AComparisonoftheInfluenceofImmigrationonthePoliticalCultures

ofHighRiver,Alberta,andBrooks,Alberta

JohannaFelske

Athesissubmittedtothe

FacultyofGraduateandPostdoctoralStudies

inpartialfulfillmentoftherequirementsforthe

MasterofArtsdegreeinPoliticalScience

SchoolofPoliticalStudies

UniversityofOttawa

©JohannaAileenFelske,Ottawa,Canada,2016

ii

Abstract

Thisthesiscomparestheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalculturesof

thetownofHighRiver,Alberta,andthecityofBrooks,Alberta,from1996until

2012.

HighRiverandBrooksarelocatedinsouthernAlberta,andarehometolarge

meatprocessingfacilities.Bothmunicipalitiesexperiencedpopulationgrowthfrom

1996until2012,butwhiletheimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulation

ofHighRiverincreasedby108.82%from1996until2011,theimmigrantandnon-

permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksincreasedby368.38%inthesameperiod.

Twoindicatorsofpoliticalengagementareused,includingvotingresults

fromprovincialelectionsheldin1997,2001,2004,and2008.Inaddition,local

newspaperpublicationsarereviewed;theHighRiverTimesandTheBrooksBulletin

areexaminedfortwomonthsprecedingaprovincialelection,duringthemonthof

anelection,andforonemonthfollowinganelection.

Cettethèsefaitunecomparaisondel'impactdel'immigrationsurlescultures

politiquesdeHighRiver,Alberta,etdeBrooks,Alberta,entre1996et2012.

HighRiveretBrookssontsituésdanslesuddel'Alberta,etilyadesusines

detransformationdelaviandedanslesdeuxvilles.Lapopulationdesdeux

municipalitésaaugmentéentre1996et2012,maisbienquelapopulation

immigranteetderésidentsnon-permanentsdeHighRiverontaugmentéde

108,82%entre1996et2011,cettepopulationdeBrooksaaugmentéde368,38%

danslemêmepériode.

Deuxindicateursd'engagementpolitiquesontutilisés,ycomprislesrésultats

desélectionsprovincialestenuesen1997,2001,2004,et2008.Enoutre,les

publicationsdesjournauxlocaux,leHighRiverTimesetTheBrooksBulletin,sont

examinesdeuxmoisavantuneélectionprovinciale,aucoursdumoisd'uneélection,

etpendantunmoisaprès.

iii

Acknowledgements Iwouldliketooffermysinceregratitudetomysupervisor,Dr.FrançoisRocher,forhisguidanceandresolutesupportthroughoutthecompletionofthisthesis.Iwouldalsoliketothankthemembersofthecommittee,includingDr.LucTurgeon,Dr.JaniqueDubois,andDr.ChristianRouillard,aswellastheSchoolofPoliticalStudiesattheUniversityofOttawa. IamgratefulforthesupportthatIreceivedfrommyspouse,EricWest,andmyparents,Dr.AileenWight-FelskeandDr.LorryFelske,aswellasmybrother,NicholasFelske,duringthecompletionofthisthesis.

iv

TableofContentsAbstract..…………………………………………………………………………………………………..iiAcknowledgements..…………………………………………………………………………………iiiTableofContents..…………………………………………………………………………………….ivChapterI..………………………………………………………………………………………………….1

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………….1

ChapterII………………………………………………………………………………………………….5LiteratureReview-TheoriesofPoliticalCulture………………………………….5LiteratureReview-TheoriesofPoliticalCultureandtheInfluenceofImmigration……………………………………………………………………………………...13ResearchQuestion…………………………………………………………………………….16Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………..20

ChapterIII……………………………………………………………………………………………….24Results-HighRiver,Alberta………………………………………………………………24

ChapterIV……………………………………………………………………………………………….40Results-Brooks,Alberta…………………………………………………………………...40

ChapterV………………………………………………………………………………………………..55Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………..55

References………………………………………………………………………………………..……..61

1

ChapterI

Introduction

TheimpactoftheprocessofimmigrationonmulticulturalisminCanadian

societyiswelldocumented.However,lessexaminedistherelationshipbetween

immigrationandpoliticalculture.Theinteractionofimmigrationandpolitical

cultureisinterestingbecauseofitsconsequences;immigrationtoCanadaissetto

continueandthisprocesswillinevitablyhaveanimpactonthepoliticalcultureof

Canadiansociety.

Theimpactoftheprocessofimmigrationonpoliticalcultureisimportant

becausepoliticalcultureisessentiallyareflectionofthepoliticalattitudesand

beliefsofasociety.Doesimmigrationalterthepoliticalattitudesandbeliefsofa

society?Isthepoliticalcultureofasocietychangedbythearrivalofimmigrants?

ThesequestionsareimportantasimmigrationtoCanadacontinues.Toexplore

thesequestions,itiscrucialtobeginwithanunderstandingofpoliticalculture.

PoliticalculturewasdefinedbyAlmondandVerbainTheCivicCultureasa

setoforientations,orattitudes,towardaspecialsetofsocialobjectsandprocesses;

theobjectsandprocessesrefertothepoliticalsystemandtheroleoftheindividual

withinthissystem(Almond&Verba,1963,p.13).Thisunderstandingcoincides

withNelsonWiseman’sconceptionofthethreecentralcomponentsofpolitical

culture.First,fundamentalvaluesthataretransmittedthroughpolitical

socializationindicateideology.Thesecondcomponentofpoliticalcultureincludes

policiesthathavebeenrespectedhistorically.Thethirdcomponentinvolves

ritualizedpractices(Wiseman,2007,p.14).Toexaminethepoliticalcultureofan

area,suchasanation,isthereforetostudytheideologyofasociety,itspolicies,and

itsritualizedpractices,asindicatedthroughdominantvalues.

Politicalculturehasasignificantroleinsocietyintermsofpoliticalpolicies

andpractices.Asamanifestationofasociety’sideologyanddominantvalues,

politicalcultureistherealmwithinwhichpoliticalsocializationoccurs.The

transmissionofbeliefsandvaluesthroughpoliticalsocializationhasimmense

2

consequences.Forinstance,inexaminingthedifferencesbetweendemocraticand

totalitarianstates,AlmondandVerbaarguedthatthesameinstitutions,suchasthe

politicalpartyandtheelectivelegislature,werepresentinbothtypes;thecrucial

differencewasthepoliticalculturesurroundingtheseinstitutions(Almond&Verba,

1963,p.5).Thesignificanceofpoliticalcultureinsocietyisclear,buttheprocessof

transmittingpoliticalcultureislesstangible.

Politicalattitudesandbeliefsformthecoreofasociety’spoliticalculture,so

howtheyaretransmittedandconveyedamongindividualsisextremelyimportant.

Politicalsocializationisthelearningofpoliticsanditinvolvesagentssuchasthe

family,school,peers,thechurch,mediaandpoliticalactors(Wiseman,2007,p.19).

Itiseffectivelythetransmissionofvaluesinasociety.Thisisparticularly

interestingwhenconsideredinrelationtoimmigrationsincetheinjectionofnew

valuesintoasociety,throughnewinhabitants,considerablyaffectspolitical

socialization,andtherebypoliticalculture.Immigrationdisruptsthetraditional

agentsofpoliticalsocializationbyalteringvaluesassociatedwiththefamily,school,

peers,thechurch,mediaandpoliticalactors.

ImmigrationtoCanadaisnotacontemporaryphenomenon.Thesettlement

ofCanadahasinvolvedmultiplewavesofimmigration,eachwavemadeuniqueby

varyingregional,politicalandeconomiccomplexities.Theimpetusforimmigration

hasvariedatdifferenthistoricalperiods,andsodoestheinterpretationofthe

influenceofimmigrationonpoliticalculture.

LouisHartzacknowledgedthecomplexrelationshipbetweenimmigration

andpoliticalculture.Hartz’sfragmenttheoryputforththeideathatimmigrants

bringaculturalandpoliticalunderstandingfromtheirsocietyoforigintotheirnew

society.Thefragmentationofthesocietyoforiginoccursatthepointofthe

immigrants’departure;thenewsocietyhasthesamepoliticalcultureofthesociety

oforigin,anditdevelopsonadifferenttrajectorysinceotherelementsarenolonger

present.

Someauthors,suchasKennethMcRae,dismissedtheimpactofimmigration

onthepoliticalcultureofsociety.InreferencetoHartz’sfragmenttheory,McRae

arguedthattheliberaltendencyofEnglishCanadaremainedintactthroughout

3

successivewavesofimmigrationduringthemid-nineteenthcentury.The

immigrantswhoarrivedbeforethemid-nineteenthcenturyembracedtheliberal

notionsofpropertyownershipandsocialequality(McRae,1964,p.246).

Furthermore,McRaecontendedthattheimmigrantsthatarrivedinCanadaatthe

turnofthetwentiethcenturywerelargelyabsorbedintotheexistingEnglish

politicalculturebecausetheAmericanliberalismoftheEnglishfragmentwas

“immenselyattractivetoimmigrantsofeveryethnicorigin”(McRae,1964,p.265).

RatherthanalteringthepoliticalcultureofEnglishCanada,theseimmigrantswere

integrated.

Incontrast,Wisemanattributedsignificantinfluencetotheprocessof

immigrationintermsofthedevelopmentofpoliticalculture.Wisemanexplained

provincialpoliticalcultureinCanadabyapplyingHartz’sfragmenttheorytooffer

distinctportraitsofthepoliticalcultureofeachprovince,andexpandedthese

portraitsbyalsoconsideringeconomicdevelopment.

Wiseman’sunderstandingofpoliticalcultureprovidesthebasisforan

examinationoftheimpactofimmigrationonpoliticalculture.Theideologyofa

society,itspolicies,anditsritualizedpractices,arerevealedthroughitsdominant

values.Dominantvaluesaretransmittedthroughpoliticalsocialization.Therefore,

inordertoexploretheimpactofimmigrationonpoliticalculture,itisnecessaryto

discusspoliticalsocialization.Politicalsocializationisimportantinexamining

immigrationandpoliticalculturebecauseitisthewayinwhichimmigrantsengage

with,andinfluence,anexistingpoliticalculture.

Theinfluenceofimmigrantsonanexistingpoliticalculturecanbestudied

throughformsofpoliticalengagement,suchasvoting.Thisisadirectinteraction

withasociety’spoliticalculture.Politicalengagementcanalsobeexaminedmore

indirectlythroughthediscourseofacommunity;thisisrevealedinlocalnewspaper

publications.Therefore,itpossibletomeasureachangeinthepoliticalcultureofan

areaoveraperiodoftimeusingindicatorssuchasvotingresultsandlocal

newspapers,astheserevealthepoliticalengagementofthecommunity.Itis

interestingtoconsiderwhetherthepoliticalcultureofacommunity,measuredin

thiscapacity,ischangedoveraperiodoftimebyincreasedimmigration.

4

Thisthesiswillexploretheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalculturesof

Brooks,Alberta,andHighRiver,Alberta,throughacross-unitstudyfrom1996until

2012.Thesecommunitiesbothreceivedaninfluxofimmigrationduringthisperiod,

andtheysharemanycommonalities.

HighRiverandBrooksarebothlocatedinsouthernAlberta,butHighRiveris

significantlyclosertoCalgarythanBrooks.Eachlocationishometoalargemeat

processingfacility;CargillMeatSolutionsinHighRiverhas2,000employees

(Cargill,2016,para.2),whileJBSFood(formerlyknownasXLFoodsLakeside

Packers)hasover2,000employees(JBSFood,n.d.,para.2).

In2011,HighRiverhadapopulationof12,920(StatisticsCanada,2015d),an

increaseof75.57%from1996(StatisticsCanada,2013d).Theimmigrantandnon-

permanentresidentpopulationmadeup10.99%ofHighRiver’soverallpopulation

in2011(StatisticsCanada,2015d).Brookshadapopulationof13,325in2011

(StatisticsCanada,2015c),anincreaseof32.02%since1996(StatisticsCanada,

2013c).However,theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooks

was23.90%ofitstotalpopulationin2011(StatisticsCanada,2015c).HighRiveris

thereforecomparabletoBrooksintermsofpopulationsizeandeconomicindustry,

althoughwithadifferentdemographiccomposition.Thesecommunitiesprovide

idealcomparisonstoexaminetheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofa

community,usingtheindicatorsofvotingresultsandlocalnewspapers.

5

ChapterIILiteratureReview–TheoriesofPoliticalCultureInordertoresearchtheeffectofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofthe

communitiesofBrooksandHighRiver,itisnecessarytobeginwithan

understandingofpoliticalculture.InTheCivicCulture,authorsAlmondandVerba

approachedthestudyofpoliticalcultureinrelationtothedevelopmentof

democraticparticipation.AtthetimeofTheCivicCulture’spublicationin1963,

AlmondandVerbaidentifiedanemergingworldpoliticalcultureofparticipation;in

thisworldculture,statescouldeitherdevelopdemocraticparticipation,ora

totalitarianmodelofgovernance(Almond&Verba,1963,p.4).AlmondandVerba

arguedthattheinstitutionspresentinademocraticstate,suchasthepoliticalparty

andtheelectivelegislature,werealsopresentwithatotalitarianstate;thecrucial

differencewasthepoliticalculturesurroundingtheseinstitutions.

AlmondandVerbaunderstooddemocraticpoliticalcultureintermsof

democraticcitizenshipandthenotionofcitizenswhowereactiveinpolitics,with

informed,analyticandrationalparticipation.Theexistenceofademocraticpolitical

cultureistheresultofelementssuchastheattitudesandbeliefsystemsofcitizens,

towardsboththeirowngovernmentandlargersociety.Theintangibilityofthe

elementsofpoliticalculturemakesitdifficulttorecreateorspreaddemocratic

politicalculture,sincethecomponentsofpoliticalculturecannotbeconcretely

identified.AlmondandVerba’sstudyofpoliticalculturearosefromthisproblem.

Theybegantheirexaminationofpoliticalculturebynotingthatthe

emergenceofathirdculture,thecivicculture,occurredinGreatBritainasmodern

andtraditionalculturescombined(Almond&Verba,1963,p.8).Factorssuchas

secularizationandreligioustolerance,aswellasthedevelopmentofamerchant

class,meantthatGreatBritainwasabletofostera“pluralisticculturebasedon

communicationandpersuasion,acultureofconsensusanddiversity,aculturethat

permittedchangebutmoderatedit”(Almond&Verba,1963,p.8).Forthem,this

cultureisthecivicculture.

Thepurposeofdiscussingcivicculturewastodeterminethecontentofthis

6

democraticpoliticalculture,sothatitcouldbespreadtootherstates.Inthis

examination,politicalcultureasanobjectofstudyemerged.Todefinepolitical

cultureasanobjectofstudy,AlmondandVerbacomparedthedemocraciesofthe

UnitedStates,GreatBritain,Germany,ItalyandMexico.Thesestateshadvarying

historicalexperiences,aswellaspoliticalandsocialstructures,sotheircomparison

providedaninformativeframeworkforexaminingpoliticalcultureandits

components.

InTheCivicCulture,theseauthorsdefinedpoliticalcultureasasetof

orientations,orattitudes,towardaspecialsetofsocialobjectsandprocesses;the

objectsandprocessesrefertothepoliticalsystemandtheroleoftheindividual

withinthissystem.Toexpandthisconceptofpoliticalculturefurther,thepolitical

cultureofanationwasunderstoodtobethedistributionofpatternsoforientation

towardspoliticalobjectsamongthemembersofthenation(Almond&Verba,1963,

p.15).Therefore,thepoliticalcultureofastateisformedbytheorientationsof

individuals,whichcreatelargerpatternsthatarediscernableatabroaderlevel.

Forthem,theterm‘culture’wasunderstoodasa“psychologicalorientation

towardsocialobjects”(Almond&Verba,1963,p.14);thisisinterestingbecauseit

emphasizesthecentralroleofattitudesandbeliefsinpoliticalculture.Asaresult,

theterm‘politicalculture’referstothepoliticalattitudesandbeliefsofasociety;

thisisaspecificmeaningforaconceptwithintangiblecomponents.Inorderto

makethesecomponentsmoretangible,andmoreidentifiableforstudy,theydefined

specificmodesofpoliticalorientationandclassesofpoliticalobjects.

Theauthorsstatedthatpoliticalorientationinpoliticalcultureinvolved

threemaintypesoforientation:cognitive,affectiveandevaluational.Cognitive

orientationwastheknowledgeandbeliefofthepoliticalsystem,itsrolesandactors,

aswellasthesystem’sperformance.Affectiveorientationwasunderstoodasthe

feelingsaboutthepoliticalsystem,itsroles,actorsandperformance.Thedifference

betweencognitiveandaffectiveorientationissubtle;theformerinvolves

knowledgeandbeliefs,whilethelatterinvolvesattitudes.Finally,evaluational

orientationreferredtojudgmentsandopinionsaboutpoliticalobjects.Political

objectsthemselvesareintegraltothediscussionofpoliticalculture,sincetheyare

7

thetargetsofpoliticalorientations.

AlmondandVerbadividedpoliticalobjectsintotwocategories:the

individualaspoliticalactor,andthepoliticalsystem.Thepoliticalsystemcontains

threetypesofpoliticalobjects,includingrolesorstructures,andactors,aswellas

policiesordecisions.Thepoliticalobjectofrolesorstructurescaninclude

legislativebodies,executivesorbureaucracies.Inthissense,anindividual’s

knowledgeof,andattitudetowards,aspecificlegislativebodyindicatestheir

politicalorientation.Thesecondpoliticalobjectidentifiedwasactors;thismeant

legislators,administratorsormonarchs.Anopinionheldbyanindividualaboutan

electedofficialisthereforepartoftheirpoliticalorientation.Thirdly,political

objectscanincludepoliciesanddecisions,aswellastheenforcementofdecisions.

Therefore,theknowledgeof,andattitudetowards,acourtrulingcanalsoindicate

politicalorientation.

Finally,AlmondandVerbaarguedthatpoliticalobjectsarealsoidentifiedby

theirlocationwithinthepoliticalprocessitself.Ifapoliticalobjectispartofthe

inputprocess,suchasapoliticalparty,itisinvolvedwiththetransmissionof

demandsfromsocietyintothepoliticalauthorityorgovernment,wherethese

demandsaretransformedintopolicies(Almond&Verba,1963,p.15).Bycontrast,

apoliticalobjectfoundintheoutputpoliticalprocesswasconsideredtobe

administrativeandcomprisedofenforcingauthoritativepolicies;courtsexemplify

anobjectintheoutputsideofthepoliticalprocess.

TheexaminationofpoliticalcultureundertakenbyAlmondandVerbawas

similartotheexplorationofpoliticalculturebyLouisHartz;bothdiscussionswere

conductedthroughcomparativeanalysis.AlmondandVerba’sdiscussionof

politicalculturestemmedfromtheirexplorationofdemocraticpoliticalculture.The

examinationofpoliticalcultureundertakenbyLouisHartzinTheFoundingofNew

Societieswasfocusedonthefragmentationofpoliticalculture,andtheevolutionof

politicalculturefragmentsasuniqueentities.

TheCivicCultureexploredpoliticalculturebycomparingthedemocracies

oftheUnitedStates,GreatBritain,Germany,ItalyandMexico;LouisHartzexamined

politicalcultureintheUnitedStates,LatinAmerica,SouthAfrica,Canadaand

8

Australia.ThestatesselectedbyHartzdifferfromthoseselectedbyAlmondand

VerbabecausethefocusofHartz’sdiscussionisthefragmentationofEuropean

politicalculture,ratherthanthedisseminationofdemocracy.

Hartz’sfragmenttheoryputsforththeideathatimmigrantsbringa

culturalandpoliticalunderstandingfromtheirsocietyoforigintotheirnew

society.Thefragmentationofthesocietyoforiginoccursatthepointofthe

immigrants’departure;thenewsocietyhasthesamepoliticalcultureofthesociety

oforigin,anditdevelopsonadifferenttrajectorysinceotherelementsarenolonger

present.Forinstance,thepresenceofafeudalfragmentinanewsocietymeans

thereisnounderlyingliberalwhiggerypresent,sincethefragmentdetachedfrom

EuropebeforetheEnlightenmentperiod;thereforethereisnopotentialforthe

developmentofsocialism(Hartz,1964,p.26).

ThesocietiesoftheUnitedStates,LatinAmerica,SouthAfrica,Canadaand

AustraliawereformedfromthefragmentsofEuropeanpoliticalculture.By

examiningthefragmentuponwhicheachofthesesocietieswasfounded,Hartz

expandedtheunderstandingofpoliticalculturewithinthesestatesandtheoverall

conceptofpoliticalcultureintermsofnation-states.AccordingtoTheFoundingof

NewSocieties,fragmenttheoryoffersanexplanationforthepoliticalcultureof

Canada.

KennethMcRaefurthersHartz’sdiscussionthroughadetailedexamination

offragmenttheoryinrelationtoCanadianpoliticalculture.McRaeidentifies

distinctFrenchandEnglishspeakingfragmentsinCanada.TounderstandMcRae’s

applicationofHartz’sfragmenttheorytoCanada,itisbeneficialtoexamineMcRae’s

conceptionofeachfragment.

McRaearguesthattheFrench-speakingfragmentpresentinCanadastems

fromtheabsolutistsystemofroyalgovernmentthatbeganintheFrenchcolonyin

1663(McRae,1964,p.221ss).TheeffectofabsolutismontheFrenchcolonywas

pervasive;asaresult,economicdevelopmentoccurredthroughsecondary

industriesandpriceregulation,andamilitarypresenceprovidedthecolonywith

defense.Absolutismalsocementedthereligiousauthorityinthecolonyand

supportedafeudalsystemofseigneuriallandtenure,whichMcRaeargueswas

9

effective,sinceitprovidedsecurity,orderandsocialcohesion.

McRaestatesthatasearlyasthebeginningoftheeighteenthcentury,there

wasavisibleseparationbetweentheinterestsandidentitiesofFrenchCanadians

andFrance;thetraditionalismoftheabsolutistfragmentcontrastedthesocietyof

origin(McRae,1964,p.229ss).Theemerging,distinctidentityofFrenchCanadain

thisperiodcanpartiallybeattributedtolowimmigrationandapopulationthatwas

mostlyCanadianbornatthistime;thefragmentwasdevelopingseparatelyfromthe

societyoforigin.Duringtheeighteenthcentury,theseparationbetweenFranceand

FrenchCanadabecamemoredistinct.AbsolutisminFrancewasmoreseverethan

inFrenchCanada,andtheEnlightenmentthatoccurredinFrancenevertranspired

inFrenchCanadaasaresult.Insteadofabsolutismbeingeliminatedthrough

revolution,itperseveredinFrenchCanada.

McRaearguesthatthemainimpactoftheConquestandtheTreatyofParisin

1763wasthesolidificationoftheauthorityofthechurch;theclergydevelopedinto

anauthoritarianeliteinFrenchCanada,withreligious,socialandpoliticalroles.In

thecontextofBritishrule,andthepresenceofEnglish-speakingmerchants,the

churchemergedasapointofdefenseforFrenchCatholicculture.TheQuébecActin

1774furthercementedthedistinctnessofFrenchCanadaasafragmentsociety;

Catholicism,Frenchcivillawandfeudallandtenurewereassuredbuttherewasno

legislativeassemblyforrepresentation.

McRaenotesthatthetraditional,absolutistFrenchfragmentinCanadawas

establishedfurtherbytheFrenchRevolution.TherevolutioninFrancereinforced

theseparateidentitiesofthefragmentandthesocietyoforigin;thetraditional

societyofthefragmentwasnotchallenged.However,hedoesacknowledgethatthe

RougemovementledbyLouisJosephPapineauinthemid-nineteenthcentury

challengedthetraditionalsocietyofFrenchCanada.Papineau’snationalistdemands

forpoliticaldemocracy,aswellasobjectionstoclericalauthority,areidentifiedby

McRaeasaformofsocialradicalismthatremainedpresentinFrenchCanada

(McRae,1964,p.233ss).

ThisanalysisoftheEnglish-speakingfragmentinCanada,accordingtoHartz’s

fragmenttheory,isbasedonthenotionoftheAmericanliberalandthearrivalofthe

10

LoyaliststoCanadaaftertheAmericanRevolution.McRaedismissestheideathat

theLoyalistinfluxtoCanadaoccurredbecauseofunderlyingtoryismintheUnited

States;rather,theUnitedStatesisunderstoodasfundamentallyliberal.Therefore,

hearguesthatEnglish-speakingCanadaisafragmentoftheoriginalAmerican

fragment,asevidencedthroughtheAmericanliberaltendenciesoftheLoyalist

settlers.TheAmericanliberalisvisibleinboththeLoyaliststhatsettledineastern

CanadaandthosewhoestablishedthemselvesinUpperCanada.McRaearguesthat

theseparationofUpperandLowerCanadain1791isevidenceoftheobjectionof

theLoyaliststothefeudallandtenurethatexisted,andthereforetheunderlying

AmericanliberaltendencyoftheLoyalists.

AccordingtoMcRae,thepresenceoftheLoyalistssettlersinUpperCanada

initiatedtheexpansionandthe“unrollingoftheNorthAmericanfrontier:(McRae,

1964,p.236).Inthisenvironment,Loyalistsbecamesociallyindistinguishablefrom

theAmericansettlerswhoarrivedduringthisperiodtoWesternCanadainsearchof

availableland.Thispan-NorthAmericanunderstandingofEnglishCanada

emphasizestheAmericanliberaltendencyoftheLoyalistsanddownplaystheir

monarchistbeliefs.ThemonarchistbeliefsoftheLoyalistswereinfluentialinthe

developmentofCanadathrougheventssuchastheWarof1812.However,an

emphasisonthisaspectoftheLoyalistshas“obscuredtheall-importantparental

relationship”(McRae,1964,p.239)betweenEnglishCanadaandtheUnitedStates.

Throughthisunderstanding,McRaereiterateshisconceptionofEnglishCanadaasa

fragmentoftheUnitedStates,anditsliberaltendencies.

However,hedoesacknowledgethattheLoyalistssettlersweredifferent

fromAmericansinwaysotherthanmonarchistbeliefs,andthisslightly

distinguishesEnglishCanadafromtheUnitedStates.TheLoyalistsbelievedinthe

ruleoflaw,andsupportedmoderation,gradualism,compromise;theLoyalists

strovetopreservetheexistingpoliticalorder.ThisdiffersfromtheAmerican

liberal,andtheeffectisvisiblethroughoutCanadianhistory.Forinstance,the

comparisonofWesternsettlementinUnitedStatesandCanadarevealsadifference

inlawandauthority;informallawontheAmericanfrontiersharplycontraststhe

federalcriminallawenforcedbytheNorthWestMountedPoliceontheCanadian

11

Prairies.Hence,theLoyalistfragmentinCanadaisdifferentfromtheUnitedStates

becauseitisadefeatedfragment;LoyalistliberalisminCanadaismarkedbyasense

ofdoubtanddefeatasaresult.

AccordingtoMcRae,theliberaltendencyofEnglishCanadaremainedintact

throughoutsuccessivewavesofimmigrationduringthemid-nineteenthcentury.By

embracingtheliberalnotionsofpropertyownershipandsocialequality,the

immigrantswhoarrivedbeforethemid-nineteenthcenturycementedtheliberal

tendencyofEnglishCanada(McRae,1964,p.246).

McRaeuniformlydismissesthepossibilitythatAboriginalpopulations

contributedtoeithertheFrenchorEnglishfragmentsinCanada.Specifically,he

statesthattheEnglishfragmentinWesternCanadawasunaffectedbythe

Aboriginalpopulationsandorganizedagrarianismdevelopeduninhibited(McRae,

1964,p.263).ThiscertainlydoesnotacknowledgethesignificanceoftheMétis

populationinManitoba,anditsconnectionstoboththeFrenchandEnglish

fragments.WhilehedoesdiscusstheNorthwestRebellionin1885,itisexamined

onlyinthecontextoflanguagedualismwithinafederalstate(McRae,1964,p.258).

Inthesamesense,McRaealsorejectsthepossibilitythattheimmigration

thatoccurredattheturnofthetwentiethcenturyhadanimpactoneitherfragment.

InhisdiscussionofimmigrationtoCanadaatthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury,

hearguesthatadualistsocietysuchasCanadaissensitivetoimmigrationsincethis

processalterstheethniccompositionofsociety.Theimmigrantsthatarrivedin

Canadaattheturnofthetwentiethcenturywereofavariedethnicorigin.However,

theseimmigrantswerelargelyabsorbedbytheEnglishfragmentratherthanthe

Frenchfragment;thisisduetoideologicalfactorsandnotsimplylanguage

preference.TheAmericanliberalismoftheEnglishfragmentwas“immensely

attractivetoimmigrantsofeveryethnicorigin”(McRae,1964,p.265),and

immigrantswereabsorbedintotheEnglishfragment,assimilatedwithoutleaving

anymark.Interestingly,specificgroups,suchastheMennonites,Hutteritesand

Doukhobors,resistedbeingabsorbedintoliberalsocietyduetotheirreligious

beliefs,andthesegroupsexperiencevisibleresentmentasaresult.Thesegroups

contributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofagricultureinWesternCanadabut

12

theirimpactontheEnglishfragmentiscompletelydismissed.

GadHorowitzcontinuesthediscussionofpoliticalcultureinCanadaby

examiningthepresenceofconservatism,liberalismandsocialism.Horowitzrefers

tothefragmenttheoryputforthbyHartz,butrejectsthenotionofapan-North

AmericanpoliticalculturethatissupportedbyMcRae.Byemphasizingthe

ideologicaldifferencesbetweenEnglishCanadaandtheUnitedStatesofAmerica,

Horowitznotonlyrejectspan-NorthAmericanismbutalsoarguesthatthepolitical

cultureofEnglishCanadaisdistinct.

AccordingtothefragmenttheorydevelopedbyHartz,Horowitzidentifies

FrenchCanadaasafeudalsociety,foundedonthebasisoffeudalortoryvalues;

socialismisnotpresent,sincesocialismdevelopsbywayofachainreaction

stemmingfromliberalism.FrenchCanada,asafeudalsociety,doesnotdevelop

whigliberalismandasaresult,doesnotinturndevelopdemocraticliberalismor,

furthermore,socialism(Horowitz,1966,p.144).Thisissimilartotheanalysisof

FrenchCanadaprovidedbyMcRae,accordingtoHartz’sfragmenttheory.Whereas

HorowitzstatesthatFrenchCanadadoesnotdevelopsocialismduetoitsultimate

lackofliberalism,McRaearguesthatarevolutionaryreactiontoabsolutismdoes

notoccurinFrenchCanadabecausetheabsolutismismoderate.These

interpretationsdifferbuttheargumentisthesame;thefragmentofFrenchCanada

doesnotexperienceareactionaryshiftinpoliticalculturefromfeudalismto

socialism,orawayfromabsolutismasaresultofrevolution.

IncontrasttoFrenchCanada,EnglishCanadaisunderstoodasaliberal

bourgeoisfragment;despitethepresenceofliberalism,thereareinsufficienttory

valuestofosterthedevelopmentofsocialism.Horowitzdisagreeswiththis

understanding,andemphasizesthesignificanceofa‘torytouch’inCanada.

HorowitzarguesthatHartz’sassertionofa‘torytouch’inEnglishCanadian

politicalcultureisevidenceagainstthepan-NorthAmericanassessmentofpolitical

cultureadvocatedbyMcRae,andtoalesserdegree,byHartzhimself.English

CanadaisnotsimplyafragmentoftheliberalbourgeoissocietyoftheUnitedStates

ofAmerica,butisdistinctlyaffectedbyatory,orsocialist,touch(Horowitz,1966,p.

148).HeidentifiesMcRae’sdismissalofsocialisminCanadaastheauthor’sflawin

13

hisapplicationofHartz’sfragmenttheory.

However,HorowitzagreeswithHartzandMcRaeinacknowledgingthe

importanceoftheLoyalistsintermsoffoundingadistinctpoliticalculturein

EnglishCanada.TheLoyaliststhatarrivedinCanadafromtheUnitedStatesduring

theperiodoftheAmericanrevolutioncontributedasenseofpre-revolutionary

Americanwhiggerywitha‘torytouch’toEnglishCanada’spoliticalculture

(Horowitz,1966,p.151ss);thisdiffersfromtheunderstandingoftheLoyalistsas

representingBritishtoryism,asputforthbyLipset.Nonetheless,theLoyalists

representthebasisforsocialismwithinEnglishCanadianpoliticalculture,andtheir

presencecontributestothefoundingdistinctivenessofEnglishCanadafromthe

UnitedStatesofAmerica.

LiteratureReview-TheoriesofPoliticalCultureandtheInfluenceofImmigration

HorowitzcontinueshisdiscussionofpoliticalcultureinEnglishCanadaby

emphasizingtheimpactofcontinuedimmigration.Hespecificallyfocusesonthe

arrivalofBritishimmigrantstoEnglishCanadafrom1815until1850,andargues

thatwhilethepointsofdepartureareevidentintermsofthefragmentspresentin

EnglishCanadianpoliticalculture,itismorechallengingtoidentifythepointof

congealmentdiscussedbyHartz.Hesuggeststhatthepointofcongealmentof

EnglishCanadianpoliticalculture,meaningthepointatwhichpoliticalculture

becomesfixed,cameaftertheLoyalists.Thisunderstandingofpoliticalcultureasa

fluidentitythatbecomesfrozen,orcongealed,atacertainpointisbasedonan

understandingofimmigrationasinfluentialifitoccursbeforethepointof

congealment.Horowitzstates:

“Thepoliticalcultureofanewnationisnotnecessarilyfixedatthepointoforiginordeparture;thefoundingofanewnationcangoonforgenerations.Ifthelaterwavesofimmigrationarrivedbeforethepointofcongealmentofthepoliticalculture,theymusthaveparticipatedactivelyintheprocessofcultureformation.”(Horowitz,1966,p.153)

Thisconceptischallengingsinceitcontendsthatthereisapointatwhichpolitical

culturebecomesfixed,permanent,andimmovable.Bydismissingtheinfluenceof

14

immigrationthatoccurredafterthisseeminglyarbitrarypointofcongealment,

Horowitznarrowshisowndiscussionofconservatism,liberalismandsocialismin

Canada.Hisexaminationofconservatism,liberalismandsocialismremains

valuablebutappearsincompleteasaresult.

IndiscussingpoliticalcultureinEnglishCanadathroughanexaminationof

conservatism,liberalismandsocialism,Horowitzoffersaportraitoffederalpolitical

partiesinCanadainassociatingconservatismandtoryismwiththerightofcentre

Conservativeparty;liberalismwiththecentreLiberalparty;andsocialismwiththe

leftofcentreCooperativeCommonwealthFederation–NewDemocratParty(CCF-

NDP).Liberalism,intermsoftheLiberalparty,ismorecloselyalignedwithBritish

liberalismthanAmerican.Theinteractionofthecentreandtheleftofcentre,

meaningtheLiberalpartyandtheCCF-NDP,isparticularlynotablebecauseitis

basedonaninterdependentrelationship.TheLiberalpartylookstotheCCF-NDPat

theleftforinnovation,whiletheCCF-NDPreliesonthecentreLiberalpartyto

implementtheinnovations.ThecentreLiberalpartyremainslockedbetweenthe

rightandtheleft,unabletomergewitheithersidebutswayedbetweenthem

periodicallyastheyeachriseandfallinstrength.

Horowitzstatesthatthetriumphofthecentreoverboththeleftandrightisa

distinctaspectofEnglishCanadianpoliticalculture.Inthissense,theLiberalparty

isacentrepartyduetobothculturalandinstitutionfactors;thepresenceofnon-

liberalideologiesandmultiplepoliticalpartiesmeansthatthereisasocialist,leftof

centreparty.Onlytheabsenceofthissocialistleftofcentrepartywouldeliminate

thecentreparty.

InadditiontothedistinctpresenceofacentrepoliticalpartyinCanada,

HorowitzidentifiestheredtoryasanotheruniqueaspectofEnglishCanadian

politicalculture.Theredtoryisunderstoodasacombinationofsocialismand

toryism;eitheranideologicalConservativewithsocialistnotions,oranideological

socialistwithtorynotions(Horowitz,1966,p.158).Thepresenceofthisfigurein

EnglishCanadianpoliticalculturecontributestoabroaderunderstandingof

politicalcultureinCanada.

Horowitzsignificantlyexpandstheunderstandingofpoliticalculturein

15

Canadabyarguingagainstthenotionofapan-NorthAmericanpoliticalculture.

CanadianpoliticalcultureisundeniablydistinctfromAmericanpoliticalculture;as

Hartzargues,thesesocietieswereeachfoundedbydifferentfragments.

Additionally,CanadaandtheUnitedStateshavedistinctpoliticalculturesbecause

theyhaveexperienceddifferentsettlementpatternsandeconomies;theinfluenceof

thesefactorsonthedevelopmentofpoliticalcultureissignificant.

However,HorowitzfailstofullyunderstandpoliticalcultureinCanadafor

tworeasons.Firstly,hefocusesonEnglishCanadaandthisisproblematicbecauseit

dismissesFrenchCanada.SincethisperspectivedividesFrenchandEnglishCanada

inanimpossiblemanner,itfailstotakeintoaccounttheinteractionandinfluenceof

thesetwofoundingsocietiesononeanother.Further,byattributingthepresenceof

conservatism,liberalismandsocialisminEnglishCanadianpoliticalculturetothe

developmentoffederalpoliticalparties,heeliminatesFrenchCanadafroma

discussionofnationalpolitics.

Secondly,bydiscussingEnglishCanadaasamonolithicgroup,Horowitzdoes

notacknowledgethebroadregionaldifferencesthatcomprisethisgroup.

Essentially,Horowitztransformsthepan-NorthAmericanunderstandingofHartz’s

fragmenttheoryintoapan-Canadianone.Thispan-nationalistapproachdoesnot

offerinsightintothedistinctregionalpoliticalculturespresentinCanada.Horowitz

doesacknowledgetheimportanceofregionalcleavagesinCanadabystatingthat

classvotinginCanadaisovershadowedbyregionalandreligious-ethnicvoting

(Horowitz,1966,p.170),butthisisinsufficientasanacknowledgmentofthe

importanceofregionsintermsofadiscussionofpoliticalculture.

NelsonWisemancontinuestheexaminationofpoliticalcultureinCanada

throughhisdiscussionofprovincialpoliticalculture.Asdiscussedabove,

Wiseman’sconceptionofthethreecentralcomponentsofpoliticalcultureincludes

fundamentalvaluesthataretransmittedthroughpoliticalsocialization,indicating

ideology;policiesthathavebeenrespectedhistorically;andritualizedpractices

(Wiseman,2007,p.14).Basedonthisunderstanding,Wisemanexplainsprovincial

politicalcultureinCanadabyapplyingHartz’sfragmenttheorytoofferdistinct

portraitsofthepoliticalcultureineachprovince.However,Wisemanalsouses

16

Lipset’sformativeeventsexplanationinhisdiscussionofprovincialpoliticalculture,

sinceitsimilarlyconsidersthe“transplantationofculturaltraits”(Wiseman,1996,

p.22)inthedevelopmentofpoliticalculture.AccordingtoLipset,formativeevents

areresponsiblefortheoriginofcultures;theseculturalmoldsarefurthermarked

bylesser,yetstillundeniablyinfluential,incidentsreferredtobyWisemanas

quakes.

Forexample,inthecaseofAlberta’sprovincialpoliticalculture,Wiseman

identifiestheexpansionoftheCanadianPacificRailwayasashareddominantevent

intheformationofWesternCanada’spoliticalculture.MorespecifictoAlberta,

however,WisemanarguesthatthesettlementoftheprovincebyAmericansduring

the1890ssolidifiedthemoldofAlberta’spoliticalcultureasonefocusedondirect

democracy.InidentifyingthequakeinthepoliticalcultureofAlberta,hestatesthat

thepost-WorldWarTwodiscoveryofoilsuccessfullyreorientedtheprovince’s

economy.

Wisemanalsoconsidersstaplestheoryandtheimpactofeconomic

developmentinhisexaminationofCanadianprovincialpoliticalculture.

Indiscussingstaplestheory,culturecanbeviewedasareflectionofeconomic

production,meaningthattheapplicationofcapitalandlabourtostapleseffectively

createspowerrelationsandpoliticalconsciousness.Inthissense,politicalcultureis

moldedbytheeconomythroughcapitalandlabour.Immigration,asasourceof

labour,isthereforeinherentlyrelatedtothedevelopmentofpoliticalculture.By

consideringHartz’sfragmenttheory,aswellasformativeeventsandeconomic

development,Wisemanisabletoofferadetailedexplanationofprovincialpolitical

culture.

ResearchQuestion

Fromthisdiscussionoftheformationofprovincialpoliticalculture,a

questionemergesregardingtheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofa

community.

Howdoesthearrivalofnewcomerssuchasimmigrantsinfluencethe

17

politicalcultureofacity?

HypothesisThepoliticalcultureofacityistransformedbythearrivalofimmigrantsbecauseoftheirimpactonitsideology,policies,andritualizedpractices,measurablethroughindicatorsofpoliticalengagementsuchasvotingandlocalnewspapers.

Wiseman’sunderstandingofpoliticalcultureastheideologyofasociety,itspolicies,

anditsritualizedpractices,providesthebasisforexaminingtheimpactof

immigrationonpoliticalculture.Thesecomponentsofpoliticalcultureformthe

society’sdominantvalues,whicharetransmittedthroughpoliticalsocialization.

Therefore,inordertoexploretheimpactofimmigrationonpoliticalculture,itis

necessarytodiscusspoliticalsocialization.

Politicalcultureisfosteredthroughpoliticalsocializationandengagement,

andthereforepoliticalengagementisawayofstudyingandunderstandingpolitical

culture.PoliticalsocializationamongimmigrantsisexaminedbyWhite,Nevitte,

Blais,Gidengil,andFournier.Theauthorsattempttodeterminehowimmigrants

aresocializedtothepoliticalcultureofanewsociety,andtheimpactofthepolitical

environmentsinthesocietiesoforiginoftheimmigrantsonthissocialization

(White,Nevitte,Blais,&Gidengil,2008,p.268).Indiscussingtheconceptof

politicalsocialization,threeprimaryunderstandingsemerge.

Exposuretheorycontendsthatthesocializationofimmigrantstothepolitical

cultureofthenewsocietyisdirectlyinfluencedbytheamountofexposurethe

immigrantshavetothatpoliticalculture(Whiteetal.,2008,p.269).Conversely,the

theoryoftransferabilityarguesthatimmigrantsocializationtoanewpolitical

cultureisprimarilydependantonthepreviousexperiencesoftheimmigrantintheir

societyoforigin,implyingthattheirpriorinterestinpoliticsandpolitical

participationisindicativeoftheirlevelofengagementwithinthenewsociety

(Whiteetal.,2008,p.269).Inthissense,premigrationlearningisconsideredtobe

beneficialtosocializationwithinthenewsociety,assumingthatpriorpolitical

participationwasactive.

18

Thirdly,resistancetheorysuggeststhatpoliticalorientationsaredeveloped

earlyinlife,intheimmigrant’ssocietyoforigin,andtheseorientationsare

influencedbyexogenouspolitical,socialoreconomicshocks,includingwarand

economicorpoliticalcrises(Whiteetal.,2008,p.269).Thistheoryisparticularly

interestingtoconsiderinthediscussionofpoliticalsocializationbecauseofitsfocus

onpremigrationlearningasanegativefactor(Whiteetal.,2008,p.270).Resistance

theorythereforeunderstandspoliticalsocializationascumulativeandsignificantly

challenging,sincepoliticalorientationscementedearlyinlifeareusedtofilterand

incorporatenewpoliticalknowledgeandexperienceswithinthenewsociety(White

etal.,2008,p.269).

Itisclearthatpoliticalsocializationisinnatelylinkedtopolitical

engagement.Thisisparticularlyinterestinginconsideringthesocializationof

immigrantstothepoliticalcultureofanewsocietysinceactivepoliticalengagement

isassociatedwithsupportfor“boththedominantvaluesofthemasspublicandthe

rulesofthepoliticalsystem”(Whiteetal.,2008,p.271).Itcanbearguedthat

successfulpoliticalsocializationincludesadherencewithdominantsocietalvalues

andanunderstandingofthepoliticalsystem.

AccordingtoWhite,Nevitte,Blais,Gidengil,andFournier,theactofvoting

occursasaresultofexposuretothepoliticalsystemofthenewsociety,meaning

thatexposuretopoliticsisaprerequisiteforvoting(Whiteetal.,2008,p.277).

However,itisinterestingtonotethatthesocietyoforiginofimmigrantsdoesnot

appeartosignificantlyinfluencepoliticalengagementsinceimmigrantsfrom

varyingoriginsbecomepoliticallysocializedinasimilarmanner(Whiteetal.,2008,

p.277).Thecrucialdeterminantforpoliticalparticipationappearstobeexposure

tothepoliticsofthenewsociety,anditcanbeassumedthatthelengthofexposure

willincreaseparticipationanddirectactsofpoliticalinteraction,suchasvoting.

Itcanbearguedthatvotingisthemostsubstantialindicatorofpolitical

engagementsinceitinvolvesanactionanditisabehavioraldemonstrationof

participation(Whiteetal.,2008,p.271).However,theactofvotingislimitedto

individualswhoarecitizensandthereforeareeligibletoparticipateintheelectoral

process.Itisimportanttonotethattheparticipationofimmigrantswiththe

19

electoralsystemmaynotbedirect,unlesstheyhaveobtainedCanadiancitizenship

andthereforeareeligibleforsuchpracticesasvoting.Immigrantscouldbe

comprisedofthosepersonswhohaveimmigratedtoCanadaandobtainedtheir

citizenship.However,immigrantscouldalsoholdpermanentresidentstatusin

Canadainsteadofcitizenship;permanentresidentshavebeengrantedtherightto

livepermanentlyinCanadabyimmigrationauthorities(StatisticsCanada,2015f).

Non-permanentresidents,anadditionalcategoryofnewcomertoCanada,refersto

personsfromacountryotherthanCanadainpossessionofaworkorstudypermit,

orapersonswhoisarefugeeclaimant,aswellasnon-Canadian-bornfamily

memberswholivewiththeminCanada(StatisticsCanada,2015f).

Whilesomeimmigrants(permanentresidentsandnon-permanentresidents,

includingrefugees)arenotyetcitizens,theyareneverthelessentrenchedinthe

politicalsystemofCanada.Mechanismssuchpermanentresidenceandvisapermit

processesmeanthatthereisapre-citizenshipinteractionfornewcomerswiththe

Canadianstate.Moreover,thepoliticalcultureofacommunityisnotjust

determinedthroughdirectvotingbythoseindividualswhoarecitizens.Political

socializationmeansthatimmigrantswhocannotvotenonethelesshaveanimpact

onvotingresultsbecausetheirpresenceinthecommunityinfluencesthevoting

choicesoftheirfellowresidents.

Alongwithvotingandpartisanintensity,White,Nevitte,Blais,Gidengil,and

Fournieridentifiedaninterestinelectionsasaprimaryindicatorofpolitical

engagement(Whiteetal.2008,p.271).Furthermore,issuesrelatedtonewcomers

maygainprominenceinalocalnewspaperifthepresenceofimmigrantsinthe

communityhasbecomeaspecificelectionstandpoint.

Anothersubstantialindicatorofpoliticalengagementinvolvesthe

publicationsoflocalnewspapers.Thearticles,editorials,andresponselettersto

editors,innewspapersrevealthelocaldiscoursesurroundingtheissueof

immigration,andprovideaportraitofhowacityperceivesitselfasapolitical

community.Additionally,localnewspapersindicatetheoverallinterestofa

communityinanelectionthroughthearticlespublishedonthistopicduringthe

monthsbeforeandaftertheelection.Localnewspapersthereforeactasareflection

20

ofthediscourseofacommunity,highlightingmajorconcernsandissues.

Localnewspapersarerelevantindicatorsofpoliticalengagementduetotheir

entrenchedroleaspoliticalobjectsintheinputprocess.Intheunderstandingof

politicalcultureputforthbyAlmondandVerba,newspapersareconsideredas

structuralpoliticalobjectsinthepoliticalinputprocess.Thepoliticalinputprocess,

meaningthemethodbywhichsocietaldemandsaretransmittedtothepolitical

systemtobeconvertedintoauthoritativepolicies,isessentialsociety

communicatingitsconcernstothepolity.Structuralpoliticalobjectsincluding

politicalparties,interestgroups,andthemediaofcommunication,suchas

newspapers,areprevalentintheinputprocess(Almond&Verba,1963,p.16).

Therefore,localnewspapersfunctionasindicatorsofpoliticalengagementbecause

asobjectsinthepoliticalinputsystem,theyactasreflectionsofthecommunity

discourseandinformthepolityofsocietalconcerns.

Methodology

Inordertoexploretheresearchquestionofhowthearrivalofnewcomers

suchasimmigrantsinfluencesthepoliticalcultureofacity,across-unitstudyofthe

townofHighRiver,Alberta,andthecityofBrooks,Alberta,willbeconducted.

ElkinsandSimeonstatethatcollectivegroupssuchasnations,regions,orethnic

communitieshavepoliticalcultures(Elkins&Simeon,1979,p.129ss).Inthestudy

ofpoliticalculture,thesecollectivegroupsactastheunitofanalysis.Elkinsand

Simeondescribetwomethodsofstudyingthepoliticalcultureofacollectivity,

whereinpoliticalcultureisconsideredtobeeitherexplanatoryordescriptiveofa

collectivegroup.Whenpoliticalcultureisexaminedasameansofexplanation,the

goalistoexplainthedifferencesbetweenoneormorecollectivities;acomparative

approachisrequired.AlmondandVerbaemployedthismethodofcomparisonin

theiranalysisofpoliticalcultureanddemocracyintheUnitedStates,GreatBritain,

Germany,ItalyandMexico.

Thiscomparativestudywillbespecifictothetimeperiodfrom1996until

2012.Theperiodfrom1996until2012hasbeenselectedbecauseitprovidesdata

priortotheinfluxofimmigrationtothesecommunitiesanddemonstratesthe

21

increaseinimmigrationovertime,therebycreatingacontextforthisdiscussion.

Theyear1996wasspecificallyselectedasaninitialstartingpointbecausethe

federalcensuswasconductedinthisyear,establishingoverallandimmigration

populationsforHighRiverandBrookstobeusedasacomparativebasisforchanges

inproceedingyears.Thefederalcensuseswereheldeveryfiveyears,providingthis

sourceofquantitativepopulationdataagainin2001,2006,and2011.Thestudy

terminatesin2012,asthiswastheyearoftheprovincialelectionfollowingthemost

recentfederalcensusin2011.Provincialelectionswerealsoheldin1997,2001,

2004,and2008.Theelectionresultswillbeusedasasourceofdatatoprovide

markersforanyshiftinpoliticalculture.

Tocompletethecross-unitstudyofthetownofHighRiverandthecityof

Brooks,acomparisonwillbemadeintermsofdemographicchanges,provincial

electionresults,andlocalnewspaperpublications.

Brooksisinterestingtoconsiderinexaminingtherelationshipbetween

immigrationandpoliticalculturebecausethecityhasundergoneatransformative

changeinthepasttwodecades.HometotheJBSFood(formerlyknownasXLFoods

LakesidePackers)meatprocessingfacilitywithover2,000employees(JBSFood,

n.d.,para.2),Brookshasbecomealeadingcentreofimmigrantsettlementin

southernAlberta,andinruralCanadaatlarge.Thecityexperiencedanincreaseof

32.02%initsoverallpopulationbetween1996and2011(StatisticsCanada,2013c,

2015c),whileitsimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationroseby

368.38%duringthisperiod(StatisticsCanada,2013c,2015c).Thisisevidenceofa

demographicshiftinthepopulationofBrooks.

Brooksidentifiesitselfasamulticulturalcommunityandhaslabeleditselfas

TheCityof100Hellos(“CityofBrookscommunityprofile”,n.d.,p.7).Itrecently

experiencedachangeinitspopulationdiversityandcommunityprofilethroughan

increaseinitsnon-Canadianborninhabitants.Thecitywasthesubjectofa2007

NationalFilmBoardofCanadadocumentary,24DaysinBrooks,whichportrayeda

strikeatLakesidePackers,anemployerofmanynewcomersinthecity.The

emergenceofthemeatpackingindustryinAlbertahashadasubstantialimpact

economically,aswellassociallyandpolitically,withincommunitiesandhasdrawn

22

manynewcomerstoBrooksthroughmanual,assemblylinepositionsthatappealto

non-Englishspeakingimmigrantsandrefugees(Broadway,2001,p.44).Another

film,entitledBrooks-TheCityof100Hellos,profilesthelivesoftheimmigrants,

refugeesandtemporaryforeignworkerswhoareemployedatLakesidePackersand

theimpactonthecommunity(BrandyYProductionsInc.,n.d.,para.2).

WhilebothHighRiverandBrooksarelocatedinsouthernAlberta,HighRiver

issignificantlyclosertoCalgary.Thetownisalsohometoalargemeatprocessing

facility,CargillMeatSolutions;ithas2,000employees(Cargill,2016,para.2).

ThoughHighRiverhascontinuedtoexperiencepopulationgrowthoverthepast

twodecades,ithasnotreceivedsignificantnumbersofimmigrants.Itsoverall

populationroseby75.57%between1996and2011(StatisticsCanada,2013d,

2015d),buttheimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofHighRiver

onlyincreasedby108.82%duringthisperiod.Whilethisisasignificantincrease,it

palesincomparisontotheincreaseof368.38%intheimmigrantandnon-

permanentresidentpopulationofBrooks.

HighRiverthereforeprovidesaneffectivecomparisontoBrooksintermsof

populationsizeandeconomicindustry,althoughwithadifferentdemographic

composition.Usingspecificindicatorspoliticalengagement,itispossibleto

examinetheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofacommunitythrough

thecomparisonofHighRiverandBrooks.

Twoprimaryindicatorsofpoliticalengagementwillbeusedtoexaminethe

politicalculturesofHighRiverandBrooks.First,votingresultsfromprovincial

electionsduringtheperiodfrom1996until2012willbereviewed.Votingisa

methodofpoliticalparticipationanditisadirectinteractionwiththepolitical

system.However,italsoconveysindirectinteractionwiththepoliticalsystemas

votingisinfluencedbyissuesinthecommunity.Sincepoliticalbeliefsand

orientationsareconveyedthroughtheactofvoting,votingresultsaretherefore

reflectiveofpoliticalculture.Asmarkersofpoliticalculture,votingresultscan

indicateachangeinthepoliticalcultureofanareabyillustratingwhetherornota

shifthasoccurredinthevotingpattern.

ThesecondindicatorofpoliticalengagementinHighRiverandBrooks

23

involveslocalnewspapers.Thelocalnewspapers,theHighRiverTimesandThe

BrooksBulletin,willbeexaminedduringthemonthssurroundingprovincial

electionsfrom1996until2012.Byexaminingthelocalnewspapersfortwomonths

precedinganelection,duringthemonthofanelection,andforonemonthfollowing

anelection,issuesofcommunityconcernandpublicdiscoursearerevealed.This

createsaportraitofthepoliticalcultureofthesecommunities.Additionally,the

discourseinthelocalnewspapersindicatestheemergenceofcommunitysupport

organizations,suchasfoodbanksandshelters,asaresponsefromtheoverall

communitytoanincreaseinsocialissues,includingalsocrimeandhousing.This

contributestodeterminingifashiftinpoliticalculturehasoccurred.

ByexaminingthepoliticalculturesofHighRiverandBrooksthroughthese

politicalindicators,itisexpectedthatthepoliticalcultureofBrookswillhave

changedsignificantlyfrom1996until2012,whilethepoliticalcultureofHighRiver,

willhaveremainedconstantoverthisperiod.

24

ChapterIIIResults–HighRiver,Alberta ThischapterwillexaminethepoliticalcultureofHighRiverinorderto

establishacomparisonwiththecityofBrooks,Alberta.ThetownofHighRiveris

locatedinsouthernAlberta,southofthecityofCalgary.CargillMeatSolutionsisa

largemeatprocessingfacilitylocatedatHighRiverthatunderwentanexpansionin

1996;itcontinuestobeamajoremployerforthetown.

ThoughHighRiverhasexperiencedpopulationgrowthfrom1996till2012,it

didnotreceivesignificantnumbersofimmigrantsandtheseimmigrantshavenot

impacteditspoliticalculture.AlthoughCargillMeatSolutionsmayappealto

newcomerstothroughmanual,assemblylinepositions,theproximityofthecityof

Calgaryhasallowedemployeestosecureaffordablehousinginthiscitywhile

commutingtoHighRiverforwork.Asaresult,theimpactofimmigrantsarriving

from1996till2012hashadaminimalimpactonthepoliticalcultureofHighRiver.

InordertorevealthelimitedimpactonthepoliticalcultureofHighRiverby

immigrantsarrivingfrom1996till2012,twoindicatorsofpoliticalengagementin

HighRiverwillbeexamined.Electionresultsfromtheprovincialelectionsduring

thisperiodwillbereviewed,andnewspaperarticlespublishedintheHighRiver

Timessurroundingtheelectionperiodswillbeexamined.

DemographicChangesfrom1996-2012 Inordertounderstandtheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureof

HighRiver,itisnecessarytofirstexaminethedemographicchangesthathave

occurredinthetownfrom1996till2012.Thisisaccomplishedbyanalyzingthe

resultsfromCanadiancensusesthatwereheldin1996,2001,2006,and2011,as

wellastheNationalHouseholdSurveythatwasconductedin2011.Censusresults

discussedinthefollowinganalysisareportrayedinTable1.

TheanalysisoftheresultsofthecensusesandtheNationalHousehold

Surveybeginswithunderstandingthetermsusedinreferencetopopulation.Inall

fourcensuses,threecategorieswereprovidedtoindicatethecitizenshipstatusof

25

therespondentinordertosortthepopulation.Thetermnon-immigrantwasused

inthe1996and2006censuses,aswellasthe2011NationalHouseholdSurveyto

indicatepersonsborninCanada,orthosebornoutsideofCanadawithCanadian

citizenshipbybirth;thesepersonsdidnotimmigratetoCanada(StatisticsCanada,

2015f).Inthe2001census,thesepersonswerereferredtoastheCanadian-born

population(StatisticsCanada,2013b).

Thetermimmigrantwasalsoemployedinboththe1996and2006censuses,

aswellasthe2011NationalHouseholdSurvey,whilethe2001censusreferredto

thesepersonsastheforeign-bornpopulation.Thesetermsrefertothosepersons

whoare,orhaveeverbeen,landedimmigrantsorpermanentresidents,andwho

havebeengrantedtherighttolivepermanentlyinCanadabyimmigration

authorities(StatisticsCanada,2015f).Itisimportanttonotethesomeimmigrants

arealsoCanadiancitizens(StatisticsCanada,2015f).

The1996,2001,and2006censuses,andthe2011NationalHousehold

Survey,alsoutilizedthetermnon-permanentresident.Non-permanentresidentis

usedtoindicateapersonfromacountryotherthanCanadawhoisinpossessionofa

workorstudypermit,orwhoisarefugeeclaimant,aswellasnon-Canadian-born

familymemberwholiveswiththeminCanada(StatisticsCanada,2015f).These

termseffectivelyrevealthecitizenshipstatusofrespondents,addingadistinct

descriptortothepopulationresults.

Throughtheuseofthetermsnon-immigrant,immigrant,andnon-permanent

resident,itispossibletoillustrateaportraitofHighRiver’spopulationaccordingto

thecitizenshipstatusofitsresidents.Atthe1996Canadiancensus,thepopulation

ofHighRiverwas7,359persons,and91.45%spokeonlytheEnglishlanguageas

theirmothertongue.Themajorityofthetown’spopulation,88.94%,identified

themselvesasnon-immigrants,whileonly9.24%wereimmigrants.Thenon-

permanentresidentpopulationofHighRiverin1996wasnon-existent.However,

thepopulationofHighRiverincreasedby26.99%between1996and2001;thiswas

thelargestriseinpopulationforthetownduringtheperiodfrom1996till2011.

Thepopulationincreasethatoccurredfrom1996till2001wasprimarily

comprisedofnon-immigrantpersons;theimmigrantpopulationonlyincreasedby

26

5.88%,or40persons,duringthisperiod.Perhapsmostsignificantly,thetownof

HighRiveralsowitnessedthearrivalof40non-permanentresidentpersonsduring

thisperiod.Thiswasachangeforthetown,sinceithadpreviouslynotheldany

non-permanentresidentpopulation.

Whilethelargestpopulationincreaseoccurredbetween1996and2001,

HighRiverexperienceditsmostsubstantialpopulationshiftbetween2001and

2006.Althoughtheoverallpopulationonlyincreasedby14.67%duringthisperiod,

theimmigrantpopulationincreasedby48.61%.Thisisinterestingbecausethe

lowestoverallpopulationincreaseforHighRivercoincidedwiththehighest

increaseinthepopulationofimmigrantpersons.Theadditionof350immigrant

personstoHighRiverfrom2001till2006wasminimizedslightlybyadecreasein

thenumberofnon-permanentresidentsfrom40to25persons.However,the

immigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationreached10.22%in2006,a

slightincreasefrom10yearsearlier.

Theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofHighRiver

increasedagainfrom2006till2011,butthischangewasminimalatanincreaseof

only0.77%to10.99%oftheoverallpopulation.Althoughtheoveralltotal

populationroseby20.57%from2006till2011,themostnotablechangesduring

thisperiodwasthe600%increaseinnon-permanentresidentpersons,andthe

30.51%increaseinpersonswhosefirstlanguagewasneitherEnglish,norFrench.

Despitethisincrease,thenon-immigrantpopulationremaineddominantinHigh

River2011,at87.46%,slightlybelowthenon-immigrantpopulationof88.94%in

1996.PersonswhospokeonlytheEnglishlanguageastheirmothertonguein2011

remainedrelativelyconsistentwiththeresultsfrom1996,at88.24%.

TheanalysisoftheresultsfromCanadiancensusesthatwereheldin1996,

2001,2006,and2011,aswellastheNationalHouseholdSurveythatwasconducted

in2011,revealthatHighRiverexperiencedsomechangesinitsdemographic

compositionfrom1996till2012.Thetownexperiencedaninfluxofimmigrant

personsbetween2001and2006,coincidingwiththelowestunemploymentrate

experiencedbyHighRiver,2.60%,duringtheperiodfrom1996to2012.Thisis

interestingtoconsiderasitsuggeststhewaveofimmigrantpersonsmayhavebeen

27

relatedtoavailableemploymentopportunitiesinHighRiver,suchasthoseatCargill

Foods.However,theresultsfromthecensusesandtheNationalHouseholdSurvey

indicatethatHighRiverdidnotundergoadramaticdemographicshiftfrom1996

till2012.Instead,itmaintaineditsmajoritypopulationofnon-immigrantpersons.

Thebelowtableportraystheresultsfromeachofthefourcensuses.

Thesignificantincreaseintheimmigrantpopulationdiscussedaboveis

evidentintheresultsdisplayedfromeachofthefourcensuses.

28

Thebelowtableportraysthecensusresultsrelatedtolanguage.

TheseresultsillustratetheincreaseintotalpopulationinHighRiver

accordingtobothnon-officiallanguagesandFrenchonlyastherespondent’s

mothertongue.

29

Thebelowtableprovidestheeconomicdatafromthefourcensuses.

Thedecreaseintheunemploymentratefrom2001till2006discussedaboveis

displayedintheseresults.

ProvincialElectionResults IntheelectoraldivisionofHighwood,wherethetownofHighRiveris

located,conservativepartiesdominatedtheprovincialelectionsthatoccurred

duringtheperiodfrom1996until2012.Highwooddivision,whichalso

encompassesOkotoks,Nanton,andStavely,aswellasBlackDiamondandTurner

Valley,electedcandidatesfromtheProgressiveConservativesinthe1997,2001,

2004,and2008elections.Ineachoftheseelections,theProgressiveConservative

candidateobtainedasignificantportionofthevotescast.However,the2012

electionwitnessedthesuccessoftheWildroseAllianceParty,markingashiftin

provincialpoliticsforthedivisionofHighwoodfromitsProgressiveConservative

history.

ExaminingtheprovincialelectoralresultsfromthedivisionofHighwood

contributestounderstandingthepoliticalcultureofHighRiver,andtheimpactfrom

30

thearrivalofimmigrantsduringtheperiodfrom1996till2012.Althoughnotall

immigrantspossessCanadiancitizenship,theirimpactontheelectionresults

extendsbeyondvotingtoapre-Citizenshipinteractionwiththeirneighbours,their

community,andthevariouslevelsofgovernment.Theelectoralresultstherefore

revealtheimpactofimmigrantsonpoliticalcultureinHighRiver,whetheras

Canadiancitizens,permanentresidents,ornon-permanentresidents.

TheProgressiveConservativesdominatedtheHighwooddivisionfrom1997

until2008.ThecandidatefortheProgressiveConservativesinboththe1997and

2001electionswasDonTannas,whileinthe2004and2008electionsitwasGeorge

Groeneveld.Thisconsistencyincandidateswasevidencedinthepercentageof

votesreceivedbytheProgressiveConservativesintheseelections,whichranged

from63.60%to79.90%.Theachievementof79.90%ofvotesreceivedforthe

ProgressiveConservativesoccurredinthe2001election,whentheLiberalParty

receiveditslowestpercentofthevotesfortheperiodfrom1997till2008.

ThedifferentialinthepercentageofvotesreceivedbytheProgressive

ConservativesandtheLiberalPartyisalsonotable,varyingbetweenahighof67.9

percentdifferenceinthe2001electiontoalowof46.2percentdifferenceinthe

2004election.Therewasalsoasubstantialreductionintheoverallvoterturnoutin

thesetwoelections,from55.95%inthe2001electionto45.04%inthe2004

election.Inthe1997election,thepercentdifferenceinthevotesreceivedbythe

ProgressiveConservativesandtheLiberalPartywas55.8%,whiletheoverallvoter

turnoutwas56.36%.The2008electionwitnessedapercentdifferenceof51.2%,

andanoverallvoterturnoutof40.97%.

Althoughthedifferencebetweenthepercentageofvotesreceivedbythe

ProgressiveConservativesandtheLiberalPartyinthe1997and2008elections

doesnotdisplaythesamerelationshiptooverallvoterturnout,itisinterestingto

considerthatthedifferenceinthepercentageofvotesreceivedbythesepartieswas

itsmostminimalwhenasignificantreductionoccurredintheoverallvoterturnout.

Thiscouldindicatethatthisreductioninvoterturnoutwasassociatedwitha

declineinvotersfortheProgressiveConservativesinthe2004election.

31

ThestabilityinProgressiveConservativecandidatesinthe1997,2001,2004,

and2008,electionswasnotseeninthecandidatesputforthbytheLiberalParty

andtheNewDemocraticParty.Ineachoftheseelections,theLiberalPartyandthe

NewDemocraticPartyhaddifferentcandidates,althoughtheirpercentageofvotes

receivedremainedmostlyunaffected.

ThepercentageofvotesreceivedbytheLiberalPartyinthe1997,2001,

2004,and2008,electionsrangedfrom12.0%to17.4%.Interestingly,theLiberal

Partyobtainedtheirhighestpercentageofvotesreceived,17.4%,inthe2004

electionwhenoverallvoterturnoutwasatalow45.04%andthevotesreceived

weredistributedamongcandidatesfromsixparties.Thiswasalsotheelectionthat

resultedinthelowestpercentageofvotesreceivedfortheProgressive

Conservativesbetween1997and2008.Despitetheirinabilitytoobtainthe

majorityofvotesintheseelections,theLiberalPartymaintainedsecondplace

behindtheProgressiveConservativesineachelection.Conversely,theNew

DemocraticPartyexperiencedmorefluctuationintheirelectionresultsduringthis

period.

ThepercentageofvotesreceivedbytheNewDemocraticPartyinthe1997,

2001,2004,and2008,electionsdidnotsurpass4.60%,andfellaslowas3.30%.It

isinterestingtonotethatwhentheNewDemocraticPartyreceived4.60%ofvotes

inthe2001election,thiscoincidedwiththelowestpercentofvotesreceivedbythe

LiberalPartyinthisperiod.Inadditiontoreceivingfewervotesthanboththe

ProgressiveConservativesandtheLiberalPartyintheseelections,theNew

DemocraticPartyalsoreceivedfewervotesthantheSocialCredit,theAlbertaGreen

Party,and,startingin2008,theWildroseAllianceParty.

Inthe2012election,thedivisionofHighwoodelectedthecandidateforthe

WildroseAllianceParty,DanielleSmith.ThiswasadeparturefromtheProgressive

Conservativecandidateselectedinthe1997,2001,2004,and2008,elections.

However,thedifferenceinpercentageofvotesreceivedbytheWildroseAlliance

PartyandtheProgressiveConservativeswasminimal,at10.1%.Thisissignificant

whenconsideringthesubstantialpercentdifferencesthatexistedbetweenthe

32

ProgressiveConservativesandtheLiberalPartyinthe1997,2001,2004,and2008,

elections.

WhiletheWildroseAlliancePartyandtheProgressiveConservatives

receivedthemajorityofthevotesinthe2012election,52.60%and42.50%

respectively,theLiberalPartyexperiencedasignificantreductioninvotesreceived.

At2.90%ofthevotesreceived,theLiberalPartygainedonlyslightlymorevotes

thantheNewDemocraticParty,whichreceived2.0%ofvotes.However,the

numberofvotesreceivedbytheWildroseAlliancePartyincreasedby618.43%.

Theseresultsrevealanexpansionoftheconservativepoliticalcultureofthe

provincialelectoraldivisionofHighwoodin2012.

33

NewspaperReview–HighRiverTimes Asanindicatorofpoliticalculture,newspapersrevealtheissuesofconcern

withinacommunityandthepublicdiscoursesurroundingthesematters.Itcanbe

arguedthat,“anewspaperatitsbestisacommunitytalkingtoitself.”(“Itallstarts”,

34

1998,p.6).Therefore,inordertofurtherrevealtheimpactofimmigrantsonthe

politicalcultureofHighRiver,anexaminationofthelocalnewspaper,theHighRiver

Times,iscompleted.

Provincialelectionperiodsdrivecommunitydiscussionandpublicdiscourse,

andtheresultsoftheseelectionsarethemselvesindicatorsofpoliticalculture.

Therefore,theexaminationoftheHighRiverTimesistargetedtothetwomonths

precedinganelection,themonthofanelection,andthemonthfollowinganelection.

Thisfourmonthperiodservestoillustratethemajorissuesofcommunityconcern

andpublicdiscourse,contributingtoaportraitofthepoliticalcultureofHighRiver.

Inordertoexaminethenewspaperarticlesduringperiodsofprovincial

electionsfrom1996till2012,theHighRiverTimesisreviewedoverfourmonth

periodsin1997;2001;2004;2008;and2012,asportrayedinthetablebelow.

SeveralmajorthemesarepresentedintheHighRiverTimesfrom1997till

2012,includingSafeCommunities,EconomicDevelopment,andCargillFoods.The

themeofSafeCommunitiesappearsconsistentlyintheHighRiverTimesduringthe

fourmonthperiodsreviewedfrom1997till2012.Housingisamajorfocusofthis

theme,andthistopicappearsregularlyintheHighRiverTimesasadiscussionof

rentalavailabilityandaffordability,aswellasseniorshousingandhomelessness.

AnarticleinSeptember1998discussesthelackoflowcosthousinginHighRiver

andthehighcostofconstruction(“Lowrentapartments”,1998,p.3),whileanother

profilesthefamilyofanemployeeatCargillFoodslivingtemporarilyintheGeorge

35

LaneParkcampgroundduetoaninabilitytosecurerentalaccommodationsinHigh

River(Campbell,1998,p.3).

Thehousingsituationcauseddifficultyforemployersintermsofrecruiting,

andalsoresultedinpersonscommutingtoworkinHighRiverfromCalgarywhere

theyhadsecuredaffordablehousing(Gillanders,1998,p.6).Theissuewas

expandedinFebruary2008whenatemporaryforeignworkatCargillFoodswas

reportedashavingsleptoutsideonaparkbenchin-10degreeCelsiusweather,

afteradisputewithhisroommate;alanguagebarrierandthelackofanemergency

shelterinHighRiverwerelistedastheprimarycausesforthesituation(Patterson,

2008,p.1).

AnotheraspectoftheSafeCommunitiesthemewithintheHighRiverTimes

involvedcrime,includingvandalism.Vandalismincidentssuchasuprootingplanted

flowers,disturbinggravestones,andminordamagetovehicleswasaconcern,with

theHighRiverTimesreporting311crimesofmischiefin2003(Campbell,2004,p.

3).

Vandalismandcrimebecameacentralissueinthe2004municipalelection,

andcandidateswererequestedtocommentontheirpositionintheHighRiver

Times.OnecandidateforTownCouncil,LutherDougherty,statedthatworkwith

theRCMPandthetown’sYouthJusticeCommittee,wouldcontributetoresolving

issuesrelatedtocrime(“Municipalelections2004:Candidates”,2004,p.3).

TheYouthJusticeCommitteehadbeenaprevalenttopicinregardstoyouth

andcrimeinHighRiverin1997.Servingtoconnecttheformalyouthjusticesystem,

thecommunityservices,andthepublic,theYouthJusticeCommitteeprovided

educationprogramsandrecommendsalternativesforyoungoffenderssuchas

communityservice(McTighe,1997,p.10).AneditorialinMarch1997encouraged

HighRiverresidentstovolunteerfortheYouthJusticeCommittee,highlightingboth

itsroleincrimepreventionandtherehabilitationofyouthwhohavecommitteda

criminaloffense(“Youthjusticegroup”,p.6),andthecommitteecontinuedtohavea

strongpresenceinHighRiver.

CrimewasalsodiscussedintheHighRiverTimeswithspecificreferenceto

CargillFoods.Thedetailedreportingofaphysicalaltercationthatoccurredin

36

January1997betweentwoCargillFoodsemployees,whowerebothresidentsof

CalgaryfocusedontheRCMP’sneedtoobtainVietnamesetranslationservicesto

determinethecauseoftheincident(“Plantpunchup”,1997,p.4).

SafeCommunitiesalsoincludeddiscussionofthefoodbankinHighRiver,

includingthedonationofanewrefrigerationunitbyCargillFoodsin2012tostore

themonthlydonationof300poundsofmeatbythecompany(Wedemire,2012,p.

16).Thetown’sannualfooddrivewasfeaturedprominentlyintheHighRiverTimes

in2010(Massey,2010,p.5),presentinganinterestingreflectionoftheneedforan

annualfooddrive,whichhadbeenidentifiedin1998(Hjalte,1998,p.8).

ThethemeofEconomicDevelopmentisdiscussedindepthbyaneditorialin

theHighRiverTimesinJanuary1997supportinganeconomicdevelopmentplanto

bepresentedtotheTownCouncilbytheChamberofCommerce;thearticle

emphasizedtheimportanceofattractingretailersandmanufacturerstoHighRiver

todeterthetown’stransformationintoacommuterbedroomcommunityfor

Calgary(“Economicplan”,p.6).DespitetheeffortstoensureHighRiverdidnot

developintoabedroomcommunityforcommutersworkinginCalgary,significant

interestwasexpressedinFebruary1997inthedevelopmentofacommutertrain,

followingapetitionsubmittedbyemployeesatCargillFoods(McBride,1997,p.12).

TheapprovaloftheeconomicdevelopmentplanbytheTownCouncilwas

laudedasasteptowardsself-directedchange(“PlangivesHighRiver”,p.8).An

EconomicDevelopmentOfficewasestablishedtorespondtoinquiriesfrom

businessesinterestedinestablishinginHighRiver,andtomarketthetownona

long-termbasis(Rooney,1997a,p.1).TheboardofdirectorsfortheEconomic

DevelopmentOfficeincludedrepresentativesfromtheTownofHighRiver,aswell

astheTourismActionCommitteeandtheChamberofCommerce(Rooney,1997a,p.

1).

AsthemajoremployerinHighRiver,CargillFoodswasafocalpointofthe

HighRiverTimesfrom1997till2012.AnemploymentadvertisementforCargill

FoodsappearedintheHighRiverTimesinJanuary1997forfull-timemeatcutter

positionsontheassemblyline,withdutiesrangingfromcutting,trimmingand

boning.Theadvertisementstatedthatfulltrainingwouldbeprovided,andit

37

announcedinboldfontthat“CargillFoodsisanequalopportunityemployer”

(“Employmentopportunity”,p.22).

ThisemploymentadvertisementwasfollowedinFebruary1997bythe

profileofalocalbutcherwhoobtainedhisbeeffromeitherCargillFoodsinHigh

River,orLakesidePackersinBrooks,inordertosupportAlbertaranchers

(Campbell,1997,p.3).AspartofaspecialBeefBreedersSupplement,thisprofile

servedtoconveythepositive,community-basedrelationshipofbeefproductionin

SouthernAlberta.Alinkcanbemadebetweentheprofileofthelocalbutcher,and

theemploymentopportunitiesatCargillFoods,astheprofileprovidesa

community-orientedperspectiveonthebeefproductionatCargillFoods.

However,despitethepositiveportrayalofbeefproductioninAlberta,the

possibledevelopmentofahogprocessingplantnearHighRiverin1997wasmet

withlocalconcern.TheMunicipalDistrictofFoothills,whichsurroundsHighRiver,

submittedabidfortheMapleLeafMeatshogfacilityandaimedtobringits1,500

newjobstotheHighRiverarea(McTighe,1997g,p.4).Despitetheexistingrailline

andhighwaynearCargillFoods,aswellastheavailablelabourmarketinCalgary,

theHighRiverTimesfeaturedLetterstotheEditorfromlocalresidentsexpressing

theirfrustrationwithlocatingthehogprocessingplantnearHighRiver.This

concernwasrelatedtotheimpactonthetownfromfurtherheavytrucktraffic,

noise,dust,andthesmellfromthefacility(Henbeffer,1997,p.7).Oneletterstated:

“Thisisjustwhatwedonotneed–anotherstinkingplant.Theonewehaveistoomuch.”(Turner,1997,p.7).

Additionally,residentswereconcernedwiththewatersupplyinHighRiverandits

abilitytosupporttwomeatprocessingplants(Turner,1997,p.7).

ThefrustrationfromHighRiverresidentsregardingthepossible

developmentofahogprocessingfacilitytouchedontheodourthatthesetypesof

plantsgenerate,andthiswasaprominentissueinearly1997inrelationtoCargill

Foods.ResidentsarguedthatthesmellfromCargillFoods,increasedduetoarecent

expansion,wasnegativelyimpactingtheirqualityoflifeandpropertyvalues,and

couldbeinviolationoftheCleanAirprovisionsoftheAlbertaEnvironmental

ProtectionandEnhancementAct(Loven,1997,p.1).Apetitionwassubmittedto

38

PremierRalphKleinregardingtheodour(Loven,1997,p.1),andtheAlberta

EnvironmentalProtectionagencywasresearchingseveralcomplaints(Loven,1997,

p.2).

CargillFoodsrespondedbyconductinganinternalreviewinMarch1997

(McTighe,1997f,p.2).InApril1997,CargillFoodsannouncedthatithadupgraded

itsequipment,hiredtwoscruberoperators,afull-timemaintenanceperson,andan

environmentalcoordinator(McBride,1997c,p.1).Thefacility’sconcernwiththe

odouremissionswasrelatedtoitsrelationshipwiththeresidentsofHighRiver.

TheGeneralManager,DanSchnitkerstated:

“Ithinkwearegoodforthecommunityandwegeneratealotofmoney…It(theodorproblem)istheonlynegativethingthatisbroughttouptousonaregularbasis.Weneedtogetitresolved.”(ascitedinMcBride,1997c,p.2).

Asaresult,CargillFoodsalsobroughtinconsultantsrecommendedbyAlberta

EnvironmentalProtection,developedaninternalcommitteetoinvestigate

environmentalcomplaints,andproceededwithdevelopingapre-treatmentfacility

attheplant’slagooninordertoreducetheemissionsintothewater(McBride,

1997c,p.2).

Conclusion Althoughtherewereimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpersonswho

arrivedinHighRiverfrom1996till2011,theimmigrantandnon-permanent

residentpopulationofHighRiverdidnotincreasesignificantlyduringthisperiod,

risingfrom9.24%to10.99%.ThediscoursesurroundingSafeCommunities,

EconomicDevelopment,andCargillFoods,intheHighRiverTimesfrom1997till

2012revealsthatthetownwasnotspecificallyimpactedbythearrivaland

presenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidents,butratherbythegrowthof

theoverallpopulation,andtherapidexpansionofthecommunity.Thisisevidenced

bytheveiledinferencesfoundindiscussionsofcommunityfragility.

Issuessuchasvandalism,odourfromthemeatprocessingplant,foodbank

supplies,andhousing,indicatethatHighRivercontinuedtoexperiencethesame

issuesthroughoutthisperiod.Thisisperhapsoneexplanationfortheelectionof

theWildroseAlliancePartyin2012,followinganhistoricalperiodofProgressive

39

ConservativecandidatesfortheHighwoodriding.HighRivermayhavebeen

attemptingtoseekresolutiontothesecommunityissuesaftersubsequent

ProgressiveConservativeleadershipdidnotresultincommunitystability,and

residentsturnedtotheWildroseAlliancePartyasasolution.

40

ChapterIVResults-Brooks,Alberta ThischapterwillexaminethepoliticalcultureofBrooks,Alberta.Thecityof

BrooksislocatedinsouthernAlberta,southeastofCalgary.ThecitiesofLethbridge

andMedicineHatarerespectivelylocatedtothesouthwestandsoutheastofBrooks.

TheXLFoodsLakesidePackersmeatprocessingfacilityislocatedinthecity;itwas

expandedin1997andisamainemployerinBrooks.

Thecityexperiencedsignificantpopulationgrowthfrom1996until2012,

includingsignificantnumbersofimmigrants.TheXLFoodsLakesidePackers

facilityactedtodrawnewcomerstothecity,andtheirpresencecontributedto

shapingthecityanditspoliticalculture.Asisevidencedthroughtheanalysisofthe

localnewspaper,TheBrooksBulletin,theseimmigrantshadanimpactonthe

politicalcultureofthecity.

InordertorevealtheimpactonthepoliticalcultureofBrooksbyimmigrants

arrivingfrom1996until2012,twoindicatorsofpoliticalengagementwillbe

examined.Electionresultsfromtheprovincialelectionsfrom1996until2012will

bereviewed,andnewspaperarticlespublishedinTheBrooksBulletinduringthe

monthssurroundingtheseelectionperiodswillbeexamined.

DemographicChangesfrom1996-2012

ThepotentialimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofBrooks,

Alberta,canbeunderstoodthroughanexaminationofthecity’sdemographic

changesfrom1996until2012.Thisisaccomplishedbyanalyzingtheresultsfrom

Canadiancensusesthatwereheldin1996,2001,2006,and2011,aswellasthe

NationalHouseholdSurveythatwasconductedin2011.TheNationalHousehold

Surveyprovidesinformationonimmigrationandethnoculturaldiversity;education

andlabour;mobilityandmigration;incomeandhousing(StatisticsCanada,2015d).

Itwasheldasasupplementaryadditiontothe2011census.Censusresults

discussedinthefollowinganalysisareportrayedinTable6.

41

Asseeninthepreviouschapter,theanalysisoftheresultsofthecensuses

andtheNationalHouseholdSurveybeginswithunderstandingthetermsusedin

referencetopopulation.Thethreecategoriesusedtodistinguishthecitizenship

statusoftherespondentincludethetermsnon-immigrant,immigrant,andnon-

permanentresident1.

1996Census

Atthe1996Canadiancensus,thepopulationofBrookswas10,093persons

and90.56%spoketheEnglishlanguageastheirmothertongue.Themajorityofthe

town’spopulation,92.14%,identifiedthemselvesasnon-immigrantswhileonly

6.74%wereimmigrants.Thenon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksin1996

wasnon-existent.

1Thetermnon-immigrantreferstopersonsborninCanada,orthoseborn

outsideofCanadawithCanadiancitizenshipbybirth;thesepersonsdidnotimmigratetoCanada(StatisticsCanada,2013a).Thetermimmigrantreferstopersonswhoare,orhaveeverbeen,landedimmigrantsorpermanentresidents,andwhohavebeengrantedtherighttolivepermanentlyinCanadabyimmigrationauthorities(StatisticsCanada,2015f).Thetermsnon-immigrantandimmigrantcanrefertopersonswhoareCanadiancitizens. Conversely,thetermnon-permanentresidentisusedtoindicateapersonfromacountryotherthanCanadawhoisinpossessionofaworkorstudypermit,orwhoisarefugeeclaimant,aswellasnon-Canadian-bornfamilymemberwholiveswiththeminCanada(StatisticsCanada,2015f).

42

1996-2001

ThetotalpopulationofBrooksincreasedby14.97%between1996and

2001;thiswasthelargestriseinpopulationforthecityduringtheperiodfrom

1996until2011.ThepopulationincreasethatoccurredinBrooksfrom1996until

2001wasprimarilycomprisedofimmigrantpersons;theimmigrantpopulation

roseby36.76%duringthisperiod,whilethenon-immigrantpopulationincreased

byonly12.47%.Additionally,Brooksexperiencedthearrivalof50non-permanent

residentpersonsfrom1996until2001.Thismarkedashiftforthecitysinceits

non-permanentresidentpopulationin1996waszero.

AlthoughthecityofBrooksexperienceditslargestincreaseintotal

populationbetween1996and2001,itsmostsubstantialpopulationshiftoccurred

between2001and2006.Theoverallpopulationincreasedminimallyduringthis

periodat7.70%;however,theimmigrantpopulationincreasedby123.66%.Thisis

notablebecauseofthesignificantincreaseintheimmigrantpopulation,andbecause

thisincreaseoccurredinBrooksduringaperiodofminimaltotalpopulation

growth.Theoutcomewasashiftinthedemographiccompositionofthecity,which

wasalsobolsteredbytheadditionof125non-permanentresidentsduringthis

period.Theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksreached

17.64%in2006,anincreaseofover10%from1996.

Theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksincreased

againbetween2006and2011,from17.64%ofthetotalpopulationtocomprising

23.90%.Thisincludedasignificantincreaseinthenumberofnon-permanent

residents,from125to505persons.Despiteaminimalincreaseinthetotal

populationofonly6.62%duringthisperiod,thedemographiccompositionofthe

citywasmarkedlydifferentin2011.Ofthetotalpopulationin2011,only73.55%

reportedthattheirfirstlanguagewasEnglishonly,while23.45%indicatedthat

theirfirstlanguagewasneitherEnglish,norFrench.Thissharplycontraststhe

resultsfrom1996,when90.56%indicatedthattheirfirstlanguagewasEnglish

only,and6.99%ofthepopulationrespondedthattheirfirstlanguagewasneither

English,norFrench.

43

TheanalysisoftheresultsfromCanadiancensusesthatwereheldin1996,

2001,2006,and2011,aswellastheNationalHouseholdSurveythatwasconducted

in2011,revealthatBrooksexperiencedsignificantchangesinitsdemographic

compositionfrom1996until2011.Brooksexperiencedasubstantialinfluxof

immigrantpersonsbetween2001and2006,coincidingwiththelowest

unemploymentrateexperiencedbythecity,3.0%,duringtheperiodfrom1996to

2012.ThissuggeststhatthesettlementofimmigrantpersonsinBrookswasrelated

toavailableemploymentopportunitiesinthecity,suchasthoseatLakesidePackers.

Moreover,theresultsfromthecensusesandtheNationalHouseholdSurveyindicate

thatBrooksexperiencedadramaticdemographicshiftfrom1996until2012.The

percentageofthepopulationcomprisedofimmigrantandnon-permanentresident

personsincreasedfrom6.74%in1996to23.90%in2011.

Thebelowtablesportraysthecensusresultsrelatedtolanguage.

44

Itisinterestingtonotethatthereareincreasesinthetotalpopulation

accordingtonon-officiallanguagesandFrenchonlyastherespondent’smother

tongue,whilethetotalpopulationofrespondentswithEnglishastheirfirst

languagedecreasedfrom1996until2011.

Thebelowtableprovidestheeconomicdatafromthefourcensuses.

Thelowunemploymentratefromin2006discussedaboveisdisplayedinthese

results.

ProvincialElectionResults

Conservativepartiesledtheprovincialelectionsthatoccurredinthe

divisionofStrathmore-Brooks,whichincludesthecityofBrooks,duringtheperiod

from1996until2012.TheprovincialelectoraldivisionofStrathmore-Brooks,

whichalsoencompassesStrathmore,Gleichen,Duchess,andBassano,elected

candidatesfromtheProgressiveConservativesinthe1997,2001,2004,and2008

elections.TheProgressiveConservativecandidatesreceivedasignificant

percentageofthevotesintheseelections,butthe2012electionmarkedashiftin

provincialpoliticsinStrathmore-Brooksfromamoremoderateconservatismtoa

45

morestridentright-wingparty.TheWildroseAlliancePartywassuccessfulinthe

2012election,endingthelongheldProgressiveConservativereigninthisdivision.

Byexaminingtheprovincialelectoralresultsfromthedivisionof

Strathmore-Brooks,afurtherunderstandingisgainedofthepoliticalcultureof

Brooks,andtheimpactfromthearrivalofimmigrantsduringtheperiodfrom1996

until2012.Immigrantshaveanimpactonelectionresultsbyvoting,iftheypossess

Canadiancitizenship.However,asnotallimmigrantspossessCanadiancitizenship,

theirimpactextendsbeyondvotingtoapre-Citizenshipinteractionwiththeir

neighbours,theircommunity,andthevariouslevelsofgovernment.Issuesof

concerninthecommunityduringelectionperiodshavethepotentialtoinfluence

voters,andtheseissuesarenotrestrictedtoresidentswhoareCanadiancitizens.

Forexample,votingresidentsmaybeconcernedaboutashortageofhousingrelated

toaninfluxofnewcomers.Thediscoursesurroundingthisissuecouldinvolve

votingCanadiancitizens,aswellasnon-votingpermanentresidents,andnon-

permanentresidents.Therefore,thepotentialimpactofimmigrantsonthepolitical

cultureofBrooksispresentregardlessofwhetherimmigrantsareengagingas

votingCanadiancitizens,orasnon-votingpermanentresidents,andnon-permanent

residents.

TheProgressiveConservativeswereelectedintheStrathmore-Brooks

divisionfrom1997until2008.ThecandidatefortheProgressiveConservativesin

the1997,2001,and2004electionswasLyleOberg;inthe2008and2012elections

itwasArnoDoerksen.Withtheexceptionofthe2012election,thestabilityin

ProgressiveConservativecandidateshadapositiverelationshipwiththepercentage

ofvotesreceived,whichrangedbetweenalowof64.05%in2004toahighof

75.09%in2001.

Theachievementof75.09%ofvotesreceivedbytheProgressive

Conservativesinthe2001electioncoincidedwiththehighestpercentageofvotes

receivedbytheLiberalParty,15.52%,duringtheperiodfrom1997until2012.The

2001electionalsowitnessedthelowestpercentageofvotesreceivedfortheNew

DemocraticPartyandtheSocialCreditduringthisperiod,thoughtheSocialCredit

didnothaveacandidateinthe2008and2012elections.Thisisinterestingto

46

considerasitsuggeststhatvotersin2001mayhavebeendrawntomorecentre

partiesfromthepolarizedleftandrightoftheNewDemocraticPartyandtheSocial

Credit.

Voterturnoutinthe2001electionwasnotmarkedlydifferentthanturnout

inthe1997election,increasingminimallyfrom46.87%to46.91%,andthe

unemploymentrateatthetimehaddecreasedby0.6%sincethepreviouselectionin

1997.However,thecityofBrooksexperienceditslargestincreaseintotal

populationbetween1996and2001,andthiscouldhaveimpactedthepoliticalparty

choiceofvotersduetothepressureonthecityduringthisperiodtorespondto

issuesofgrowthandexpansion.

ThevoterturnoutinthedivisionofStrathmore-Brooksdeclinedsharplyin

the2004and2008elections,droppingaslowas35.56%.Despitetheapparent

connectionbetweenanincreaseinthetotalpopulation,voterturnout,andashiftin

votesreceivedbypoliticalparties,the2004provincialelectionresultsdispelany

parallel.ThecityofBrooksexperiencedanincreaseof123.66%initsimmigrant

populationfrom2001and2006,yetthevoterturnoutinthe2004and2008

electionswasthelowestduringtheperiodfrom1997until2012.

TheLiberalPartyandtheNewDemocraticPartydidnotmaintainthe

stabilityincandidatesdemonstratedbytheProgressiveConservatives.Withthe

exceptionoftheNewDemocraticPartycandidateinthe2001and2004elections,

theLiberalPartyandtheNewDemocraticPartyhaddifferentcandidatesineach

electionfrom1997until2012.

TheLiberalPartyreceivedafairlyconsistentpercentageofvotesinthe1997,

2001,2004,and2008,elections,rangingfrom9.69%to15.52%.Notably,the

lowestpercentageofvotesreceivedfortheLibertyParty,9.69%,occurredinthe

2008electionwhentheWildroseAlliancePartymadeitsfirstappearanceonthe

provincialballot.Althoughnotabletogainthemajorityofthevotesreceivedinthe

Strathmore-Brooksdivision,theLiberalPartymaintaineditssecondplaceposition

behindtheProgressiveConservativesinthe1997,2001,2004and2008elections.

ThisconsistencyinvotingresultswasnotsharedbyNewDemocraticParty.

47

ThepercentageofvotesreceivedbytheNewDemocraticPartyinthe1997,

2001,2004,and2008,electionsrangedbetween2.54%and6.02%.Althoughthe

NewDemocraticPartyconsistentlyreceivedfewervotesthantheLiberalPartyand

theProgressiveConservatives,itisinterestingtonotethatitalsoreceivedalower

percentageofthevotesthantheWildroseAlliancePartyinthe2008election.

However,theNewDemocraticPartycameinthirdplaceinthe2012electionbehind

theWildroseAlliancePartyandtheProgressiveConservatives;thisisnotable

becauseitisonlytimeduringtheperiodfrom1997until2012thattheNew

DemocraticPartyreceivedmorevotesthantheLiberalParty.

The2012electionmarkedachangeintheprovincialpoliticsofthe

Strathmore-Brooksdivision.TheWildroseAlliancePartywaselectedwith55.58%

ofthevotesreceived,andtheProgressiveConservativesreceivedonly39.13%of

thevotes.Whileoverallvoterturnoutincreasedby16.86%from2008until2012,

theWildroseAlliancePartyitselfgainedanincreaseinvotesof772.41%.

The2012electionresultsindicatedashiftinvotersbetweenthesetwo

conservativesparties,andrevealastrongshiftinthepoliticalcultureofthe

provincialelectoraldivisionofStrathmore-Brookstowardstheright-wingWildrose

AllianceParty,awayfromthemoremoderateProgressiveConservatives.Thisshift

isindicativeofmajorchangesinthefabricofBrooksasacommunity.

48

NewspaperReview–TheBrooksBulletin

Inordertoexpandtheanalysisoftheimpactofimmigrantsonthepolitical

cultureofBrooks,adetailedreviewofthelocalnewspaper,TheBrooksBulletin,was

undertaken.Newspapersreflectissuesoflocalconcern,andthecorresponding

49

publicdiscourse,therebyactingasindicatorsofpoliticalengagementandcreating

portraitsofthepoliticalcultureofacommunity.Thisisespeciallyevidentduring

periodssurroundingprovincialelections.Therefore,theexaminationofTheBrooks

Bulletinisfocusedonthetwomonthsprecedinganelection,themonthofan

election,andthemonthfollowinganelection.Thisfourmonthperiodprovidesa

spotlightonthemajorissuesofcommunityconcernandpublicdiscourse,

contributingtoaportraitofthepoliticalcultureofBrooks.TheBrooksBulletinwas

reviewedoverfourmonthperiodsin1997;1998;2001;2004;2007;2008;2010;

and2012,asdisplayedinthetablebelow.

SeveralmajorthemesarepresentedinTheBrooksBulletinfrom1997until

2012,includingNewcomersandtheXLFoodsLakesidePackersprocessingfacility,

Infrastructure,andSafeCommunities.Thesethemesarecommonlyinterwoven,

andoftenappearasinterrelateddiscussions.

ThethemeofNewcomersandtheLakesidePackersfacilityisprevalentin

TheBrooksBulletin,whichisindicativeofacityattemptingtocometotermswitha

shiftinitsdemographiccomposition.Aneditorialin1998,publishedapproximately

20monthsaftertheopeningoftheexpandedLakesidePackers,describedthe

negativeimpactonBrooksfromthearrivalofnewpersonstothecity.TheEditor

associatedanincreaseinbreak-ins,pettytheft,androbberies,withtheinfluxof

hundredsofnewcomerstoBrooksintheyearspreceding1998,statingthat:

“…manyofthesepeopledonothavetheresourcestosupportthemselvesoncetheyarriveandsothereisgreatpressureonoursocialsupport

50

systems…thisfolks,iswhatiscausingotherstoleaveBrooks.”(Nesbitt,1998,p.A4)

Concernwasalsoexpressedthatthesenewcomers,specificallyreferredtoashaving

arrivedduetotheexpansionofLakesidePackers,didnothavechildren;thiswas

reflectedintheenrolmentnumbersatlocalschoolsin1998(Parker,1998,p.A1).

Thecity’sdiversedemographiccompositionresultedinBrooks’inclusionina

discussiontourrelatedtochangestotheTemporaryForeignWorkersprogramin

2010;approximately2,000TemporaryForeignWorkerslivedinthecityatthat

time,mostemployedattheLakesidePackersfacility(Stanway,2010b,p.A8).

However,employmentofdiversecommunitiesattheLakesidePackers

facilityencounteredsomechallenges.In2004,agroupofprimarilySudanese

personsallegedthatLakesidePackershadterminatedthemduetotheirprotestof

workingconditionsandracismatthefacility.Officiallyterminatedformisconduct,

thisgrouphaddifficultyobtainingEmploymentInsuranceandmetwithafederal

MemberofParliamenttodiscusstheirconcerns(Ocol,2004,p.A1).Interestingly,

theallegationsofpoorworkingconditionsandracismatLakesidePackerswere

refutedbyanotheremployeeofAfricanheritageatthefacilityinalettertothe

Editor.

“WehaveamongusinBrooksfromAfrica,doctors,engineers,teachers,nursesandyoucannamethemall,doingvariousjobseitherrelatetoourfieldofeducationornot,thatisourindividualchoice.Therefore,newcomerspublicizingtheirpersonaljobrelatedmatterusingtheSudanesepeopleasbeingdiscriminatedatisverysadanddisgracefultotherestofusfromAfrica”(Obeng,2004,p.A6).

ThislettertotheEditorexpressesfrustrationwiththefiredemployeeslabeling

theirsituationasbeingtheresultofracism,andaptlydescribesthevarious

professionalandeducationalbackgroundsofthenewcomerslivingandworkingin

Brooks.

AnarticlefeaturingacandidatefortheCityCouncilduringthe2010

municipalelectionhighlightsthepresenceofimmigrantnewcomersinBrooks,and

theirinvolvementwiththecommunity.AhmedKassem,animmigrantfromAfrica

andanassistanthealthsafetymanageratXLFoodsLakesidePackers,statedthathe

51

wasrunningtobringnewperspectivesandtodemonstratetonewcomersthatthey

canparticipateinsocioeconomicactivities(Stanway,2010a,p.A10).

“Whentheyseeanimmigrantpersonrunning,itwillencouragethem,notonlytovote,buttoconsiderwheretheystandinsociety.”(ascitedinStanway,2010a,p.A10).

JustasthisarticleindicatesthatimmigrantsinBrooksweremakinganeffort

toparticipateinthecommunity,itisclearfromanarticleinTheBrooksBulletinthat

thecitywasmakinganefforttoaccommodatethesenewcomers,andtorespondto

theemergingsocialneeds.AsettlementagencyoperatingatLakesidePackers,

SAAMISImmigration,offeredsupportandlanguageclassestoemployeesfrom

abroad,includingIraq,Somalia,Ethiopia,andCambodia(Vineburg,1998e,p.A2).In

addition,thefoodbankoperatinginBrooksreceivedactivecommunitysupport

(“Communitypullstogether”,2001,p.A6).However,theneedforintensesupport

ofthefoodbankfromtheresidentsofBrooksisperhapsindicativeofthebroader

communitychangesunderwayduringthisperiod,especiallyinrelationtothecity’s

expandingpopulationandinfrastructureneeds.

TheconcernforInfrastructurefeaturesregularlyinTheBrooksBulletin,and

isamarkerofthecity’sincreasingpopulation.Thediscussionisfocusedonthe

repairofroadsandbridgesinthecommunity,aswellastheexpansionofroadsto

supportthegrowthofthecity.FundingfromtheProvincialgovernmentin1998

wasallocatedbythecityofBrookstolocalroadimprovementssuchasrepaving

(Vineburg,1998d,p.A8).

Thetopicofroadinfrastructureisalsoclearlylinkedtosafety,andmany

articlesinTheBrooksBulletinhighlightedissuesofvehiclesaccidents.The

intersectionatHighway1andCassilsRoadeastofBrooksdominatedthepublic

discoursearoundtrafficsafetystartingin1998,andthedemandforanoverpass

wasidentifiedbytheBrookscouncilasapriorityin2001(“Townsets”,2001,p.A7).

Furthermore,specificconcernwasraisedaboutthesafetyoftheintersectionon

Highway1attheLakesidePackersfacility,westofBrooks(Burgess,1997a,p.A3).

SafetyiscloselylinkedtoadiscourseofcrimeinTheBrooksBulletin,a

centralsubjectoftheSafeCommunitiestheme.Anarticleinearly1997announced

52

thatthelocalRoyalCanadianMountedPolice(RCMP)detachmentwouldbesending

regularupdatestomediaoutletsinBrooksonthecrimeoccurringinthecommunity

(Stroud,1997,p.A8).ContinuedcommunicationfromtheRCMPtothecommunity

throughTheBrooksBulletinalsoincludedawarningforbusinessestotakeextra

precautionstosecuretheirpropertyfromvandalismandtheft(Vineburg,2001b,p.

A1).VandalismandtheftcontinuedtobeissuesofconcerninBrooksinrelationto

homesandvehicles(Break-ins,2010,p.A4).

ThisdiscourseoncrimeinTheBrooksBulletinisinterestingtoconsiderin

relationtothepopulationincreaseexperiencedbythecity.TheRCMPdetachment

inBrookswentsofarastodirectlycorrelatethepopulationrisetoanincreaseof

2,500%inthenumberofpersonsheldforintoxicationbetween1996and1997.

“Itisasignofchangesinthetown…Asignofmorepeopleabusingalcoholandasignperhapsofmoreyoungpeopleintown.”(ascitedinBurgess,1997b,p.A1).

TheassociationofthepopulationincreasewithcrimebythelocalRCMPreflectsan

issueofconcerninthecommunity.Thisconcernexpandedtootherissuesofcrime

andsafetyinBrooksduringthisperiod,includingwomen’ssafety.TheBrooks&

DistrictWomen’sSafeShelterSocietyfeaturedregularlyinTheBrooksBulletin,and

itisnotablethatapermanentlocationwasopenedin2001(Parker,2001,p.A3).

ReportsofcrimeinTheBrooksBulletinfrequentlyreferredtoemployeesat

LakesidePackers,suchastheattemptedsexualassaultofafemaleemployeeatone

ofthetemporaryhousingtrailersatthefacility(“Womanfights”,2001,p.A1).

Additionally,publicationsalsoreferredmoreindirectlytothenewcomerpopulation

ofthecity.Anarticledescribingtheoutcomeofatrialdescribedhow“allthe

testimonyhadtotranslatedintoArabic”(“Trialfinds”,1998,p.B3).Thisis

interestingbecauseitdemonstratesthatthecommunitydiscoursearoundSafe

Communitiesandcrimewaslinkeddirectlytotheimmigrantandnon-permanent

residentpopulationofthecity,ratherthantheoverallincreasetothepopulationof

Brooks.

HousingwasalsoaprimaryaspectofthethemeofSafeCommunities,andit

isrepeatedlyfeaturedinTheBrooksBulletinintermsofavailabilityand

53

developmentrelatedtocommunitygrowth,linkingitcloselytothethemeof

Infrastructure.Thehousingdiscussionbeginswiththeestablishmentofahousing

registrybyTownofBrooksandtheChamberofCommerceinearly1997,toassist

employeesatLakesidePackersandothernewcomerswithobtainingrental

accommodation(“Housingregistry”,1997,p.A1).Thiswasshortlyafterthe

openingoftheexpandedLakesidePackersfacilityafewmonthsearlierinJanuary

1997,andisindicativetheimmediateimpactthatthisprocessingplanthadon

Brooks.

Housingsalesincreasedin1998inBrooks,anindicationoftheneedfor

housinginthecommunity“eventhoughpotentialhomeownerscanfindcheaper

realestatein[nearby]LethbridgeorMedicineHat”(Vineburg,1998b,p.A6).The

needforhousinginthecitywasalsoarticulatedthroughtheactivepresenceof

HabitatforHumanity,whichbuiltitssecondhouseinBrooksin2001(Vineburg,

2001a,p.B5).

ThetopicofhousinginBrooksislinkedtoabroaderdiscussionof

Infrastructure,development,andgrowthinthecity.Aplanforaffordablehousing

constructioninthesoutheastofBrooks,andtheallowanceofrentalunitsinthe

single-familyhomeneighbourhoodofPleasantPark,raiseddiscontentduringa

municipalelectionforumin1998(Vineburg,1998f,p.A1).Althoughresidents

raisedconcernovertheinclusionofrentalunitswithinestablishedsubdivisions

suchasPleasantPark,thedevelopmentofnewhousinginthesoutheastsectorof

thecitycreatedapprehensionbecauseofitshomogenousnature.JeremySturgess,

thearchitectwhodesignedthesoutheastsectorplan,statedthatintentofthe

developer,Genesis,toseparatemulti-familyunitsfromsinglefamilyhomescould

haveadrasticimpact.

“Itwasveryimportantforusnottoghettoizethesoutheastsectorbuttointegrateavarietyofincometypes.”(ascitedinVineburg,1997c,p.A1).TherelationshipbetweenhousingandnewcomersinBrooksishighlighted

byanarticledispellingthenotionthatapplicantsformortgageswerebeingdenied

bycommunitybanksduetotheirrecentarrivalinthecity.

54

“…threelocalbankscontactedbyTheBrooksBulletindenythatanyonehasbeenturneddownforamortgageiftheyhaven’tlivedinBrooksforaperiodoftime.”(Vineburg,1998a,p.C2)

ThearticlesinTheBrooksBulletinduringthisperiodsuggestthatthediscussionof

housingwasinterrelatedwithbothoverallpopulationgrowth,aswellasthe

presenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidents.Thisdiscoursewasveiledat

times,suchasduringthediscussionofghettoizingthenewhousingdevelopments

throughhomogenoushousing.However,itwasalsofeaturedovertlyandindirect

relationtonewcomers.Therefore,thediscussionofhousinginTheBrooksBulletin

demonstratestheimpactofthepresenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanent

residentsonthepoliticalcultureofBrooks,asthepresenceinthecommunityhas

givenrisetoanewsetofissues.

Conclusion

Theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksincreased

substantiallyfrom1996until2011,from6.74%to23.90%.Thisisimportant

becausenearlyonequarterofthecityofBrookswascomprisedofimmigrantsand

non-permanentresidentsby2011,despiteanoverallpopulationincreaseof

32.02%.TheresultisthatthedemographiccompositionofBrooksshiftedduring

thisperiod,forcingthecitytorespondtoissuesofgrowthandexpansion,aswellas

thoserelateddirectlytothepresenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidents

withinthecommunity.

ThethemesofNewcomersandtheXLFoodsLakesidePackersprocessing

facility,Infrastructure,andSafeCommunities,inTheBrooksBulletinrevealthat

Brooksstruggledwithinterrelatedissuesofpopulationgrowthanddemographic

changesduringthisperiod.However,thereisnoapparentconnectionbetweenthe

provincialpoliticalshiftfromtheProgressiveConservativestotheWildroseAlliance

Party,andthepresenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidentsinBrooks.

55

ChapterVConclusion

Thisthesisexaminedtheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalculturesof

Brooks,Alberta,andHighRiver,Alberta,throughacross-unitstudyfrom1996until

2012.ItwasanticipatedthatthepoliticalcultureofBrookshadchanged

significantlyfrom1996until2012,andthatthepoliticalcultureofHighRiverhad

remainedconstantoverthisperiod.Thetwoindicatorsofpoliticalengagement

usedtoconductthisexamination,votingresultsfromprovincialelectionsandlocal

newspaperpublications,revealedthatthishypothesiswasaccurate.

TheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofHighRiverandBrooks

isrevealedthroughthefirstindicatorofpoliticalengagement,votingresultsfrom

provincialelections.Thevotingresultsfromtheprovincialelectionsduringthis

periodindicatethatbothHighRiverandBrooksexperiencedasimilarshiftintheir

votingpatternsattheprovinciallevel.

Intheprovincialelectionsheldin1997,2001,2004,and2008,theelectoral

divisionsofHighwoodandStrathmore-Brookssimilarlydemonstratedconsistency

intheirelectionoftheProgressiveConservativecandidates.Moreover,the

ProgressiveConservativesdemonstratedstabilityintheseridingsbyhavingthe

samecandidatesrepeatedinconsecutiveelections.TheProgressiveConservative

candidateintheHighwooddivisionwasthesameinthe1997and2001elections,

andinthe2004and2008elections,whiletheProgressiveConservativecandidatein

theStrathmore-Brooksdivisionremainedthesameinthe1997,2001,and2004

elections,aswellasinthe2008and2012elections.

Aparallelbetweenthetwoelectoraldivisionscanalsobedrawnintermsof

voterturnoutintheprovincialelections.WhilethevoterturnoutinStrathmore-

BrooksremainedlowerthaninHighwoodineachoftheprovincialelections,it

followedthesameoverallpatterninbothdivisions.Inthe1997and2001elections,

voterturnoutinHighwoodremainedstable,fallingslightlyfrom56.36%to55.95%.

InStrathmore-Brooks,itwasalsoconstant,risingminimallyfrom46.87%46.91%.

Inthe2004and2008elections,thedivisionofHighwoodexperiencedvoterturnout

56

of45.04%and40.97%;inStrathmore-Brooks,voterturnouthadalsodecreased

fromthe1997and2001elections,to35.96%in2004and35.56%in2008.

WhilevoterturnoutinHighwoodandStrathmore-Brooksreacheditslowest

pointinthe2008election,itrosesignificantlytoitshighestlevelinthe2012

election,to58.76%inHighwoodand52.42%inStrathmore-Brooks.Thisis

especiallyinterestingintermsoftheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalculture

ofHighRiverandBrooks.Thefederalcensusdatarevealsthatbothcommunities

experiencedthelargestincreaseintheiroverallpopulationsbetween1996and

2001,correspondingwithsubstantialandstablevoterturnoutinthe1997and2001

provincialelections.

HighRiverandBrooksbothwitnessedthemostsignificantincreasestotheir

immigrantpopulationsbetween2001and2006,andtotheirnon-permanent

residentpopulationsbetween2006and2001.Whenconsideredinrelationtothe

censusdata,itisinterestingtonotethatthevoterturnoutinbothcommunities

decreasedduringtheperiodsofsignificantimmigration,andthearrivalof

significantnumbersofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidents(2004and2008

elections).However,thevoterturnoutrosedramaticallyinbothHighwoodand

Strathmore-Brooksinthe2012election,followingaperiodinwhichtheimmigrant

andnon-permanentresidentspopulationshadbeenresidinginHighRiverand

Brooksforafewyears.

Thecensusdataandtheresultsoftheprovincialelectionsappeartoindicate

thatthepoliticalculturesofthesecommunitieswerebothunaffectedby

immigrationfrom1996until2012.However,thesecondpoliticalindicatorofthe

localnewspapersleadstothebeliefthatthisisonlythecaseforHighRiver.The

localnewspapersleadtotheunderstandingthatHighRiverwasimpactedby

changestoitsoverallpopulationandtheexpansionofthecommunity,whileBrooks

wasspecificallyaffectedbyincreasestoitsimmigrantandnon-permanentresident

populations.

NearlyonequarterofthecityofBrookswascomprisedofimmigrantsand

non-permanentresidentsby2011.Theimpactofthisdemographicshiftonthe

politicalcultureofBrooksisexposedthroughthediscoursefoundinthelocal

57

newspaper,TheBrooksBulletin.BrookswasfacedwithissuesofSafeCommunities

duringtheperiodfrom1996until2012,aswellassignificantchallengesrelatedto

Infrastructure.ThethemesofNewcomersfeaturedprominentlyinthelocal

newspaperduringthisperiod,anditwasinterwovenwiththediscussionoftheXL

FoodsLakesidePackersmeatprocessingfacility,whichdominatedthecommunity’s

discourse.

Inanalyzingtheresultsofthisstudy,itisinterestingtoconsiderthepresence

ofthemeatpackingplantsinbothHighRiverandBrooksintermsoftheimpactof

immigrationonthepoliticalcultureofthesecommunities.BothHighRiverand

Brookshavebeenaffectedbytheexistenceofmeatpackingfacilitiesasmajor

employersintheircommunities.CargillMeatSolutionsinHighRiveremploys2,000

people(Cargill,2016,para.2),whileXLFoodsLakesidePackershasover2,000

employees(JBSFood,n.d.,para.2).Thisistheresultofafocusedeffortbythe

provincialgovernment,whichidentifiedmeatpackingoperationsasamethodofjob

creation,encouragedbylowtaxesandlowwagesforworkers(Broadway,2001,p.

42).

However,theemergenceofthemeatpackingindustryhashadsubstantial

impactseconomically,aswellassociallyandpolitically,withincommunities.

Broadwaystatesthatbeefpackingasaprocessshiftedfromurbancentrestorural

communitiesstartinginthe1960s,withtheemergenceoftheIowaBeefPackers

(IBP)companyintheUnitedStates1961(Broadway,2001,p.40).TheIowaBeef

Packersimplementedanassemblylinestructuretothebeefpacking,inplaceofthe

traditionalskilledbutchermethod(Broadway,2001,p.41).Theeffectofthis

restructuringwastwofold:productionwasincreased,whiletheneedforskilled

labourerswasreduced.

BroadwayofferstheexampleofIBP’sFinneyCountyfacilityinKansasto

illustratethesocialconsequencesonruralcommunitiesofthehiringpracticesofthe

meatpackingindustry.InFinneyCounty,IBPrecruitedlocallabour,aswellas

recentnewcomersfromLatincountries,aswellasSouthEastAsia(Broadway,2001,

p.43).Socialservicesinthecommunitywerehighlypressuredbythesudden

populationgrowth,whichhadresultedinahousingshortage,andtheincreased

58

presenceofyoungimmigrantfamilieswhocametoFinneyCountytoworkinthe

IBPfacility(Broadway,2001,p.43).From1980to1985,thepopulationofGarden

CityinFinneyCountyroseby6,000peopleandthecrimerateincreasedduringthis

periodaswell,by40percent(Broadway,2001,p.43).

BroadwayattributesthechangeinthecrimerateinFinneyCountyfrom

1980to1986,andtheincreaseddemandinsocialservices,withthepresenceof

young,singlemalesandrecentimmigrantsdrawntothecommunitybyjobsinthe

meatprocessingfacility.Itispossibletoconcludethatthesecommunitychanges

hadasubstantialimpactonthepoliticalcultureofthearea.

Themeatpackingindustryhasundergonemanychangestoimprove

productioncosts.However,theemphasisonusingcapitaltoreducelabourhas

arguablyhadthegreatesteffectonthecommunitiesinwhichthesefacilitiesare

located.Assemblylineproductioninmeatpackingfacilitiesmeansthatworkersare

oflowskillandareunderpaid.Inthistypeofassemblylineproductioninmeat

processing,workersperformasingletask(Broadway,2001,p.41)andsincethese

tasksaremanual,assemblylinepositionsareappealingtonon-Englishspeaking

immigrantsandrefugees(Broadway,2001,p.44).Thishasthepotentialtocreate

thesocialissuesexperiencedbyFinneyCountyinKansas.

WhilethediscourseinthelocalnewspapershasleadtothebeliefthatBrooks

experiencedsocialissuesrelatedtotheincreaseinitsimmigrantandnon-

permanentresidentpopulations,categorizedinthethemeofNewcomers,thisisnot

thecaseforHighRiver.HighRiverappearstohaveexperiencedchallengesmore

relatedtotheoverallpopulationgrowthandthecorrespondingexpansionofits

community.Thedifferentimpactonthepoliticalcultureofthesecommunitiesby

theinfluxofimmigrationfrom1996until2012isclear,andispossiblyassociated

withtheproximityofthesecommunitiestomajorurbancentres.

HighRiverandBrooksarebothlocatedinsouthernAlberta,butitispossible

thatHighRiver’sproximitytoCalgaryhasoffsettheimpactofimmigrationtothe

politicalcultureofthistown.ThenearbyurbancentreofCalgaryappearstohave

absorbedmanyofthesocialpressuresstemmingfromtheincreasedpopulationof

immigrantsandnon-permanentresidentsinHighRiver.Conversely,Brookshas

59

experiencedadifferentrealityduetoitsisolationfromanylargecities.Thishas

resultedinamorepronouncedimpactonthepoliticalcultureofthiscity,asthe

immigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationhasfosteredsignificantsocial

andpoliticalpressuresthathavecontributedtoimpactingthepoliticalcultureof

Brooks.

TheunderstandingofpoliticalcultureputforthbyAlmondandVerbaasthe

distributionofpatternsoforientationtowardspoliticalobjects(Almond&Verba,

1963,p.15)canbeappliedtotheresultsofthisstudyforbothHighRiverand

Brooks.AlmondandVerbaarguedthatpoliticalpartiesandmediaof

communication,aspoliticalobjectswithintheinputprocess,areinvolvedwiththe

transmissionofdemandsfromsocietyintothepoliticalgovernment,wherethese

demandsarethentransformedintopolicies(Almond&Verba,1963,p.15).The

politicalindicatorsofprovincialelectionresultsandlocalnewspapersrevealthat

thereisadistinctrelationshipbetweenpoliticalcultureandtheorientationof

societytowardspoliticalpartiesandlocalnewspapersasthepoliticalobjectsinthe

inputprocess.

Moreover,theimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofBrooksis

alignedwithWiseman’sunderstandingofpoliticalcultureasdominantvalues

revealedthroughasociety’sideology,policies,andritualizedpractices.By

examiningthepoliticalculturesofHighRiverandBrooksthroughthepolitical

indicatorsofvotingresultsfromprovincialelectionsandthelocalnewspapers,

politicalengagementinHighRiverandBrookswasmeasuredduringtheperiod

from1996until2012.Thelocalnewspaperindicatorofpoliticalengagement

providesaportraitofthepoliticalculturesofHighRiverandBrooksthrough

linkagestopoliticalsocialization.Ineffect,thisdiscourseishowdominantvalues

aretransmitted.

Whileaneffectiveindicatorofpoliticalengagement,theresultsfromthe

provincialelectionswerelimitedtotheridingsinwhichHighRiverandBrooksare

located.Thiscontributedtoanoverallportraitoftheprovincialpoliticsofthese

communitiesbuttheresultscouldbefurtherrefinedinfuturestudiestospecificpoll

stations.Thiscouldrevealsignificantdetailaboutthevotingresultsfromspecific

60

populationswithinHighRiverandBrooks,butwouldrequireidentifyingthe

neighbourhoodsinwhichimmigrantsandnewCanadiansresidewithinthese

municipalities.

Furthmore,theindicatorsofpoliticalengagementusedinthisthesiswere

limitedintermsofpoliticalattitudes,values,andpractices.Itwouldbeeffectiveto

employsurveysofresidents,includingnon-immigrant,immigrant,andnon-

permanentresident,respondents;thiscouldcontributeaportraitofattitudesand

beliefsheldbyresidents,andwouldofferinsightintomunicipalpoliticalculture.

HighRiverandBrooksprovidedaneffectivecomparisontoexaminethe

influenceofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofacommunity.Theyare

comparableintermsofbothpopulationsizeandeconomicindustry,buttheir

varyingdemographiccompositionresultingfromdifferentimmigrantandnon-

permanentresidentpopulationsprovidesavaluableopportunitytoexaminethe

relationshipbetweenimmigrationandpoliticalculture.WhilebothHighRiverand

Brooksmovedtowardsamorestridentformofconservatismintermsofprovincial

politicsduringtheperiodfrom1996until2012,thediscourseinthelocal

newspaperleadstothebeliefthatthepoliticalcultureofBrookshasbeen

significantlyimpactedbyimmigration.

Thisthesisthereforecontributestothediscussionofpoliticalcultureandthe

influenceofimmigration,whichisincreasinglyimportantasimmigrationtoCanada

continues.

61

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