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See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/289794304 Experiential Assessment of Urban Open Spaces in Doha Article in Open House International · December 2013 CITATIONS 4 READS 18 3 authors, including: Ashraf M. Salama University of Strathclyde 99 PUBLICATIONS 252 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Fatma Khalfani Qatar University 4 PUBLICATIONS 6 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE All in-text references underlined in blue are linked to publications on ResearchGate, letting you access and read them immediately. Available from: Ashraf M. Salama Retrieved on: 25 July 2016

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Page 1: Experiential Assessment of Urban Open Spaces in Doha · Experiential Assessment of Urban Open Spaces in Doha . Doha is undergoing massive urban growth and a considerable number of

Seediscussions,stats,andauthorprofilesforthispublicationat:https://www.researchgate.net/publication/289794304

ExperientialAssessmentofUrbanOpenSpacesinDoha

ArticleinOpenHouseInternational·December2013

CITATIONS

4

READS

18

3authors,including:

AshrafM.Salama

UniversityofStrathclyde

99PUBLICATIONS252CITATIONS

SEEPROFILE

FatmaKhalfani

QatarUniversity

4PUBLICATIONS6CITATIONS

SEEPROFILE

Allin-textreferencesunderlinedinbluearelinkedtopublicationsonResearchGate,

lettingyouaccessandreadthemimmediately.

Availablefrom:AshrafM.Salama

Retrievedon:25July2016

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INTRODUCTION

Doha is undergoing massive urban growth and aconsiderable number of new urban areas are beingdeveloped or transformed. Earlier research on thecity indicate the city is witnessing dramatic urbantransformations (Salama and Gharib, 2012;Wiedmann, Salama, and Thierstein, 2012). UnitedNations records point out that it is anticipated thathalf of the world’s population will be living in citiesby year 2025. The city of Doha would surpass thatextrapolation since more than 80% of Qatar’s pop-ulation already resides in the capital. The overallurban environment is thus becoming more andmore important in the daily lives of over 1.7 millioninhabitants who live there. The qualities of urbanspaces heavily impact on a wide range of elementsand aspects of daily life such as living conditions,entertainment, and the attractiveness and appeal ofurban open spaces (Salama and Wiedmann,2013).

The regional and global importance ofDoha has increased significantly over the past twodecades and maintaining and sustaining the cur-rent growth of its urban population is seen as criti-cal to the future development of the country.Hence, enhancing the quality and function of urbanopen spaces and the urban environment as whole

is one of the most important considerations thatwould determine such a future. However, no exam-ination of urban spaces has been done before norexploration of whether emerging or transformedurban areas are supporting the needs of inhabi-tants.

The availability of attractive, accessibleopen spaces is an important feature of a liveableurban environment, for the inhabitants of cities andurban areas. Such importance is sometimesignored or oversimplified when making decisionsabout land-use or when discussing the qualities ofthe built form. Urban open spaces in Doha arescattered around the city from its northern periph-eries to its centre, and in the southwestern periph-eries. Varying in form, function, and scale, somespaces are often located within enclave develop-ments, or within larger urban interventions, whileothers represent portions of spaces with denseurban districts or open waterfronts. This paperexamines three key urban spaces that are believedto cover a significant range of activities, services,and cater to people of different socio-economicand cultural backgrounds. In essence, the objectiveis to examine different physical and behaviouralaspects through experiential analysis while applyinga behavioural mapping procedure. The resultsuncover several characteristics about use and activ-

Ashraf M. Salama, Fatma Khalfani, and Ahood Al-Maimani

Abstract

The current fast track urban development process is an important characteristic of the city of Doha. No exploration or

examination of its urban spaces, however, has been done before. This paper offers an experiential assessment of three

key urban open spaces by examining their spatial and physical characteristics while implementing direct systematic

observation and behavioural mapping procedure. Assessment results reveal important outcomes that include absence

of physical aspects amenable for effective use while offering a pleasant experience for visitors. The findings contribute

to an in-depth understanding of the qualities of the three spaces and the resulting use, activities, and behaviour repre-

sentative of the inhabitants' spatial experience in those spaces. While the overall experience of users appear to be sat-

isfactory, the results convey that there is an absence of landscape features and a dearth of green spaces and appro-

priate outdoor furniture, absence of adequate shaded areas and shading devices and a lack of children’s facilities or

specially designated areas for children. Addressing the lack of features that enhance people’s activities and use of these

spaces would contribute to making the spaces more conducive for use by different types of users and at different days

and times.

Keywords: Experiential Assessment, Doha, Urban Open Spaces, Behavioural Mapping.

EXPERIENTIAL ASSESSMENT OF URBAN OPEN SPACESIN DOHA .

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ities of these spaces offer insights into their spatialqualities while revealing a number of positiveaspects and deficiencies, which mandate the needfor careful considerations of the design of futureurban spaces in this rapidly growing city.

NEEDS FOR AND CHARACTER ISTICSOF URBAN OPEN SPACES

It is argued that the importance of urban openspaces lies in the fact that they can satisfy certainbasic human needs as well as offer particular inter-active opportunities to a city’s inhabitants (Woolley,2003). These needs, respond to many features ofhuman functioning, as for example the need forphysical comfort, relaxation, enjoyment and socialstimulation; therefore opportunities to concretiseand fulfil such needs in open spaces should begiven paramount consideration by urban plannersand architects. The examination of the qualities andfeatures of open spaces in order to determine ofwhether or not they fulfil such needs may providevaluable insight as to why some open spaces arefilled with people while others are eluded or under-used.

In physical terms, open spaces can bedefined by their legal ownership and boundaries.The perception of who owns the space or has con-trol over it is an important factor in determining itsavailability to public access. For example, whilesome open spaces, such as those within gatedcommunities, are exclusive to a specific communi-ty, a group of individuals, or certain persons, otherslike public parks are more readily accessible toeveryone. Undeniably, the types of open space andtheir accessibility can promote feelings of inclusionor exclusion, as experienced by people of differentcultural backgrounds and socio-economic statuses.By classifying open spaces into public, semi-publicand private spaces, there can be a better under-standing of how such spaces are used and bywhom (Newman, 1972). Public spaces can beidentified as those spaces available to all city inhab-itants such as parks, squares, open markets, andplazas. Semi-public spaces include spaces thathave limited opening times to the public or are onlyaccessible to a particular group. These includeschool playgrounds or spaces in or surroundingcertain institutional buildings such as hospitals oruniversity campuses; semi-private spaces alsoinclude those spaces that are exclusive to a partic-ular group of individuals and which the ordinarypublic cannot access such as communal gardensor green spaces in gated communities, or court-yards leadings to houses or residential units. In con-trast, private spaces are the simplest type in this

classification as they include individual gardens andspaces that are clearly demarcated and only acces-sible to the owners and residents of the property.

Open spaces from the users’ viewpoint aredescribed as places that allow for a wide spectrumof necessary and/or optional social activities (Gehl,1987). Necessary activities include going to andfrom workplaces, schools, hospitals and shoppingareas or markets, while optional activities areexemplified by recreational places where peoplecan enjoy walking, jogging, meditating, sitting, orjust enjoying quality leisure time with family andfriends. Such activities are dependent on the char-acteristics and qualities of the open space and theopportunities available for active or passiveengagement with the space. In some urban con-texts, however, optional social activities maybecome necessary social activities. In this respect,five types of needs have been identified to accountfor inhabitants’ requirements in pubic open spaces;these include opportunities for comfort, relaxation,passive engagement, active engagement, and dis-covery (Carr, Francis, Rivlin, L. G., and Stone,2012).

Comfort in open spaces represents thebasic needs for food, drink, and shelter. It can bereasonably stated that without satisfying the needfor comfort, it would be hard to imagine that otherneeds could be satisfied (Linday, 1978). Yet, inattempting to enjoy and profit from their time inopen spaces, people sometimes tolerate major dis-comforts such as an army of annoying insects orlack of shading devices. Relaxation represents amore developed state of physical and mental ease(Jackson, 1981). Typically, the description of aspace as relaxing refers to the users’ experiencemore than to its physical characteristics. However, itshould be noted that these are interdependent sincephysical characteristics significantly impact thedegree of relaxation in a space.

Passive engagement is the third need foropen spaces; this too may lead to a sense of relax-ation. However, passive engagement represents anindirect experience as it involves only the need forinteraction with the setting, without active involve-ment, as for example, watching a spectacular sun-set, observing a flock of birds or simply enjoying abeautiful view in a natural setting. Active engage-ment is a more direct experience since it involvescontact and interaction with others, whether withstrangers or people known to them. Satisfying aneed for discovery is the fifth reason people visitpublic open spaces; this use represents their desirefor stimulation while at the same time seeking plea-surable experiences (Whyte, 1980).

Recent literature on the urban design dis-cusses the need for urban open spaces and elabo-

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rates on their benefits (Chaftoe, 2008), which mayoffer health benefits when users exploit them forphysical activity or just being outside in fresh openair. The beneficial opportunities for improvinghealth and fitness and inculcating a sense of gen-eral well-being is becoming a vital consideration inthe function and sustainability of open spaces, andis especially significant in light of increasing levelsof heart disease and obesity resulting from inactivecity lifestyles. Open spaces are also places thatoffer opportunities for informal and social encoun-ters and learning, places where people can meetother people with different customs, norms, per-ceptions, and behaviours (Elsheshtawy, 2011).

Additionally, open spaces are places thatcan help promote the tolerance, acceptance andunderstanding which result from close interactionwith others as opposed to the negative stereotypingthat often occurs in mono-cultural settings (Salamaand Gharib, 2012). In this sense, an acquired tol-erance would help contribute to building up asense of cohesion and even solidarity with the envi-ronment and its people, as for example when inter-action occurs through spontaneous encounters orat organised festivals, events and gatherings(Elsheshtawy, 2011). These aspects and opportuni-ties can also result in financial benefits, both direct-ly and indirectly (Chaftoe, 2008). Direct benefitscould result from the sale of refreshments, food, orsouvenirs or market products, while indirect bene-fits can come from through the promotion of key

spaces and their amenities and facilities that wouldattract visitors and tourists to the city who wouldthen spend money and contribute to the economyof the locality.

ME THODOL OGY FO R EX PE R I ENT IALASSESSMENT

In order to examine quality of urban open spacesan assessment mechanism was developed follow-ing a number of steps. Through earlier assessmentof other aspects of urban open spaces in Doha(Salama and Gharib, 2012), the first was to identi-fy spaces that need to be subjected to assessment.The second was to develop analytical portrayal ofthe spaces identified which would result in estab-lishing descriptive profiles for each space. Thespaces identified were the Katara Cultural Village,Corniche Area A, and Souq Waqif Area B (Figure1). It should be noted that key areas within eachspace identified were selected to conduct theassessment.

The identification of the three spaces isbased on the range of activities, services, and typesof users that typify each space. Most important, thedegree of ‘publicness’ was an important factor inidentifying the spaces, where each enjoys certainaspects relevant to the qualities of being inclusive orexclusive, social, and symbolic (Dovey, 2002;Akkar, 2005; Varna and Tiesdell, 2010). The

descriptive profile of each spaceinvolves a brief outline of the spatialtypology, context accessibility, type ofusers, and nature of activities.

Direct observation and behaviour-al mapping is a systematic method fordescribing what visitors and users of aspace actually do there. Observationand mapping are tools for understand-ing the dynamics of people and theirinteraction with the urban environment;it is an alternative approach to data col-lection that views people as ‘objects’ byrecording their periodic behaviour.Valuable information can be obtainedwhen behaviour is systematically record-ed (Sanoff, 1991). Unplanned observa-tion may result in inadequate findingsthat may reveal only what seems to bealready obvious. Systematic observationof behaviour involves four aspects; theseare: people, activities, setting or space,and timing.

In this procedure a combinedunobtrusive mapping technique, whichintegrates ‘place-centred’ mapping and

Figure 1. Location of the three urban spaces identified for conducting the

assessment. (Source: Authors).

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“individual-centred” mapping, is used. Place-cen-tred mapping aims at observing actions in a partic-ular setting or portion of a public space; these arerecorded on floor plans, maps, or diagrams.Individual-centred mapping records the tasks,activities, and movements of people throughout theinvestigated space (Salama, 2012). It represents asystematic learning about a particular group ofindividuals whose activities are distributed through-out a specific period of time.

In planning the study, a series of visits to thethree spaces was conducted to explore key settingswithin them; these were selected because of theirimportance in terms of intensity of visitors and vari-ety of activities. Original maps were obtained andre-drawn and timings were identified: each of thespaces was observed twice during the week andtwice at weekends. Times of observation varied onweekdays and at weekends. Observation tookplace on weekday mornings from 10.00 to 11.00p.m. and during weekend mornings from 10.30 to11.30 a.m. For weekday and weekend evenings,observation times were from 6.30 to 7.30 p.m. andfrom 7.00 to 8.00 p.m., respectively. Users wereclassified into five groups: children, male visitors,female visitors, female domestic workers or clean-ers, and male labourers. Maps were generated foreach observation and mapping period and com-bined maps were then developed to illustrate theoverall profile of behaviour and activities in eachspace.

EXPERIENTIAL DESCRIPT ION ANDSPACE PROFILES

Katara Cultural Village is named after the ancientname ‘Catara’ used by second century Romanmapmakers to designate the peninsula of Qatar.Katara, as it is popularly known, is a ninety-ninehectare development along the waterfront locatedslightly north of Doha, between the West BayFinancial District and The Pearl Qatar develop-ment. Its design and architectural character isintended to simulate a traditional, real or imagined,Qatari village with covered alleyways and narrowpedestrian streets. Buildings are styled to representa hybrid of traditional Arabic or Islamic features(Figure 2). The locale hosts artistic and profession-al organisations, lecture halls, theatres, art galleriesand handicraft souqs, in addition to cafés and eth-nic restaurants. The area selected for investigationwithin the village includes a large pseudo-Romanamphitheatre, a seafront esplanade that attractsstrollers and people-watchers from different cultur-al backgrounds, and an entrance-fee ‘public’beach that accommodates water sports and otherbeachside recreational activities. However, the vil-lage itself is designated for an exclusive clienteleand patronage as it is gated; visitors are generallyscreened before being admitted.

The elegant Corniche Boulevard is, in strik-ing contrast, the, lined with a seven-kilometrewaterfront park and pathways, is one of the mostimportant and accessible urban open spaces inDoha (Figure 3). It consists of an attractive linear

Figure 2. One of the access points at Katara Cultural Village. (Source: Authors).

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promenade or walkway along picturesque DohaBay enhanced by a variety of landscaped greenareas, entertainment areas, open spaces, and chil-dren’s play areas. The Corniche Waterfront Park isa popular recreational spot which provides cityinhabitants with opportunities for strolling, jogging,cycling or just sitting and contemplating the scenicviews across the bay. The park attracts a wide vari-ety of different cultural and socio-economic groupsand is completely accessible to all members of thepublic. Key areas within the waterfront park canaccommodate socialising, and sporting and cultur-al events and activities. One important area orspace along the Corniche was selected for investi-gation. It is first is characterised by its proximity toThe Sheraton Hotel, the first iconic building andoldest five star hotel in the city, and its lush greenspaces, paths and cafeteria.

Souq Waqif, an important urban openspace in Doha, is considered to be the most popu-lar destination for residents and tourists alike. Therehabilitated Souq includes a wide variety of shopsthat sell traditional garments, souvenirs, spices, andfoodstuffs within an environment that is designed toresemble the perceived and imagined traditionalarchitecture of Qatar. The Souq is a combination ofrestored, reconstructed, renovated and new build-ings (Figure 4). It also hosts several small boutiquehotels, an art gallery, handicraft and antique shops,traditional markets, and numerous ethnic restau-rants and cafés that attract Qataris, other Arabs,and expatriates from all income groups; from timeto time labourers and groups of Asian men cruisethrough the open streets watching the more well-heeled patrons dine at expensive cafés and restau-rants. Occasional or weekend festivals and events

Figure 3. Corniche Area A, one of the most accessible urban open spaces in the city. (Source: Authors).

Figure 4. Main access and pedestrian spine of Souq Waqif. (Source: Authors).

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are held in the open areas of the Souq or in its pur-pose-built performing arts venue, the Al RayyanTheatre. One important area within the Souq wasselected for investigation: It includes the mainpedestrian spine, which houses the police stationand a series of ethnic restaurants and cafés. TheSouq is very popular and parking is inadequate sofinding a parking space is often a major problemexacerbated by the less than standard-size parkinglozenges and narrow lanes of the car-park areas.

SPACE CHARACTER IST ICS: USE, ACTIV IT IES AND BEHAV IOUR

Katara Cultural Village: In observing the mixedtypes of users at the selected Katara Cultural Villagespace, including children and male and female vis-itors, the actual use can be clearly discerned(Figures 5 and 6). The users represent differentsocio-economic strata and cultural backgrounds,including a substantial presence of Qataris. Malelabourers are represented in the space for restau-rant staff and beach helpers. Female labourers aremostly cleaners or maids accompanying Qatarifamilies to keep an eye on children. Cleaners seemto be available at all times, but appear to be mov-ing more within the space in the evenings. Sincemost of the restaurants open late morning or atnoon, the number of users is significantly less atthese times than during the evenings. Beach useand activities are not common whether during theweek or at weekends; this could be due to the highentrance fees. Even though the spaces, particularlythe waterfront esplanade, are dark and poorly illu-minated at night, Katara is more crowded in theevenings, both during weekday and weekendevenings. Interestingly, this lack of adequate lightingon the esplanade impacts in two contradictory

ways; first of all, it enables substantial and mostlikely desired privacy for users, particularly Qataris,and secondly, it minimises the feeling of comfortand safety, which even so does not prevent peoplestrolling along the esplanade in the concealingdarkness.

Visitors are observed to go to Katara fordifferent purposes. While many people visit thespace to dine in the various restaurants or loungein the numerous cafés and coffee shops, others pre-fer to go for a stroll along the esplanade or just siton the few available seats and benches lining themain pedestrian walkways. It was observed thatpeople walk or gather in groups, whether they arefamily members or a group of friends socialising.While strolling, they may glance at the representa-tional architecture of the different buildings or justlook for a suitable spot to sit. Some groups gatherin front of the open-air amphitheatre to enjoy sea-side views and the striking skyline of Doha; occa-sionally children play on the numerous steps andpediments of the gigantic amphitheatre. It was alsonoted that during the evening some people queuein front of busy popular or trendy restaurants, wait-ing to be seated. Overall, it was observed that bothadults and children seem to enjoy their time in thespace. However, the space lacks adequate outdoorfurniture such as benches and chairs in addition tosufficient green spaces and landscaped featuresthat would make it more amenable and attractivefor use. The minimal use of green spaces creates arather stark but not unpleasing leisure environment.

Corniche Area A: The mapping of Corniche Area Aelucidates the reality of this space (Figures 7 and 8)and how it is actually used by a wide spectrum ofpeople of different age groups and from differentethnic backgrounds. The space caters more to

Figure 5. Substantial presence of Qatari families along the waterfront esplanade. (Source: Authors).

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lower and middle-income groups. A strong pres-ence of male visitors is evident on weekdayevenings; male labourers working in the space arealso represented, these include cafeteria staff andMsheireb Enrichment Centre (MEC) security staff.Both males and females, taking exercise in the formof jogging, or casually strolling, were also recordedas passers-by. Additionally, the children’s play-ground at the far northern end of the site is a majorattraction for families. Family groups were alsoobserved gathering in the space around the cafete-ria, both in front of and behind it: in fact, the cafe-teria appears to be the major attraction to thespace, especially in the evenings when peoplecome for refreshments. The space is generallycrowded with different types of users on weekdays;at weekends they proliferate in the early morningand early evening. However, fewer users werenoted on weekday mornings, probably due to thefact that most people are at work. In contrast, main-tenance workers and gardeners were strongly rep-resented in the mornings when they are on dutyduring hours where they are less likely to disturb vis-itors. It was also noted that a considerable numberof male users visited the space specifically to drinktraditional tea (karak) while sitting individually or ingroups along the seawall, a protective barrier sep-

arating the promenade from the sea, chatting andseemingly enjoying the views of the cityscape or theother side of the bay. Interestingly, motorbike riders(a very small interest group in the Doha population)were frequently noted congregating at the drop-offarea, near the car-park.

Many users also passed by the major side-walk or pavement, which runs parallel to the prom-enade, the major pedestrian spine that links thewhole waterfront space of the Corniche WaterfrontPark. The major activities appeared to be walkingor stopping to use the rental bikes available in thegreen space near the cafeteria. Families wereobserved searching for a pleasant shady spot undera big tree, particularly near the children’s play area,a space which is dotted with small trees on land-scaped artificial hills and hummocks. Casualobservation at other times, apart from scheduledbehaviour mapping times, records that the space ismore vibrant and more heavily populated duringspecial events such as Qatar National Day cele-brations and water sport events and competitions.While overall adults and children seem to enjoyspending their time there, pursuing their recreation-al interests and activities, the space lacks sufficientoutdoor seating and significantly lacks parasols orother forms of shade, which could potentially make

Figure 6. Generated behavioural maps based on observation periods at Katara Cultural Village. (Source: Authors).

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it more appealing for use by more groups, espe-cially during the hot and sunny daytime hours.

Souq Waqif as a rehabilitated traditional marketand tourist destination area represents one of themost important and attractive leisure spaces inDoha; it caters to diverse groups including tourists,Qataris, and expatriate residents. Conducting

behavioural mapping of the selected setting withinthe Souq reveals the authentic use of the space(Figures 9 and 10). It was observed that someQataris and non-Qataris also visited the PoliceStation (Immigration Office) for various reasons, toauthenticate documents or renew visas. Otherusers, including residents and tourists, frequentedthe space for dining or socialising purposes sincethe area has a diverse variety of ethnic restaurants

Figure 8. Generated behavioural maps based on observation periods at Corniche Area A. (Source: Authors).

Figure 7. Individuals and groups congregate on pavements and green spaces at Corniche Area A. (Source: Authors).

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and attractive outdoor cafés.Tourists who stop over in Doha en route to

other destinations often visited the space to shop,

admire the ‘traditional’ architecture representativeof the reconstructed and renovated Souq buildings,and experience or investigate some of the cultural

Figure 9. Visitors’ activities in the main pedestrian spine of Souq Waqif. (Source: Authors).

Figure 10. Generated behavioural maps based on observation periods at Souq Waqif. (Source: Authors).

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aspects of Qatar. Typically, groups of tourists wereobserved to visit traditional shops prior to relaxingin cafés or dining at one of the many restaurants. Itwas also noted that there was a very low represen-tation of children, probably due to the lack of activ-ities and facilities that would cater to them. Asianmale workers would sometimes visit the space fromnearby residential areas located south of the Souq.However, security police stand in front of and nearthe station and have been known to hustle certainvisitors away, particularly unwelcome labourers orthose who have been observed annoying visitors.Mounted policemen also frequently patrol thestreets and are one of the attractions, especially fortourists.

The mapped space is one of the majorarteries of the Souq; it is lined by various restaurantswith roof terraces and outdoor cafés. In genericterms, the space is lively and well frequented bothin the morning and evening. However, it is morevibrant at weekends than during the week, and inthe evenings rather than the mornings. This is likelydue to the restaurant and café opening times.Visitors generally go there for a meal or coffee withfriends and family and some may go shopping. Itwas observed that the space was primarily used inthe mornings as a passing-by space en route to theshops or the immigration office while in theevenings it was used for dining in restaurants orcafés, as well as shopping in the adjacent tradition-al market or handicraft shops. Crowds were biggerin the evenings rather than during the morningsince the majority of visitors, other than tourists,were more likely to be at work. The space, as partof a pedestrian passageway to the traditional mar-ket area, seemed to be functioning very well; how-ever, the complete lack of children-oriented activi-ties and venues was also noted.

CONCLUSION

This paper presented narrated results of the exami-nation and assessment of three important urbanopen spaces in the city of Doha. With observing thelocation, activities, and the people involved, behav-ioural mapping procedures offer insights intounderstanding the influence of cues on users suchas the availability or lack of furniture like benchesor picnic tables, furnishings such as parasols orshade, and equipment such as children play equip-ment, in addition to the physical features of thespaces. Recording the character and type of activ-ities, and the casual factors associated with them,can assist in the identification and subsequentunderstanding of movement patterns that are oftengoverned by design qualities and amenities that

characterise the space. The overall experience of users in the three

spaces examined appears to be satisfactory. Yet, itdemonstrates that people experience and interactwith urban open spaces differently and as such theirneeds vary according to the purpose for which theyvisit the space. The mapping studies of urban openspaces delineate the fact that there is an absence oflandscape features and a dearth of green spaces ofappropriate outdoor furniture, such as benches andseating, in Katara Cultural Village; similarly, there isan absence of adequate shaded areas and shadingdevices in the Corniche Area A. In addition, a lackof children’s facilities or a specially designated areafor children was noted in Souq Waqif. Theseobserved lacks and absences could be viewed asdeficiencies that hinder the maximum efficient andeffective utilisation and use of such spaces.Addressing the lack of features that enhance peo-ple’s activities and use of the space, or those thatwould cater to a specific type of user would makethe space more conducive for use by different typesof users and at different days and times.

The rapid speed of recent urban develop-ment in Doha has mandates an urgent need toexamine the various layers of interdependenciesbetween an emerging society and newly built urbanfabrics and spaces. The tendency of supply-drivenparameters within local urbanism has led to restrict-ed participation among inhabitants in shapingDoha's built environment in recent years. The shiftfrom the phenomenon of an ‘instant city’ to a con-solidated and attractive international hub will, how-ever, rely on increased individual identification tourban spaces and a more satisfying fulfilment of thedemands and desires of a wide spectrum of usertypes in terms of urban design.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This study is developed as part of a comprehensivefunded research project of the National PrioritiesResearch Program, QNRF-Qatar NationalResearch Fund (NPRP 09 - 1083 - 6 – 023).

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Author(s):

Prof. Ashraf M. SalamaProfessor of Architecture and Urbanism, Head,Department of Architecture and Urban Planning, QatarUniversity.Email: [email protected]

Fatima Abdulla Khalfani Postgraduate Student - Master of Urban Planning andDesign, Department of Architecture and UrbanPlanning, Qatar University.Email: [email protected]

Ahood Abdullah Al-MaimaniPostgraduate Student - Master of Urban Planning andDesign, Department of Architecture and UrbanPlanning, Qatar University.Email: [email protected]