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Reinterpreting Traditional History in North KoreaAuthor(s): Yng-ho Ch'oeSource: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 40, No. 3 (May, 1981), pp. 503-523Published by: Association for Asian StudiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2054553 .

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VOL. XL, No. 3 JOURNALOF ASIAN STUDIES MAY 1981

Reinterpreting Traditional Historyin North KoreaY6NG-HO CH'OE

ince the imposition of a socialist political system, North Korea has attempted torewrite her history in accordancewith her new Marxist world view. But NorthKorean historians faced a task made difficult by several factors. First, Korea had along record of historical writing rooted deeply in the Confucian tradition, which wasalien to the new ideology. Second, modern historical researchduring the first half ofthe twentieth century was largely dominated by Japanese scholars, who left acontroversialbut strong imprint on the interpretation of Korean history. Overcomingthese two factors alone would have been no easy task. But, to complicate thesituation, North Korean historians pursued two inherently contradictory goals,namely, to interpret Korea's past according to the universalist Marxian historicalsystem, yet to glorify the uniqueness of Korea's historical legacies in order to satisfythe particularistic ego of nationalism.I have elsewhere discussed the role of history in North Korea, pointing out itsnationalist characteristics. The present article will discuss the issues concerningperiodization in North Korea'sreinterpretationof Korea's traditional history.Ever since Karl Marx attempted to interpret history as a lineal progressionthrough primitive communal, slave, feudal, capitalist, and socialist stages, Marxisthistorians have applied this periodic scheme in their studies. For North Korea'shistorians, the question of periodizing the history of their country in terms of theMarxian stages has been important, as shown in the following statement of thejournalY6ksa wahak:

Thetaskof historical cience s to provide cientificunderstandingf the processofsocialdevelopment.Accordingly, o resolvecorrectly,basedon scientific heories,the question of periodization,which contributesgreatly towardunderstandinghistoryas an inexorable rocessof socialprogression,s of fundamentalignificancein systematizing cientifically he people'shistoryof ourcountry.2Thus, the periodization issue has become one of the most importantand controversialissuesamong North Korean historiansand has undergoneseveralimportantrevisions.

Yong-ho Ch'oe is Associate Professor, Depart-ment of History, at the University of Hawaii atManoa.The author wishes to thank Mr. Sam-suk Hahnand Mrs. ChaesoonT. Youngs of the University ofHawaii Library, Mr. Sung-Ha Kim of the Har-vard-Yenching Library, and Professor WatanabeManabuof Musashi University in Tokyo for help-ing him obtain some of the materials that are hardto come by. He is also grateful to Mr. Michael

Macmillan of the University of Hawaii for makingmany valuable suggestions to improve this paper.l "History in North Korea: Its Role and Char-acteristics, "Journalof East and WestStudies YonseiUniversity), no. 1 (1976).2 "Chos6nkuinsesa igi kubun munje e kwanhanhaksul t'oron ch'onghwa" (Summary of the aca-demic discussion on the question of periodizingthe modern period of Korea), Yoksakwahak 1962,no. 6, p. 84. (Hereafter cited as YSKH.)

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504 Y4NG-HO CH'OEAncient Korea

Ever since the historian Paek Nam-un, who applied the Marxian system toKorea'shistory for the first time in the 1930s, classifiedancient Korea beforethe riseof the Three Kingdoms as a primitive communal society and the Three Kingdoms upto the Silla unification in the mid-seventh centuryas a slave society, this periodizationhad been widely accepted by Marxian historians in North and South Korea, as well asin Japan. But, in 1955 and 1956, a North Korean economic historian, KimKwang-jin, published a series of articles in Yoksa kwahak (Historical science)presenting the thesis that Koreahad not experienced a slave society in ancient timesand had instead moved directly from a primitive communal to a feudal stage withoutgoing through a slave-society stage. Actually, a similar view, rejecting the stage of aslave society in Korean history had been proposed by Kim Kwang-jin's felloweconomic historian, Ch6n Sok-tam, when he was teaching at Tongguk Universityin Seoul as late as November 1948, beforehe moved to North Korea.3However, theperiodizationquestionwas not taken up seriously n North Korea until Kim Kwang-jinproposedhis thesis, which immediately touched off a long, bitter controversyamongNorth Korean historians. A number of articles appeared in support of and inopposition to Kim Kwang-jin's thesis. When the first edition of Choson 'ongsa(Ageneral history of Korea), the most authoritative standard history in North Korea,was published in 1958, it took no stand on the controversyand instead admitted:"The question of the existence or absence of a social structure based on the slavesystem in Korean history has not yet been resolved and remains one of the mostimportant issues still being debated."-4The controversyhad been taken up by Y6ksa Yon'guso (Institute of HistoricalResearch) in a series of discussions held in October 1956, and the result waspublished under the title Samguksigi u-i sahoe kyongjekusJnge kwanhan t'oronjip(Collection of discussions on the social and economic structure during the ThreeKingdoms period) in 1958. Kim Kwang-jin opened the debate by restating his thesisthat, due to conditions peculiarto Korea, therewas no fully developed slavesociety inKorean history. He explained that, following the disintegration of the primitivecommunal society (when it took place is not stated), the modes of production inKorea underwent dramatic changes-"in leaps and bounds," he said-such asthrough the introduction of iron culture, enabling Korea to skip the stage of slavesociety and move directly into a feudal age sometime in the first or second centuryA.D. He acknowledged Chinese influence as a factor in the accelerationof change inmodes of production during the transition. His conclusion therefore was that theThree Kingdoms period should be treated as a feudal society, not as a slave society.5Kim Kwang-jin's thesis, however, was bitterly attacked by To Yu-ho, whocriticized Kim for incorrectly interpreting the evidence and not fully comprehendingthe Marxist-Leninist principle. Im K6n-sang, Yi Ung-su, Paek Nam-un, andothers followed, all criticizing Kim's thesis and insisting that a slave society hadindeed existed during the Three Kingdoms period. Some of the criticisms and

3 See Ch6n S6k-tam, Choson kyongjesa (Aneconomic history of Korea), (Seoul, 1949), pp.7-34.4 Chos6n Minjujuuii Inmin KonghwagukKwahagw6n, Y6ksa Y6n'guso (Democratic Peo-

ple's Republic of Korea, Academy of Science, In-stitute of Historical Research), Choson t'ongsa(P'y6ngyang, 1958) 1: 76.5 Y6ksa Y6n'guso, Samguk sigi di sahoekyongjekus6nge kwanhan t'oronjzipP'y6ngyang, 1958).



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 505rebuttals verged on name-calling. While the debate continued, attempts were alsomade from time to time to find common points agreeable to all participants in thecontroversy.

By 1962, when the revised edition of ChosJn 'ongsawas published, the contro-versy over slave society had been resolved. The states of Ko Choson, Puyo, andChin-guk were declared to have been slave societies, and their beginnings werepushed back to the fifth to fourth centuries B.C., third century B.C., and secondcentury B.C., respectively.7 Then in 1966, Kim Sok-hyong, the dean of NorthKoreanhistorians, denounced the notion of the absence of a slave society in Koreaasdogmatism that depended on using as a yardstickthe Germanicor Slavic people, notthe universal principle of Marxism. Kim then suggested that the existence of slavesociety in Koreacould be pushed furtherbackto the eighth to seventh centuriesB.C.8Thereafter, North Korean historical writers began to show more nationalistovertones and attempted a wholesale reevaluationof Korea'sancient history. Scholarsno longer talked about the influence of Chinese civilization on Korea. Instead, theyincreasinglyemphasized the unique Koreancharacteristics n her ancientcivilization.For more than a thousand years, they claimed, the history of Ko Choson had been"viciously distorted by the feudal ruling class, the sadaechufli flunkyism} followers,and the big-power chauvinists." This millennial historical wrong, they asserted, wasonly then being correctedwith the application of Kim Il-song's chuch (self-reliance)ideas and the numerous archaeological findings that yielded new evidence on KoChos6n that no documentary sources could ever shed light on.'9 Whatever uncer-tainty and reservation xisted in the 1960s on the question of slavesociety disappearedduring the 1970s. The dates of the slave society and Ko Chos6n'sorigin were pushedfurther back in time.So, when the third edition of Choson 'ongsawas published in 1977, it stated: "KoChoson is the first state that was formed in our country. . . . Although no definiteyear for the formation of Ko Choson can be ascertained, it can be dated from beforethe eighth centuryB.C. 10What arethe basesforsuch claims?First, it cites Kuian-tzu,a Chinese work written in the seventh century B.C., in which Chos6n (or Chao-hsienin Chinese) is mentioned as having traded with the state of Chi, as the first writtenreference to Ko Chos6n.1 Then, the archaeological findings-in particular, thediscovery in 1964 of tombs at Kangsan (Kang-shan in Chinese)and Nusan (Lu-shanin Chinese)in the outskirts of the present city of Lu-ta in the Liao-tung peninsula-confirmKo Chos6n as a slave society, according to North Korean scholars. Dating asfarback as the eighth to seventh centuries B.C., the Kangsansite contains twenty-twograve pits, laid out in an orderly manner centering on tomb No. 7. Their sizes andarrangementsas well as the articles found in them areall different. These differences,it is claimed, indicate the existence of a strict social differentiation among thoseburied there. Moreover, a large number of human skeletons found in each grave-

6 See also Kim S6k-hy6ng, "Samguk uiikeyguip kus6ng" (Class composition in the ThreeKingdoms), YSKH, 1959, no. 4.7 ChosMn'ongsa (1962 ed.), pp. 41, 50, and55.8 "Y6ksa yon'gu eso tangsong uii w6nch'ikkwa y6ksa chuuii w6nch'ik il kwanch'61 haltetaehay6" (On fulfilling the principles of partyismand "historyism" in the study of history), YSKH,

1966, no. 6, p. 4.9 Sahoe Kwahagw6n Kogohak Yon'guso (Acad-emy of Social Sciences, Institute of ArchaeologicalResearch), Ko ChosMn unjeyn'gu nonmmnjipCol-lection of research papers on problems of KoChos6n), (P'y6ngyang, 1977), pp. 1-2.10 ChosMn'ongsa(1977 ed.), p. 39.l1 Ibid.



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506 YONG-HO CH'OEmore than one hundred persons in the No. 7 tomb-are believed to be slaves buriedalive with their masters.12 These finds lead to the contention: "The mass burial ofmen as is shown in this [Kangsan}site speaks eloquently of the underlying power of aslave-owner class and also tells us clearly that Ko Chos6n was organized as aslave-owners'state before the eighth to seventh centuries B.C.Along with this assertion of the existence of a slave state, North Korea has alsomade nationalist claims by denying any external influence on the development ofancient Korean civilization. Starting in the second millennium B.C., a bronze culturebloomed fully in the early part of the first millennium B.C. and finally gave way to aniron culture in the later part of the first millennium B.C., according to North Koreanarchaeologists. The main carrier of these cultures was of course Ko Chos6n. " Manyartifacts from this period, such as violin-shaped swords, axes with geometric designs,and pottery with a multilayered mouth, have been found in the vast area extendingfrom the Sungari River in the north and the Taling River in the west to the presentnorthwestern region of Korea in the south. North Koreanarchaeologists claim thatthe bronze culture of this region was unique and was one of the most advancedcivilizations in Northwest Asia at the time. 15 North Koreans then assert: "Thisculture was the same that had been developed continuously since the Neolithic age bythe people living in this region and had been further advanced. This culture carriedunique and distinctive characteristics that were not only totally different from theculture of the Yellow River region but also clearly discernible from that of the areanorth of the Great Wall."'16In other words, the Korean civilization of Ko Chosonhad been developed independently, with no influence from China or elsewhere.In addition, North Korean scholars have made a bold new interpretation of thehistorical geography of Ko Chos6n. The long-held belief has been that the last stageof Ko Chos6n under Wiman flourished in the present northwestern region of theKoreanpeninsula centering on the present P'yongyang, where Ko Chos6n's capital,Wangg6ms6ng, is believed to have been situated until its downfall following themilitary defeat sufferedin the invasion of Han Wu-ti in 108 B.C. This identificationof P'y6ngyang with Wangg6ms6ng, North Koreans now claim, is wrong. Instead,they insist the location of Wangg6ms6ng should be found somewhere in the LiaoRiver basin in Manchuria, not in Korea. This view was firstput forth by Yi Chi-rinwhen he published a 410-page monograph, Ko Chosonyon'gu (A study of KoChos6n), in 1963. According to Yi Chi-rin, from before the third century B.C., KoChos6n had controlled the Liao River basin of both Liao-tung and Liao-hsi, itswestern boundary extending as far as the present Ubukp'y6ng (Yu-pei-ping inChinese), near the GreatWall. The areaborderingNorth China, however, was lost tothe Chinese state of Yen in the early third century B.C. In spite of this loss, KoChos6n continued to retain its control over the area that stretched east to the presentTaling River.17Where then was Wangg6ms6ng, which, according to the Shih chi, was madethe capital of Chos6n by Wiman? The keys to locating Wanggomsong lie with two

12 Ibid., pp. 39-42. Yi Sun-jin and ChangChu-y6p, Ko Choso'nmunje yn'gu (A study ofproblems concerning Ko Chos6n), (P'y6ngyang,1973), pp. 63-64.13 Chos6n Minjujuuii nmin Konghwaguk SahoeKwahagw6n, Y6ksa Y6n'guso (as in n.4), Yoksasajon (Dictionary of history), (P'y6ngyang, 1971)1: 47.

14 Yi Sun-jin and Chang Chu-y6p, p. 1 (seen. 12).15 Ibid., pp. 8-15.16 Ibid., p. 14.17 Yi Chi-rin, Ko Chosony6n'gu (P'y6ngyang,1963), pp. 10-14 and 390-91.



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 507rivers, the Y6lsu (Lieh-sui in Chinese) and P'aesu (Pei-sui in Chinese), which arementioned in the Shih chi's description of the Korean campaign as the places wherethe Chinese troops gathered and crossed before their seizure of Wanggomsong, thusputting an end to Ko Chos6n in 109-108 B.C. Historically, the locations of thesetwo rivershave remained unclear. Most Chinese, Korean, andJapanese scholarshaveformany centuriestried to identify them with the rivers in the northwesternregion ofthe Korean peninsula, such as Yalu, Taedong, and Ch'6ngch'6ng, although someSirhak (pragmatic-learning school) and other Korean scholars looked for them inManchuria. Yi Chi-rin carefully examined various geographical referencesto theseriversin historicalsourcesand, finding inconsistenciesin the directions and distances,insisted that these riversare situated in the Liao River region. One piece of evidencehe cites is the Shih chi account of the Korean campaign, in which the Chinese navyunderthe command of Yang P'u is said to have "embarked rom Ch'i and crossedtheGulf of Pohai" to attack Wangg6ms6ng. If the Chinese navy had crossed the Gulf ofPohai from the land of Ch'i, which is the present Shantung peninsula, it is onlylogical, claims Yi Chi-rin, that Wanggomsong should be located somewhere nearPohai, not on the Koreanpeninsula. 18 He then concludes that the present Kaep'yong(Kai-p'ing in Chinese) in Liao-tung is the site of Wangg6ms6ng. It Two otherstudies put out by the Institute of Archaeological Research in the 1970s draw asimilar conclusion based on what they claim to be overwhelming archaeologicalevidence. 20Once the center of Ko Choson has been located in the Liao River basin, anotherdrastic revision is required-this time, with regard to the Nangnang (Lolang inChinese)civilization. Nangnang of courserefersto one of the four commanderiesHanChina established afterconquering Ko Chos6n in 108 B.c. Formany centuries, it hasbeen believed that this Nangnang commanderyflourishedin and around the presentcity of P'y6ngyang in North Korea until A.D. 313. The discoveries of more than1,400 tombs at T'osong-ni on the southern bank of the Taedong River in P'yongyangand their subsequent excavations in the firsthalf of the twentieth century by Japanesearchaeologistsconfirmed, it was believed, the location of Nangnang.2This, North Koreans now claim, is fallacious. The area that the Han Chinesedefeated and in which they subsequently imposed the commanderyof Nangnang wassituated in the Liao River region, they contend, not in the Korean peninsula.Furthermore,the civilization that flourishedin the P'y6ngyang region belongs to theKoreansand has nothing to do with the Chinese. Such a thesis was firstpresented byYi Sun-jin and Chang Chu-y6p of the Institute of Archaeological Researchin theirmonographKo Chosonmunjey6n'gu(A study of problems concerning Ko Chos6n) in1973. Subsequently, this view was officially accepted in North Korea, as evidencedby its incorporationinto the third edition of Choson 'ongsa n 1977.The notion that the present P'y6ngyang region was the site of the Nangnangcommanderywas first proposed by the Chinese feudal historians-Li Tao-yuan in hisShui-ching-chun the sixth century and Ou-yang Hsiu in Hsin T'angshun the eleventhcentury-and then was accepted uncritically by the sadaechuz-iKorean scholars of

18 Ibid., p. 18.19 Ibid., p. 88.20 Yi Sun-jin and Chang Chu-yop, pp. 79-80,and Ko Chosonmunjey6ngunonmunjip as in n. 9),pp. 72-73).21 See Umehara Sueji and Fufida Ry6saku,

Chosenkobunka sokan (A survey of the ancientcivilization of Korea), Vols. 2 and 3 (Nara,1948-1959); and Sekino Tei, RakurJgunidai noiseki (Remains of the Nangnang period), (Keijo,1927).



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508 Y6NG-HO CH'OEthe late Kory6 and the early Yi dynasties. This view had then been perpetuated bythe imperialistJapanesescholars in modern times, accordingto Yi Sun-jin and ChangChu-y6p.22

The argument claiming the ancient P'y6ngyang civilization as Korean, notChinese, is based largely on the examination of the structures of tombs and thearticles found in them. Among severaltomb sites, T'os6ng is the largest, containingmore than 2,000 graves in one area. The recent excavations of this and other sites,North Koreans say, show three distinctive styles in these tombs. They are (1)wooden-board chamber tombs (namukwakmud6m),(2) log-walled chamber tombs(kwit'61mudom), 3) brick chamber tombs (py6ktolmudom).North Korean scholarsclaim that these stylistic differences follow a chronological order, indicating succes-sive cultural progression in stages, namely the wooden-boardchamber tombs in thefirst century B.C., the log-walled chamber tombs in the first century A.D., and thebrick chambertombs in the second and third centuries.23"Sucha transition shows anorderly progression in the structureof tombs, and at each stage, there are elements ofsuccession. Accordingly, these tombs are the remains left by the ancestors of theKorean people who had lived in this region continuously for a long time."2'Also, the articles found in these tombs show clearaffinity in each cultural stage,according to North Koreanscholars. For example, some clay pottery finds discoveredin the first two stages of the tombs have common characteristicsin shape as well astheir positions within the graves. Also, some narrow bronze daggers and narrowbronze spears, which are the most representative artifacts of the time before thewooden-boardchamber tombs, have been discoveredin the earliest of the log-walledchamber tombs, showing continuity in the cultural stages.25These items as well as the changing patternof tomb structureclearlyshow, NorthKoreanscholars claim, that this Koreanculture was distinctively different from thatof the Chinese. As for the structureof the tombs, they contend, the log-walled tombsappearedfirst in the P'y6ngyang areaat the beginning of the first century and gaveway completely to the brick chamber tombs in the first half of the second century,whereas in China, the log-walled chamber tombs, which had emerged during theWarring States period (fourth and third centuries B.C.), began to disappear in thesecond half of the first century B.C. and yielded completely to the brick chambertombs by the early first century A.D. This gap in time is significant, according to YiSun-jin and Chang Chu-yop, who then conclude:

The log-walledchamberombsbeganto appearn the P'y6ngyang rea n the earlyfirstcenturyA. D. whenthe log-walledchamber ombshadcompletelydisappearednChina,yielding to the brickchamber ombs, and the disappearancef log-walledchamber tombs and the total transformationo brick chamber tombs [in theP'y6ngyang rea] how different tepsin the developmentromthose n China.Thisdemonstrateshat the patternof change n tomb structuren the P'y6ngyang reahad no relationshipwith that of China, and this is an absolutelyunthinkablephenomenonf the Nangnangcommandery adimported ts culturedirectlyfromthe Chineseplain.26

In other words, P'y6ngyang was not the site of the Han commanderyNangnang, butrather the center of a resplendentcivilization that flourishedin that area from the first22 Yi Sun-jinand Chang Chu-y6p,p. 170.23 Chos6n'ongsa 1977 ed.), pp. 80-81.24 Yi Sun-jinand ChangChu-y6p,p. 118.

25 Ibid., pp. 116-19.26 Ibid., p. 118.



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 509century B.C. till the early fourth century and belonged to the native Koreans, whodeveloped it with no outside influence.27To further underscore the difference between China and Korea, Yi and Changassert that the log-walled chamber tombs in the P'yongyang area are overwhelminglysquare, whereas those found in China are mostly rectangularand that the ceilings ofbrick chamber tombs are without exception in kungyungvault ceiling) shape in Koreabut overwhelmingly arch-shapedin China.28North Korean scholars, however, admit that a small number of items in thesetombs resemble those found in the archaeologicalsites of Han China. These items,they insist, must have been introduced into Korea through trade or other interna-tional contacts and "should not by any means be construed as a basis to deny theKorean characteristics of the artifacts" found in the P'yongyang area.29But what about those items with inscriptions and letters, such as the seals ofNangnang officials, clay letter-seals,roof tiles, and bricks, that theJapanesediscoveredin abundance before 1945? The letters engraved on them confirm that P'yongyangwas the site of the Nangnang commandery of Han, according to Japanese scholars.North Korean scholars, however, now say that all these items, with perhaps one ortwo exceptions, are forgeries made by "the reactionaryJapanese scholars" in theirattempt to perpetuate the notion that P'yongyang was a part of the Han command-ery.30For example, the well-known seal of Wang Kwang with the engraving of theofficial title, "JuniorStaff of the Governor of Nangnang," is dismissed as a fake forseveral reasons. First, its preservationhas been too good to be genuine comparedwithother items found in similar tombs. Second, the wooden material used for the seal hasno precedent; no wooden seal is known to have been uncoveredamong thousands ofHan tombs excavated in China or elsewhere. Third, the format of the seal does not fitthe prevailing modes of other Han seals. Fourth, the style of the engraved charactersdoes not accord with that of other Han works. And, finally, the size of the seal is notsuitable for the official position of the owner. Having thus dismissed the seals ofWang Kwang and also of Wang U, the North Koreans accuse "the Japaneseimperialist scholars" of making historical forgeries "as easily as gulping cooledgruel," to use a Korean expression. 2

If the P'y6ngyang civilization is "established"as Koreanin its origin and nature,the question remains who these people were. Yi Sun-jin and Chang Chu-y6p claimthat the P'y6ngyang civilization was developed by the people of Mahan.33 But amore recent monograph, published in 1977, takes a different position. In KoChosonmunje on'gunonmunjip,North Korean scholarsstate:Whenthe Ko Chos6ndynasty ell in 108 B.C., the Han aggressorsin the followingyear mposed he four commanderiesf Nangnang, Imdun, Chinb6n,andHy6nt'oin the Liao-tungarea, which had been the centralpart of Ko Chos6n. In thismanner,the Liao-tungarea had come under the rule of the Han dynasty.Theaggressors'ule, however,wasnotonlynot firmbutalsoconfined o acertainpartof

27 See also Pak Chin-uk, "SobukChos6n kodaeyujok ai s6ngky6k" (Characteristics of the an-cient remains of Northwest Korea), YSKH 1977,no. 1, as translated intoJapanese in ChJsenakuljutsutszhj 55, nos. 1 and 2 (1978).28 Yi Sun-jin and Chang Chu-y6p, pp. 118-19.29 Ibid., p. 120.

30 Ibid., pp. 139-60.31 Ibid, pp. 146-49.32 Ibid., p. 150.33 Ibid., pp. 171-86. Mahanis an ancient tribalgroup, generally believed to have lived in thesouthwestern section of the Korean peninsula.



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510 Y6NG-HO CH'OEthe Liao-tungareaonlyand did not reachat all to northwesternKorea outh of theYalu River.In northwesternKoreabelowtheYaluRiver,the peopleof Ko Chos6nwho had been living thereoriginallycontinuedto reside thereand the cultureofnarrow bronze daggers that had flourished there was continuously maintained anddeveloped urther.4

In the meantime, those Ko Chos6n people who refusedChinese rule migrated to theregion south of the Yalu and merged with the native Koreans. North Korean scholarsthen conclude: "Finally, the center of Ko Chos6n was transferred o the P'y6ngyangarea after 108 B.C., and the culture that had been native to this region now becamethe main stream of the Ko Chos6n civilization and was further enriched with thefusion of the culture from the Liao-tung area."5Among many drastic revisions North Koreanscholars have made in the interpre-tation of their traditional history, the latest claim regarding Nangnang is certainlythe most audacious and is bound to provoke controversy among scholars outsideNorth Korea. Unfortunately, the available historical sources are unclear with refer-ence to the location of Nangnang, and hence there is admittedly room for debate.And even in South Korea, there have been conflicting claims regardingthe historicalgeography of Ko Chos6n and the four commanderies of Han. So until we find newdocumentary evidence, we have to rely on archaeology. If the North Korean claim isever going to be accepted, there will have to be careful reexaminations of NorthKorean reports on their excavations and more objective appraisals of archaeologicalsites and the artifacts discovered in them by outside scholars. In addition, there willhave to be wider comparative archaeological studies of Korea and neighboringregions.In the meantime, however, it is difficult to accept the North Korean claim thatthe seals and clay letter-seals the Japanese discovered in the P'yongyang site areforged. Instead of looking into the circumstances in which these items were uncov-ered, North Koreans distrusted the motivations of the Japanesescholarswho workedon the P'y6ngyang area archaeological sites and tried to establish deception on thepart of the Japanesestrictly on externalgrounds. These items, if genuine, are the keyclue to the nature of the P'y6ngyang civilization. As Tamura K-oichipoints out,none of the points North Koreans raised to "prove" orgeryis valid. "6Becauseof theirvital importance to support the North Korean claim of Nangnang, one wouldnaturally expect a careful examination of these lettered items. Instead, the NorthKoreans dismiss them lightly. One cannot dispel the impression that the interpreta-tion of evidence is based on an effort to support a predeterminedconclusion.Take, for example, the tombs of Chang Mu-i and Wang Ky6ng, in Sariw6n andSinch'6n. The inscriptions on bricks discovered in them tell us that Chang Mu-i wasthe governor of Taebang (Tai-fang in Chinese) and was a native of Oyang in NorthChina, and that Wang Ky6ng, a native of Tongnae in Shan-tung, was a magistrateof Taebang. The sizes of these two tombs aretoo small and the articles found in themtoo shabby for men of their official positions. Hence, North Koreansclaim that theymust have been buried at the present sites in Koreafartherawayfrom the areaswherethey had served in official capacities. They go on to reasonthat the ruling class of theTaebang commandery, pressed by the fiercestruggle of Kogury6, was forced to flee,

34 Ko ChosonmunjeyMn'gu onmunjip,p. 115.35 Ibid., p. 116.36 Tamura Koichi, "Rakurogunchiiki shutsudo

no insh6 to honi" (Seals and clay letter-sealsdiscovered in the Nangnang area), Mkogakuzasshi62, no. 2 (1977).



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 511many returning to China, but others, for unknown reasons,failed to reach China andinstead wound up in Korea, as Chang Mu-i and Wang Ky6ng did. Because theywere not natives of the areas where they were buried, they must have wanted toindicate their homelands in the tombs. How else can we explain, North Koreanscholars ask, the fact that only these two tombs have the name plaques while none ofmore than a thousand other brick tombs uncovered so far in northwestern Korea hasany?37Such is the way North Korean scholars argue and reason to establish many of theirnew theses. Their reasoning is often tortuous, and their presentation is short ofevidence. The bold new thesis on Nangnang and the P'y6ngyang civilization fails tomeet minimum objective historical standards.Once it was concluded that a slave society existed in Ko Chos6n, Puy6, andChin-guk, the question when feudalism first began to develop was easily settled. It isnow asserted that Korea moved into the feudal stage as early as the inception of theThree Kingdoms-Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla. This claim is a sharp departurefrom the earlier view, expressed in the 1956 edition of Choson 'ongsa, that thebeginning of feudalism came in the middle of the seventh century with the Sillaunification. According to the 1962 revised edition of Choson t'ongsa, the classconflicts arising from the changing modes of production at the end of the slave stageled to the rise of feudal forcesand the establishment of the feudal state of Kogury6 inabout the first century B.C. in the formerlands of Ko Chos6n. Similarly, feudal forcescreated the states of Paekche and Silla within the Korean peninsula in the first andsecond centuries A.D., respectively.This revised claim regarding the beginning of the slave and feudal stages inKorean history certainly satisfies the nationalist ego of North Korea because it placesearly Korean civilization on a much more advanced level than before. In spite of thesmooth Marxian logic with which they argued the issue, however, North Koreanhistorians cannot easily escape the criticism that their approach was designed toexplain a preestablishedconclusion rather than to meet the requirements of objectivehistorical principles. Such a charge becomes more convincing when one considers thatthe revised periodization is basedon very little new evidence but on a new interpreta-tion of the evidence available all along.

Another notable revision with regard to the feudal period is the shift in thetreatment of the Three Kingdoms. The 1977 revision of Choson 'ongsastates theposition of Kogury6, elevated at the expense of Silla, as follows: "The treatment ofthe Three Kingdoms is being centered on Koguryo because the Koreanpeople werestrongest under the Kogury6 rules."38Thus, considerably more space and care arenow devoted to covering Kogury6 than the other two kingdoms. This change is asharp departure from the tradition, established since the twelfth century by KimPu-sik, that Silla constituted the main stream of Korean history.Also, with regard to the "unification"of Korea in the seventh century, NorthKorea hasan interesting new interpretation. Traditionally, Silla'sdefeatof Paekche in660 and Kogury6 in 668 has been regarded as "the unification of the ThreeKingdoms." North Koreans, however, now take the position that Silla's unificationwas effected only in "the southern part of the national land"and that in the northernterritory Kogury6 was succeeded by Parhae (Pohai), a dynastic state which is nowregardedas an integral part of Korean history. Moreover, North Korean historians

37 Ko Chos6nmunje ongunonmunjip,p. 140-41. 38 Chos6n 'ongsa(1977 ed.), p. 2.



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512 Y6NG-HO CHCOEnow denounce bitterly Silla's role in bringing the Chinese troops of T'ang into Koreato gain political domination. They say:

Indifferent o the ultimatefateof the country,the ruling clique of Silla brought nthe foreignenemiesandprovokednternalwars n alliancewith them. In this way,they committeda seriouscrime before he Koreanpeoplethatcan neverbe washedaway as the country sufferedenormousdamages romthe wars and lost no smallamount of territory o the aggressors.9

The Rise of "Capitalistic Relations"Perhaps the topic that attracted the greatest attention among North Koreanhistorians in their attempt to rewrite the traditional history of Koreabefore 1970 was

the question of "capitalistic relations." According to the Marxist historical progres-sion, the end of a feudal stage and the ushering in of a captalist society marked thebeginning of the modern era. Thus, pinning down the exact time when the modernerabegan is an important issue in Marxianhistoriography. Since the transition from afeudal to a capitalist stage cannot take place overnight, Marxist historians expendmuch of their time and effort in examining the disintegration of feudalism and theemergence of signs of the capitalist system. Accordingly, the transition from feudal-ism to capitalism became the subject of heated scholarly debate in both mainlandChina and North Korea under various names, such as "the embryonic stage ofcapitalism" (chabonchuu7imaenga) and "the capitalistic relations" (chabonchuuiukwan'gye).It is not clear exactly when the debate on the rise of "capitalistic relations" firstbegan in North Korea. There is no reference to this issue in the 1958 edition ofChos6n'ongsa. o, presumably the question did not attractattention beforethat date.According to one Japanese observer, it was only after two editorials appeared inYoksakwahak in 1961 and 1962 exhorting historians to study and analyze Koreanhistory from the standpoint of the people and the working class and to uphold theprinciple of "partyism" (tangsong)and Marxism-Leninism, that a series of articlesdiscussed the question of "capitalistic relations" in Korea."' But in ChosJn ffndaehyongmyong ndongsa (History of the modern revolutionary movement in Korea),published in 1961, "the rise of capitalistic elements" in the late eighteenth and earlynineteenth centuries is mentioned briefly for the first time. " The question is thentreated more fully in the 1962 edition of Chosont'ongsa. Thereafter, numerousarticles and several collections of researchreportsand discussions appeared.The latestsynthesis appears to be represented in ChosJnes()chabon chu i chJk kuan gye iUipalsaeng (The rise of capitalistic relations in Korea), jointly authored by Ch6nS6k-tam, H6 Chong-ho, and Hong Hui-yu in 1970.The main conclusion after ten years of debate may be summarized as follows. Inthe last half of the seventeenth century, and especially after the eighteenth century,momentous economic and social changestook placewith a great increase n productivi-

39 Ibid., p. 151.40 See Kajimura Hideki, "Shihon shugi hogano mondai to hoken makki no n6min t6so"(On the question of the embryonic stage of capital-ism and the peasant struggles at the end of thefeudal period), in Hatada Takashi, ed., Chosen hinyuimonTokyo, 1966), pp. 259-70.

41 Kwahagw6n Y6ksa Y6n'guso, Kuinse mitCh'oegansesa Y6n'gusil (Academy of Sciences,Institute of Historical Research, Medievaland EarlyModern History Research Office), Choson ktlndaehyongmyongundong sa (P'y6ngyang, 1961), pp.1-10.



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 5 13ty. The economic changes were precipitated by the introduction of money as amedium of exchange. The circulation of currency that was begun in the earlyseventeenth century by private merchants eventually led to a government decision in1678 to mint coins for nationwide circulation. The wide circulation of currency inturn stimulated commercial activities, giving rise to a commodity economy andcontributing to the growth of commercial capital. The increasingcommercial activi-ties brought practically every part of the country into a nationwide market system.Beginning in the eighteenth century, these phenomenabrought about drastic changesin virtually every sector of the feudal society.With the spreadof a monetary economy, the lands that had been the basis of thefeudal economy became increasingly commercialized, and more and more land cameto be owned by landlords who were not yangbanbut commoners. These commonerlandlords (s6minchiju)were elevated to a social position in which they were able toassert more independence vis-'a-visyangbanand eventually to break away from theold feudalistic relationships. Thus, a greater number of yangbancame to lose theirprivileged socioeconomic position while an increasingnumberof wealthy commonerswere able to claim the yangbantitle.As more people becameaware of the power of money, greedy government officialsredoubledtheir exploitation of the peasants, forcing many to abandontheir land andseek their livelihood elsewhere. Under normal feudal conditions, these dislocatedpeasants would have had no place to go but to become slaves on large estates ownedby powerful families. But in eighteenth-century Korea, many of these landlesspeasantswere able to find new jobs as wage laborersin handicraftindustries, mines,and other sectors of the economy. "These phenomena," according to North Koreanhistorians, "are indicative of the emergence of 'free' labor during the last stage offeudalism in our country."42The emergence of free labor alone, however, does not constitute the rise of"capitalistic relations," although it is one essential ingredient. What was needed inaddition was the capital. The necessarycapital, it is claimed, was providedby the richmerchants of Seoul, Kaes6ng, Uiju, Tongnae, and other commercial centers, whogained "enormous profit" through domestic and international trade. In order forcapitalist elements to sprout, both capital and free labormust join together, and thisunion took place, according to North Korean historians, in the middle of theeighteenth century, giving rise to "capitalistic relations" in the Korean economy.Such "capitalistic relations," however, did not develop in every economic sector.Since the power of the feudal state was still strong and was exercised to preventantifeudal forces from growing, "capitalistic relations" developed only in the areaswhere governmental authority could not easily reach. Hence, in the agriculturalsector, where the feudal ruling class still maintained strong control, "capitalisticrelations" were not allowed to develop fully, although many symptoms did appear.But in other sectors, such as mines, brasswaremanufacturing, and iron production,where feudal forces could not easily reach, "capitalistic relations" developed morefully. Therefore,North Koreanhistoriansconclude, long beforethe Western imperialistpowers arrived in the mid-nineteenth century, Korea had reached a sufficientlymature stage to be transformedfrom a feudal to a capitalist economy.

42 Ch6n S6k-tam, H6 Chong-ho, and HongHui-yu, ChosMn s6 chabon chzui chk kwan'gyeUipalsaeng (P'y6ngyang, 1970), p. 15.



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514 Y6NG-HO CH'OEThis is a rather crude summary of the main conclusion North Korean historiansappear to have agreed upon so far. Before reaching this conclusion, however, therewere long, controversial debates, rebuttals, and counterrebuttals. There were differ-

ences, for example, over the meaning of capitalist "preconditions" (chonje)and"elements" (yoso),and opinions were divided whether the first signs of "capitalisticrelations" could be traced back to the seventeenth century, as claimed by economichistorians, such as Ch6n S6k-tam and Kim Kwang-jin, or to the time after theeighteenth century, as insisted upon by noneconomic historians, such as KimS6k-hy6ng, H6 Chong-ho, and Hong Hui-yu.43 In addition to citing documen-tary and other evidence, both sides quoted profusely from the writings of Marx,Engels, Lenin, and Kim Il-s6ng to support their arguments. The debates as a wholereflected the entire spectrum of North Korean historical scholarship from first-rateacademic research to monotonous recitation of ideology.Are these conclusions valid? Before answering the question, another, morefundamental, question needs to be answered in evaluating historiography in NorthKorea: Is it valid to apply the Marxian model to Korean history? Marx built hishistorical model primarily on his observationof Europeanhistory, and, thus, one canquestion the validity of interpreting Korea's historical development in the terms ofthe European experience. North Koreans, however, have accepted the Marxianhistorical system almost as a religious faith; they were so anxious to explain Koreanhistory according to Marxian specifications that they often interpreted historicalevidence in a protean way to suit their preconceived objectives. Moreover, theidentification of Korean history as a part of the universalistic history of the Marxiansystem became a matter of national pride for North Koreans, which partly explainsthe enthusiasm with which North Korean historians applied the Marxian scheme. Itwas also this nationalistic pride that led North Koreans to reject another Marxianconcept, the so-called "Asiatic society"-the concept that the unique "Asiatic modeof production" kept Asian society stagnant and backward.In addition, the definition of "feudalism"poses a problem. In defining feudalism,Western scholars are inclined to emphasize political aspects, asJoseph R. StrayerandRuston Coulbornhave done: "Feudalism is primarilya method of government, not aneconomic or social system, though it obviously modifies and is modified by the socialand economic environment."44 Later, when comparing the feudalism that developedin Tokugawa Japan with that of Europe, Strayeradded: "I happen to prefera rathernarrowpolitical definition, on the grounds that feudalism simply ceases to have anyspecific meaning when it is used to describe economic and social conditions."4 Hethen went on to define feudalism: "In political terms, feudalism is marked by afragmentation of political authority, private possession of public rights, and a rulingclass composed (at least originally) of military leadersand their followers."46 Whenwe apply this definition, it is obviously difficult to find any semblance of such asystem in Korean history, and hence, the entire debate over whether so-calledcapitalistic relations developed in the last stage of feudalism may be regarded asfutile.

43 Fora good summaryof the North Koreandebateson this issue, see Kw6n Y6ng-uk, "Cho-sen ni okerushihonshugi h6ga rons6" Debateson the embryonic tage of capitalism n Korea),Shiso,Dec. 1966, no. 510. See also KajimuraHideki (n. 40).44 Strayer ndCoulborn, n RustonCoulborn,

ed., Feudalismn HistoryPrinceton: rincetonUni-versityPress, 1956), p. 4.45 Strayer,in John W. Hall and MariusB.Jansen,eds., Studiesn theInstitutional istory fEarlyJapanPrinceton: rincetonUniversityPress,1968), p. 3.46 Ibid.



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 5 15North Korean historians, however, have a different concept in mind when theytalk about feudalism. In the Dictionaryof History(YOksa ag`n), "feudal society" isdefined as "asociety in which state power and the modes of production are possessed

by the feudalistic ruling class and in which exploitive relations aredominant againstthe serf-like peasants, who are subordinated to the feudalistic lords or landowners asimperfect chattels."47 It goes on to explain that the predominantmode of productionin such a society is based on land, and that feudal society appears in the second stageof human history, following the slave society and preceding the capitalist society. Iffeudalism is thus defined as a system of agricultural economy dominated by alandowning class, practically all societies in preindustrial countries can be included.Since feudalism will inevitably give way to capitalism according to what NorthKorean historians call the "inexorable law of objective development" (happ6p h'iks6ng), it is only logical that they find evidence of "capitalistic relations" toward theend of feudalism.We should also take note of the concept of "capitalistic relations," which exist,according to historians in North Korea, where capital is invested for profit and freelabor is available for wage employment at the same time. Capital accumulation andinvestment are possible only after the intensification of a commodity economy, andthe commodity economy will in turn lead to the division of labor, thus creating a freelabor force willing to be employed forwages. Under such a concept, it reallydoes notmatter how advanced or backward the technological development of a particularsociety may be in order for "capitalistic relations"to sprout, and, in fact, practicallyno attention was given to the technological aspect during the debates in North Korea.If it is difficult to take issue with the logic of North Koreanhistoriographyon thequestion of "capitalistic relations," one can, however, raise questions about theevidence that supports the arguments. In discussing the commercial activities of richmerchants, no specific figures are given on the amount of capital that merchants aresaid to have accumulated or invested, nor is any information given on particularenterprises n which merchantsare claimed to have engaged. Also, no reasonabledataon actualproductiongoods areprovided o indicate ncrease n productivity.Pauperizationand excessive exploitation are cited as having caused many peasants to leave farm-lands, but, again, no figuresaregiven. The mining industry is said to havedeveloped"capitalistic relations" before any other economic sector, but the only plausibleevidence cited is the number of people working in a few mines as wage laborers,andfew data are given on management and production.The North Korean characterizationof the role of the state in the development of"capitalistic relations" is also interesting. The feudal state is pictured as a totallynegative force in economic and historical development. Chang Kuk-chong, head ofthe Medieval History Section in the Institute of Historical Research, writes:

In the economic ector,the basicrole of thecentralized overnmental owerwas tocollectvariousexploitivetaxes,suchas landtax, commercialax, corvee abor,andothers. The harsh taxation in every productivearea resulted in contractionofproductive ctivities,and whereverhe stateauthority eached,uninhibitedactivi-ties of merchantswereimpossiblebecauseof government ontroland interference.The areaswhere the centralizedgovernmentalpowercould penetrateat the timewere basicallycities and agriculturaldistricts, being the administrative enters.Accordingly, he areaswhere hecapitalistic lementscould risewerenot citiesandY6ksasajon 1:911.



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516 Y6NG-HO CH'OEagricultural istrictsbutrather he placeswhere heroyalauthority ithercould noteasily reachor wasresisted.

Based on this reasoning, Chang Kuk-chong concludes that "capitalistic relations"developed only in the mining sector in remote mountains and in the fishing industryalong the coast and on offshore islands.4'8To prove his point, Chang wrote an article entitled "Chos6npongg6n malgi uii66p ky6ngy6ng hy6ngt'ae" (Types of fishery management in the last stage offeudalism in Korea).49 In this article, his claim that a capitalistic form of manage-ment developed is based on a single memorial he uncovered in which one officialdescribed the hardships of fishermenin one fishing village as a result of the departureof shipowners after the fishermenspent 400 to 500 cash (yang) on fishing boats-theamount of money spent on the boats being regarded as a form of capitalisticmanagement! (When Ch6n S6k-tam, H6 Chong-ho, and Hong Huii-yu wrote themore or less definitive work on the question of the rise of "capitalistic relations,''Chang Kuk-chong's study was not incorporated.)Similarly, the role of kongin, or tribute contractors, in the development of"capitalistic relations" is dismissed lightly, largely on the ground that the tributecontractorswere too closely associated with the feudal government. Because of theirclose connections with the government, writes Chang Kuk-chong, "it is self-evidentthat it is not possible to find any element of capitalistic relations within the structureof the konginorganization.. Such a view offers an interesting contrast to a studymade by a South Korean historian who concluded that the tribute contractors, whoemerged after the introduction of the taedongbop, massed fortunes by exploitingtheir close connections with the government and "assumed the predominant role inbringing down the feudal economy of the Yi dynasty. 51It is difficult for those accustomed to Western standards of historical scholarshipto accept the conclusion of the North Koreanhistorians on the question of "capitalis-tic relations," but it may be surprising that a similar conclusion has been reachedbymany historians in South Korea in recent years. Both groups, although ideologicallypoles apart, have often sharedhistorical perspectives, perceiving history wittingly orunwittingly in terms of a periodization similar to that outlined by Marx. Naturally,scholarly interest in the socioeconomic development of the late Yi dynasty hasattracted much attention among historians in South Korea, and some, such as HanU-gun, Kim Yong-s6p, Yu W6n-dong, and Kang Man-gil, have publishedoutstanding studies employing sophisticated methodologies and have independentlyconcluded that signs of a capitalist economy did indeed emerge in the late Yi dynastybefore Korea was exposed to Western influence. This finding is startling in view ofthe fact that the political systems in North and South Korea have been such thatscholars on one side are not allowed to know what their counterpartson the other sideare producing. It is significant, however, that, when these studies by North andSouth Korean historians are combined, an entirely new picture of late Yi-dynastyKorea appears, showing that economic and social conditions had neither beenstagnant nor backward, as claimed by Japanese scholars in the past. In this respect,

48 Chang Kuk-chong, "Chos6n es6 Cii chabonchuCiiCiiyoso palsaeng e taehan my6tkaji munje"(Several problems on the rise of capitalistic rela-tions in Korea), YSKH 1964, no. 4, p. 54.49 YSKH 1964, no. 3.

50 YSKH 1964, no. 4, p. 51.51 YU W6n-dong, Yz-jo hugi sanggong-4psayongu (A study of commercial and industrial his-tory in the late Yi dynasty period), (Seoul, 1968),p. 134.



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 517North Korean historical scholarship has made a significant contribution to sheddingnew light on Korean history.

The Modern PeriodThe modern period, according to North Koreanhistorians, begins in 1866 whenthe GeneralShermanncident took place. As in other important questions, there weredebatesamong scholarsbefore they agreedon the year 1866. Other yearssuggested asthe starting point of the modern period were 1876, when the treaty with Japan wassigned, 1884 when a coup was attempted by the Progressives, and 1894 when theTonghak uprising took place. The reason why they settled on 1866 is explained asfollows:

This is the yearwhen the firstbeacon laredorthe national truggleagainst oreignaggression,whichwasthe most importantormof the people'smovement hrough-out the modernperiod,andalsomarks he beginningof the transformationf ourcountry roma feudal o a modern ocietyasthe new movement ormodernization,such as the spreadof the enlightenmentdea, appeared gainstthe background fmaturingcapitalisticrelations.52So, the two salient characteristics of the modern period are the national struggleagainst the foreign invaders and the rise of the bourgeois movement.When North Koreans talk about the modern period, they of course mean thecapitalist society within the Marxian stages of history.5" The affirmation of theexistence of a capitalist society or its equivalent is important not only to finda parallelin Koreafor the universalprinciple of historicalprogressionas outlined by Marx, butalso to provide an eschatological justificationfor the coming of the socialist revolutionunder the leadership of Kim Il-s6ng. The growth of "capitalistic relations" havingbeen ascertained, what was needed was a simple link, a bourgeois movement thatwould conveniently bridge the disintegration of the feudal order and the rise of arevolutionarymovement to realize a socialist state. This hitherto missing link wasfound in the person of Kim Ok-kyun, whom North Koreanhistorians now regardasthe leader of the bourgeois movement in Korea.Briefly, this is how the rise of the bourgeois movement is explained. As aninevitable consequence of the growth of "capitalistic relations," Korea witnessedduring the nineteenth century a series of outbreaksof social unrest, such as the HongKy6ng-nae rebellion of 1812 and the Chinju uprising of 1862. The socioeconomicconflicts or "contradictions," as they call them, created by the development of"capitalistic relations" ineluctably led to the rise of a new class of bourgeoisie, whobegan to advocate "enlightenment" (kaehwa)from sometime in the 1860s onward."The idea of enlightenment was in essence aimed at constructing a modern state byoverthrowing the feudal system and establishing the capitalist system," the Instituteof Historical Researchexplained. 4 It was Kim Ok-kyun who first actively sought to

52 Kuinsemit Ch'oeguinsesa 6n'gusil (EarlyModernand ModernHistory ResearchOffice),"Chos6nkuinsesa igi kubun munje e kwanhanhaksult'oronch'onghwa"A synopsisof the aca-demicdiscussionon the periodization f Korea'smodernperiod), YSKH 1962, no. 6, p. 88. Forthe beginning of the discussion, see "Chos6nkuinsesauii sigi kubun e taehay6" (On the

periodization f Korea'smodernperiod), YSKH1960, no. 3.53 YSKH1962, no. 6, pp. 86-87.54 Y6ksa Y6n'guso KuinsesaY6n'gusil (In-stitute of HistoricalResearch,EarlyModernHis-tory ResearchOffice),"Kaehwap'aii hy6ngs6ng"(The formationof the party of enlightenment),YSKH1964, no. 3, p. 54.



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518 Y6NG-HO CH'OEcarryout the idea of enlightenment through the adoption of modernization programsin the hope of creating a new social order. The idea advocated by Kim Ok-kyun andhis followers, according to one North Korean historian, "represented he class interestof the urban merchants and industrialists, who emerged as a new class in the modernhistory of our country."""Thus Kim Ok-kyun is hailed as a patriotic figure in Koreanhistory, representing the progressive social forces in the last half of the nineteenthcentury, and a number of studies on his life, ideas, and activities have been publishedin North Korea. When the collective work entitled Kim Ok-kyunwas published in1964, one reviewer remarkedin a self-congratulatory review: "By affirming that themovement initiated by Kim Ok-kyun was the first bourgeois reformist movement inour country . . . this book deals a mortal blow to those imperialist historians and theirreactionary followers who refuse to accept the idea that the bourgeois revolutionarymovement did take place in our country."56This movement started by Kim Ok-kyun was carried forward by the bourgeoisnationalists who followed him. The Kabo reform of 1894 led by the reform-mindedbureaucratsKim Hong-jip and 0 Yun-jung was the work of patriotic bourgeoisnationalists.57 Likewise, the Independent Club (Tongnip Hy6phoe) movement of1896-1899 is regarded as an antifeudal struggle waged by bourgeois nationalists,who for the first time organized a legal political organization of their own in the lastyears of the Yi dynasty to promote patriotism and enlightenment among the publicminds.'8 These bourgeois struggles, however, failed to fully realize their goalsbecause of the invasion of foreign capitalism, which joined with domestic feudalism.As a consequence, the modern history of Korea took an abnormal course, following "apattern that is different from the classic form common in capitalist social history, andKorea in modern times until 1945 became a colonial and semifeudal society,"according to North Korean historians. 9The other important characteristicof Korea'smodern history in the eyes of NorthKorean historians is the ceaseless and heroic struggle of the Korean people againstforeign aggressors. In this phase of modern history, members of one family haveplayed a predominant role-the family of Kim Il-song.The year 1866 was chosen as the beginning of Korea'smodern period because itwas in that year that the first salvo of the Korean people's resistance against theAmerican imperialists was fired. In 1866, an American merchant ship, GeneralSherman, ailed into the Taedong River until it reachedthe outskirts of P'y6ngyang,where it was destroyed by angry Koreans. The North Korean dictionary of historyexplains: "The incident in 1866 in which the first attempt of armed aggressionagainst Korea by the American imperialistic robbers,who arethe sworn and inveter-ate enemies of the Koreanpeople, met a total and complete defeat at the hands of theKoreanpeople. "60In the forefrontof the courageousKoreans who dealt a mortal blow

55 Kim Y6ng-suk, "Kim Ok-kyun ui kuin-daej6k in ky6ngje k6ns6llon e taehayo" (OnKim Ok-kyun's moderneconomic constructionprograms),YSKH1964, no. 2, p. 22.5 Im Man, "KimOk-kyun taehay6" A re-view of KimOk-kyun),YSKH1964, no. 5, p. 59.57 Yi Chong-hy6n, Uri naraeso wi 1894-ny6n(Kabo)purujoakaehy6k"The bourgeoisreformsof 1894[Kabo] n ourcountry),YSKH1979, nos.

1 and 2. (The role of PakYong-hyo in the Kaboreforms,however,was bitterlydenounced s thatof selling out Korean interests to the Japaneseimperialists. ora different iewon this, seeYoungI. Lew, "The Reform Efforts and Ideas of PakY6ng-hyo, 1894-1895," Koreantudies [1977].)58 YAksaajTn1: 523.59 YSKH1962, no. 6, p. 87.60 YoksasajTn : 85.



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 519against the American imperialists on this historic occasion was the respected KimUng-u, who was none other than the great-grandfather of Kim Il-song, assertNorth Korean scholars.61

The March First Movement of 1919, according to North Korean historians, wasthe last people's struggle undertaken under the leadershipof the bourgeois national-ists. In this struggle against "the barbaric rule of the Japanese imperialists," thebourgeois nationalists revealed the weaknesses inherent in the nature of their classorigin as "they attempted to gain 'independence' by petition and relying on foreignpowers while preaching the policy of surrenderand nonresistance."62 But when theydiscoveredthat the public was not satisfiedwith such a defeatist attitude and pushedfor more vigorous and violent struggle, they surrendered o the Japanese authorities,thus putting an end to their leadership position.63It was at this juncture, we are told, that Kim Hy6ng-jik, the father of KimIl-s6ng, played a crucial role. With the surrender of the bourgeois nationalistleaders, the main struggle in the MarchFirst Movement was carriedon largely by thepatriotic youth and people educated under the teachings of the respected KimHy6ng-jik. The demonstrations in the city of P'y6ngyang were fiercest where thefollowers of Kim Hy6ng-jik took a leading role. At nearby Mangy6ngdae, thebirthplace of Kim Il-S6ng, the masses under the leadership of Kang Ton-uk andKang Chin-s6k, the maternal grandfather and the maternal uncle of Kim Il-s6ng,marchedall the way to P'y6ngyang, where Kim Il-song, still a boy only eight yearsold, also participated, according to North Korean historians. 4With the end of the March First Movement, Korea'sstruggle against Japan toregainher independence entered a new phase, say North Koreanhistorians. It markedthe end of the bourgeois nationalist movement and the beginning of the socialiststruggle, inspired by the Great October Revolution in Russia. Among many lessonslearned from the failure of the March First Movement was the realization that thebourgeois nationalists could no longer representthe people's fight for emancipationbecause of the weaknesses inherent in the nature of their class origin.65 The failurealso taught, assert North Koreans, that only a struggle armed with the Marxist-Leninist principle could defeat the imperialist aggressorsof Japan. In this transitionfrom the bourgeois nationalist to the socialist movement, the respected Kim Hyong-jik, according to North Koreans, played a vital role in the great vanguard in"redirecting"the Korean people's movement toward the Marxist-Leninist banner.66Following the Russian Revolution, Kim Hy6ng-jik is said to have adopted a newstrategy for revolutionary struggle by organizing the workers and the peasantsas the

61 Baik Bong, Kim11Sung:BiographyBeirut,Lebanon:Dar Al-Talia, 1973) 1: 14. See alsoYoksa ajon1: 2 and 2: 85, and Ch6senUniver-sity, RekishigakuKenkyashitsu HistoricalRe-searchOffice),ChosenshiHistory f Korea),Tokyo:Chosenseinensha,1976), pp. 229-30. It is truethat the Kim family lived in the areawheretheincidenttook place.62 Yoksaajon2: 78.63 Ibid.64 Chos6nMinjujuuinmin Konghwaguk ahoeKwahagw6n,Y6ksa Y6n'guso, KuindaeY6n'-gusil(Democraticeople'sRepublic f Korea,Acad-

emyof SocialSciences,Instituteof HistoricalRe-search,ModernHistory ResearchOffice),NihonteikokushugiJchika no Chosen Korea under theruleofJapanesemperialism),KimYo-hy6n, rans.(Tokyo:Chosen einensha,1978),pp. 69-70. Thisis the Japanese ranslationof Ilbonkunguk huu-iu'iChosMnh'imyak a 1910-1945 (A historyofJapan'smilitaryaggressionagainstKorea, 1910-1945), published n P'yongyang.65 Yi Chong-hy6n, "Samilundong uii y6ksach6k kyohun"(Historicallessons of the MarchFirstMovement),YSKH1978, no. 1, p. 26.66 Nihon eikokushugiochika noChosen, . 78.



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520 Y6NG-HO CH'OEleading force and "consistently and convincingly advocated and practiced the ideathat only the struggle under the Marxist-Leninist banner can bring success."67 Inshort, he was, as it were, John the Baptist to the coming of the socialist savior inKorea, Kim Il-song.Accordingly, the stage was now set for the rise of socialism in Korea. Therevolutionary leadership of the Marxist-Leninist movement was provided by KimIl-s6ng, who was born of this illustrious revolutionary family. And with the successof socialism under Kim Il-s6ng's leadership, the history of Korea will have run itsfull dialectical course, following "the inexorable law of objective development" as ifan eschatological inevitability. In this manner, Marxist historiography in NorthKoreahas provided a simple, clear-cut justification for the socialist revolution led byKim Il-s6ng, thus fulfilling the assigned role of helping the revolutionary cause ofthe party and the state.As with ancient history, many North Korean assertions about the modern periodproduce more questions than answers. Starting with Kim Ung-u in 1866, a goodpart of modern history in the North Korean historiography is taken up by the exploitsof the members of Kim Il-s6ng's family-claims that are totally new and unfamiliarto the outside world. North Koreansprovide no independent evidence to substantiatetheir claims. As for the GeneralShermanncident in 1866, three books published inNorth Korea before 1961 all treat one retired officer, Pak Ch'un-gw6n, not KimUng-u, as the hero who led the angrypeople to attack and burn the American ship.68The contemporary records credit Pak for his bravery,69 but the name of KimIl-s6ng's great-grandfathercannot be found anywhere. There is no reason to take theNorth Koreans' claim of Kim Ung-u seriously until credible evidence to supporttheir allegation is provided.Kim Hy6ng-jik, on the other hand, does have a record of participating innationalist activities. One secret Japanese police report, dated February 18, 1918,even lists him as an original member of the Chos6n Kungminhoe (Korean NationalAssociation).70 But the picture one gets from this report is quite different from theone painted by North Koreans. According to the Japanese report, the Chos6nKungminhoe was organized by one Chang Il-hwan, who had returned from Hawaii,where he had come under the influence of Pak Yong-man and had hoped to carryoutnationalist activities in conjunction with Pak. (In fact, the name "Kungminhoe"wasthe same as the one used by the organization that Pak Yong-man led in Hawaii.)More significantly, however, the Chos6n Kungminhoe was organized largely amongthose who had some affiliation with Sungsil School, a Christian educational institu-tion organized and run by American missionaries, which Kim Hyong-jik attendedbriefly; it tried to recruit students from P'yongyang Presbyterian Theological Semi-naryas well. In fact, the Chos6n Kungminhoe resolvedto hold its annual meeting inthe spring to coincide with the opening of the school term at the PresbyterianSeminaryand Sungsil. It appears, in other words, that the Chos6n Kungminhoe was

67 Yksa sajMn1: 277.68 ChosMn'ongsa 1958 ed.) 2: 15: Yi Na-y6ng,Chos6nminjokhaebangt'ujaengsa A history of theKoreapeople'sstruggle for liberation), (P'y6ngyang,1958), p. 28: Chos6nkuindaehyongmyong ndongsa, pp. 16-17.

69 Kuksa P'y6nch'an Wiw6nhoe, Kojongsidaesa (Chronological history of the Kojong reign),(Seoul, 1967) 1: 225-26.70 Kang T6k-sang, ed., Chosen Korea) 1 (vol.25 of Gendaishi shiryJ [Sources of contemporaryhistory]), (Tokyo: Misuzu Shobo, 1976): 35-38.



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 521organized largely among young Christians. (In this connection, Kim Il-song too mayvery well have some Christian background in. his early life.)7" Also, contrary to theNorth Korean claim, the Chos6n Kungminhoe was a small organization with onlytwenty-five full members when the Japanese police arrested and prosecuted twelve ofthem in February 1918. Its organization apparently terminated with this policeaction.These aspects are ignored in the North Korean eulogies on Kim Hy6ng-jik.Instead, he is depicted as a great patriot who "dedicated his entire life to regainingthe nation's independence and to bringing freedom and happiness for posterity."72One episode in the life of Kim Hy6ng-jik as described by North Koreans issuggestive of the extent to which the adulation of this person goes. Even in the midstof the busy revolutionary struggle, so the North Korean account tells us, KimHy6ng-jik, although not a medical doctor, always provided free medical service forthe poor. One day, a laborer who was on the verge of death from serious leg injurieshe received n a raft accident was brought to him. A professional urgeon recommendedamputation of the legs to save the life of the laborer, but Kim Hy6ng-jik, eventhough he had no experience in treating such a serious wound, cured him withoutamputation using information and medicine he had gathered from many places and"devoting himself totally without sleep or food to the care of the patient."'73Such glorification of Kim Il-s6ng's family is a part of the North Koreancampaign, unparalleledin the annals of world communism, to build up a personalitycult around Kim Il-s6ng. Here we have a classic example of history toeing the partyline, in which even the minimum standard of academic objectivity is sacrificedforpolitical purposes. The recent trend in rewriting modern history in North Korea toelevate the prestige of the Kim family to the level of legend is indeed alarming andshould be a source of concern for scholars interested in Korea.

ConclusionNorth Korea takes great pride in the achievement of its historical scholarshipin

successfully applying Marxism-Leninism along with the chuchieprinciple. Theyattribute this success to the sagacious leadership of Kim Il-s6ng. Two points,however, need to be noted at the conclusion. One is the change in the way in whichimportant historical issues are being resolved in North Korea. In the 1950s and1960s, such important questions as the existence of slave society, the beginning of

71l have been told by Won T. Sohn (SonWon-t'ae), M.D., of Omaha, Nebraska, that heremembers one Kim S6ng-ju, whom he believesto be the present Kim Il-song, as an active youthmember and a Sunday school teacher in the churchwhere his father, Rev. Son Ch6ng-do, a well-known nationalist, was the minister in Kirin,Manchuria, around 1927 or 1928 while Kim wasattending Yiiwen Middle School. Dr. Sohn alsorecalls that Kim was an able and popular youthleader in the Koreancommunity in the Kirin area.This claim by Dr. Sohn is supported by Mrs. Son

In-sil, the present President of the National YWCAof Korea in Seoul, who is a younger sister of Dr.Sohn. (Based on my conversations and communi-cations with both Dr. Sohn and Mrs. Son.)Moreoever, according to Kim Ch'ang-sun, the ma-ternal grandfather of Kim Il-s6ng, Kang Ton-uk,was an elder (changno) n a Presbyterian church inhis hometown. See Kim Ch'ang-sun, YOksadichuingin Witness to history), (Seoul, 1956), p.83.72 YOksaajMn1: 283.

73 Ibid., 281.



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522 Y6NG-HO CH'OEfeudalism, and the rise of incipient capitalism provoked big debates among scholars-controversies raging for several months. Only after all views were fully aired didthe scholars agree on a settlement. It appears that no single individual wieldeddominant influence over historical scholarship in North Korea as M.N. Pokrovskydid at one time in the Soviet Union, although Kim S6k-hy6ng, director of theInstitute of Historical Researchfor many years, seems to have had a hand in resolvingvirtually every important historical issue.74This practice of discussion and debate, however, appearsto have been abandonedin the 1970s. Important historical issues, such as the origin and nature of KoChos6n, the Nangnang civilization, and Kim Il-s6ng's family in the modernperiod, are settled without debate as far as I can determine. No lohger is there anychallenging discussion and debate on any historical issue, nor any conflicting viewexpressed in any publication. With the disappearanceof discussion and debate, theNorth Korean historical scholarship of the 1970s became dogmatic.Another point is an inherent conflict in the goals the North Koreanhistoriansarepursuing. On the one hand, history is being interpreted in accordancewith theMarxian system of dialectics, which is universalistic. Indeed, one of the mainobjectives of the North Korean historical scholarshiphas been the assertion that theuniversalisticMarxian historical principle can also be applied to Korean history. Buton the other hand, North Korea's extreme nationalistic orientation, which has beenfurtherintensified with the emphasis of the chuch'edea, has led historians to seek themore particularisticgoal of satisfying the nationalistic ego by stressing uniqueness inKorean history. Recent historical scholarshipin North Korea abounds with the ideathat Koreanhistory from its inception possessedunique characteristics,different fromthose of China and other neighbors.North Koreanscholars would, of course, deny any conflict in pursuing these twingoals. In fact, they justify their nationalistic emphasis in the name of "socialistpatriotism" (sahoechuuilchokaegukchuui).75But their unrestrainedglorification ofKorea'shistorical legacies brought about an open conflict with scholarsin the SovietUnion as earlyas 1963, when the Koreansbitterly denounced the Koreapartof WorldHistory, published by the Russian Academy of Science. In their critical review ofWorldHistory, three North Korean historians, Kim Sok-hy6ng, Kim Hui-il, andSon Y6ng-jong, accused the Russian scholars of "making innumerable distortionsand fabricationscaused by their ignoranceof and prejudiceagainst Koreanhistory."76Perhapssuch a conflict with Soviet scholars is a reflection more of the political anddiplomatic estrangement of North Korea that took place in the early 1960s than of ascholarly dispute between the historians of the two countries. But the tone of

74 Born in South Korea,Kim S5k-hyongwasgraduatedromKeijo(Seoul)ImperialUniversityand taught in Seoul beforehe moved to NorthKoreaaround1948. Professor eterH. Leeof theUniversityof Hawaii, who was once a favoritestudentof his at Yangj6ngHigh School n Seoul,remembersKim as an unassumingand reticentmanwhosemodesty arnedhim thenickname abo(idiot)amonghis students.However,Kimwasaneruditeand hard-working cholar, accordingtoLee.75 YSKH1966, no. 6, p. 2.76 Kim S6k-hy6ng, Kim Hui-il, and Son

Y6ng-jong, "ChonsegyesaChos6n kwan'gye s6suluii 6mjung han ch'ago tCile taehayo" On seri-ous errors n the narrations elated to KoreainWorldHistory),K7lloja,Sept. 20, 1963, no. 18(also n Nodonginmun, ept. 20, 1963). In 1959,NorthKoreaproudlyannounced joint projectofNorth Koreanand Russianhistorians o write amodernKoreanhistory;see YSKH 1959, no. 1,pp. 90-92. But in 1961, Kim Sok-hy6ngse-verelycriticized heprefaceo the Russian ransla-tion of Choson'ongsa ordistortingKoreanhisto-ry;see YSKH1961, no. 3.



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REINTERPRETING TRADITIONAL HISTORY IN NORTH KOREA 523criticism directed against the Russians indicates the existence of a deep gulf ofgenuine scholarly differences between the academes of the two countries. Whateverthe case, there is an intrinsic contradiction in the goals North Korean historians arepursuing, one universalisticand the other particularistic,and it will be interesting tosee how the contradiction will be resolved.

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