, animals, land?

- Access to money within the household? Do you know if money is distributed differently within

the household due to VSLA participation, or unchanged? Who makes decisions about how to spend

household money?

- Whose is the money that (initially) is saved in the VSLA group? The man’s, the woman’s or both?

Part 5 - Human resources

12. Have you seen any change in financial knowledge and skills for the female participants of VSLA

groups due to their participation?

13. Have VSLA in any way enabled higher school attendance by children? E.g. through more money in

the household from investments made with the loans, OR through access to capital from borrowing.

Part 6 - Social resources

14. How is the atmosphere/mood in the groups and during the meetings? Have you experienced an

increased sense of trust or fellowship among the group members?

54

15. Has some kind of collective action been taken by women who have met in the VSLA groups? For

example to influence the local government, to promote their rights as women etc.

16. Has their participation in activities outside the household changed due to VSLA (such as church

activities, work activities, other social gatherings outside of the home)?

17. Have leadership roles been assumed by women, either in the VSLA or outside, as a direct result of

participating in the VSLA?

18. What do you know about the occurrence of gender-based violence, both inside households and in the

community? How common is it?

- Does VSLA participation contribute to any change in the threat of violence for women in the

household and the community?

- If a woman was experiencing violence in the home, do you think she would speak up about it in the

VSLA group, or stay silent?

Part 7 - Psychological resources

19. Do you know if women experience a change in self-esteem and self-confidence as a result of being

part of a VSLA group? What specific VSLA activities have had an impact on women’s self-esteem

and self-confidence, if any?

Part 8 - Norms and equality

20. Are there any challenges for women to balance household work with paid work/VSLA?

- How is the household work divided in the family? (Ex. cooking, child care, caring for elderly and

ill people)

- What attitudes do their husbands/men have regarding women balancing household work with VSLA

activities/paid work?

- Has anything regarding this changed due to VSLA participation?

21. Are women in VSLA groups aware of laws and regulations that promote their legal rights? Such as

their rights to own and inherit land, and rights to equal education for boys and girls.

22. Are there any other challenges that make it difficult for women to participate in VSLA? For example,

cultural norms? Other?

23. In general, to what extent do men regard women as equal to them? To what extent do women regard

themselves as equal to men?

Part 9 - Other

24. Are there any other needs that are being expressed by women involved in VSLA groups? Such as

more education and instructions about finance and savings?

25. How have VSLA activities been affected by covid 19?

26. Any other positive or negative effects of VSLA groups that you would like to add?

27. Lastly, do you have any questions or anything else you would like to add?

55

Appendix V. Interview Questions for Female VSLA Participants

Introduction:

Muraho! (Hello in Kinyarwanda)

We (Ellen and Mikaela) are two students from Uppsala University in Sweden, and we are currently research-

ing Female Empowerment through VSLA participation.

About the study:

The aim is to study what effect VSLA groups have had for you (in terms of economy, skills and education,

social effects such as access to social networks, and psychological effects), and how your access to and

control over resources have changed due to your participation.

Your participation:

Your participation and the information you provide is anonymous and confidential - your name will not be

displayed in the report. The information/answers from this interview will be used only for our research, and

no compensation will be given for participating. Lastly, for your information, it is ok to leave the interview

at any time if you want to or need to.

We are very grateful for your time and your answers!

Part 1 - Background

For the interpreter/assisting field officer: Please fill in this form for all participants of the interview (all

information is voluntary):

Name Age MaritalStatus

Number ofChildren inHousehold

Education Level Source ofIncome

VSLAParticipantSince

....

For the following questions: Remember, we are trying to learn about the experiences of the possible changes

in your lives due to VSLA participation. Try to focus on changes in your life before vs after you joined a

VSLA group. Also, please try to share your honest experiences in relation to VSLA groups, both positive

or otherwise. We are interested not only in the positive outcomes but also possible challenges.

1. (How many men vs women are there in this VSLA group?)

Part 2 - General questions about VSLA participation / Human Resources

2. Has anything changed in your life since joining the VSLA group? How?

- For you? For your children? For your family? For your friends and neighbors?

- Any change in your income-generating activities?

- In your knowledge and skills (e.g. farming skills, financial knowledge, other)?

Part 3 - Decision-making / Envisioning the future

3. What have you used the VSLA loans for (e.g. investments/business, paying school fees)?

- Who decides what to use loans for in the household?

56

4. Can you describe how decision-making in the household works - and if this has changed since joining

VSLA? For example regarding:

- Household purchases, such as food, clothes etc.

- How household work is divided (cooking, childcare, fetching water etc.)

- Children’s education

- How much time you spend on income-generating activities

- Whether or not to buy or sell assets (e.g. land, animals)

- Other decisions?

5. Since joining the VSLA group, have you made any goals for yourself of what you want to accomplish

through your participation? How are you working towards reaching these goals?

6. Do you envision your future in a different way since joining the VSLA group?

Part 4 - Psychological resources

7. Do you feel confident in your daily life and work? Has this changed since participating in the VSLA

group?

- What specific activities connected to VSLA have had an impact on your self-esteem and self-

confidence, if any?

- [Do you feel confident in making choices at home or outside the home? For example, making

investments in a business]

8. Do you ever feel unfairly treated (home or outside home)?

- Have you experienced any conflicts/threats in the household or community?

- Has anything regarding this changed because of VSLA? (Have the number of conflicts in household

and community changed since joiningVSLA?) -Have you experienced any injustices in the community

or the household? E.g. have you been treated unfairly compared tomen, or felt that you are not allowed

to have the same positions as men can?

- If yes, do you ever share feelings of injustice with other women in the VSLA group?

- If yes, have you taken any action to change this, together with other VSLA group participants? For

example to influence the local government, to promote your rights etc.

Part 5 - Other

9. Are there any other challenges that make it difficult for you to participate in VSLA activities? For

example, household work, cultural norms? Other?

10. Are there any things that you would wish to improve/change with VSLA activities? What specifically?

(For example more education and instructions about finance and savings?)

11. Any other changes in your lives (positive or negative) due to VSLA?

12. Do you have any other comments/feelings about VSLA group participation?

If time allows the following questions will be included, otherwise we will skip them. (They are also

covering important aspects, but it was easier to get concrete answers to those from the partner staff

interviews. The questions above were prioritized as they are the most important ones to get answers

from the first-hand sources).

57

13. Why did you join a VSLA group?

Part 6 - Social resources

14. Has your participation in activities outside the household changed due to VSLA (such as church

activities, work activities, other social networks outside of the home)?

15. How is the atmosphere/mood in the groups and during the meetings? Have you experienced any sense

of trust or fellowship among the group members? Can everyone make their voices heard?

16. Have leadership roles been assumed by you or a woman you know, either in the VSLA or outside, as

a direct result of participating in the VSLA?

Part 7 - Economic resources

17. (Have VSLA enabled you to start a business or participate in any other employment/money-generating

activity?)

18. Has there been any change in your household regarding access to health insurance, clothing, food,

water, electricity, animals, land, due to VSLA participation?

Murakoze! (Thank you in Kinyarwanda)

Murabeho! (Bye in Kinyarwanda)

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Appendix VI. Background Information About the Female VSLA Participants

Group Interview 1 with a VSLA group from Zamuka cooperative, 2021-05-10.

Total membership in Zamuka VSLA group: 36 participants (23 female, 13 male).

Table 4: Background information about participants in the Zamuka group.

ParticipantNumber

Age MaritalStatus

Number ofChildren inHousehold

Education Level Source ofIncome

VSLAParticipantSince

1 51 Married 5 Primary andVocational Training

Tailoring,Farming

2010

2 40 Married 4 Primary Farming 2010

3 51 Married 4 Lower Secondary Farming 2012

4 38 Married 2 Primary Farming 2010

5 69 Widowed 6 None Farming 2016

6 46 Married 5 Primary Making Bricks,Farming

2020

7 52 Widowed 3 Primary andVocational Training

Farming 2010

8 51 Widowed 7 Primary andVocational Training

Farming 2010

9 63 Married 9 None Farming 2010

10 56 Married 1 Lower Primary Farming 2010

Group Interview 2 with a VSLA group from KAB cooperative, 2021-05-12.

Total membership in KAB VSLA group: 36 participants (26 female, 10 male).

Table 5: Background information about participants in the KAB group.

ParticipantNumber

Age MaritalStatus

Number ofChildren inHousehold

Education Level Source ofIncome

VSLAParticipantSince

1 36 Married 4 Primary Farming 2015

2 23 Married 2 Primary Farming 2015

3 40 Married 5 None Farming 2015

4 26 Married 2 Primary Farming 2015

5 45 Married 3 Primary Farming 2015

6 47 Married 6 Primary Business,Farming

2015

7 40 Married 3 Primary Farming 2016

8 48 Married 6 None Farming 2015

9 27 Married 2 Primary Farming 2016

10 24 Married 2 Primary Farming 2017

11 25 Married 2 Primary Farming 2017

12 46 Married 6 Lower Primary Farming 2015

13 57 Widowed 6 Primary Farming 2019

14 35 Married 3 Primary Farming 2017

15 53 Widowed 8 Primary Farming 2020

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Appendix VII. Photos

Figure 6: Women from the Zamuka group.

Figure 7: Group photo with women from the KAB group.

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Figure 8: Introduction meeting with Partner Staff.

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Figure 9: Interpreter and ViA Assistant M&E Jackline Mugoboka during focus group discussion.

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