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Experiences of Latin Americans Seeking Professional
Jobs in Greater Vancouver
by
Sergio Pastrana
M.A. (Latin American Studies), Simon Fraser University, 2005
B.Sc. (Agriculture Economics), Chapingo University, 1996
Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Education
in the
Educational Leadership Program
Faculty of Education
© Sergio Pastrana 2020
SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY
Spring 2020
Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction
or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation.
ii
Approval
Name: Sergio Pastrana
Degree: Doctor of Education
Title: Experiences of Latin Americans Seeking
Professional Jobs in Greater Vancouver
Examining Committee: Chair: Rebecca Cox Associate Professor
Kumari Beck Senior Supervisor
Associate Professor
Michelle Pidgeon Supervisor
Associate Professor
Roumiana Ilieva
Internal Examiner
Associate Professor
Shibao Guo External Examiner
Professor
Werklund School of Education
University of Calgary
Date Defended/Approved: March 5, 2020
iii
Ethics Statement
iv
Abstract
Canada is often acknowledged as one of the most welcoming countries for immigrants
around the world. However, literature reveals that Canadian skilled immigrants,
particularly those from Latin America, are often unemployed, underemployed, and earn
significantly less than their Canadian-born counterparts. This dissertation examines the
experiences of Latin American Skilled Immigrants (LSIs) in Metro Vancouver,
including: the factors that prompt them to migrate; their experiences with the Canadian
immigration system; and their transition into the new social space. I critically deconstruct
dominant economic approaches to immigration and challenge human capital explanations
of the phenomena. By utilizing a multiple case study research design, I conducted in-
depth interviews with nine LSIs and coauthored their narratives. Filtered through the
lenses of Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction, Rizvi’s ideas regarding the neoliberal
imaginary, and Bauman’s concepts of the stranger’s aporia, I found that migration
appears as a strategy of social reproduction in which participants aim to maintain or
enhance their position in the social space. Furthermore, the neoliberal imaginary in
conjunction with the participants’ habitus largely shaped their perception of what moving
in the social space looks like and how it is achieved. With respect to their transition into
Canada, I found that participants who entered with prearranged jobs (WPJ) had more
positive experiences settling and adapting than those who entered without prearranged
jobs (WOPJ). Participants WOPJ faced more onerous immigration processes and upon
arrival, they encountered a contradictory society that intensely seeks to select the best and
brightest, but does little to facilitate their integration and in some cases is even
obstructive and discriminatory. Through the same theoretical framework, I realized that
settling into the community and transitioning into the labour market did not solely depend
on the participants’ intrinsic human capital, but also on a complex series of internal
contradictions and relations of power created by the neoliberal imaginary.
Acknowledging this complexity may lead to a more comprehensive and unprejudiced
construction of the Canadian immigration system. This would allow more room to
discuss and address the ethical and moral challenges that many immigration stakeholders
face, particularly the higher education system in the era of academic neoliberalism.
v
Keywords: skilled immigrants; Latin American skilled immigrants; Canadian
immigration policy; multiple case study; settlement issues; Canadian
higher education
vi
Dedication
I dedicate this dissertation to Valentina and Frida. Las quiero mucho! Sean
felices, vivan libres y luchen por una sociedad más justa.
vii
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisors, Kumari Beck and
Michelle Pidgeon, for their support, encouragement, and wisdom during this journey.
There are times when you cross paths with people that change your life for better. Thank
you, Kumari and Michelle.
I also want to thank Heather Engelland and Sarah Pastrana for all their support
and hours spent proofreading and editing this work. I also want to thank all my friends,
classmates, and family. A special thank you to Maria de los Angeles, my mother, for all
her love and care.
Thank you all for helping me to complete another chapter of my life.
viii
Table of Contents
Approval .........................................................................................................................ii
Ethics Statement ............................................................................................................ iii
Abstract .......................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ...................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................... vii
Table of Contents .........................................................................................................viii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................ xii
List of Figures ..............................................................................................................xiii
List of Acronyms.......................................................................................................... xiv
Glossary ........................................................................................................................ xv
Introduction .............................................................................................. 1
1.1. A Latin American Skilled Immigrant Perspective .................................................. 1
1.2. Background and Context........................................................................................ 3
1.3. Research Problem .................................................................................................. 7
1.4. Study Purpose and Research Questions .................................................................. 9
1.5. Theoretical Framework .......................................................................................... 9
1.6. Research Design .................................................................................................. 11
1.7. Overview of Dissertation ..................................................................................... 13
Context and Conditions Surrounding International Skilled
Immigration ....................................................................................................... 15
2.1. Skill and Knowledge: The Engine of Global Labour Mobility .............................. 16
2.2. The ‘Push’ Factors of Latin American Migration ................................................. 17
2.3. The ‘Pull’ Factors of the Knowledge-Based Economy ......................................... 19
2.4. The Reproduction of Economic Actors ................................................................ 20
2.5. Immigration Policy Models ................................................................................. 22
2.5.1. The supply-driven policy model. .................................................................. 23
2.5.2. The demand-driven policy model. ................................................................ 24
2.5.3. The hybrid policy model. ............................................................................. 26
2.5.4. Liberal adjustments and the emphasis on international students. .................. 28
2.6. Labour Outcomes of Skilled Immigrants .............................................................. 30
2.6.1. Unemployment. ........................................................................................... 31
2.6.2. Underemployment. ...................................................................................... 32
2.6.3. Earnings disparities. ..................................................................................... 34
2.6.4. Low income and poverty.............................................................................. 36
2.7. The Human and Cultural Capital Approach ......................................................... 37
2.8. Immigration and PSE ........................................................................................... 41
2.8.1. Academic capitalism and migration. ............................................................ 45
ix
2.9. Racism and Discrimination .................................................................................. 49
2.10. Summary ......................................................................................................... 52
Theorizing Migration and Immigrants’ Transition into New
Communities ...................................................................................................... 54
3.1. Social Reproduction ............................................................................................ 54
3.1.1. Strategies of social reproduction. ................................................................. 57
3.1.2. Instruments of social reproduction. .............................................................. 58
3.1.3. Bourdieu’s habitus and Rizvi’s imaginary. ................................................... 58
3.2. Social Space and the Stranger’s Aporia ................................................................ 62
3.3. Articulating a Theoretical Framework .................................................................. 66
Methodology ........................................................................................... 68
4.1. Design ................................................................................................................. 68
4.1.1. Multiple case study. ..................................................................................... 70
4.2. Location of the Study........................................................................................... 73
4.3. Participant Recruitment and Selection .................................................................. 73
4.3.1. Participants. ................................................................................................. 75
4.4. Data Collection .................................................................................................... 79
4.4.1. Interviews. ................................................................................................... 80
4.4.2. Interview protocol. ....................................................................................... 82
4.5. Data Analysis ...................................................................................................... 84
4.6. Trustworthiness ................................................................................................... 87
4.7. The Role of the Researcher .................................................................................. 90
4.8. Limitations and Delimitation ............................................................................... 91
4.9. Significance of Research...................................................................................... 92
Decisions to Migrate ............................................................................... 94
5.1. La Familia ........................................................................................................... 94
5.2. Goods and Services ............................................................................................. 97
5.3. Risk Assessment ................................................................................................ 100
5.3.1. Temporary separation. ............................................................................... 102
5.3.2. Social networks. ........................................................................................ 103
5.4. Beliefs and Expectations for the Future .............................................................. 104
5.5. Why the Participants Chose Canada ................................................................... 105
5.5.1. Distance. .................................................................................................... 105
5.5.2. Multiculturalism. ....................................................................................... 106
5.5.3. Social networks. ........................................................................................ 106
5.5.4. Employment and study opportunities. ........................................................ 107
5.5.5. Immigration recruitment and communication narratives. ............................ 108
5.5.6. Simplicity of the immigration process. ....................................................... 109
5.6. Discussion ......................................................................................................... 109
x
La Migra ............................................................................................... 116
6.1. Immigration Paths ............................................................................................. 116
6.1.1. The points-based system and surrounding information. .............................. 118
6.2. Immigration Paths and Labour Outcomes .......................................................... 123
6.3. Discussion ......................................................................................................... 124
Transición y Adaptación ...................................................................... 130
7.1. Moving. ............................................................................................................. 130
7.2. Adapting to the New Environment ..................................................................... 132
7.2.1. The living cost in Greater Vancouver. ........................................................ 133
7.2.2. Segregation. ............................................................................................... 133
7.2.3. Cultural challenges. ................................................................................... 136
7.2.4. Tensions and family adaptation. ................................................................. 137
7.2.5. Children and spouses’ adaptation. .............................................................. 139
7.2.6. Familia and the economic rationale. ........................................................... 141
7.3. Discussion ......................................................................................................... 142
Employment ......................................................................................... 147
8.1. The Hiring Process ............................................................................................ 147
8.1.1. Job search and job applications. ................................................................. 147
8.1.2. Employment and immigrant services. ........................................................ 148
8.1.3. Immigrant services and underemployment. ................................................ 150
8.1.4. Underemployment dilemma. ...................................................................... 152
8.1.5. Foreign credentials and certifications. ........................................................ 154
8.1.6. Discrimination. .......................................................................................... 157
8.2. To Leave or to Stay ........................................................................................... 159
8.3. Discussion ......................................................................................................... 162
Experiences of Latin American permanent residents who hold their
highest degree outside of Canada .................................................................... 169
9.1. Discussion of the Findings ................................................................................. 170
9.2. Theoretical Implications .................................................................................... 175
9.3. Methodological Implications ............................................................................. 178
9.4. Implications for Higher Education ..................................................................... 180
9.5. Implications for Policy and Practice to Enhance Labour Outcomes of Latin
American Skilled Immigrants ...................................................................................... 184
9.5.1. Help skilled immigrant applicants to strategize. ......................................... 185
9.5.2. Offer appropriate settlement....................................................................... 186
9.5.3. Mediate relations of power......................................................................... 187
9.5.4. Evaluate the integration of Latin American skilled immigrants. ................. 188
9.6. Personal Reflections .......................................................................................... 189
xi
References .................................................................................................................. 191
Appendix A. ............................................................................................................... 225
Appendix B. ............................................................................................................... 227
Appendix C. ............................................................................................................... 233
xii
List of Tables
Table 1. Summary of participants ......................................................................... 79
xiii
List of Figures
Figure 1. Latin American population of Canada. ..................................................... 4
Figure 2. Immigrant population by place of birth. .................................................... 5
Figure 3. Canada – Permanent residents by category. ............................................ 22
Figure 4. Economic immigrants (percentage distribution). ..................................... 27
Figure 5. Median earnings of immigrants and Canadian-born earners, both sexes,
aged 25 to 54, 20 percent sample data (2005 constant dollars). ............... 35
Figure 6. Multiple case research design. ............................................................... 89
xiv
List of Acronyms
BC British Columbia
CIC Citizenship and Immigration Canada
COPS Canadian Occupational Projection System
EOI Expression of Interest System
INEGI National Institute of Statistics and Geography
IOM International Organization for Migration
KBC Knowledge-Based Capital
LAC Library and Archives Canada
LMIA Labour Market Impact Assessment
LSI Latin American Skilled Immigrants
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
OILS Ontario Immigrant Literacy Survey
SFU Simon Fraser University
USA United States of America
WPJ Participants who Entered With Prearranged Jobs
WOPJ Participants who Entered Without Prearranged Jobs
xv
Glossary
Academic capitalism/
Academic-neoliberalism
“Institutional and professorial market or market-like
efforts to secure external funds” (Slaughter & Leslie,
1997, p. 209). Capitalist policies promoted during the
Keynesian period did not push higher education
institutions to undergo market-like efforts to secure funds.
The profit-seeking logic in higher education emerged
during the neoliberal period and therefore the term
academic-neoliberalism may be more precise.
Caucasian-White Although the term Caucasian and White is often used
interchangeably, the term Caucasian is rooted in
perceptions of female beauty largely attributed
to Blumenbach’s belief that the taxonomy of Caucasian
females skulls, which includes people from countries such
as Georgia, Russia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, were the
most beautiful in the world. The term Caucasian resounds
in North America as a symbol of white race purity.
Therefore, I use the term white to refer to Canadians with
light-colored skin from European ancestry. However, I
use the term Caucasian if it was used by the cited author,
as this may influence the way data was selected (Painter,
2014).
Habitus I refer to “a system of schemes of perception and
appreciation of practices, cognitive and evaluative
structures which are acquired through the lasting
experience of a social position. Habitus is both a system
of schemes of production of practices and a system of
perception and appreciation of practices” (Bourdieu,
1998, p. 19).
Human capital Human capital is grounded in the idea of investment of
one’s well-being; migration can be seen as a human
capital investment similar to education, training, or one's
health (Becker, 1975; Bodvarsson & Van den Berg,
2013).
Latin American For the purpose of this study, I refer to Latin Americans
as people from the Americas whose mother tongue is
Spanish.
Social Imaginary I refer to the social imaginary as “the thinking shared in a
society by ordinary people, the common understandings
that make everyday practices possible, giving them sense
and legitimacy”(Rizvi, 2006a, p. 196). This understanding
of globalization has now become so widespread and
xvi
implicit in our collective consciousness that it might
appropriately be said to constitute a ‘social imaginary’
(Taylor, 2004). This paper suggests that the neoliberal
social imaginary of globalization has resulted in
privileging a particular way of conceptualizing the
requirements of educational reform, around the
valorization of the market.
Social space A multi-dimensional grid of coordinates where people
coexist and occupy unique positions. The position
occupied by each agent is determined by the relative
composition of volume and structure of capital. This is the
relative weight of the different types of capital, and the
total volume of their assets (Bourdieu, 1985).
Strategies of social
reproduction
Strategies of social reproduction are defined as “the group
of practices, remarkably different, by which individuals
and families tend to, consciously or unconsciously,
engage in to preserve or advance their positions in the
social space” (translated quotation that appeared in
Bourdieu, 1979, p. 122).
Visible minority A a person belonging to a visible minority group as
defined by the Employment Equity Act, and the visible
minority group to which the person belongs. The
Employment Equity Act defines visible minorities as
"persons, other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-
Caucasian in race or non-white in colour". The visible
minority population consists mainly of the following
groups: South Asian, Chinese, Black, Filipino, Latin
American, Arab, Southeast Asian, West Asian, Korean
and Japanese (Statistics Canada, 2017a para. 1).
1
Introduction
1.1. A Latin American Skilled Immigrant Perspective
Canada is often viewed as one of the most welcoming destinations in the world
for immigrants (InterNations, 2017). Approximately one in five Canadians are foreign-
born (Statistics Canada, 2017c), and this is the sixth largest proportion of foreign-born
among OECD countries (OECD, 2018). Personally, I immigrated to Canada as a skilled
immigrant on January 25th, 2000. Prior to migration, I completed my first degree in
agricultural economics at Chapingo University, one of the most highly ranked
agricultural universities in Latin America. Chapingo University is a public university
primarily composed of students coming from low-income rural families across Mexico. It
is highly subsidised, and all students are exempt from paying for tuition and food.
Despite the high unemployment rate in Mexico, soon after graduation I obtained a
position as an assistant director in a non-governmental organization founded by Save the
Children. In this organization, I had the potential for academic and career development.
Despite my promising future in Mexico, I decided to move to Canada, as my partner was
Canadian. Although we were not married, I had the option to migrate to Canada through
the family sponsorship program. However, I chose to migrate to Canada through the
skilled immigrant program, as I believed that arriving as a professional would facilitate
my integration into the labour market and would give me better insight towards my career
prospects. In both cases, I thought it would be relatively easy to find employment in
Canada, as my profession was deemed to be in high demand. Under the immigration
points system, my career as an agronomist granted me almost the maximum number of
points allocated to a profession. Moreover, I visited Vancouver four times prior to my
migration, and I knew that I would have a place to live and help from my partner to settle.
Following my move to Canada, and despite all my previous knowledge and
support upon arrival, I was unable to find a professional job in my area of expertise in
2
Canada. I worked as a stocker, a truck driver, a telemarketer, a landscaper, and as a mail
service courier at Canada Post. Eventually, after joining a master’s graduate program at
Simon Fraser University, I was temporarily hired by a friend to assist in evaluating
various motor vehicle accidents and auto theft programs implemented by the Royal
Canadian Mounted Police and the Insurance Corporation of British Columbia. Unable to
find a steady job in that field, I continued to deliver appliances for several years. I often
thought about going back to Mexico. However, the violence in Mexico had escalated
severely. Members of my extended family were kidnapped and murdered, so even though
I was underemployed in Canada, I was at least safer. By the time the Mexican president
Felipe Calderon ended his mandate in 2012, over 121,000 people were killed from
violent crimes (Proceso, 2013). Some reports indicate that in 2015, 57 people were
murdered every 24 hrs. In that year, the number of civilians killed in Mexico was often
compared to the number of civilians killed in Iraq and Afghanistan combined (HispanTV,
2016).
In 2008, eight years after arriving in Canada and three years after graduating from
my master’s program at SFU, I succeeded in obtaining a position at the former Ministry
of Healthy Living and Sport in Victoria, B.C., as an entry-level performance management
analyst. After a few years in the health field, my experience allowed me to move through
various departments, including infection prevention and control, and public health.
However, given that I do not possess a health-related degree, my career prospects in that
area were limited. I decided to enter the Educational Leadership (EdD) program, to
expand my career options and open opportunities to other areas of expertise while also
satisfying my desire to continue my education. At the beginning of the program, I
explored health related topics in connection with my recent work experience. However,
during my doctoral journey I realized that my curiosity around immigration was growing
stronger, largely as a reflection of my own life experience as a Latin American Skilled
Immigrant (LSI) living in Canada.
3
1.2. Background and Context
Immigration has been a central feature of Canadian socio-economic development
since Canada was a colony (Fleras, 2014). Today, demographic challenges, such as an
aging population, low birth rates, a small internal market, and the increasing relevance of
the knowledge-based economy in Canada’s nation building imaginary have further
embedded immigration at the heart of Canada’s socioeconomic landscape (Fleras, 2014;
S. C. Government of Canada, 2016; Haque, 2012). The valued importance of
immigration in Canada’s nation building imaginary has resulted in producing one of the
most open and innovative immigration systems in the world (Fleras, 2014;
Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011; Vincenza & Hooper, 2016). In 2016, roughly 296,000
people obtained permission to live and work in Canada as permanent residents
(Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, 2017). This represents roughly 0.8
percent of the total Canadian population. Moreover, Statistics Canada estimates that
immigration will likely become the main driver of population growth as the natural
increase is expected to steadily decline to nearly zero within 20 years (Statistics Canada,
2016b).
According to a recent report, Canada has the fourth highest number of migrants
per capita of all Western countries, and 21 percent of its population is foreign-born (BBC
News, 2019). Prior to 1980, over 60 percent of Canadian immigrants came from Europe;
however, between 1980 and 2006, the proportion of immigrants from Asia grew to make
up more than half of the immigration flow into Canada (Statistics Canada, 2017b). Prior
to the 1970s, the proportion of Canadian immigrants from Latin America was almost
non-existent (Simmons, 1993). By 1996, Canadian immigrants from Latin America, a
region of Spanish speaking countries from North, Central, and South America, accounted
for roughly 0.6 percent of the Canadian population (176,975) and by 2016, this number
rose to 1.3 percent (447,325) (see Figure 1).
4
.
Figure 1. Latin American population of Canada. This figure illustrates a steady increase over time of Latin American immigrants. Adapted from (Statistics Canada, 1998, 2007, 2013,
2019; Veronis & McAloney, 2010).
According to Simmons (1993) and Armony (2014), Latin Americans have moved
to Canada in waves in response to civil war, violence, and dictatorships, including the
Chilean coup d’état in 1973, and the Salvadorian civil war in the 1980s. Similarly, crisis
and violence in the 1980s and 1990s in other countries such as Mexico, Colombia,
Argentina, Guatemala, and Peru contributed to an increasing influx of immigrants from
these countries. Although most recent waves of Latin American immigrants were
admitted to Canada based on their skills and abilities and their capacity to fulfill labour
shortages in highly skilled occupations (Armony, 2014), they were to some extent
“refugee-like”, given the violence, corruption, and insecurity in their countries during this
period (Simmons, 1993, p. 303).
Other factors that may have also contributed to the migration of Latin Americans
to Canada is the increasing difficulty to migrate to the United States, which may have
resulted in an 'spillover' effect from Latin America into Canada (Simmons, 1993, p.
287), making Canada an important secondary destination in the inter-American
immigration system.
1996 2001 2006 2011 2016
LA population 176,975 244,400 292,450 381,280 447,325
LA population (%) 0.6 0.8 0.9 1.1 1.3
0.0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1.0
1.2
1.4
0
50,000
100,000
150,000
200,000
250,000
300,000
350,000
400,000
450,000
500,000
% o
f C
anad
ian
po
pu
lati
on
Lati
n A
mer
ican
po
pu
lati
on
Latin American population of Canada
5
Figure 2. Immigrant population by place of birth. This figure illustrates the number of Latin American immigrants in Canada by country of origin, including shifts in patterns over time.
Adapted from (Statistics Canada, 2019a).
In 2016, the five Latin American countries with the highest number of emigrants
living in Canada were Mexico (80,590), Colombia (70,040), El Salvador (48,075), Peru
(29,615), and Venezuela (20,775). Although most Latin American immigrants in the
1980s arrived from El Salvador, over time the number of immigrants from Mexico and
Colombia has grown and they now represent the highest population of Latin American
immigrants living in Canada.
It is important to note that, on average, the foreign-born population in Canada
possesses higher levels of education than foreign-born populations across other OECD
countries (OECD, 2018). Over 50 percent of Canadian immigrants are highly educated,
compared to an average of 31 percent across all OECD countries (OECD, 2018). In
2016, 40 percent of immigrants aged 25 to 64 had a bachelor's degree or higher, while
roughly only 25 percent of the Canadian-born population had a bachelor's degree or
higher (Statistics Canada, 2017d). That same year, the proportion of immigrants who held
a master's or doctorate degree was 11.3 percent compared to 5 percent among the
Canadian-born population (Statistics Canada, 2017d). Latin Americans immigrants,
including both males and females, are no exception (Edmonston, 2016; Statistics Canada,
2007).
Mexico Colombia El Salvador Peru Venezuela Cuba
2011-2016 18,660 15,300 3,530 3,530 6,425 5,370
2006-2010 17,570 23,415 4,410 5,640 4,990 4,830
2001-2005 11,990 18,335 2,220 5,025 3,405 3,580
1991-2000 15,075 6,405 13,560 7,415 3,125 3,085
1981-1990 9,230 2,520 23,025 5,295 1,305 545
0
10,000
20,000
30,000
40,000
50,000
60,000
70,000
80,000
Immigrant population by place of birth
6
Despite an enormous capacity to attract the most educated people from around the
world, the reality on the ground presents somewhat of a less rosy picture. There is
extensive evidence that skilled immigrants who enter Canada to fill strategic labour
market positions are often unemployed or underemployed, and earn significantly less
than their Canadian-born counterparts ((Banerjee & Lee, 2015; Dean & Wilson, 2009;
Fleras, 2014; Galarneau & Morissette, 2008; Picot & Hou, 2014; Reitz et al., 2014;
Statistics Canada, 2005; Zietsma, 2010).
This exclusion of skilled immigrants into the Canadian professional labour market
has drawn into question the image of Canada as a society open to immigration.
Unemployment, underemployment, and earning disparities have been shown to affect
immigrants of all origins; however, these challenges appear to be more acute among
recent immigrants, foreign degree-holders, women, and visible-minority groups (Clarke
& Skuterud, 2013; Ferrer & Riddell, 2008; Frenette & Morissette, 2005; Picot & Hou,
2014; Picot et al., 2007; Reitz, 2001; Reitz et al., 2014).
Evidence has shown that while visible minority groups, on average, possess
higher levels of education than the general Canadian population, they are largely
underrepresented in high level occupations and often earn wages below their level of skill
and education (Haider, 2019, 2019; Hou & Balakrishnan, 1996; Statistics Canada, 2009,
2017d; Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council, 2016). However, other authors
argue that aggregating visible minority data to make comparisons to their non-visible
minority counterparts can be misleading (Hier & Bolaria, 2007; Hum & Simpson, 1999).
For example, with the exception of black men, it has been shown that there is no
statistically significant income inequality between native-born visible minorities and their
non-visible minority counterparts (Hum & Simpson, 1999). More recent data have shown
that earning disparities among university-educated visible minorities range from those of
Japanese descent, who earn 3.7 percent more than their white counterparts, to those of
Latin American descent, who earned on average 31.7 percent less than their white peers
(The Conference Board of Canada, 2018). From these data, it is possible to conclude that
Latin Americans are the visible minority with the largest earning gap in Canada (The
Conference Board of Canada, 2018).
7
A Statistics Canada report shows that most Canadian immigrants of Latin
American descent (94%) can carry out a conversation in English or French and are more
likely to hold a university degree than the overall population (Statistics Canada, 2007).
However, Canadian immigrants of Latin American descent have lower incomes than the
national average. Twenty eight percent of them have average incomes below low-income
cut-offs (Statistics Canada, 2001) compared to 16 percent of the total Canadian
population (Statistics Canada, 2007). Moreover, in 2007, Latin Americans were the
second largest unemployed group among all immigration regions (Statistics Canada,
2015d). More recent data shows that between 2009 and 2011 the unemployment rate of
Latin Americans remained largely unchanged, at 10.3 percent (Statistics Canada, 2015c).
1.3. Research Problem
In spite of the many challenges that people from Latin America face in the
Canadian labour market, the body of literature that examines their experiences is limited.
Only a handful of studies have been conducted regarding the experiences of Latin
Americans in Canada (Sinacore & Lerner, 2013; Somerville & Walsworth, 2010), and
only one study has examined the experiences of skilled Latin American immigrants in
Canada (Wilson-Forsberg, 2015).
Through the use of human and cultural capital deficit lenses, an extensive
segment of the literature establishes that, in general, the unemployment,
underemployment, and earning differences of immigrants are the result of their level of
skills and abilities (Campolieti et al., 2013; Carnevale et al., 2001; Chiswick & Miller,
2003; Clarke & Skuterud, 2013; Ferrer et al., 2004; Guerrero & Rothstein, 2012; Kunz,
2003; Schaafsma & Sweetman, 2001; Sweetman, 2004). The human capital theory posits
that the personal investments of individuals, such as education and health, are predictors
of their productivity, which ultimately determines their wages (Olson, 2013). This
position in the literature may have influenced Canadian policy makers to raise the
standards of admission, resulting in more educated, more skilled, and more language-
proficient immigrants in recent years (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2014; Hango
et al., 2015). However, despite this effort, the issue of immigrant unemployment and
8
underemployment appears to persist over time (Picot & Hou, 2014; Reitz et al., 2014;
Statistics Canada, 2015).
Some researchers have suggested that discrimination may be playing an important
role in preventing skilled immigrants from accessing the professional labour market in
Canada, and the ambiguity of assessing immigrants’ skills and abilities has perhaps
provided a cover to disguise biases and discriminatory practices in the labour market
(Esses, Bennett-AbuAyyash, & Lapshina, 2014). Moreover, there is some concern that
the cultural and human capital deficit perspectives may have contributed to constructing
immigrants as individuals in constant need of training despite qualifications or individual
talents, and may have also contributed to constructing foreign credentials as inferior
(Shan, 2009).
Regardless of how employment disparities are reproduced, there is evidence that
the sub-utilization of immigrants’ skills and abilities has resulted in economic
inefficiencies and has hindered the well-being of many immigrants (Dean & Wilson,
2009; Fleras, 2014). In 1996, it was estimated that the total immigrant earnings deficit
due to pay inequities and the underutilization of immigrants’ skills was equivalent to 15
billion dollars (Reitz, 2001). Since the release of this article, no study has shown whether
this estimate has increased or decreased; however, current levels of unemployment and
underemployment suggest that the sub-utilization of immigrants’ skills and abilities
remains significant.
In summary, in spite of the rhetoric of Canada as a leader in managing economic
immigration (Levitz, 2019), and with its reputation as one of the most welcoming
countries in the world for immigrants (InterNations, 2017), the literature review reveals
that many skilled immigrants continue to be excluded from the professional labour
market, and they are often overrepresented in low income, unemployment, and
underemployment rates, particularly those from Latin American origin. However, the
literature review also reveals that there is a disagreement regarding how this phenomenon
continues to be reproduced.
9
1.4. Study Purpose and Research Questions
The purpose of my research is to examine the experiences and perceptions of
Latin American permanent residents who entered Canada under the economic immigrant
categories, seeking to access the labour market in Greater Vancouver. I aim to better
understand why some highly educated Latin Americans migrate to Canada and what
challenges these LSIs face transitioning into their new home community.
The overarching question that guided my inquiry is:
What are the experiences of Latin American permanent residents who possess
foreign credentials in migrating to and living in Canada?
Sub questions that arose from this line of inquiry are:
• What are the factors that prompted LSIs to migrate to Canada?
• How do immigration policies impact the everyday lived experiences of LSIs?
• How do Latin American permanent residents, who possess foreign credentials,
experience transition into the labour market in the Lower Mainland of British
Columbia?
1.5. Theoretical Framework
Since the early 1900s, scholars have attempted to provide general explanations to
several questions regarding migration. This includes the reasons why people migrate,
why migration occurs from some countries more than others, why an important
proportion of migrants come from middle income countries and are well educated, and
why some people integrate more quickly into their host countries. However, theories of
migration have been largely developed in disciplinary silos and efforts at theory building
have not been cumulative. The phenomenon has been recognized as extremely complex
and interdisciplinary in nature, and therefore a single theory often falls short of
explaining it in its entirety (Arango, 2000; Bauder, 2012; Bodvarsson & Van den Berg,
2013).
10
In seeking to address the complexity of immigration issues in my study, I selected
Bordieu’s theory of social reproduction (2011,1990), as the foundational theoretical
framework. As these theories did not fully account for the theoretical complexity needed,
I expanded on the concept of habitus with Rizvi’s (2006b, 2011b; 2000) concept of
imaginary. I also drew on Bauman (1993) to interpret the tensions caused by the
international demand for labour in the era of the knowledge-based economy. More
precisely, the tensions caused by the demand for labour in the physical, cognitive, and
moral dimensions of space results in what Bauman (1993) calls the stranger’s aporia
(Bauman, 1993, p. 159).
I utilized Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction (2011,1990), to provide a
possible explanation of how a limited number of Latin Americans with a specific
structure and volume of capital have the opportunity to use migration as an instrument of
social reproduction. Through these same concepts, I also theorize how their capitals and
the new relations of power position them in the Canadian social space (Bourdieu, 1979,
1985, 1989, 1998, 2002, 2011).
Drawing from Bourdieu’s (2002) theoretical framework, I also acknowledge that
agents, defined as individuals with an intrinsic capacity to act (Schlosser, 2019) and
structural factors, which are the group of social forces, including social institutions, that
guide individuals’ social interactions (Johnson, 2015), influence migration and skilled
immigrants’ transitions into their new communities. Following Bourdieu (2002), I stress
the importance of the family to maintain or advance positions in the social space and
subsequently theorize that decision-making is not solely individual but collective.
Although I note the importance of Bourdieu’s idea of the nuclear family, this perspective
is limited as networks of support are often linked to wider social ties such as friends and
extended family. Through Bourdieu’s concept of habitus (1998), I argue that subjectivity
also plays a role in the migration process. The agent’s perception, preferences, and
appreciation of the social space also contributes to migrants’ decision-making. Seeking to
expand on the notion of habitus, I draw on Rizvi’s concepts of the imaginary (2006b,
2011b; 2000). Rizvi emphasises that the collective subjectivity influences the individual
and he posits that neoliberal beliefs have become the dominant source of our social
11
imaginary or collective subjectivity. From this perspective, the neoliberal social
imaginary has resulted in privileging a particular way of thinking, which I argue also
includes the way in which immigration is dominantly constructed.
The challenges that many immigrants experience to integrate into their new
communities can be examined through the Bourdieusian concepts of volume and
structure of capital, class conflict, and pedagogical action. However, Bauman’s (1993)
concept of space is key to understanding the tensions between the need for international
skilled labour, which implies a change in the physical space, and the cognitive and moral
dimensions of space. Moreover, ethics, which is part of the cognitive space, appears to be
less dynamic than changes in morality, which further creates tension amongst the
different dimensions of the social space. Bauman’s (1993) ideas are particularly
important because, from this perspective, the Post-Secondary Education System (PSES)
plays a fundamental structural role in selecting immigrants while benefiting from it. The
PSES in the era of academic capitalism is experiencing ethical and moral tensions. Thus,
higher education produces ideas to maintain the status quo in which it currently benefits,
while it also inspires society to move beyond the neoliberal imaginary, towards a more
equitable society. Hence, the framework for my study constitutes the incorporation of
three interconnected theories from Bourdieu (1979, 1985, 1989), Rizvi (2006a, 2006b),
and Bauman (1993), which I will elaborate on in a later chapter.
1.6. Research Design
Since the focus of this research is to explore how Latin American permanent
residents who hold their highest degree outside of Canada experience transition into the
labour market in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia, I chose a qualitative inquiry
approach. In conducting this inquiry, I utilized a multiple case study research strategy,
which is a well-established qualitative research methodology. Yin (1994) argues that, in
general, case studies, histories, or experiments are suitable when the researcher seeks to
answer ‘how’ and ‘why’ types of questions, as I was seeking to do in this inquiry. Yin
(1994) and Swanborn (2010) suggest that if the investigator is unable to isolate or
12
simulate the phenomenon, and/or the boundaries between the phenomenon and context
are unclear, then case studies are preferred.
Although case studies can operate under single or multiple units of analysis, I
opted to use a multiple case study design to be able to do cross-case comparison. This
was essential as I aimed to analyze across cases of participants who either quickly
integrated into the labour market, had struggles integrating, or who decided to leave
Canada. Moreover, the multiple-case study allowed me to explore the research questions
using a replication strategy. Replication is key because if all or most of the cases produce
similar outcomes this can provide more compelling evidence to support a theoretical
proposition (Creswell, 2014; Yin, 1994; Zach, 2006).
Nine participants were selected based on the established selection criteria, which
included labour market outcomes, time of migration, and migration path. Data in this
study were collected through in-depth interviews with each participant. I used qualitative
data analysis to interprete the data and to establish trustworthiness. This included coding
the transcriptions of the interviews, identifying themes common to all participants,
reflecting upon the role of the researcher, and using various strategies to maintain
trustworthiness.
There are various limitations in the current study, as well as various ethical and
epistemological implications, which are listed in Chapter 4. Some of the main limitations
include being unable to include a broad range of experiences based on labour outcomes,
professions, and countries of origin. While I use the term Latin American as an
equivalent for a Spanish speaker from North, Central, and South America, I also
acknowledge that there are important variations of experience within people coming from
different Latin American countries. I believe that future studies can further investigate
both the similarities and differences among immigrants from different places in Latin
America. However, given limitations to recruit participants from each country in Latin
America, this study provides a good start.
13
1.7. Overview of Dissertation
In Chapter 2, I examine some of the main forces that have shaped the
immigration of LSIs to Canada. This includes an overview of the knowledge-based
economy, the socioeconomic Latin American context, and the immigration policies in
Canada. Following that, I review the labour outcomes of skilled immigrants, particularly
those from Latin America. I continue this chapter by reviewing some of the main bodies
of literature that explain why many skilled immigrants encounter difficulties integrating
into the Canadian labour market. I conclude this chapter by summarizing the key findings
from selected literature.
In Chapter 3, I describe the theories that have informed this research, and identify
the theoretical framework that guides the study. I draw from Bourdieu’s (1979, 1985,
1989) theory of social reproduction, Rizvi’s (2006a, 2006b) concept of imaginary, and
Bauman’s (1993) stranger’s aporia. By integrating these authors’ ideas, I developed an
alternative approach to economic theory that theorizes the underlying mechanisms and
forces that influence the decisions of LSIs to migrate, and the factors that influence their
transition into the professional Canadian labour market.
My research design and methods are described in detail in Chapter 4. In this
chapter, I provide the theoretical basis for using qualitative methods, and describe the
protocol followed. I provide a detailed explanation of the methods used to ensure
trustworthiness and conclude by discussing various ethical considerations, potential
benefits of the study, and its limitations.
From Chapters 5 to Chapter 8, I describe the data obtained through the interviews and
provide single- and cross-case analysis derived from the emerging themes in the
interviews. Each chapter concludes with an interpretation and discussion of the data.
Chapter 5 describes the participants’ experiences and reflections regarding their
motivation and decision-making process behind migrating to Canada. Chapter 6 responds
to the research question of how immigration policies influence the everyday lived
experiences of LSIs by presenting the participants’ experiences during their immigration
14
process, and highlighting divergent experiences, particularly between those who came to
Canada with or without prearranged employment. I show how the participants’
experiences through different immigration paths affected their settlement and transition
into the labour market.
In Chapters 7 and 8, I present and analyze the data provided by the participants
regarding their experiences transitioning into their new homes in the Lower Mainland of
British Columbia. I dedicate Chapter 7 to examining the participants’ transition into their
communities and their settlement, and present emerging themes surrounding the
participants’ experiences in the Canadian labour market separately in Chapter 8.
In Chapter 9, I discuss the findings of this investigation and discuss the
theoretical, methodological, and policy implications of this research. I also outline my
reflections regarding the research process, and summarize the limitations and
recommendations for future research.
15
Context and Conditions Surrounding International
Skilled Immigration
In this chapter, I review the literature on international skilled migration in Canada
with a focus on context, policies, settlement, and labour market outcomes. I start with a
descriptive analysis of international migration and an examination of the push and pull
factors that motivate people from Latin America to move to Canada. Following the
contextual review, I examine the complexities of migration and explore the evolution of
the Canadian immigration system as the primary mechanism to attract and recruit
immigrants to fill skilled labour shortages.
In this section I show that despite Canada’s intention to alleviate skilled labour
market shortages, skilled immigrants in Canada, particularly those from Latin America,
are often unemployed, underemployed, and earn significantly less than their Canadian-
born counterparts (Statistics Canada, 2015d; The Conference Board of Canada, 2018).
Subsequently, I discuss how common explanations for the poor integration of skilled
immigrants to the professional Canadian labour market are related to human capital
deficiencies, including skilled immigrants’ educational quality, literacy scores and
language abilities. Following the human capital explanation, I focus on the intersection
between the higher education system and immigration, and consider the ethical and moral
challenges that the higher education system faces, given its subordination to economic
goals. I show that while much attention has been paid to issues related to human capital
and credential recognition, another body of literature posits that labour market outcome
disparities between immigrants and native-born workers go beyond human capital
differences, and are based on underlying gender and race tensions. I conclude the chapter
with a summary, which identifies gaps in the literature and how I locate this dissertation
within the overall body of literature.
I am aware that in recent years roughly 10 percent of immigration in Canada has
consisted of people seeking asylum as refugees. The issues related to refugees, and their
16
personal experiences are another critically under-researched area in terms of
employment. However, involuntary migration is out of the scope of this dissertation, as I
have chosen to limit my investigation to examine a very specific group of skilled
immigrants who willingly decided to migrate,
2.1. Skill and Knowledge: The Engine of Global Labour
Mobility
Every year millions of people around the world migrate, some through choice,
others seeking refuge. The number of people living outside their home country has
steadily increased, from 175 million in 2000 to around 250 million in 2015 (World Bank,
2016). Estimates show that 11 million move around the world annually to settle in
another country (World Bank, 2009). Although the number of international migrants rose
in the last few decades, the number of people who live outside of their countries of birth
has remained below 3.5 percent of the global population (World Bank, 2016). From this
perspective, international migration is not a very common phenomenon. Moreover,
although there is a common belief that international migration originates in poor
countries, the movement of international migrants stems mainly from middle-income
countries, with the majority moving to high-income countries (United Nations, 2015).
Nearly 70 percent of the world’s immigrants live in 20 countries, including Canada
(United Nations, 2015), which is one of the most desired destination countries in the
world for migrants (Douglas, 2014).
According to the United Nations (2015) and the World Bank (2009), push and
pull factors have eased the mobility of labour, largely favouring skilled workers. This
includes globalization, neoliberal policies, advancements in communication and
transportation, challenging socioeconomic conditions in developing countries, and
selective migration policies. For instance, the proportion of skilled migrant workers
relative to unskilled migrant workers has steadily increased since the 1970s. Skilled
labour migration is on the rise in each developing world region, although there are some
reports that just recently flows of unskilled labour began to rise as well (World Bank,
2009). Over the last 30 years, education attainment was the most important facilitator of
17
labour mobility across borders (World Bank, 2009). Those with higher education can
move more easily and are more likely to move relative to the unskilled migrant
demographic (World Bank, 2009). It is important to note that the mobility of labour is not
only driven through migration but also through industries such as offshoring and
outsourcing, which have grown and can influence the mobility of labour both virtually
and physically (Outsourcing Insight, 2017; Palugod & Palugod, 2011).
2.2. The ‘Push’ Factors of Latin American Migration
Latin America and the Caribbean are one of the main migratory regions in the
world. This region accounts for roughly a quarter of global human migration
(International Organization for Migration [IOM], 2016). Over 70 percent of all Latin
American immigrants, including those in the Caribbean, live in the United States (US),
and the majority of those immigrants come from Mexico and Central America
(International Organization for Migration [IOM], 2016). In alignment with global trends,
there is some evidence that Latin American and Caribbean emigrants are more educated
than those who remain in their home country. For example, as of 2009, more than 50
percent of Central American and Caribbean graduates were living abroad (World Bank,
2009). Moreover, in 2015 Mexico and India had the largest number of citizens residing
outside their home country and they were among the top 10 countries with the highest
numbers of tertiary-educated migrants (World Bank, 2009; United Nations, 2015).
The desire to move to another country is often attributed to inequity,
unemployment, exploitation, crime, climate change and systematic violations to human
rights (International Organization for Migration [IOM], 2016). Latin American countries1
face many of these important socioeconomic challenges and these challenges in part
explain the desire of many Latin Americans to migrate. For instance, Latin America has
been identified as one of the most vulnerable regions in the world due to climate change
(International Organization for Migration [IOM], 2016). Furthermore, as one of the most
developed countries in the region, Mexico holds the largest household income gap across
1 I refer to Latin Americans as people from the Americas whose mother tongue is Spanish.
18
all OECD countries (La jornada, 2017). Over 40 percent of people unemployed in
Mexico possess some vocational education or higher, and those with the highest levels of
education experience the highest levels of unemployment (Reforma, 2018). Between
2005 and 2016, real wages for graduates and postgraduates have steadily decreased.
While a postgraduate in 2005 earned approximately C$1,655 dollars a month, in 2016
their average wages dropped to C$965 dollars a month (Observatorio de salarios, 2017).
Moreover, a recent study revealed evidence of racism in the Mexican labour market. In
the study, people with lighter skin colour were more likely to occupy higher ranking
positions compared to those with darker coloured skin (INEGI, 2016). In relation to
socio-political challenges, in 2017 over 80 percent believed that corruption was
generalized at all government levels, compared to a 56 percent average over all OECD
countries (INEGI, 2017). Additionally, 75.9 percent of Mexican citizens did not feel safe
in their community (INEGI, 2017). In the first months of 2018, Mexico recorded the
highest levels of violence since the time of the revolution, and in May 2018, one person
was killed every 15 minutes, on average (Nugent, C, 2018).
The challenging socioeconomic circumstances of Mexico have perhaps influenced
the record increases of Mexican people seeking asylum in Canada (Global News, 2018).
Moreover, changes in political approaches to immigration during the Trump
administration appear to have also affected migration patterns as more Mexicans have
turned their interests to moving to Canada instead of the US. For instance, Canadian
consulates in Mexico have recently reported receiving more requests for assistance and
protection than in previous years (Global News, 2018; Stargardter et al., 2017). Despite
evidence of a deteriorating quality of life in their home countries as well as recent
immigration policy changes in the US, little is known about LSIs immigration patterns in
recent years, including whether there is an increased interest to move to Canada due to
those particular conditions. Important bodies of literature have often suggested that the
phenomenon of human migration is largely driven by push-pull factors (Europäische
Kommission, 2000; Mansoor & Quillin, 2006; National Geographic Society, 2013;
Zimmermann, 1995). From this perspective, it is reasonable to speculate that in recent
years, the challenging socioeconomic circumstances in Latin America have provided
strong internal incentives for Latin Americans to leave their home countries.
19
For over a century scholars have striven to provide a general explanation for
human migration. Despite this, a general theory of human migration still does not exist,
largely because the phenomenon is very complex and efforts at theory building continue
to be in progress, as is discussed in Chapter 3 (Arango, 2000).
2.3. The ‘Pull’ Factors of the Knowledge-Based Economy
Beyond the challenging living conditions for skilled workers in Latin America, an
increase in skilled migration over the last few decades may also be partly explained by
“pull” factors. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)
states that the world is experiencing a new phase of development in the capitalist system,
one largely based on knowledge (OECD, 1996, 2016). Statistics Canada (2016a) projects
that over the next 10 years, roughly 70 percent of employment growth in Canada will
occur in highly skilled occupations and management.
The Knowledge-Based Economy (KBE) thesis sustains that knowledge-intensive
activities that rely on intellectual skills are key for economic growth. Thus, investing in
intangible assets, also known Knowledge-Based Capital (KBC) has become the most
important factor in the success of businesses in the neoliberal global era of capitalism
(OECD, 2016). This success stimulates economic growth, which is the main driver to
reduce poverty and inequality, and improve quality of life (OECD, p. n.d.). KBC differs
from physical capital, such as machines, or buildings, as it does not have a tangible
embodiment; rather, it includes assets such as knowledge, research, and skills, including
computerized information, innovative property, and economic competencies, such as
brand equity and networks (OECD, 2016).
According to the OECD (2016), investments in KBC have resulted in important
business productivity gains. For example, in the US between 1995 and 2007, nearly 30
percent of the growth in labour productivity resulted from business investment in KBC
(OECD, 2016). Despite a large body of literature regarding KBC and economic growth,
there is considerable disagreement on its effects on poverty and inequality (Ahluwalia et
al., 1979; Škare & Družeta, 2016; Turnovsky, 2015). The OECD posits that growth
20
driven by KBC has been an important driver for the increasing income inequality across
OECD countries (OECD, 2016). Other authors, such as Collinge and Staines (2009),
question the KBE thesis as a whole, arguing that it is based on assumptions,
fundamentally driven by economic views, about what types of knowledge are important
in modern society. From this perspective, the role of science and technology is primarily
for profit. This narrow focus comes into tension with other forms of knowledge and paths
by which knowledge develops.
Despite uncertainty whether the KBE model benefits the population at all levels,
the movement to invest in KBC remains strong. In fact, investments in KBC have rapidly
grown. One oft-cited example of this movement at the industry level is Google, which
possesses only five percent of physical capital, while the remaining 95 percent is invested
in KBC (OECD, 2016). In countries such as the US, UK, and Sweden, KBC matches or
exceeds investment in physical capital. In Canada, investment in KBC appears to be
growing at a fast rate. Between 1976 and 2008, investments in KBC increased 6.4% a
year, while investments in tangible assets increased only 4.1% (OECD, 2016). However,
in Canada, physical capital still exceeds KBC (OECD, 2016).
The increasing relevance of KBC has had important implications for the
production of good and services, which are increasingly incorporating technology. For
example, the cost of developing new vehicles is largely driven by software (OECD,
2016). However, the creation of these intensive knowledge products and services relies
on a nation’s capacity to reproduce and develop their human capital. Therefore, the
demand for skilled workers who can develop and work with new technologies has largely
shaped the volume and composition of labour, including its mobility. Many developed
countries such as Canada have seen immigration as an opportunity to satisfy the numbers
of skilled workers necessary to compete in the KBE.
2.4. The Reproduction of Economic Actors
Canada has started its shift towards a KBE as it strives to develop and seek the
human capital necessary for knowledge production (OECD, 1996, 2016). However,
21
Canada faces a number of sociodemographic and economic challenges to internally
generate a sufficient number of highly skilled and educated citizens (Fleras, 2014;
National Geographic, 2013). Some of these challenges include an aging population, low
birth rates, a small internal market, and high costs associated with education and training
(Fleras, 2014). Therefore, immigration has provided an alternative means to expand the
knowledge base. Since the 1960s, the narrative of immigration and multiculturalism in
Canada has been a fundamental component of economic development and identity
(Bloemraad, 2012). It comes as no coincidence that this aligns with a period of time when
Canadian universities were unable to satisfy the demand for skilled workers
(Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011).
In Canada, immigration accounts for two-thirds of Canada’s population growth
and Statistics Canada estimates that in 20 years, the natural growth increase may be zero
(Statistics Canada, 2016b). Immigration will then likely become the main driver of
population growth over the next 50 years. Between 2000 and 2014, roughly 3.7 million
people obtained permission to live and work in Canada as permanent residents
(Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2014a). In 2014 alone, 260,404 people obtained
their permanent resident status (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2014a).
Approximately one in five Canadians are foreign-born; this proportion is the highest
among the G8 countries (Statistics Canada, 2011). In 2014, permanent residents whose
mother tongue is Spanish accounted for 5.4 percent (14,094 people), representing the
fifth largest language group.
Canada has three main immigration and citizenship objectives: 1) to reunite
families; 2) to enhance the economy; and 3) to fulfill international obligations and
humanitarian aid (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2014a, 2014b). However, like
many other aspects of a capitalist society, immigration appears to be fundamentally
constructed through an economic rationale (Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2002). Since the
points system was introduced in 1967, most immigrants have entered Canada under the
economic class (James, 2010). As illustrated in Figure 3, long-term trends make evident
22
this predominant economic rationale of immigration.
Figure 3. Canada – Permanent residents by category. This figure illustrates a steady increase of economic immigrants to Canada over time. Adapted from (Citizenship and
Immigration Canada, 2014).
Between 1990 and 2014, the proportion of people who entered Canada as
economic permanent residents increased from 45 to 63.4 percent. Between 1990 and
2005, the number of immigrants with tertiary education rose from roughly 30 percent to
nearly 85 percent. During the same period, the number of permanent residents entering
Canada as refugees decreased from 18.6 percent to 8.9 percent. Similarly, immigrants
entering Canada as permanent residents under the family class decreased from 34.5
percent to 25.6 percent (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2014b).
2.5. Immigration Policy Models
Driven by the demand for labour and upheld with a win-win rationale that skilled
immigrants and Canada’s economy will mutually benefit from immigration, Canada’s
immigration policies have been adjusted over the years to satisfy the skilled labour
demands of the KBE. The period after World War II marked an important turning point
in Canada’s immigration history. While unskilled labour largely drove the Canadian
labour market and immigration policies, the increasing importance of knowledge in the
economy resulted in a shift towards a demand for more skilled labour (Fleras, 2014). To
0
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100,000
150,000
200,000
19
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no
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Family class Economic immigrants
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Linear (Family class) Linear (Economic immigrants)
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23
orchestrate this shift, Canada implemented various policies that have ultimately aimed to
define the ideal candidates to fulfill its economic goals (Guo, 2009).
2.5.1. The supply-driven policy model.
In 1967, Canada introduced the immigration points-based system, and since its
inception it has been adopted by several countries such as Australia, New Zealand,
Denmark, Singapore, and Hong Kong (Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011).
Papademetriou and Sumption (2011) define this system as a “human capital accumulation
formula” (p.2) that aims to assess people’s economic value for the host country. The
points-based system’s application process has been traditionally delivered in a ‘first-
come, first-served’ fashion, and applicants are assessed on factors such as language skills,
education, work experience, age, adaptability, and work experience in professions
deemed on demand.
In this supply-driven model, in order to serve its economic objectives the
government is responsible for all the logistics, research, and evaluation required to align
the dynamic of the economy with the points-based system. However, the first-come, first-
served approach has resulted in backlogs, where candidates have to wait for up to six
years for a decision (Ehrkamp & Leitner, 2006). This time lag often makes it difficult to
satisfy local labour needs. Moreover, because the points system is largely a supply-driven
model, immigrants often arrive to the host country without a job offer, and matching
immigrants with local job vacancies can prove challenging. Employers often possess
limited information on the new arrivals’ skills, experience, and qualifications, and
consequently there is resistance to recognizing immigrants’ credentials. For these reasons
the points-based system has been largely criticized for resulting in substantial “brain
waste” (Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011, p. 4). Authors such as Papademetriou and
Sumption (2011) and Vicenza and Hooper (2016) posit that the points system adopted in
Canada is largely responsible for the underutilization and mismatch of immigrants skills
and abilities.
24
2.5.2. The demand-driven policy model.
In contrast, countries such as Sweden, Spain, Norway, and the US are based on an
employer-led system, or demand-driven model, although they are subject to regulatory
policies (Vincenza & Hooper, 2016; Walsworth & Somerville, 2009). The demand-
driven system purports to resolve many of the intrinsic issues of the points system.
Employers play an important role in the immigration process, as the market determines
what skills and qualifications are in demand in real time (Papademetriou & Sumption,
2011; Vincenza & Hooper, 2016). In addition, the market determines the volume of
immigration required and employers undertake some of the costs of immigration such as
finding and screening the applicants. This approach also minimizes the levels of
immigrant unemployment at entry and eliminates issues regarding recognition of foreign
credentials and language requirements.
However, there are some concerns that the employers’ economic rationale to
minimize costs can result in abuse of the system. From the classical economic perspective
(Eltis, 2016; Wonnacott & Wonnacott, 1982), employment and wages are directly related
to the supply and demand of labour. Under perfect competition, equilibrium wage rates
occur when the demand of labour is equal to the supply of labour. Labour shortages result
in higher wage rates and, therefore, an increase in the cost of products and services. This
can be offset by an influx of new labour, such as immigrants. In contrast, an excess of
labour results in bigger pools of workers to select from, which in turn reduces labour
costs, training costs, alleviates pressures to raise wages, and reduces the risk of strike
(Barro, 1986). Marx (1976) posits that a surplus population of workers is necessary in the
development of capitalism. Marx (1976) often refers to this surplus of workers as an
“industrial reserve army” (p.784) of unemployed workers ready to engage in production
and replace any vacancies. In many cases, this army of unemployed or underemployed
people is willing to work for less, and work under more flexible contractual labour
obligations, such as temporary or part-time work. From this perspective, employers may
perceive this surplus of workers as an advantage to business, while the workers
themselves, including immigrants, struggle with the burden of unemployment or
underemployment. High levels of unemployment, however, could affect the aggregate
25
demand for goods and services, as disposable incomes are reduced, thus potentially
resulting in social discontent (Harvey, 2007).
Van Rens and Broughton (2014) argue that employers can also drive skilled
labour shortages as they seek to reduce labour costs. Van Rens and Broughton argue that
skill shortages are largely misunderstood and are often simplified to a matter of labour
supply or human capital, leading to solutions such as recruiting more immigrants.
However, Van Rens and Broughton (2014) posit that skill shortages are fueled by low
wages. In other words, wages do not necessarily increase when there are skill shortages;
therefore, there is no incentive for employees to acquire these skills. By using the oil
industry in Alberta as an example of this phenomenon, Sorensen (2014) shows that
despite skill shortages in this local industry, no significant wage increases have been
observed. Moreover, some evidence shows that while Canadian firms complain about
skill shortages, there is some reluctance to hire Canadian citizens and invest in training
(Sorensen, 2014; Vincenza & Hooper, 2016). In fact, training expenditure in Canada has
steadily declined in the past 20 years (Sorensen, 2014). Therefore, skill shortages do not
necessarily indicate a lack of skilled workers; rather, the issue appears to be rooted in the
employers’ quest for reducing labour costs. Unless there is a way to regulate these
abuses, the demand-driven system will result in issues similar to those created by the
supply-driven system.
Van Rens and Broughton (2014) also argue that the claim of a skilled labour
shortage may frequently be a myth and a way to lobby for increased immigration, which
will ultimately reduce labour costs, including wages, training, benefits, and job security.
This may explain why there is conflicting information about the extent of skill shortages
in Canada. The Canadian Occupational Projection System (COPS, 2016) reported that
between 2012 and 2014, only 17 out of 292 occupations (5.8 percent) showed signs of
shortages, particularly professions in the health sector (COPS, 2016). In contrast,
employers’ surveys show that over 70 percent of employers are concerned about a lack of
skilled workers (Bromstein, 2016; The Globe and Mail, 2014).
26
2.5.3. The hybrid policy model.
Critics have discredited the supply-driven model for being expensive to maintain,
for causing the deterioration of immigrants’ labour outcomes, and for not adequately
satisfying employers’ needs. Factors contributing to the criticism include a lack of
connection between employers and the selection process, and a system that is slow and
rigid, and therefore unable to keep up with businesses dynamics (Papademetriou &
Sumption, 2011; Vincenza & Hooper, 2016). Between 2008 and 2013, the former
Citizenship, Immigration, and Multiculturalism Minister, Jason Kenney, led the
unprecedented transformation of the immigration and citizenship system (Fleras, 2014).
Kenney proposed, among other measures, to: 1) reduce the immigration backlog from
roughly one million cases to 600,000; 2) pay temporary foreign workers between 5 to 15
percent less than the average local wages (this was subsequently withdrawn); 3) regulate
immigration consultant activities; 4) reduce the number of asylum claims; 5) increase the
number of international students and economic workers; and 6) to set the foundation to
introduce a program known as the Expression of Interest System (EOI) (Fleras, 2014).
Launched in 2015, the EOI program aims to gradually transform a supply-driven
immigration model into a system that combines supply- and demand-driven
characteristics, also known as the hybrid model. (Bloemraad, 2012; Fleras, 2014;
Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011; Vincenza & Hooper, 2016). In contrast to the supply-
driven system, the hybrid model introduced a mandatory assessment of language
proficiency and foreign credentials as an immigration application precondition (Vincenza
& Hooper, 2016). In addition, foreign workers who seek to immigrate to Canada under
any federal economic migration program (e.g., Federal Skilled Worker, Federal Trades
Program, or the Canadian Experience Class) must submit an online profile as an
expression of interest, which shows how the candidate satisfies the language, work
experience, or sponsorship requirements of one of the immigration programs. This online
profile allows the workers to enter a pool of eligible candidates. Candidates in the pool
are ranked according to a points system, which assigns 50 percent of the weight to
prearranged employment if a confirmation of a Labour Market Impact Assessment
27
(LMIA) is granted. This LMIA, which also existed in the previous system, is an effort to
demonstrate that no Canadian workers are available to perform the job.
The new hybrid model no longer selects candidates who reach a pre-defined
threshold, as the previous points system model operated on. Instead, the express entry
ranks applicants relative to others in the pool and only the top ranking candidates can to
apply, regardless of when the application was submitted. Every two to three weeks a
draw from the pool is made in accordance to annual immigration quotas defined by
Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (Vincenza & Hooper, 2016). The
prioritization of immigrants with prearranged job offers resulted in a change to the
composition of economic immigrants, as shown in Figure 4.
Figure 4. Economic immigrants (percentage distribution). Over time, the proportion of
immigrants entering Canada as skilled workers has steadily declined, while immigrants entering
Canada under the Provincial/Territorial nominees program has steadily increased. Data from
(Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2014).
The introduction of the hybrid model is still relatively recent. Vincenza and
Hooper (2016) report that interviews conducted among employers and government
officials indicate that the hybrid system is effective and it has sped up the immigration
process for skilled immigrants in high demand. However, some employers see the LMIA
as a barrier because, in some cases, it can delay the entry of employees selected by the
employers. Moreover, employers are concerned that the process is still administratively
difficult. It is important to note that Vincenza and Hooper’s report (2016) provides little
0
20
40
60
80
100
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Per
cen
t
Entrepreneurs Self-employed
Investors Start-up Business
Skilled workers Canadian Experience Class
Provincial/territorial nominees Live-in caregivers
Skilled trades
28
detail about the methods used and it is not clear who and how many people were
interviewed.
There is some evidence that in provinces such as Manitoba, Prince Edward Island,
and New Brunswick, the hybrid model has been more effective at attracting and retaining
immigrants than the supply-driven model (Pandey & Townsend, 2011). Nevertheless,
more recent studies have shown concerns that although immigrants who enter with
prearranged jobs experience higher earnings at entry, they may have lower subsequent
growth than those from the skilled worker category (Pandey & Townsend, 2013). In
addition, immigrants who enter under the new model generally possess lower levels of
education, which makes them less adaptable to changes in the market than their skilled
worker counterparts (Pandey & Townsend, 2011, 2013). It is important to highlight that
these assessments of success do not take into consideration the experiences of
immigrants. Claims of the new model’s success assume that they are inherently positive.
Proponents of the hybrid model largely assume that by giving more weight to the
demand-driven system and enhancing the human capital standards at entry, they can
obtain the best of both supply- and demand-driven systems. However, there is little
discussion about the possibility of inheriting the worst of both systems. While a
disproportionate amount of attention is paid to issues of human capital, little has been
done to address some of the underlying issues in both systems. This includes a disregard
for issues of discrimination, as discussed by authors such as Oreopoulos (2011) and Guo
(2009, 2015), and failing to provide better mechanisms to address the criticisms made to
the original systems. Furthermore, immigration policy mainly focuses on the process up
to the gates, and largely disconnects once immigrants are accepted.
2.5.4. Liberal adjustments and the emphasis on international students.
In 2015, the Liberal Party of Canada, under the leadership of Justin Trudeau, won
the federal election in Canada. Despite the change in party, there was no radical
transformation of the immigration hybrid model developed during the conservative
administration. However, the Liberal government introduced some significant
29
adjustments directly related to skilled workers. This included awarding additional points
to candidates who have siblings who are permanent residents or Canadian-citizens to
ensure that the points system is not unreasonably favoring people with job offers, and
introducing changes to favour international students with professions in high demand
(Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada, 2017; MacDonald, M., 2016).
The policy makers argue that international students not only represent an
important financial contribution to the education system of Canada, but they are also
ideal candidates to become Canadian citizens (Sevunts, 2016). British Columbia’s
International Education Strategy (Foreign Affairs Trade and Development Canada, 2015;
The BC Jobs Plan, 2012) and Canada’s International Education Strategy also posit that
attracting international students through a well-coordinated international education
framework will contribute to Canada's long-term economic goals. The rationale is that
upon graduation international students will possess Canadian credentials, will be
proficient in at least one official language, will have some Canadian work experience,
and will have gone through an adaptation/culturalization process during their time in
higher education institutions (Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada, 2017;
MacDonald, M., 2016; Sevunts, 2016).
In an interview, former liberal immigration Minister John McCallum asserted that
international students are “the cream of the crop in terms of potential future
Canadians”(Zilio & Chiose, 2016, para. 3). In continuation with the Liberals’ emphasis
on international students, when Ahmed Hussen became the new Minister of Immigration,
Refugees and Citizenship in 2017, he reiterated the importance of international students
during the Liberals’ mandate:
I've been very clear to say not only do we want more international students. When I travel around the world, I say that we want as many of you to stay beyond your studies, because these are young people who speak English or French or both and have studied in Canada. Why wouldn't we want these people to become our future citizens? (Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada, 2017 para.23).
Since the changes were implemented, the number of international student visas has
increased by 22 percent, and more than half of the successful applicants under the
30
Express Entry system are international students (Immigration Refugees and Citizenship
Canada, 2017). Despite these enhancements favouring international students in the
immigration process, there are still important challenges to Liberal immigration goals,
including reports of slow visa processing times and difficulties obtaining an LMIA
(MacDonald, M., 2016). Moreover, Scott, Sfdar, Trilokekar, and El Masri (2015) suggest
that there is a disconnect between policy makers’ assumptions and international students’
experiences. Scott et al. (2015) posit that the transition into the Canadian labour market is
not as straight forward as policy makers believe. Despite living in the country for several
years and obtaining Canadian credentials, international students face challenges such as
language abilities, poor connectedness to host communities, and discrimination, thus
making the transition into the labour market more difficult.
2.6. Labour Outcomes of Skilled Immigrants
Canada’s immigration policies have served as a model for many countries
(Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011; Vincenza & Hooper, 2016), and have helped to
successfully attract the interest of 45 million people around the world to move to Canada
(Douglas, 2014). There is substantial evidence that many immigrants who are selected
based on their education, work experience, skills, capacity for integration, and relevance
to the labour market, experience several barriers when entering the professional Canadian
labour market. As a result, many skilled immigrants experience unemployment,
underemployment, and earn significantly less than their Canadian-born counterparts
(Frenette & Morissette, 2005; P. S. Li, 2001; Picot et al., 2007; Picot & Hou, 2014; Reitz
et al., 2014; Statistics Canada, 2015b). There is some evidence that unemployment,
underemployment, and earnings disparities affect immigrants of all origins, although the
issue appears to be particularly acute among recent immigrants, foreign degree-holders,
women, and some visible-minority groups, particularly those from Africa and Latin
America (Clarke & Skuterud, 2013; Ferrer & Riddell, 2008; Frenette & Morissette, 2005;
Picot et al., 2007; Picot & Hou, 2014; Reitz, 2001; Reitz et al., 2014). There is also
concern that these conditions appear to persist over time (Picot & Hou, 2014).
31
While many skilled immigrants experience unemployment or underemployment,
there is conflicting evidence that labour shortages in various industries in Canada are still
a concern. For instance, nearly 40 percent of small and mid-size businesses have reported
having difficulty hiring new employees (Business Development Bank of Canada, 2018).
This issue is more prevalent in both the Atlantic region and British Columbia, where over
45 percent of these businesses have reported experiencing labour shortages. While
employers report success in hiring entry-level workers, the most severe labour shortages
appear to be in leadership positions and specialized talent such as software engineers
(Business Development Bank of Canada, 2018). Moreover, not only have employers
continued to have human capital shortages, but some estimates from 1999 show that the
total immigrant earnings deficit due to underutilization of immigrant skills and earning
inequities was equivalent to over 12 billion dollars (Reitz, 2001). The challenges skilled
immigrants face in finding gainful employment has resulted in downward social mobility
and even deterioration of their health (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013). In the words of
Fleras (2014), the “underutilization of the immigrant experiences, skills, and credentials
for employment purposes is proving a major embarrassment and an unacceptable waste
of talent” (p.10).
2.6.1. Unemployment.
Unemployment among skilled and educated individuals is a challenge that both
immigrants and Canadian-born citizens often face; however, the rates of unemployment
and underemployment among immigrants with university degrees are roughly double the
rates of their Canadian counterparts (Statistics Canada, 2005, 2019b, 2019b). The average
unemployment rate among all immigrants with university degrees is 7.1 percent,
compared to 3.2 percent of Canadian-born degree holders (Statistics Canada, 2019b).
While lower rates of employment may be due to the skilled immigrants’ inexperience in
the Canadian context, a Statistics Canada report (2019b) indicated that immigrants with
university degrees who had resided in Canada for 10 years or more had an unemployment
rate of 5.3 percent. This is 2.3 percentage points above their Canadian-born counterparts.
32
In contrast, Statistics Canada shows that recent immigrants born in Europe,
Southeast Asia, and the Philippines, do not have significantly different rates of
unemployment and employment than their Canadian-born counterparts. Moreover, within
the segment of immigrants who have lived for more than 10 years in Canada, only those
born in Latin America and Africa had higher unemployment rates than the Canadian
population (Statistics Canada, 2015d).
Although unemployment rates overall may not be significantly different between
the Canadian-born population and immigrants, the data shows that the issue is
particularly acute among skilled immigrants, who are the primary target audience of
Canadian immigration policies. Moreover, unemployment rates also appear to be larger
among Latin American immigrants compared to other minority groups. Data shows that
most immigrants had similar unemployment rates than their Canadian-born counterparts
with the exception of people born in Latin America or Africa (Statistics Canada, 2015d).
Their unemployment rates are roughly double the rates of their Canadian-born
counterparts. Despite the importance of monitoring unemployment rates, this indicator
says little about the capacity of the system to accurately match immigrants’ skills with
local job vacancies. Therefore, levels of underemployment are also examined in the next
section.
2.6.2. Underemployment.
There is a general consensus that skilled immigrants with professional credentials
face difficulty finding employment in occupations for which they were trained and
selected for (Basran & Li, 1998; Beckhusen et al., 2013; Fong & Jiao, 2013; Frank, 2013;
C. Li et al., 2009; Reitz, 2001; Reitz et al., 2014; Zietsma, 2010). McMahon (2013)
suggests that Canada is one of the worst countries at aligning immigrants’ education
levels to their jobs. Roughly 60 percent of highly skilled immigrants within Canada work
in jobs that require highly skilled workers, compared to an average of 71 percent among
all OECD countries. Moreover, Reitz et al. (2014) found that between 1996 and 2006,
skill underutilization among Canadian immigrants grew significantly. Similarly, Frank
(2013) found that immigrants who seek higher positions obtain job matches at lower rates
33
than those seeking lower-status occupations. This finding suggests that the selection
process for skilled immigrants is not only challenging, but that the labour market appears
to be more favorable to immigrants who are not a priority in the immigration economic
integration plan (i.e., unskilled or uneducated immigrants). Frank (2013) also showed that
immigrants who seek higher-status occupations face more exclusionary practices than
those seeking lower-status occupations. This is partly reflective of the complicated and
lengthy process to access higher-status occupations, which often require immigrants to
undergo additional testing and training to obtain a license or certification. This also
perhaps explains why Sapeha (2015), and Yap, Holmes, Hannan, and Cukier (2014)
found that highly skilled immigrants have lower levels of career satisfaction, even though
the immigration system actively recruits this type of immigrant.
In addition, it has been shown that immigrants living in Canada for 10 years or
less were more likely to be overqualified for their current jobs than their Canadian-born
counterparts (C. Li et al., 2009). More than half of recent immigrants with a university
degree were overqualified for their current job (C. Li et al., 2009). For example, a taxi
driver requires secondary school education and/or occupation-specific training.
According to Xu (2012), of the 50,110 taxi drivers who operated in Canada in 2012,
roughly 15,800 (31.5 percent) held a trade or college diploma, 4,500 (9 percent)
possessed a bachelor’s degree, 1,525 (3 percent) held a master’s degree, and 255 (0.5
percent) held a PhD. In summary, roughly half of the taxi drivers described in this report
appeared to be over-qualified for the job. Over-qualification among taxi drivers was also
common for Canadian-born taxi drivers (35 percent), but higher among immigrants (53
percent) (Xu, 2012).
Wilson-Forsberg (2015) is perhaps the only author who has specifically addressed
the experiences of Latin American immigrants within the Canadian labour market. Using
grounded theory and in-depth interviews, Wilson-Forsberg found that Latin American
immigrants who face difficulties finding a suitable job also experience difficulties
integrating into their respective Canadian communities. Moreover, she found that
integration appears to be more challenging for skilled workers who enter Canada through
Canada’s skilled worker category (Sapeha, 2015; Wilson-Forsberg, 2015; Yap et al.,
34
2014). This group also faces more difficulties to finding adequate jobs than Latin
Americans with lower levels of education. Moreover, there is some evidence that there is
a disconnection and a lack of integration within the Latin American immigrant population
(Wilson-Forsberg, 2015).
2.6.3. Earnings disparities.
A large segment of immigration literature is dedicated to exploring earnings gaps
between immigrants and native-born citizens. Earnings differentials and immigrant skill
underutilization is often used to analyze equity and assess a country’s efficiency and
effectiveness at attracting and incorporating immigrants into their socio-economic
structure.
There is a consensus that a significant earnings gap exists between immigrants
and Canadian-born citizens. However, earnings disparities are not unique to Canada. In
countries such as the US, immigration systems favour immigrants with prearranged
employment. Despite this, gaps between newcomers and native-born Americans persist
(Beckhusen et al., 2013), although there is some evidence that skilled workers in the US
do not suffer through poverty and income disparity to the same degree as their Canadian
counterparts (Walsworth & Somerville, 2009). In contrast, the immigration wage gap in
Australia among recent immigrants decreased from the 1980s to the mid-2000s (Clarke &
Skuterud, 2013). According to Clarke and Skuterud (2013), earnings gaps in the first five
years after immigration among all education groups is at least double in Canada
compared to Australia.
Frenette and Morissette (2005) and Campolieti, Gunderson, Timofeeva, and
Tsiroulnitchenko (2013) reported that from 1980 to 2000, and 1971 to 2006 respectively,
earnings gaps between immigrants and Canadian-born citizens not only persisted but
grew. They also reported consistent deterioration of median earnings among recent
immigrants. For example, Figure 5 shows that the median earnings of Canadian-born
citizens with university degrees increased from $48,805 in 1995 to $51,656 in 2005
(Statistics Canada, 2005). In contrast, the median earnings of immigrants with university
35
degrees decreased from $40,394 in 1995 to $36,451 in 2005 (Statistics Canada, 2005).
Furthermore, Canadian-born citizens without university degrees had higher median
earnings than recent immigrants with university degrees (Statistics Canada, 2005).
Figure 5. Median earnings of immigrants and Canadian-born earners, both sexes, aged 25
to 54, 20 percent sample data (2005 constant dollars). Recent immigrants for 2005 is defined as
immigrants who immigrated between 2000 and 2004; recent immigrants in 2000 are those that
immigrated between 1995 and 1999 and recent immigrants in 1995 are those that immigrated between 1990 and 1994. Data from Statistics Canada (2005).
Several studies have examined whether the earnings of immigrants and Canadian-
born citizens eventually converge (Frenette & Morissette, 2005; Morissette & Sultan,
2013). By reviewing cohorts from the 1980s and 1990s, they found that after 15 and 20
years, respectively, earnings gaps diminished but did not converge (Morissette & Sultan,
2013). Another recent study showed that between 2000 and 2010, low-income rates
declined among immigrants; however, low-income rates of immigrants relative to
Canadian-born citizens did not improve, resulting in income ratios similar to those
observed in the 1980s and 1990s (Picot & Hou, 2014). Without significant changes in
earnings disparities among newer cohorts, it can be generally expected for immigrants to
have median earnings between 5 and 10 percent less than their Canadian-born
counterparts after 20 years of working in Canada.
$48,805 $50,668 $51,656
$40,394 $40,343
$36,451
$24,368
$30,222
$24,636
$30,526 $33,101 $32,499
$0
$10,000
$20,000
$30,000
$40,000
$50,000
$60,000
1995 2000 2005
Canadian-born with university degree Immigrant population with university degree
Recent immigrants with university degree Canadian-born without university degree
36
2.6.4. Low income and poverty.
Unemployment and underemployment often translate into higher rates of poverty.
While poverty assistance programs in the US have largely focused on single mothers, in
Canada the chronically poor are increasingly highly educated, skilled immigrants (Picot
et al., 2007). Roughly 23 percent of Canadian immigrants live below the poverty line,
which is defined as “an income level that is considered minimally sufficient to sustain a
family in terms of food, housing, clothing, medical needs, and so on” (OECD, 2005),
compared to an OECD average of 17 percent (McMahon, 2013; OECD, 2018).
Moreover, it has been estimated that in the early 2000s, skilled immigrants were more
likely to be chronically poor than their family class counterparts (Picot et al., 2007; Picot
& Hou, 2014).
There is systematic evidence that low-income rates among immigrants are not
only higher than their Canadian-born counterparts, but have persisted and grown over
time, particularly among recent immigrants (Picot, 2004; Picot et al., 2007; Picot & Hou,
2014). People from Latin America are not the exception and data shows that Canadians
of Latin American origin are more likely than the general population to have incomes that
fall below Statistics Canada’s low-income cut-off2. For example, in 2000, 16 percent of
the total Canadian population had incomes below the low-income cut-off, while 28
percent of people of Latin American origin had incomes below the low-income cut-off
(Statistics Canada, 2007).
In summary, the immigration of skilled workers has become a central feature of
the Canadian economy as Canada seeks to compete in the KBE (Fleras, 2014; OECD,
2016). However, Canada faces several limitations in its ability to produce skilled workers
internally, and as a result, immigration has become a central feature of the Canadian
economy (Fleras, 2014). However, skilled immigrants, particularly those from Latin
America, are often unemployed or underemployed, and earn significantly less than their
2 Low-income cut-offs vary according to family size and area of residence. In 2011, the low-income cut-off
for a family composed of four members living in a community between 30 and 100 thousand people was
$30,487 (Statistics Canada, 2015a).
37
Canadian-born counterparts, arguably defeating the very purpose for which they are
granted residency. These circumstances have hindered economic and immigration goals
and have affected the health and well-being of many skilled immigrants (e.g., Dean &
Wilson, 2009; Fleras, 2014; Picot, Hou, & Coulombe, 2007). Although labour outcomes
are particularly challenging for skilled Latin Americans in Canada, the body of literature
regarding this issue is limited and often focuses on quantitative analysis.
2.7. The Human and Cultural Capital Approach
Immigration literature regarding the causes of unemployment, underemployment,
and earnings differentials between immigrants and Canadian-born citizens has largely
emphasized the relevance of human capital (Campolieti et al., 2013; Carnevale et al.,
2001; Chiswick & Miller, 2003; Clarke & Skuterud, 2013; Ferrer et al., 2004; Guerrero &
Rothstein, 2012; Kunz, 2003; Schaafsma & Sweetman, 2001; Sweetman, 2004), which is
defined as “the knowledge, skills, competencies and attributes embodied in individuals
that facilitate the creation of personal, social and economic well-being (OECD, 2001, p.
18)”.
For instance, by analysing the National Adult Literacy Survey (NALS) which
included 25,000 respondents of which over 2,500 were foreign-born, Carnevale, Fry, and
Lowell (2001) found that the earnings of immigrants in Canada largely depend on the
immigrants’ official language abilities. Similarly, Chiswick and Miller (2003), who
analyzed adult male data from the 1991 Census, found that adult male immigrants’
earnings increase with education level, their duration in Canada, and language
proficiency. Other authors, such as Hango, Hamilton, Ferguson and Zhao (2015), posit
that beyond linguistic abilities, immigrants with more similar socio-cultural
characteristics and values to the host country can translate their human capital into the
labour market more easily. Therefore, location source is an essential factor in explaining
labour market outcomes, including earnings differentials between Canadian-born citizens
and immigrants. Clarke and Skuterud (2013) use this concept to suggest that the
relatively lower earnings disparities between Australian-born citizens and Australian
immigrants compared to their Canadian counterparts are due to the source country.
38
Australia’s immigration policies favour immigrants who come from countries with
smaller sociocultural and linguistic differences, such as the UK or the US. There is some
evidence, however, that exceptions to the source-country thesis can occur, and many new
immigrants can avoid linguistic and sociocultural disadvantages by working within their
communities (Akbari & Aydede, 2011).
Mattoo, Neagu, and Özden (2008), who used a five percent sample from the 2000
US Census and analyzed data for foreign-educated males between 25 and 65 years age,
found that while the country of origin of immigrants is associated with cultural
differences (or similarities) and language ability, it mainly determines the quality of
human capital. They argue that many immigrants suffer from underemployment due to
poor skill sets rather than skill underutilization. They employ this concept to explain why
US immigrants from Latin America and Eastern Europe are more likely to be
underemployed than immigrants from other source countries. In Canada, Sweetman
(2004) used census data from 1986 to 1996, along with scores from international
standardized tests such as the Third International Math and Science Survey (TIMSS), the
International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS), and the OECD’s Programme for
International Student Assessment (PISA) to conclude that there is a positive correlation
between source country school quality (measured by international standardized tests) and
Canadian labour market earnings. Other authors such as Clarke and Skuterud (2016) and
Ferrer et al. (2004) argue that differences in labour outcomes between immigrants and
Canadian-born citizens are essentially due to literacy.
Using the Ontario Immigrant Literacy Survey (OILS) and the International Adult
Literacy Survey, Ferrer et al. collected a sample of 2015 immigrant and native-born
males aged 16 to 69, of which 67 percent were immigrants. As the OILS only collects
data on immigrants, the International Adult Literacy Survey was also employed to collect
data for native-born workers. However, as the sample size from male workers in Ontario
was too small, native-born data for workers from urban areas across Canada were
utilized. Ferrer et al. (2004) showed that earnings correlated with literacy scores.
Measured by literacy scores, lower skill levels corresponded with lower earnings. Results
of their quantitative analysis indicated that there is no evidence that immigrants earn less
39
when controlling for literacy. Ferrer et al. (2004) posit that there are two possible
explanations for earnings differentials between immigrants and Canadian-born citizens:
human capital or discrimination. Based on their results, they conclude that human capital
factors are not only the main determinant of earnings differentials but they also reject the
relevance of factors such as discrimination in Canada (Ferrer et al., 2004).
Ferrer et al. (2004) do not explicitly list any limitation in their study, and
although they emphasize that the causal factor for earnings differentials is due to
differing levels of literacy, their method only supports a correlation. Moreover, the
literacy thesis assumes that the labour market allocates jobs based on literacy, or hard
skills alone. Furthermore, there are some questions regarding the capacity of literacy
surveys to assess literacy comprehensively, leading to misinformation about the role of
literacy in economic prosperity (Hamilton & Barton, 2000).
Despite concerns regarding the academic quality of immigrants, Hango et al.
(2015) posit that between 2000 and 2001, 60 percent of immigrants who entered Canada
were university-educated. This cohort was significantly more educated upon arrival than
immigrants from previous years (Hango et al., 2015). In fact, this cohort possessed
relatively higher levels of education than Canadian-born citizens (Hango et al., 2015).
The vast majority (84 percent) earned their degrees outside Canada and possessed their
highest degrees in the following areas: business management and public administration
(22 percent), engineering (21 percent), and the humanities, social sciences, and law (19
percent) (Hango et al., 2015). The least common degree was education (five percent)
(Hango et al., 2015).
The proportion of immigrants with English and/or French language competencies
has also steadily increased over time. Between 2005 and 2014, the proportion of
permanent residents entering Canada with English or French language abilities increased
from 50.7 to 58.6 percent and from 4.6 to 5.3 percent, respectively (Citizenship and
Immigration Canada, 2014). Conversely, those who reported possessing neither French
nor English language abilities decreased from approximately 36 percent to 27.5 percent
during the same period (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2014).
40
The human capital thesis that posits that the labour outcomes of skilled
immigrants are fundamentally determined by their knowledge, skills, and abilities,
evidently touches on one of the central actors in the immigration arena: the immigrant.
However, this thesis of deficiency does not explain why earnings disparities among
immigrants continue to be a concern, despite recent increases to the standards of selection
criteria (Picot & Hou, 2014; Reitz et al., 2014; Statistics Canada, 2015b).
Authors such as Ferrer et al. (2004) and Brian (2007) strongly suggest that
disparities in employment and earnings are mainly a result of differences in human
capital. Ideas like this may have contributed to the assimilation and naturalization of the
notion that skill and ability, or lack thereof, is the main causal factor of employment and
earnings inequalities between skilled immigrants and their Canadian-born counterparts.
Meritocratic and individualistic ideas such as this may have contributed to reproducing
the belief that immigrants who are unemployed are likely those with poor skills and
abilities, including an inadequate command of the official language(s) or limited
academic achievement. This position also assumes that employers will base hiring
decisions merely on skill, ability, or work experience. This functionalistic approach has
perhaps prevented analysts and researchers from understanding the failure of skilled
immigrants to successfully integrate into the Canadian labour market as a socially
constructed outcome rather than one of personal responsibility. The quality of
immigrants’ skills and abilities are indeed crucial. However, focusing solely on
immigrants’ individual characteristics may distract researchers from acknowledging the
government’s responsibility to ensure the appropriate conditions necessary for skilled
immigrants to integrate effectively into the professional labour market. Moreover, the
dominant, immigrant human capital approach ignores the importance of other economic
actors who benefit from the status quo. The ambiguity inherent in assessing the skills,
abilities, and potential of skilled immigrants may provide a cover for biases towards
immigrants in the labour market (Esses et al., 2014). Therefore, addressing these
ambiguities could minimize prejudice and discrimination in the labour market.
41
2.8. Immigration and PSE
Upon arrival, most skilled immigrants search for employment in their area of
expertise and in accordance with their level of skill (Mata, 1999). However, there is some
evidence that skilled immigrants experience frustrations stemming from inconsistencies
between immigration selection and employment criteria (Somerville & Walsworth,
2010). Between 2000 and 2005, data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to
Canada (LSIC) shows that the rate of recognition for credentials and work experience
rose from 38 to 51 percent for primary applicants in the economic immigration category.
Eighty-seven percent of skilled immigrants with prearranged jobs had their previous
work experience recognized compared to 42 percent of those who entered Canada
without prearranged jobs. Skilled immigrants with prearranged jobs were also more likely
to have their academic credentials recognized. While 40 percent of those with
prearranged jobs achieved credential recognition, only 29 percent of those without
prearranged jobs had the same success (Houle & Yssaad, 2010). Women and older
skilled immigrants were less likely to have their previous knowledge recognized (Houle
& Yssaad, 2010).
There is some evidence that skilled immigrants whose work experience is
recognized are less likely to participate in post-migration education. In contrast, the lack
of recognition of foreign credentials in the labour market has led many immigrants to
enroll in higher education institutions. Roughly 50 percent of immigrants who already
possess some formal education from their country of origin enroll in college or university
by their fourth year of arrival, notably skilled immigrants from developed countries
(Anisef et al., 2009; Girard, 2010). The lack of foreign credential recognition in Canada
has driven skilled immigrants to retrain or upgrade credentials in order to overcome the
credential validity restrictions (Adamuti-Trache, 2011; Guo, 2009).
Using data from the LSIC, Anisef, Sweet, & Adamuti-Trache (2009) examined
how immigrants utilize the Canadian higher education system soon after arrival, and they
found that the main motivation for immigrants to engage in the higher education system
is economic. This becomes more evident as skilled immigrants whose work experience is
42
recognized are less likely to participate in post-migration education (Adamuti‐Trache et
al., 2013). Moreover, those with higher levels of education are significantly more likely
to pursue credential recognition than those with a college degree. Women, older
immigrants, and visible minorities are less likely to engage in PSE and are therefore less
likely to recover the positions that they held in their home countries (Adamuti‐Trache et
al., 2013).
Authors such as Mata (1999) and Guo (2009) posit that foreign-trained
professionals often experience several barriers to accreditation, and often need to
navigate across disconnected institutional layers, and professional certification and
licensing processes that are often challenging, lengthy, and expensive. Moreover, the
Canadian PSE system has been criticized for lacking understanding of skilled immigrants
and failing to provide programs sensitive to immigrant circumstances. In particular, PSE
programs are often not tailored to respond to skilled immigrants’ needs, and there are
little efforts to address cultural understanding or to provide job experience opportunities
for their economic and social integration (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013). Ultimately, these
inefficiencies have contributed to delaying and in some cases preventing skilled
immigrants from accessing the professional labour market (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013).
Furthermore, Mata (2009) posits that the issues of credential recognition begin at
the immigration selection process itself. Immigration officers lack sufficient knowledge
in assessing occupational designations and certification requirements, which is further
complicated as it varies across provinces. This may exacerbate the issues that the foreign-
trained professionals face, by disconnecting the transition into their area of expertise from
the immigration process.
The credential recognition process varies across professions, and many
professional certification processes are regulated. Despite the barriers that all skilled
immigrants face, professionals seeking to access regulated professions such architecture,
engineering, law, nursing, and medicine, have the most difficulty getting back into their
former professions. Using data from Statistics Canada's 2006 Census, Ziestma (2010)
compared job match rates in regulated professions between foreign- and Canadian-
43
educated immigrants. He found that skilled immigrants with foreign credentials were less
likely to work in the occupation that they were trained for. For example, 24% of skilled
immigrants with foreign credentials in a regulated occupation were working in their
trained professions. In contrast, 53% of Canadian-educated skilled immigrants worked in
their regulated occupation, while the match rate among the Canadian-born was 62%.
Engineering professionals had one of the lowest matching rates, although it is one of the
most common fields of study among skilled immigrants. Moreover, the matching rate
levels appear to be particularly low in Quebec and British Columbia (Zietsma, 2010).
In general, the accreditation/licensing process for most regulated professions
involves: 1) a review of the foreign academic credentials and work experience by a
professional accreditation body; 2) a set comprehensive exams and interviews; and 3)
payment of the required fees. Moreover, some skilled immigrants are required to retrain
before they can take the accreditation certification assessment, regardless of whether they
could pass the exam without taking the courses (Mata, 1999). This includes skilled
immigrants in professions such as nursing or civil engineering (Mata, 1999).
The accreditation and certification process not only challenges a skilled
immigrant’s academic credentials and their work experience, but from the immigrant’s
perspective the process is a true test of “personal endurance” (Mata, 1999, p. 8). In many
cases immigrants have to face several obstacles in the accreditation process, such as red
tape, expensive examination fees, or limited financial support, and they are often asked to
retrain at institutions that are inappropriate for their age, needs, schedules, and experience
(Mata, 1999).
The rationale behind the rigor and complexity of the professional certification
process is largely based on the principle of protecting the health and safety of the public.
However, the lack of professionals in areas of high demand, such as healthcare, can also
result in health and safety concerns such as lengthy emergency wait times. The
accreditation and licensing process can be so challenging, onerous, and expensive that it
is more reasonable for some skilled immigrants to move to a different profession, accept
a position below their skill level, or leave the country altogether.
44
For example, in order to become a registered nurse in Canada, a nurse with
foreign credentials needs to go through a complicated certification and retraining process
that takes three years if everything goes according to plan (WorkBC, 2017). This process
is almost equivalent to re-doing the entire bachelor program. According to Engineers and
Geoscientists in British Columbia (EGBC), the accreditation process to become a
member of this association requires multiple interviews and between three to five exams.
Although there is a six-month period to complete this process, the EGBC requires the
candidates to have some Canadian experience before entering the certification process.
However, employers often do not hire people with only foreign credentials unless they
are members of the EGBC (WorkBC, 2017). The implementation of a pilot bridging
program has sought to address this challenge, but these conflicting requirements continue
to be an issue for some engineers and geoscientists. Another example includes dental
practitioners, who are required to undertake challenging certification exams, pre-clinical
and clinical testing, and a minimum period of practical experience (Mata, 1999).
Mata (1999) highlights that many professional associations have had heated
debates in both the media and in the courts with immigrant professional lobbying groups.
He believes that this is partly because some accreditation assessments are based on
imperfect information and subjective analysis, but mainly because, by holding part of the
duopoly of professional recognition, professional/licensing bodies have the ability to
favour their members by regulating the supply of labour and therefore influencing the
wages of their own professions (Mata, 1999).
Given the challenges to engage in PSE, data from the LSIC shows that nearly 70
percent of skilled immigrants who engage in PSE enrol in non-university educational
programs or community colleges (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013). This is largely because
most skilled immigrants already possess a post-secondary degree, and often their main
interest is to find an inexpensive and fast remedial solution to gain employment in their
area of expertise (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013). Some data from the National Graduates
Survey shows that those who engage in these programs do not gain labour market
advantage (Walters, 2003). However, others have found that immigrants who engage in
non-university educational programs are more likely to secure employment than those
45
who do not engage in any PSE (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013). Furthermore, those who
engage in university programs, which are often more lengthy and expensive, experience
the best labour market outcomes after four years of arrival, including finding more
prestigious jobs (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013). However, little is known of how these
labour outcomes compare to their former positions in their home countries.
In summary, skilled immigrants who enter Canada with prearranged jobs are more
likely to have their credentials and work experience recognized, while skilled immigrants
who enter Canada without prearranged jobs are more likely to engage in PSE, given their
lower rates of credential recognition. However, inadequate, expensive, and even
obstructive pathways to gain credential recognition have pushed many immigrants to
look for cheaper and faster remedial solutions to integrate into the labour market,
including attending non-university institutions. Despite the complex and lengthy
requirements, those with higher levels of education appear to be most likely to pursue
validation. However, women, older immigrants, and visible minorities are less likely to
engage in PSE given challenging economic, social, and domestic circumstances
(Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013; Anisef et al., 2009).
2.8.1. Academic capitalism and migration.
In relation to immigration, higher education is often depicted as a function of
quality control, and little has been discussed about the tensions and alignments between
these two areas, in spite of the substantial benefits the PSE earns from immigration.
Reducing the higher education system to a basic mechanism of quality control also
prevents further examination of the conflicting interests of various stakeholders,
including immigrants, employers, the higher education system, and graduates from
Canadian universities. Therefore, in this section, I will examine the internal
contradictions between the higher education system and skilled immigration in the era of
academic capitalism.
Slaughter and Leslie (1997) conducted four case studies surrounding higher
education funding, research, and development policies in Australia, Canada, the US, and
46
the United Kingdom. In particular, they analyzed policies regarding higher education
funding patterns between the 1970s and the 1980s. They observed that during this time,
government funding for higher education decreased (when measured as the proportion of
total higher education revenue with respect to constant dollars per student) and
institutions began to compete more frequently for external funds, with the exception of
Canada. According to the authors, Canada did not undergo as dramatic a change to its
national higher education, research and development policies as the other countries in the
study. Furthermore, Canada’s institutions supported more curiosity-driven research rather
than commercially driven research (Slaughter & Leslie, 1997).
In a more recent article, Metcalfe (2010) has built on the ideas of Slaughter and
Leslie (1997) by re-examining their conclusions regarding the Canadian higher education
system. Metcalfe argues that Canada is in reality not an exception to the international
tendencies of academic capitalism, as reported earlier by Slaughter and Leslie. She found
that in the last couple of decades higher education institutions have gone through budget
cuts and/or changes in budget composition, which has resulted in an extensive push to
behave like any other industry competing in the market place (Metcalfe, 2010).
According to Metcalfe (2010), between 1997 and 2006 the proportion of provincial
funding for higher education in Canada decreased, causing an increase in the dependence
on external funding, such as private sources, tuition, or research funding (Metcalfe,
2010). While federal spending may have slightly increased during the same period, it was
largely allocated to areas that could potentially increase revenue generation, including the
commercialization of research (Metcalfe, 2010).
One clarification that Slaughter and Leslie (1997) and Metcalfe (2010) do not
make is that what they call ‘academic capitalism’ is in essence ‘academic-neoliberalism’,
as the capitalist policies promoted during the Keynesian period did not push higher
education institutions to undergo market-like efforts to secure funds. The profit-seeking
logic in higher education emerged during the neoliberal period, and therefore a more
precise term would be academic-neoliberalism.
47
Critics argue that the profit-seeking logic within higher education institutions has
resulted in numerous controversial outcomes, including: 1) the commercialization of
research and patents; 2) the pursuit for external corporate funding; 3) higher tuition and
student loans; 4) increasing spaces for international students; and 5) the deterioration of
wages and working conditions of employees (Hackett, 2014; Hoffman, 2012; Kauppinen,
2012; Rhoades & Slaughter, 2010; B. A. Scott, 1983; Slaughter & Leslie, 1997). Despite
the diversity of topics reviewed through academic capitalism lenses, there is little
discussion surrounding the alignments and tensions between higher education profit-
seeking rationales and accreditation processes for skilled immigrants.
As previously discussed, nearly 50 percent of skilled immigrants enroll in college
or university by their fourth year of arrival, after failing to successfully engage in the
professional labour market due to the devaluation of their credentials (Anisef et al., 2009;
Girard, 2010). In Canada, the education of international students is a lucrative industry
that contributes over $10 billion dollars annually to the economy (Zilio & Chiose, 2016).
The contributions of international students to the Canadian GDP are higher than
contributions from goods such as wheat or softwood lumber (Zilio & Chiose, 2016). The
economic value of international students for many faculties and universities is such that,
recently, countries such as China and Saudi Arabia have threatened to dissuade or restrict
their students from studying in Canada as a point of leverage in negotiations during times
of political tension (Bethany, 2019).
In addition to generating resources and expanding the internal market,
international students are potential permanent Canadian citizens. As previously
mentioned, this perspective also aligns with both immigration and international education
goals, which work collaboratively to attract international students to support Canada's
long-term economic goals. Studying in Canada became an alternative path to
immigration, and as a result the number of international students coming to Canada has
almost doubled since 2004 (Lotf, 2014). The shared goals between higher education and
immigration largely transformed the higher education system into an instrument to select
what Abu-Laban and Gabriel (2002) describe as the “ideal immigrant” (2002 p. 97).
48
Although the process through which students, including international students and
immigrants, select a university is still under investigation due to its complexity (Smart,
2006), there is some evidence that students select higher education institutions based on
prestige (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013; Smart, 2006). The prestige of a university is not
solely academic but has largely been associated with professional opportunities, leading
to prominent, well-paying jobs upon graduation (Adamuti‐Trache et al., 2013). From this
perspective, in many cases skilled immigrants with foreign credentials directly compete
for the opportunities that domestic universities are seeking for its graduates.
Research has shown that international students choose higher education
institutions abroad at least in part based on rankings and reputation for academic quality
(Lee, 2008). However, theranking scores of higher education institutions were not
included in Lee’s model because this study did not seek to predict international
undergraduate student enrollment but rather the effect of enrollment on net tuition
revenue.
In summary, budget cuts and changes in budget composition in Canada have
forced PSE institutions to behave and compete like other businesses in the market place
(Metcalfe, 2010). In this context, immigration intersects with PSE in that it contributes
greatly to the revenue of PSE institutions. This occurs through profiting from the lack of
recognition of prior knowledge and work experience of many skilled immigrants, as well
as the recruitment of international students as ideal candidates to migrate to Canada
(Sevunts, 2016; Zilio & Chiose, 2016). However, these circumstances have raised many
ethical and moral tensions for higher education institutions. For instance, lengthy and
obstructive credential recognition programs have contributed to delaying the integration
of skilled immigrants into the Canadian professional labour market, which has resulted in
a waste of talent (Fleras, 2014; Mata, 1999). Morally, this has affected the health and
social mobility of immigrants and international students. Moreover, the academic
capitalist rationale has put into question the purpose of the higher education system to
cultivate intellectual, democratic, and moral capacities among citizens to promote social
progress (Naidoo, 2010; Rizvi, 2017).
49
2.9. Racism and Discrimination
Li (2001) argues that the credentials of immigrants “carry a penalty” compared to
those of Canadian-born citizens, particularly among visible minorities (p.23). Li
estimates that 50 percent of the income disparity between Canadian-born citizens who
hold a post-secondary education degree and their immigrant counterparts is a result of the
lack of recognition of foreign credentials. However, Li (2001) warns that even if
credential recognition issues could be resolved, earnings disparities between immigrants
and native-born workers may persist due to underlying gender and racial tensions.
Authors such as Hughes and Kallen (1974) have posited that racism in Canada is
a systemic problem embedded at the institutional and structural level, which results in
barriers for minority groups to access the resources they need to fully participate in
society (Hughes & Kallen, 1974). Racism is defined as a set of beliefs or an ideology that
associates biological and cultural characteristics with human emotional, intellectual, and
behavioural skills necessary to participate in a community or in society (James, 2010). It
is important to note that the concepts of racism and discrimination are interrelated, as
discrimination is the instrumentalization of racism. Discrimination is the group of actions
and practices that result in unequal treatment and opportunities among different segments
of the population (James, 2010).
Since Hughes and Kallen (1974), various scholars have posited that racism
continues to be an important barrier for many immigrants to integrate into the labour
market (Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2002; Fleras, 2014; Guo, 2015; James, 2010; Oreopoulos,
2011; Quillian et al., 2019; V. Satzewich & Liodakis, 2007). Authors such as Guo (2009)
posit that epistemological misperceptions of difference and knowledge may lead to a lack
of recognition, devaluation, and denigration of the prior learning of immigrants,
principally those from developing countries, resulting in poor labour market outcomes
(Guo, 2009). Guo (2009) argues that the devaluation of foreign credentials and
knowledge is largely rooted in the social construction of the immigrant itself. Canadian
settlers of European descent are not perceived as immigrants, and the term immigrant has
been associated with people of colour who do not come from a European background,
50
who do not speak English, and are perceived as people with academic and cultural
deficiencies. From Guo’s perspective, immigrants are socially constructed based on skin
colour and therefore challenges with credential recognition can be analyzed not solely
from a human capital deficiency perspective but also from the lens of the politics of
difference.
Economic theory models of international migration, which are largely based on
individualistic assumptions, have led us to believe that human capital deficiencies are
individual rather than systemic, and that knowledge from elsewhere is often inferior and
invalid. Guo (2009) suggests that the perceived inferior quality of the immigrant labour
force has been used as a cover to regulate labour market competition and legitimize
existing relations of power. He argues that this new form of racialized possession of
knowledge is a contemporary version of the Head Tax of 1885, which obstructed social
mobility for many immigrants. Likewise, Bauder (2003) also argues that perceiving
immigrants from certain locations as inferior workers is often a way to justify
employment outcomes and legitimize existing power relations. As Bauder (2003)
explains, the race, gender, and spatial representations of immigrants shape their career
trajectories.
In many cases, preconceived and stereotyped notions of certain ethnic groups
have negative and long-lasting effects on the lives of immigrants (Vic Satzewich, 2015).
Racism and ethnic stereotyping during the first half of the twentieth century not only
influenced immigration access to Canada, but also influenced the distribution of
immigrants’ occupations based on their membership in different ethnic groups (Bauder,
2003). For example, a study found that Filipino nannies who live in Vancouver are
stereotyped as unskilled, uncivilized, and poorly motivated, while British nannies are
perceived as far superior in terms of training and temperament, even though in many
cases nannies from the Philippines possess university degrees (Pratt, 1997). This
perception has negatively influenced the working conditions of Filipino nannies in
Vancouver (Pratt, 1997).
51
Various social experiments have shown that when factors such as schooling,
language, and skills are controlled for, discrimination towards immigrants in the labour
market is exposed, particularly among visible minority groups. For example, Oreopoulos
(2011) sent 12,910 resumes to 3225 job postings in Toronto and found that Canadian
employers significantly discriminate by name. English-sounding names were nearly 40
percent more likely to receive call-backs than resumes with foreign names, even when
controlling for other factors such as schooling, prestige and job experience. Thus,
discrimination and prejudice can at least partially explain immigrants’ unemployment,
underemployment, and earnings differentials. However, prejudice and discrimination is
not always evident due to the ambiguity of assessing skills and abilities (Esses et al.,
2014). More recently, Quilliam et al. (2019) conducted 97 hiring field experiments in
nine countries and found that Canada has one of the highest rates of racist hiring
practices, and visible minorities are more likely to face discrimination when looking for
employment in Canada than in other countries such as the US, Germany, and Norway.
Although an important body of literature has identified racism as a serious issue
for skilled immigrants (Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2002; Fleras, 2014; Guo, 2015; James,
2010; Oreopoulos, 2011; Quillian et al., 2019; V. Satzewich & Liodakis, 2007), there is a
strong tendency in the literature to address immigration topics through economic lenses
and human capital assumptions (Campolieti et al., 2013; Carnevale et al., 2001; Chiswick
& Miller, 2003; Clarke & Skuterud, 2013; Ferrer et al., 2004; Guerrero & Rothstein,
2012; Kunz, 2003; Schaafsma & Sweetman, 2001; Sweetman, 2004). For instance, Ferrer
et al. (2004) have argued that literacy levels correlate with immigrant earnings and posit
that discriminatory practices do not explain earnings differentials between skilled
immigrants and Canadian-born citizens. The dominant human capital approaches to
migration may have resulted in the belief that the poor labour outcomes of some skilled
immigrants are solely due to human capital deficiencies, ignoring other possible causes
such as racism.
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2.10. Summary
The production of new knowledge has become a central feature of modern
economic growth and development around the world, and it largely depends on the
capacity of countries to reproduce people who create it. Countries such as Canada face
several sociodemographic and economic challenges to internally reproducing highly
skilled and educated citizens (Fleras, 2014). Therefore, immigration of skilled workers
has become an important aspect to the Canadian economy. However, skilled immigrants
are often unemployed or underemployed, and earn significantly less than their Canadian-
born counterparts earn (e.g., Dean & Wilson, 2009; Fleras, 2014; Picot, Hou, &
Coulombe, 2007). These circumstances have resulted in economic inefficiencies and
hindered the well-being of many immigrants (Dean & Wilson, 2009; Fleras, 2014). In
many cases, the lack of foreign credential recognition has forced skilled immigrants to
enroll in the higher education system to retrain, update, or validate their credentials
(Adamuti-Trache, 2011; Guo, 2009). The barriers to gainful employment has resulted in
many immigrants leaving Canada. Roughly, four in ten immigrants in the business and
skilled worker immigration categories leave the country within 10 years of arrival
(Statistics Canada, 2006).
The literature review presented in this chapter shows that despite extensive
literature documenting the unemployment, underemployment, and wage disparities facing
skilled immigrants who enter Canada to fill strategic labour market positions (e.g., Dean
& Wilson, 2009; Fleras, 2014; Picot et al., 2007), there is no clear consensus regarding
the mechanisms by which this issue is reproduced. However, key bodies of literature
indicate that immigration policy, neoliberal transformations in the higher education
system, discrimination, and the intrinsic human capital of immigrants may play an
important role in reproducing current labour outcomes of skilled immigrants.
In the literature, human and cultural capital deficit lenses dominate the discussion
on immigrant unemployment rates, skill underutilization, and earnings disparities
(Campolieti et al., 2013; Carnevale et al., 2001; Chiswick & Miller, 2003; Clarke &
Skuterud, 2013; Ferrer et al., 2004; Guerrero & Rothstein, 2012; Kunz, 2003; Schaafsma
53
& Sweetman, 2001; Sweetman, 2004). This stand has largely influenced Canadian
immigration policies in recent years, as admission standards have steadily increased.
However, data shows that these policy changes have done little to reduce the
underutilization of skilled immigrants (e.g., Picot & Hou, 2014). Furthermore, my review
of the literature informed me that the dominant, quantitative approach to the issue has
mainly relied on secondary data such as the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to
Canada, the Canadian Census, Statistics Canada, and administrative data from higher
education institutions. Relatively fewer studies have explored the experiences of
immigrants accessing the Canadian labour market (Sinacore & Lerner, 2013; Somerville
& Walsworth, 2010), and only one study has examined the experiences of LSIs in Canada
(Wilson-Forsberg, 2015), despite their poor labour market outcomes. Moreover, no
studies to date have included LSIs who decided to leave Canada, as the existing literature
appears to focus only on those who still reside in the country. Finally, I want to note that
there is an abundance of literature regarding Latin American migrants in the US and I
used some of this literature when it was pertinent. However, these studies largely focus
on unskilled immigrants who are not entitled to work in the US, and the contextual
conditions are considerably different from Canada as the immigration system for skilled
immigrants in the US is exclusively demand-driven. Informed by this literature review, in
the next chapter I present the theoretical choices that I made to guide this study.
54
Theorizing Migration and Immigrants’ Transition into
New Communities
In this chapter, I explain the theoretical choices that I made for this inquiry. As
outlined in Chapter 1, I have selected Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction
(2011,1990), as the foundational theoretical framework, although I incorporated ideas
from Rizvi and Bauman, which together better account for the complexities of migration.
The chapter will begin with a discussion of selected ideas from Bourdieu, such as
strategies and instruments of social reproduction, and habitus. Subsequently, I discuss
Rizvi’s notions of social imaginary, which I argue complements and enhances Bourdieu’s
concept of habitus. Finally, I introduce Bauman’s ideas of social space and the stranger’s
aporia, and describe how this scholarship is necessary for the theoretical framework on
which this study is based.
3.1. Social Reproduction
Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction is largely influenced by Marx’s (1976)
theory of capital. Like Marx, Bourdieu provides a theoretical perspective on the material
and historical situations that perpetuate gaps among social classes and he provides an
explanation for how social order is reproduced. For Marx (1981), the essence of capitalist
logic revolves around the reproduction of profit, which eventually becomes capital.
Heilbroner (1989) argues that the rate of profit is the central axis over which capital life
spins, not only because the system is reproduced and grows through the production of
profits, but also because capitalism organizes a coherent system of dominance and
privilege around it. This system of dominance is reproduced by an unequal distribution of
resources that have been historically accumulated by the different segments of social
classes.
Like Marx, Bourdieu acknowledges that the dominant class monopoly over
resources has a tendency to persist in its being (Bourdieu, 1986). However, unlike Marx,
55
Bourdieu stresses the existence of various forms of capital, not solely economic. For
Bourdieu, capital is accumulated labor that presents itself in four fundamental forms:
economic, social, cultural, and symbolic (Bourdieu, 1985, 1989). The structures of
dominance and privilege are perpetuated not only through the objective and material
structures of society, such as the way in which resources are accessed and distributed, but
also through subjective structures including the dispositions and preferences of agents. In
this way, social reproduction is supplemented by symbolic violence from ‘above’, and
naturalization from ‘below’ (Jacobsen, 2016).
Bourdieu (1985, 1989) theorizes that social interactions occur in what he terms a
‘social space’. A ‘social space’ is defined as a multi-dimensional grid of coordinates
where people coexist and occupy unique positions. The position occupied by each agent
is determined by the relative volume and structure of capital(s). This is the relative
weight of the different types of capital, and the total volume of their assets (Bourdieu,
1985, 1986). In contrast to human capital approaches to migration, which often assume
that social interactions occur in a social vacuum, the position on the multi-dimensional
grid of coordinates limits the movement and accumulation of the diverse forms of capital.
Therefore, understanding the position that an agent occupies in this system provides
important information about the intrinsic capital of the agent and their relative weight
within a particular structure (Bourdieu, 1985, 1989). From this perspective, the capital
that skilled immigrants have been able to accumulate will influence their position in the
new social space. However, the different forms of capital that skilled immigrants possess
may have a different value in the new social space. Therefore, each form of capital is not
absolute in itself; rather, its value is determined by a specific social space (Bourdieu,
1986).
Bourdieu (2011) conceptualizes social space as a space of inequality and social
conflict which is composed of various fields. He describes fields as micro-social spaces
that have their own set of rules and practices. These fields are spaces in which
competition between agents and social classes occur. Some examples of fields include the
education system, the labour market, or the arts. Conflict occurs in the sense that the
accumulation of capital in all its forms is at play in these fields. Different fractions of
56
classes have specific interests and are willing to influence the distribution and
accumulation of capital that can be obtained from these fields. The dominant groups aim
to preserve and monopolize the capital that they possess and have been able to
accumulate overtime, while the subjugated groups seek to maintain or enhance their
position in the social space, often by redefining the field (Rizzo, 2012). In opposition to
the win-win rationale of migration, where both immigrants and receiving countries stand
to benefit, Bourdieu stresses that social reproduction must be examined from the
perspective of social conflict, which is not linear nor static, and interests do not always
align. From this perspective, social reproduction depends on the relations of power
among classes or fractions of class.
In their book, Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture, Bourdieu and
Passeron (1990) analyze the intersection between relations of power and access and
distribution of cultural capital in the education field. They examine how the actions
promoted in the education field contribute to the reproduction of social structures of
dominance. From Bourdieu and Passeron’s (1990) perspective, all pedagogic action is
objective and symbolic violence, as this action implies an “imposition of a cultural
arbitrary by an arbitrary power” (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990, p. 5). This pedagogic
action tends to reproduce the established distribution of cultural capital given the
relations of power, thus ultimately influencing individuals. Pedagogic action, or
inculcation of a cultural arbitrary, implies the existence of an institution commissioned to
exercise it, which Bourdieu and Passeron (1990) define as pedagogic authority. Thus, the
mechanism by which cultural capital is accessed and distributed ensures the reproduction
of the existing distribution of cultural capital, which in turn also contributes to the
reproduction of social class.
This framework provides insight in understanding the persistent gaps in
credential recognition for skilled immigrants because it places the intrinsic value of
human capital in the arena of pedagogic action. This perspective examines the struggles
that immigrants face to obtain credential recognition on an individual basis, but also in
relation to the interests of other social classes that control the access and distribution of
cultural capital.
57
3.1.1. Strategies of social reproduction.
Another aspect of Bourdieu’s (2011) theory that is key for this study is his
concept of the strategies of social reproduction. This was instrumental to analysing
skilled immigrants’ decisions to migrate and their actions during their transition into the
new social space, such as seeking credential recognition. For Bourdieu, the strategies of
social reproduction are the decisions that individuals, consciously or unconsciously, make
to maintain or enhance their position in the social space, which are bound to their
structure and volume of capital.
In contrast to neoclassical immigration theory, a Bourdieusian perspective
maintains that the strategies of social reproduction are developed in the household. The
household functions as a collective subject and not as a group of independent individuals
(Bourdieu, 1979, 2002, 2011). Similar to a card game, as Bourdieu (1989; 1992) puts it,
families “become adept at doing the best they can with whatever hands they are dealt”
(p.549, 2002). Bourdieu defines strategies of social reproduction as “the group of
practices, remarkably different, by which individuals and families tend to, consciously or
unconsciously, engage in to preserve or advance their positions in the social space”
(translated quotation that appeared in Bourdieu, 1979, p. 122).
Although Bourdieu emphasises the role of nuclear families in the strategies of
social reproduction, for the purpose of this dissertation, the term familia is utilized to
distinguish from the traditional European concept of family and household. The term
familia is often colloquially used in Latin America to refer to larger social ties with loved
ones, including extended family and close friends. Familia includes those agents in the
social fabric capable of directly influencing the decision-making. This could include
parents, grandparents, cousins, children, ex-husbands and wives, half-brothers or sisters,
and even friends and pets. Therefore, each familia has a different composition, according
to its social and cultural relation linkages.
The familia, consciously or unconsciously, develops strategies with its set of
resources to perform economic and non-economic activities to optimize its material and
non-material conditions (Bourdieu, 1979, 2002). From this perspective, migration can be
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analyzed as a strategy of social reproduction. Much like enrolling in higher education, or
starting a new business, migration is not a feasible option for all families; rather, it is only
an objective possibility for those with the necessary capital to take advantage of it.
Furthermore, opting for a specific strategy not only depends on a familia’s intrinsic
capital (economic, social, cultural, and symbolic), but also depends on two additional
factors: 1) the instruments of social reproduction, which includes the intervention of the
state, and 2) the habitus. Both factors are examined in the subsequent sections.
3.1.2. Instruments of social reproduction.
The instruments of social reproduction influence the objective possibilities that a
domestic unit has to invest in different institutionalized mechanisms of social
reproduction, such as the labour market, education, marriage (Bourdieu, 1979), or in this
case, migration. Domestic units articulate their capitals with feasible strategies of
reproduction. For example, children cannot go to school if there are no schools in the area
(geographical distance), while others cannot attend nearby schools due to poverty (social
distance). In both instances, sending children to school is simply out of reach and is not a
possible strategy of social reproduction. However, the state plays a fundamental role in
shaping the instruments of social reproduction by bridging these barriers to accessing
goods and services, such as providing scholarships or building new schools.
Similarly, migration can be incentivised or discouraged through the intervention
of the state and its regulatory policies, including both migratory and settling policies.
Instruments of social reproduction, such as social governmental intervention and non-
governmental organizations (NGOs), are key to theorizing migration as their involvement
or lack of action may reproduce social inequalities.
3.1.3. Bourdieu’s habitus and Rizvi’s imaginary.
Unlike neoclassical immigration theory, which emphasizes the importance of
economic variables and the role of objectivity, Bourdieu (1979) stresses that the factors
that contribute to explaining the different strategies of social reproduction are objective,
but also subjective. This means that the choices that agents and families make also
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depend on the dispositions and preferences that the habitus dictates. In Bourdieu's (1998)
words, habitus can be seen as:
“a system of schemes of perception and appreciation of practices, cognitive
and evaluative structures which are acquired through the lasting experience
of a social position. Habitus is both a system of schemes of production of
practices and a system of perception and appreciation of practices.” (p. 19)
One may question why some individuals with similar capital structures and
similar access to instruments of social reproduction as others, decide to use migration
strategies while others do not. From a Bourdieusian perspective, the fact that some
domestic units possess the same objective material conditions to migrate does not mean
that the domestic units will automatically decide to migrate. Domestic units, even those
with little capital, have a margin of operation and can select among various strategies to
maintain or advance in the social space (Gutierrez, 2007). However, the pre-disposition
to feel, think, or act one way rather than another also contributes to the construction of
the social world and therefore the decision-making (Bourdieu, 1989). Through a
Bourdieusian lens, decision-making is not purely objective, but is instead the ontological
correspondence between a habitus and the social space (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). In
other words, it is a dialectic relationship between objectivity and subjectivity. For
Bourdieu, the habitus is the system of mental structures through which an individual
internalizes the social world. Habitus then implies a "sense of one's place", but also a
"sense of the place of others" (Bourdieu, 1998, p. 19). Bourdieu proposes an ontology of
potentiality circumscribed into a structure (Gutiérrez, 2007). This is the struggle between
objectivity and subjectivity, where subjectivism and objectivism stand in dialectical
relation.
The habitus is not spontaneously acquired, but is the result of one’s biography,
context, and position of class. For Bourdieu (2011), the strategies of social reproduction
are part of a lifetime process in which decision-making is influenced by previous
decisions. The social space conditions the habitus while the habitus relates to the social
space as the cognitive way to construct the world in a meaningful way. For Bourdieu,
“social reality exists, so to speak, twice, in things and in minds, in fields and habitus,
outside and inside of agents” (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 127).
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Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and social reproduction has been the subject of
intense debate. The concept of habitus is often critiqued for being too functionalistic,
rigid, and too deterministic, with a tendency to perpetuate structures (Croce, 2015). To
address these concerns, authors such as Tsao (2015), inspired by Bauman, pressed for a
“re-conceptualization of a more ‘liquid’ habitus” to take into account modern
globalization conditions (p.36). Others such as Kang (2016), Tsao (2015), and Taylor
(2004), have utilized the concept of social imaginaries in an effort to expand upon
Bourdieu’s ideas of habitus. Taylor (2004) proposes that the imaginary is something
much broader and deeper than the habitus. He conceptualizes an imaginary as:
…the ways in which people imagine their social existence, how they fit
together with others, how things go on between them and their fellows, the
expectations that are normally met, and the deeper normative notions and
images that underlie these expectations. (Taylor, 2004, p. 23)
As Croce (2015) explains, these addendums may not do justice to Bourdieu’s
entire work. However, the concept of imaginaries may better articulate the connection of
habitus at micro and macro levels by making explicit the collective sense of agency. This
expansion on Bourdieu’s concept of habitus is key because it stresses the role of
subjectivity. This is precisely the way in which Rizvi expands on Bourdieu’s idea of
habitus. Although he does not offer a grand theory, and his work focuses on a particular
aspect of social life, Rizvi makes an important contribution by stressing the collective
sense of habitus. In Rizvi’s words, “the social imaginary is the thinking shared in a
society by ordinary people, the common understandings that make everyday practices
possible, giving them sense and legitimacy” (2006a, p. 196).
Rizvi (2011a) argues that while we live in a world that offers a multiplicity of
social imaginaries, neoliberal beliefs have become the globally dominant source of our
social imaginary. This imaginary influences agents, domestic units, the processes of state
and institutional decision-making, and the strategic calculations of individuals (Rizvi,
2011a). This is important because the collective subjectivity may also influence
individuals’ decisions during the migration process, including their decisions to migrate
and the perception of what advancing in the social space looks like. In this matter,
Bauman (2000) adds that consumerism, and not coercion nor conflicts of class, is the
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central axis over which postmodern societies construct their interactions (Bauman, 2000;
Jacobsen, 2016).
Another important intersection between Rizvi and Bourdieu is the education
system. In Rizvi’s (2017) view, the dominant neoliberal imaginary has permeated
education systems around the world and the market logic has largely shaped and even
subordinated the purpose of education to economic goals. Unlike Bourdieu, Rizvi
believes neoliberalism is not a political project or an ideology, but the dominant way in
which human relations are perceived and conducted in modern life.
Rizvi (2017) explains that the neoliberal imaginary is extended to the global
economy and assumes that economic growth is directly related to investments in
developing human capital. Therefore, the main purpose of education in the modern world
is subordinated to economic functions. Learning for the sake of learning is no longer
relevant, and education is crystalized as the mechanism to build human capital for the
knowledge-based economy. From this perspective, the discussions surrounding higher
education under the neoliberal imaginary are largely informed by human capital lenses,
much in the way Sjaastad (1962) uses the concept of human capital in his immigration
model. In the words of Rizvi (2017):
…in a global economy, performance is linked to people’s knowledge stock,
skill levels, learning capabilities and cultural adaptability. It therefore
encourages policies that enhance labour flexibility, not only through the
deregulation of the market, but also through reforms to systems of education
and training, designed to align them to the changing nature of economic
activity… (p.6)
Through Rizvi’s lens, the neoliberal imaginary naturalizes the perception of
skilled immigrants not as people but as instruments of economic development. Moreover,
under the neoliberal imaginary, assumptions that productivity and wages depend on the
level of individuals’ skills and abilities shape the purpose of education. The idea that
economic growth is the fundamental axis of modern society is so engrained in societal
beliefs that it is hard to question, and it has become difficult to imagine new ways of
social order. From this perspective, Rizvi (2006) supports the idea of social reproduction
by explaining that the imaginary produces discursive and social frameworks that self-
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perpetuate the imaginary, even though he challenges the idea that the dominant imaginary
is immovable. However, he does not explicitly state how the imaginary can be changed.
Furthermore, Rizvi (2017) points out that ethical concerns in modern society are
framed within the dominant neoliberal imaginary that subordinates all social interactions
to economic goals, further amalgamating its legitimacy and reproduction. Like Bauman
(1993, 2000), Rizvi describes a neoliberal imaginary in crisis, caused by moral tensions.
Rizvi argues that the contradictions in the education system caused by the neoliberal
imaginary has resulted in social inequality, ecological devastation, and wars, and that
“education’s morally and social ameliorative role has been compromised, as it is now
largely viewed as an instrument of economic productivity and growth” (Rizvi, 2017, p.
10).
In the next section, I explain how Bauman (1993) expands on Bourdieu’s theory
of fields and social space and how this perspective reinforces the idea that the demand for
labour creates tensions and alignments with migration. In this regard, Bauman (1993)
makes a broader analysis of the social space than Bourdieu, in which social reproduction
is not solid or immovable but has diverse mechanisms to assimilate and exclude people
from the social space.
3.2. Social Space and the Stranger’s Aporia
Bourdieu and Rizvi’s scholarship, while useful for some aspects of analysis, do
not provide the base to analyze the specific tensions that occur between the neoliberal
social imaginary and immigrants. While Rizvi speaks about the tensions between the
ethical and moral realms of the neoliberal imaginary, Bauman makes a more
comprehensive analysis of these tensions in the modern world. Bauman’s life experience
as a Polish sociologist, living marginalized and in exile for many years, influenced his
sociological work in two fundamental ways: 1) through emphasizing the moral aspect in
his sociological work (Davis & Campbell, 2017), and 2) describing migration from the
perspective of a refugee. The latter influence is mainly reflected in his book titled,
Postmodern Ethics (Bauman, 1993). In contrast to Rizvi and Bourdieu, Bauman
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explicitly addresses the tensions that the movement of people across borders causes and
he describes modern ethics as being in a deep crisis. Bauman explains in detail the
tensions that the demand for labour creates in a social space that is not solely physical
and cognitive but also moral.
Bauman’s work, in my view, adds an important dimension to this understanding,
as he examines from an ethical and moral aspect the role of immigrants in the
contemporary world, resulting in what he calls the stranger’s aporia (Bauman, 1993, p.
159). In contrast to Bourdieu, to explain this aporia he argues that the social space is
composed of four interwoven dimensions: the physical, the cognitive, the moral, and the
aesthetic (Bauman, 1993). According to Bauman, in pre-modern times, the social space
ended at the neighbour’s boundary, and beyond that border lived those considered aliens.
While there was some background and knowledge of the neighbours, little to nothing was
known about the aliens. In this way, the physical space was somewhat directly associated
with the cognitive space, which includes rational and ethical components. In both cases,
however, neighbours and aliens were geographically distant.
The challenge in modern times, particularly in the globalized world and the
knowledge-based economy era which Rizvi (2017) describes in detail, is the rupture of
the relationship between the physical and cognitive space. This is a fundamental
contribution by both Rizvi and Bourdieu. The development of the neoliberal phase and its
profit-seeking imaginary requires a massive entrance of labour to remain competitive.
Bauman (1993) posits that the modern and globalized life cannot be sustained without
strangers. The entry of outsiders to the social space on a permanent basis, as required for
economic reasons, has had profound implications.
The outsiders are no longer physically living beyond the local’s territory. They
are ‘strangers’ living in the same physical space. The challenge then is not how to
eliminate them, because they are essential in the neoliberal imaginary, but how to live in
their constant company without losing control of the social space. For Bauman,
modernity created an aporia. On one hand, economic realities demand we live with
strangers in order to remain competitive, but on the other hand, in the cognitive space, the
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interaction with a stranger is an incongruity. Bauman describes this incongruity as a sort
of social space pollution.
Economic rationales make the sharing of physical space unavoidable, but the
presence of strangers creates an apprehension and anxiety of misunderstanding. While we
share the physical space with others, we do not necessarily share the cognitive space, as
we identify ‘others’ through the knowledge that we have about them. In the words of
Bauman, “the strangeness of strangers is, at bottom, our ignorance” (Bauman, 1993,
p.149). Moreover, because we identify others through a process of typification (i.e., as
types rather than persons), the lack of knowledge about the ‘others’ makes it hard to even
typify them, which creates “proteophobia” (Bauman, 1993, p. 164). Proteophobia is
defined as the dislike of a situation in which one does not know how to proceed, and
feeling lost, confused, or disempowered due to the lack of knowledge about the ‘other’
(Bauman, 1993). James (2010), without direct reference to Bauman (1993), illustrates
that people often evaluate ‘others’ based on personal experience and knowledge. Through
discussions and students’ experiences, James (2010) explains that many Canadian-born
individuals rely on superficial observations to assess the behaviour of immigrants, often
drawing negative conclusions.
Since the sharing of physical space is unavoidable, the next best solution to
overcome proteophobia is to establish social distance. One way to achieve this distance is
by mastering the art of mismeeting (Bauman, 1993). Mismeeting is a sort of inauthentic
meeting, a simulation, which ultimately dissocializes the physical space, evicting the
strangers from the social space. Moreover, the dissocializing effects of mismeeting are to
some extent invisible, as they appear as a non-hostile attitude towards the stranger, which
is essential in engaging with the modern economic life. In doing so, the host gives tribute
to their generosity and not to the stranger's rights (Bauman, 1993, p. 156).
To deal with the stranger’s aporia, the administrators of the social space need a
mechanism capable of managing the ambivalent sentiments that are aroused by the
presence of strangers. Referring to Levi-Strauss, Bauman suggests that societies adopt
“phagic and emic strategies” (1993, p. 163), in order to control the social space. Phagic
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strategies are inclusive, while emic are exclusive; however, both work together and are
essential tools to control, reproduce, and dominate the social space. One strategy alone
would not resolve the stranger’s aporia; therefore, both mechanisms are necessary. For
Bauman, “…from the point of view of those in charge of order, strangers are solid
leftovers of the productive process called ‘social spacing’; they are perennial problems of
recycling and waste-disposal” (1993, p. 165).
Bauman’s notions of phagic and emic strategies are important to conceptualize
the concrete mechanisms by which social space is administered. This includes policies
and enforcement such as immigration and deportation. Although Bauman does not
mention it, the higher education system and accompanying professional regulatory bodies
are also important instruments to deliver phagic and emic strategies, as these systems
largely influence who assimilates into the labour market. Moreover, the higher education
system also serves as a mechanism of cultural assimilation that can absorb or reject the
sources of social space pollution that cause tensions in the cognitive space (Bauman,
2000).
Despite efforts to control the social space, including the labour market, Bauman
(1993) posits that whoever administers the activity of cognitive space must be concerned
about the moral space, because unlike the cognitive/ethical dimension, morality does not
attend to rationality. The cognitive space is ineffective in the face of moral responsibility.
Therefore, the “objects of cognitive spacing are the others we live with. The objects of
moral spacing are the others we live for” (Bauman, 1993, p. 165). In the moral space, the
‘others’ become objects of moral concern and the status of stranger is not necessarily
excluded from the moral dimension of space, which in turn makes the stranger’s aporia
more complex. Therefore, the interweaving of the cognitive and moral space can result in
societies making decisions that can be moral and rational, moral and irrational, immoral
and rational, or immoral and irrational. The mixed sentiments of Canadians regarding the
recent entrance of Syrian refugees into Canada (Globalnews, 2015) is an example of the
battle between the cognitive and moral dimensions of space. This idea is key because it
suggests that the moral space, distinct from the ethical dimension of space, can drive
changes in the social space. Although at times the moral and ethical dimensions of space
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align, history has shown that ethics is less dynamic than morality. For example, during
the era of slave ownership, having property of a human was normalized. However, the
moral dimension of space put into question the cognitive/ethical beliefs of that time.
Similarly, levels of unemployment and underemployment among highly educated
immigrants in the era of neoliberalism have shown important internal contradictions
between the cognitive/ethical and moral dimensions.
The ethical values of neoliberalism have found opposition and resistance in the
moral dimension of space. While policy makers attend primarily to the neoliberal ethical
dimension of space, the lack of focus on the moral dimension may create social
discontent among various segments of society and may prevent them from taking better
advantage of Canada’s human resources. In this way, the tensions between ethical and
moral values directly influence economic outcomes. Similar to Bauman (1993), Pease
(2010) also argues that the moral dimension of space can “challenge the reproduction of
privilege from within” (Pease, 2010, p. 170), by summoning ‘allies’ to challenge
institutions, policies, knowledge, and cultural practices that reproduce privilege.
3.3. Articulating a Theoretical Framework
In this chapter, I discussed how Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction provided
the backbone of my theoretical framework. Skeptical of several assumptions of the
dominant economic theories of international migration, I found in Bourdieu’s theory of
social reproduction a comprehensive framework that allowed me to theorize why people
migrate, and to further understand the internal contradictions of settlement. Through this
same theory, I also bring into question the role of various stakeholders, including the
higher education system, and individuals’ habitus. As both individual and collective
subjectivity influences agents’ lives, I draw on the concept of social imaginary (Rizvi,
2006b, 2011b; Rizvi & Lingard, 2000) to particularly stress the role of collective
subjectivity. Through this concept, Rizvi expands on Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, and
the influence of neoliberalism on education and immigration. Bauman’s ideas of the
incursions of strangers into the social space and the stranger’s aporia complemented the
limitations of using solely Rizvi and Bourdieu to understand the specific struggles and
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opportunities that immigrants experience once they enter the new social space. While
Bourdieu discusses a conflict of class within fields, Bauman (1993) goes beyond and
notes the importance of analysing the incursion of immigrants into a new social space
from a physical, cognitive, and moral perspective. Moreover, it is important to note that
Bauman (2000) has proposed a controversial diagnosis of modern societies that
dismantles the social order and has been critiqued for being too liquid. In contrast,
Bourdieu, and to some extent Rizvi, are seen as too solid when considering societal
change (Jacobsen, 2016). By complementing their perspectives, I attempted to account
for the difficulties that Bourdieu and Rizvi have in conceptualizing social change, while
compensating for Bauman’s difficulty in explaining social order (Jacobsen, 2016). It is
important to clarify that in this inquiry, I do not build upon Bauman’s (2000) work of
liquid modernity.
In the next chapter, I present the methodological approach that I selected for this
study.
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Methodology
As discussed in Chapter 1, the purpose of the current study is to investigate the
experiences and perceptions of Latin American permanent residents who entered Canada
under the economic immigrant categories and are seeking to access the labour market in
Greater Vancouver.
The general question guiding this study is: What are the experiences of Latin
American permanent residents who hold their highest degree outside of Canada?
With particular focus on:
• What are the factors that prompt Latin American Skilled Immigrants (LSIs) to
migrate to Canada?
• How do immigration policies influence the everyday lived experiences of
LSIs?
• How do Latin American permanent residents, who hold their highest degree
outside of Canada, experience transition into the labour market in the Lower
Mainland of British Columbia?
Guided by these research questions, this chapter articulates my choice of research
design, including methods and procedures utilized, location of the study, participant and
recruitment criteria, data collection methods, and data analysis. In this chapter, I also
address the role of the researcher and my relationship with the participants. The chapter
concludes by discussing trustworthiness and validity strategies utilized in this enquiry, as
well as some of the ethical considerations, potential benefits of the study, and its
limitations and delimitations.
4.1. Design
The research direction was largely driven by my own experiences as a LSI in
Canada, and later confirmed in the literature as an important gap in knowledge. As I
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sought to understand the socio-cultural and economic circumstances under which LSIs
experience their transition into their new communities, I needed a suitable
methodological design that best supported these objectives.
While quantitative research is concerned with the measurement of relationships
between variables, qualitative research addresses questions regarding how social
experience is reproduced and contextualized (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). Denzin and
Lincoln (2011) identify five significant differences between quantitative and qualitative
paradigms: 1) the theoretical positions they emerged from (positivism vs post-
positivism); 2) the role of qualitative research as an alternative form of inquiry in
response to positivistic approaches; 3) differences in the value of in-depth understanding
of participants’ experiences; 4) the level of detailed information obtained from
participants; and 5) the attention to particularities and exceptions. Despite the differences
between these two approaches, both quantitative and qualitative paradigms have strengths
and weaknesses and can often be complementary (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). However,
the selection of methodological design is fundamentally problem-driven (Denzin &
Lincoln, 2011). Qualitative inquiries allow researchers to gain a rich and complex
understanding of specific phenomena. This includes obtaining culturally specific
information about the values, opinions, behaviors, and social contexts of a particular
population. Unlike quantitative methods that largely rely on distant inferential data
sources, qualitative methods requires more proximity to the subject(s) experience, which
allows researchers to obtain more in depth and detailed information about the subject(s)
experiences, often through interviewing and observations (Denzin & Lincoln, 2013).
Therefore, as this study seeks to explore the experiences of Latin American skilled
immigrants in Canada, the use of qualitative methods is appropriate.
There are a variety of strategies for qualitative inquiry. Denzin and Lincoln
(2011) define a strategy of inquiry as a group of skills and assumptions needed to move
from a paradigm perspective to the empirical world. Some of these strategies include case
studies, ethnography, grounded theory, and phenomenology (Creswell, 2014; Denzin &
Lincoln, 2011). In the next section, I explain the methodological choices that I made
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during this study and explain why a multiple case study was appropriate to address the
proposed research questions.
4.1.1. Multiple case study.
Determining the most suitable strategy of qualitative inquiry for the proposed
study was not a simple task. Literature shows that there are over 20 different qualitative
research strategies. These strategies range from well-established inquiry traditions such
as case studies, ethnography, and grounded theory, to more emergent designs such as
poetic enquiry, ethno drama, and narrative inquiry. I believe that each approach would
provide a unique perspective to the research questions. However, Yin (1994) posits that
responding to ‘how’ and ‘why’ types of questions is more explanatory in nature than
“who”, “what”, “where, “how many”, or “how much?” types of questions, and therefore
“how” and “why” types of questions often lead us to the use of case studies, histories and
experiments as adequate research methods. However, Yin (1994) and Swanborn (2010)
suggest that if the investigator is unable to isolate or simulate the phenomenon, and/or the
boundaries between the phenomenon and context are not clear, then cases studies are
preferred over experiments.
A case study is defined as a methodological approach that involves an in-depth
investigation of single or multiple units of analysis, such as individuals, groups, and
organizations. Case study data are typically gathered through various sources, utilizing
methods such as interviews and observations (McLeod, 2019). Case studies have multiple
purposes, including facilitating the understanding of concepts or theories by providing
empirical evidence. A case study that includes multiple cases is known as a multiple case
study, which is defined as:
A research methodology in which several instrumental, bounded cases are examined using multiple data collection methods. This research
methodology is more powerful than single-case designs as it provides more extensive descriptions and explanations of the phenomenon or issue. Cross-case examination is employed to develop an in-depth understanding of a phenomenon or issue that may yield increased generalizability. Cause-and-effect relationships may be identified, and examination of the similarities and differences across cases may
strengthen theory. (Chmiliar, 2010, p. 3)
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Multiple case studies aim to explore the system’s internal logic. The system or
phenomenon is also known as a “quintain” (Stake, 2005, p. 6). The quintain tying the
individual cases together in this study is the overall experiences of Latin American
skilled immigrants who migrated to Canada after 2008. To gain a more comprehensive
understanding of the quintain, I selected nine single cases that belong to this specific
phenomenon and each case was studied to learn about their situational uniqueness and
complexity. The individual cases share various characteristics and contextual conditions
that bind them together. In this case, all participants are highly educated Latinos who
successfully navigated the Canadian immigration system under the economic class. They
also immigrated to Canada after 2008 and all experienced a transition process into their
new communities and the labour market. From this perspective, each single case is bound
together by a migratory experience under the Canadian economic category.
Although the individual cases share similarities with one another, each case has
particular features that add complexity to the quintain. For instance, the selected
participants moved to Canada through different immigration paths, possessed different
careers (regulated and non-regulated professions), are male or female, had different civil
status at time of entry, and had different levels of social support at the time of arrival. The
purpose of selecting a multiple case design was to identify the similarities and differences
in the participants’ patterns of response, and to have a more comprehensive
understanding of how the quintain works under varying conditions.
A single case study would have also been useful to address the research question;
however, the strength of a multiple case study stands on expanding the possibility to gain
a more comprehensive set of themes and to potentially unveil a broader perspective of a
phenomenon (Zach, 2006).
Moreover, as multiple case studies depend on analytical rather than statistical
generalizations, replication is more compelling and may provide more external validation
to the findings than a single case (Creswell, 2014; Yin, 1994). Authors such as Eisenhardt
(1991) argue that using multiple case study research can be a powerful means to create
theory because this method allows for replication and extension among individual cases,
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which in turn can be “used for independent corroboration of specific propositions”
(p.620). Corroboration can allow researchers to find patterns and eliminate bias, while
extension can aid researchers in developing a more complete theoretical picture by
linking the individual patterns. Multiple case studies are a proven means for advancing
theory, particularly when there are gaps or holes in the existing theories (Ridder, 2017).
Unlike authors such as Eisenhardt (1989), who posit that building theory through case
studies should not be initially mediated by theory, Yin (1994) argues that the
investigation can be shaped by using literature and therefore existing theory is the starting
point of case study.
Ridder (2016) conciliates these positions by arguing that the relevance of each
approach depends on the continuum of theory being addressed. Ridder (2016) establishes
that Yin’s approach is adequate when developing theory suggesting that there are “gaps
and holes” (p.287) in existing literature, while Eisenhardt’s (1989) approach can be more
useful for building theory, meaning that the phenomenon is fairly new or not very well
understood. However, there is some criticism (Eisenhardt, 1989) that the boundaries
between building, developing, and testing theory are not always clear. Advancing theory
can be possible by utilizing multiple case studies designs, even though at times a
combination of building, developing, and testing theories may be required.
Despite its advantages, multiple case studies face several challenges, including
access to participants, possible adverse effects to the participants, and potential
participant and observer bias. For instance, finding and getting in touch with participants
who moved to another country was challenging, and the risk of bias was latent. However,
authors such as Zach (2006) and Eisenhardt (1991) have shown that these challenges can
be addressed by the application of methodological rigor during the collection and
analysis. For this purpose, in section 4.9 I explain in detail several actions taken to
address methodological rigor.
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4.2. Location of the Study
Roughly 80 percent of immigrants live in the main Canadian metropolitan areas
(Refugees and Citizenship Canada, 2005). This concentration of immigrants in urban
areas has remained unchanged and recent data shows nearly half of all immigrants live in
Toronto and Vancouver. These two cities possess both the largest number of recent
immigrants in Canada and the highest relative proportion of immigrants to the total
population (S. C. Government of Canada, 2017). Data shows that immigrants from Latin
America also mainly migrate to large metropolitan areas, and almost all Canadians with
Latin American backgrounds live in four provinces: Ontario, Quebec, British Columbia,
or Alberta (Statistics Canada, 2007).
The current study was conducted in Greater Vancouver, British Columbia (BC),
one of the most common destinations for Latin Americans in Canada. Most of the
participants in this study reside in Greater Vancouver, aside from one participant residing
in Victoria, BC, and one participant who obtained Canadian permanent resident status but
no longer resides in Canada.
4.3. Participant Recruitment and Selection
The Research Ethics Board at Simon Fraser University approved this study
before the recruitment of participants. To recruit potential participants, recruitment flyers
were distributed through the Immigrant Service Society of BC, and help was requested in
distributing the study recruitment flyer. Recruitment flyers were also posted on two
public Facebook pages: ‘Latin Americans in Vancouver B.C.’ and ‘Red Talentos BC’
(see Appendix A). Individuals interested in obtaining further information or participating
in the study were given my contact information as well as my supervisor’s. A snowball
strategy was used to identify additional participants.
When a potential participant expressed interest in participating, I provided a
written description of the study and reviewed the procedures orally. I also informed the
potential participant that they could withdraw from the study at any time and that refusal
to participate or withdrawing after agreeing to participate would not have adverse effects
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or consequences of any kind. Potential participants had the opportunity to ask questions
about the study or participation requirements.
An essential factor in answering qualitative research questions is choosing the
right participants. Participant selection for a qualitative investigation depends on what the
researcher seeks to understand and from what lens the questions are being framed
(Merriam, 2016; Willig & Stainton-Rogers, 2007). Therefore, the way that participants
can contribute to the understanding of the phenomena and the research questions will
often guide participant selection. This process is known as purposive or theoretical
sampling (Merriam, 2016; Schwandt, 2007; Swanborn, 2010). Some authors posit that
there are two critical issues in the logic of purposive sampling: 1) determining selection
criteria to identify potential participants, and 2) using a strategy that prevents bias while
selecting cases (Merriam, 2016; Schwandt, 2007). To address these concerns, I
established a clear set of conditions outlined in this section and continually
communicated with my supervisor all the details regarding the selection criteria, aiming
to minimize potential biases during the selection process.
Throughout the selection process, it was key to acknowledge that the experiences
of LSIs who live in the Lower Mainland of BC are diverse and range from LSIs who are
very successful at integrating into Canada’s labour market, to those who are unemployed.
Consequently, I based my selection on the principle of heterogeneity as described by
Swanborn (2010), and thus I selected the participants based on varied labour market
outcomes. They ranged from: LSIs who quickly integrated into the Canadian labour
market (i.e., already work in their area of expertise and their earnings are not significantly
different from their Canadian-born counterparts); LSIs who faced difficulties integrating
into the Canadian labour market (i.e., LSIs who are unemployed, underemployed, or earn
significantly less than their Canadian-born counterparts); and LSIs who decided to leave
Canada due to unsuccessful integration into the labour market or due to opportunities
elsewhere.
The selection criteria also included LSIs from economic immigration classes such
as the Federal Skilled Worker Program, the Provincial Nominees program, and the
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Canadian Experience Class program. Participants were required to be recent LSIs,
defined as an LSI who entered Canada in 2008 or later, and to be 19 years of age or older.
The purpose of these last criteria was to align the cases with the growth of relatively
newer immigration policies. I did not select LSIs based on their area of expertise, as their
admission into Canada through the economic category required a base set of criteria,
including a minimum level of language ability, work experience, level of education, and
labour market demand. The study excluded immigrants accepted from non-economic
classes, such as the family and refugee immigration classes, and those in the economic
class who entered Canada either as investors or in the start-up business class.
In addition to the selection criteria listed above, it was important to balance the
number of male and female participants, as the literature shows that poor labour
outcomes occur often among women.
4.3.1. Participants.
Following the completion of the recruitment process, I selected nine LSIs to
participate in the study, including six males and three females. Initially, the interest was
mainly from male participants, but through snowball sampling methods and posting
flyers on social media, I was able to find the three female participants to include in the
study. Seven participants were born in Mexico, one was born in Peru, and one was born
in Colombia. Despite my interest in including more participants who chose to leave
Canada after immigrating, the difficultly in recruiting this segment of the population
limited the participants in this category to one. Table 1 summarizes some of the main
selection criteria across participants.
I utilized purposeful sampling and snowball techniques, and I did not have any
professional or personal relationships with the participants, with the exception of one
whom I met on occasion at gatherings hosted by a mutual friend. We were not very well
acquainted and I do not believe this interfered in any way with the investigation.
Anonymity is strictly protected, and identities are not disclosed. The participants’
names used in the current study are pseudonyms.
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Pedro was born in Mexico. He is married and has children. He works in the
Information Technology (IT) industry and was a software developer in Mexico. He
partially completed a bachelor’s degree in Mexico City. In Mexico, he worked for several
offshore American software firms. Pedro applied to come to Canada in 2012 as a
temporary worker. He was the main applicant and his Canadian employer helped him
with the immigration process. Within a few months, Pedro and his family arrived in
Canada. They obtained permanent resident status in 2014. He came to Canada with a
prearranged job as a software developer, and has successfully settled in Vancouver. Pedro
and another participant, Jorge, were previously coworkers.
Marcela was born in Mexico. She is married and has children. She has a master’s
degree in organizational development and has extensive work experience prior to
immigrating to Canada. In Mexico, she worked as a Human Resources manager for a
firm. Her husband was the main applicant in the immigration process and they applied
through the Federal Skilled Worker Program in 2010. Her immigration process took
approximately three years, and in 2013, Marcela and her family were granted permanent
residency. At the time of the interview, she was unemployed. Since arriving, she has been
unable to find a job in her area of expertise.
Arturo was born in Mexico. He is married and has children. He possesses a
master’s degree in business administration from a private university in Mexico. At the
time of applying to move to Canada, he had 20 years of work experience in treasury. In
Mexico, he was a corporate treasurer for a large corporation. He was the main applicant
and he was 46 years of age at arrival. He is the oldest of all the participants. He and his
family started the immigration process in 2007. Arturo entered Canada through the
Federal Skilled Worker Program. His immigration process took roughly three years. In
2013, Arturo and his family were granted permanent residency. He has faced various
challenges to integrate into his area of expertise in Canada. He is currently working as a
treasury clerk.
Jazmin was born in Peru. She is married and has children. She possesses two
degrees from Peru, in accounting and business finance. She has limited experience as an
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accountant, although she worked as an administrator for an airline for several years
before arrival. She was the main applicant, and her family started the immigration
process in 2006 through the Federal Skilled Worker Program. The immigration process
took roughly one and a half years to complete. Jazmin and her family were granted
permanent residency in 2008. She has faced various challenges to integrate into her area
of expertise and remained underemployed for several years. She is currently working as
an accounting assistant.
Daniel was born in Mexico. He is married and has children. He possesses a
master’s degree from the US. He had extensive work experience in IT before arrival,
working in both Mexico and the US. In Mexico, he worked as a Chief Information
Officer. He was the main applicant in the immigration process, and, he started the
immigration process in 2009 through the Federal Skilled Worker Program. His
immigration process was completed in 2010. Although he was able to find a job similar
to his position in Mexico, he has faced various challenges in securing a permanent job in
Vancouver and at the time of the interview, he was unemployed.
Jorge was born in Colombia. He is single and has no children. He possesses a
degree in IT from Colombia. Jorge has work experience developing software in
Colombia and was recruited by a leading global IT company. The employer completed
the entire immigration process, which took a few months. He arrived in Canada in 2014,
with a prearranged job. Despite a successful integration into the labour market, he moved
to the US after almost two years of living in Vancouver.
Miguel was born in Mexico. Prior to arrival in Canada, he was single and had no
children. He married in Canada and now has children. He has a degree in mechatronics in
Mexico, and possesses a degree in mechanical engineering from a Canadian university.
He immigrated to Canada as a master’s student in 2011. After graduating, he applied for
a temporary work visa, and he became a permanent resident in 2014 through the
Provincial Nominee Program. He is currently working as a chief engineer, and although
he did not integrate into the labour market as quickly as he expected, his transition into
the Canadian labour market was successful and faster than other participants.
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Nancy was born in Mexico. She is married to Luis, another participant, and has
children. In Mexico, she worked as an ophthalmologist. Her husband was initially the
main applicant, but during the process, the points system changed and she became the
main applicant. She applied through the Federal Skilled Worker Program in 2011 and her
immigration process took just over a year to complete. Nancy and her husband lived in
the UK for a few years, and while they could have settled there, they decided to move to
Canada. Nancy currently works as an ophthalmologist’s assistant. Although she
previously planned to become an ophthalmologist in Canada, she is happy with her
current job and is no longer pursuing that goal.
Luis was born in Mexico and he is married to Nancy. He graduated as a civil
engineer in Mexico, and possesses a master’s degree from the UK. He has extensive
experience in his field. Despite a short period of unemployment following his move to
Canada, he succeeded quickly in finding a competitive job in his area of expertise, and he
currently owns his own company.
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Table 1. Summary of participants
Participant Country
of origin
Area of
expertise
Maximum
level of
education
Arrived
in
Canada
Entered
Canada
with:
Employment
status at time of
interview
Pedro Mexico IT Incomplete
degree
2013 Prearranged
income
Employed
Marcela Mexico Human
Resources
Master’s degree 2013 Without prearranged
income
Unemployed
Arturo Mexico Treasury Master’s degree 2013 Without prearranged
income
Underemployed
Jazmin Peru Accounting and
Business Finance
Undergraduate
degree
2008 Without
prearranged
income
Underemployed
Daniel Mexico IT Master’s degree 2010 Without prearranged
income
Unemployed
Jorge Colombia IT Undergraduate
degree
2014 Prearranged
income
Employed
Miguel Mexico Mechatronics/ Mechanical
Engineering
Master’s degree 2011 Prearranged income
(student)
Employed
Nancy Mexico Ophthalmologist Doctorate 2011 Without prearranged
income
Underemployed
Luis Mexico Civil Engineer Master’s degree 2011 Without
prearranged
income
Owns own
company
4.4. Data Collection
Interviews are one of the most common ways to collect data in qualitative
research, including multiple case studies, as it is difficult to observe the behaviours,
feelings, or perspectives of participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015), particularly for
historical events. In this study, I sought to explore the participants’ feelings, behaviours,
and experiences; therefore, conversations with the participants were critical. One
participant further completed a questionnaire in addition to the interview, after requesting
to present a written statement.
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4.4.1. Interviews.
Kvale and Brinkmann are well known scholars of qualitative research
interviewing. As they assert in their seminal book: “If you want to know how people
understand their world and their lives, why not talk with them?” (Kvale & Brinkmann,
2009 p. xvii). The practice of obtaining knowledge through conversation is so
fundamental that even though qualitative research interviews have been conducted for
over a century in many disciplines, only in the last few decades has it been more broadly
discussed from an epistemological and ethical perspective (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009).
Although interviews, defined as a “conversation with a purpose” (Kvale &
Brinkmann, 2009, p. 12), are a distinct form of conversation and developed
independently from epistemological discussions, interviews can also be classified post
hoc under various theoretical and epistemological frameworks, such as phenomenology,
postmodernism, and hermeneutics (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009; Merriam & Tisdell,
2015). Each perspective reflects upon the meaning of knowledge and how it is produced,
including the context, the experience of the subject, subjectivism, meaning of text and
language, knowledge construction, and issues of power. Even though the various
approaches come into tensions at times, there is a clear dichotomy between positivist
stands and other philosophical approaches, as positivism reduces evidence to quantifiable
facts (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009 pp. 12-60).
To illustrate the positivistic epistemological positions of interviewing in
comparison to the other philosophical stands, Kvale and Brinkmann (2009) utilize two
metaphors to compare the two different processes of knowledge construction. In the first
metaphor, the researcher is a miner and the knowledge pre-exists but is concealed, like a
precious metal. The interview is the instrument to remove the dirt between the researcher
and the precious metal, or ‘objective data’ that is waiting to be extracted. This metaphor
largely resembles a positivistic approach to knowledge generation. Conversely, to
describe the commonalities of non-positivistic approaches to interviewing, Kvale and
Brinkmann (2009) describe the researcher as a traveler who goes into unknown countries
and interacts with locals by asking questions and encouraging them to tell their
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perspectives. In this metaphor, the traveler collects facts throughout the trip but the story
unfolds through the traveler’s interpretation. From this perspective, data are not being
collected, but coauthored (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015; Miles et
al., 2013). Moreover, the journey may not only lead to the production of knowledge but
the trip itself may have created changes within the traveler, including altering
perspectives that were taken for granted by the traveler before the trip (Kvale &
Brinkmann, 2009).
In an attempt to summarize the contributions of each philosophical stand, Kvale
and Brinkmann (2009) describe interviews as having seven features: they are relational,
conversational, contextual, linguistic, narrative and pragmatic, and knowledge is
produced (p.53). They further posit that the philosophical positions help to understand the
nature of the knowledge produced, and by integrating aspects from each philosophical
school, qualitative interviews can produce knowledge through “language, narrative,
human relations, and context” (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009. p.60). From this perspective,
the interviewer and the interviewee coproduce the knowledge. The conversation is the
means of production and therefore the conversation is the vehicle to unveil the meaning
of the lived experience. For this reason, language, oral and transcribed text are not merely
technical factors. In addition, the interview is bound to a context and it is pragmatic from
a utilitarian point of view. However, there are several questions regarding who defines
what knowledge is useful and for who.
Although it is common to perceive qualitative interviews as democratic and
emancipatory, this is not always the case. The interviewee and interviewer may not
always have the same interests or expectations, and the conversation may not always
proceed under equal relations of power. However, uneven power dynamics do not negate
the value of qualitative interviews to produce knowledge; rather, they warn the researcher
about the ethical implications of interviewing.
There are many ways to classify an interview. One feature is its structure, which
can range from highly structured, semi-structured, to unstructured. Highly structured
interviews, such as the oral surveys often used in Census collection, have been critiqued
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for their failure to obtain participants’ perspectives of a phenomena, obtaining instead the
participants’ reactions to the investigators pre-conceptions of the world (Merriam, 2016;
Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). For this reason, many qualitative research surveys, such as the
one used in this study, are less structured and more open ended in nature. Semi-structured
interviews, which are not a free casual conversation but also not a closed questionnaire,
aim to understand themes from the subjects’ perspective (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009;
Merriam, 2016). The interview format allows the researcher to have more flexibility to
obtain specific information by adapting the language used or the questions asked during
the interview. Similar to semi-structured interviews, unstructured interviews also aim to
understand themes from the subject’s perspective. However, unstructured interviews are
most suitable when there is little or no knowledge about the research topic. Unstructured
interviews are exploratory in nature and are rarely used as the only form of data
collection in qualitative research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
For the purpose of this dissertation, I mainly used semi-structured interviews, as I
wanted to collect specific information across all cases. Therefore, I developed some
guiding questions (see Appendix C). I also provided the freedom to participants to lead
the interview in other directions, similar to an unstructured interview. I was guided by
Kvale and Brinkmann (2009), who, from an epistemological stance, state, “the
subjectivities of human beings play an irreducible role in qualitative knowledge
production” (p.60).
I followed the interview protocol presented in the next section, consistently with
all participants.
4.4.2. Interview protocol.
Before each interview, I explained the purpose of the study with the participants,
reviewed the informed consent form, and answered any questions they had. Participants
living outside of the Lower Mainland received an electronic copy of the consent form,
and the procedures were explained orally through videoconferencing. After this protocol,
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all participants signed the consent form and provided me with a printed copy (see
Appendix B).
I arranged to meet with participants at a time and place convenient for them. For
example, rooms in the public library and the SFU library were reserved. I arranged Skype
meetings with participants who lived outside of the Lower Mainland. Following the
primary interviews, I conducted subsequent interviews to address remaining questions
and to ensure that I correctly interpreted and translated their responses from the first
interview.
Although all the participants were fluent in English, following Zhang (2014), I
gave participants the option to be interviewed in their native language, as culture and
language can shape narratives (Cole, 1991). Cole (1991) posits that it is common to get
lost between processing information and examining the construction of meaning. This is
largely because meaning takes form by participating in the symbolic system of culture.
Language and context are closely linked, and thus language can be vital to catching
contextualizing cues, such as embedded short stories, which can be key to identifying
meaning relevant for the interpretation of stories (Thompson, 1994). For this reason, the
participants were given the option to be interviewed in Spanish or English. Only one
participant chose to perform the interview in English.
Conducting the interviews in Spanish required a process of translation to share the
findings with an English-speaking audience. The translation process represented a double
challenge for me. Firstly, as an ‘insider’, I had the responsibility to remain as true to the
intended meaning of the participants’ stories as possible. Translating their stories to
English paradoxically placed me as an ‘outsider’. This ‘double vision’ as Zhang (2014,
p.11) calls it, required feedback from my supervisor, classmates, and participants, to
review my interpretation both as an insider and as an outsider. Moreover, even within my
role as an insider, I reflected upon important differences between myself and some of the
participants, such as our positions of class in our home countries, which also placed me as
a relative ‘outsider’. Translation was a very time consuming and difficult process.
However, by translating the interviews myself, I gained a more in depth knowledge of the
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data and identified sections that required further clarification. Over concerns that I may
have misinterpreted or lost meaning during the translation process, I sent back the entire
translated transcription to the participants to validate the translated text and confirm that I
was not excluding any important information.
Overall, the interviews lasted between two to three and a half hours. Prior to the
interviews, I developed a list of possible guiding open-ended questions relating to their
career, decision to migrate, immigration path and process, settlement, and integration into
the labour market (see appendix C). During the interviews, I avoided using leading
questions or jargon. The enthusiasm of the participants was visible and each participant
offered many details of their experiences, which resulted in little prompting to obtain a
rich, detailed description of the process. Throughout and after the interviews I recorded
field notes, which were useful to facilitate single and cross analysis. This included
highlighting connections with the literature review, theory, and connection with previous
interviews.
It is important to note that the multiple case design allowed me to adjust the
structure of the interviews as I gained new insights in each interview. This iterative
interviewing process generated relevant questions in new areas and prompted me to re-
interview some participants about topics that emerged after their initial interview.
4.5. Data Analysis
According to Merriam (2009), “Data analysis is the process of making sense of
the data collected” (p. 175). For Yin (1994), data analysis “consists of examining,
categorizing, tabulating, or otherwise recombining the evidence to address the initial
proposition of the study” (p. 102). He argues that analysis of case studies is one of the
least developed and most difficult phases of this type of study design. However, data
obtained from each case can be successfully examined through the use of analytical
strategies, including treating the evidence fairly, producing compelling analytical
conclusions, and ruling out alternative interpretations (Yin, 1994). Yin (1994) posits that
there are two general analytic strategies: “relying on theoretical propositions”, and
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“developing a case description” (p.104). Developing a case description is preferable when
theoretical propositions are absent (Yin, 1994), and therefore does not apply to this study.
According to Yin (1994), once a general analytical strategy is chosen, there are
four specific analytic techniques typically utilized in case study research: pattern
matching, explanation building, time series analysis, and logic models. As this study is
explanatory and exploratory in nature, I utilized a combination of pattern-matching and
explanation-building techniques in my analysis. Multiple cases were included, and
theoretical positions were revised in order to refine a set of ideas. A multiple case study
allows the researcher, through a reiterative process, to re-analyze the data in light of new
themes and concepts that emerge in previous interviews.
After the data were collected, transcribed, and confirmed by the participants, I
began the analysis by carefully reading my notes and listening to the audio-files soon
after each interview ended. After listening to the audio-files multiple times, I delineated
units of general meaning. This process is also known as coding. Hycner (2014) describes
this process as “a crystallization and condensation of what the participant has said” (p.
282). Once units of general meaning were identified, redundancies were eliminated to
refine the themes. Some of these themes included the importance of family in the
decision-making process, the importance of settling, finding a job, and challenges
regarding the points system pre- and post-migration, and credential recognition.
Remaining as true to the interviews as possible, I grouped units of meaning in a
hierarchical manner from clusters and themes to categories. To code and analyze the data,
I used NVivo. During the coding phase, clusters were continually assessed to minimize
the inclusion of irrelevant units of general meaning or the exclusion of relevant units of
general meaning. The coding process involved identifying themes common to all
participants, as well as clusters or themes unique to specific individuals.
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This is an example of a coded paragraph:
Paragraph 1: I was very happy that we got the visas. However, my
wife did not even come with me to the consulate office to receive
them. She wanted to stay in Mexico. Her family asked her, “What are
you going to do in Canada? Why are you leaving?” Once we got the
visas, the negotiations with her started. At some point I said that I was
leaving and we came to an arrangement. We agreed that I was coming
to Canada with my son, who was in high school. We arrived in
Canada in February 2011. My wife’s excuse for staying in Mexico, I
guess, was that my daughter needed to finish middle school and she
wanted to celebrate her fifteenth birthday in Mexico.
_Leaving Latin America
_Family tensions and negotiations in the decision-making
_Temporary separation
_Social and cultural considerations
_ Case classification
It is important to note that preliminary coding was largely influenced by the
literature review. However, these patterns were adjusted as new information emerged
from the interviews. For instance, while some authors such as Mincer (1977) have
highlighted the importance of the family in the decision-making process for immigrants,
the interviews revealed that the traditional concept of family did not account for many of
the participants’ descriptions, so I expanded this concept to ‘familia’.
With consideration to pattern-matching and theoretical replication, I coded and
compared the data obtained in each interview with previous interviews. These
comparisons were both by memory and by utilizing NVivo to visualize my data. I utilized
tools such as word clouds and the framework matrix function to assist in systematizing
the data and drawing cross-case conclusions. The initial interviews provided a wealth of
codes and themes. These themes influenced the interview protocol in subsequent
interviews and I adjusted some of the questions asked, including the way in which some
questions were posed, the emphasis placed on some questions, and I added questions that
I had not initially considered. For example, when I initially asked questions regarding
cultural challenges about living in Canada, the participants’ emphasis on missing
traditional food was evident. However, during Nancy’s interview she did not mention this
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aspect, so subsequently I asked her about her experience regarding the dietary change in
order to have enough information to compare across all cases.
Guided by Yin (1994), I utilized a pattern-matching logic, and compared an
empirically based pattern with a predicted pattern, including various rival explanations
largely drawn from economic theories. Each case was analyzed using this technique to
determine the answer(s) to the research questions. Subsequently, I synthesized the
findings across participants. As the interview process continued, predictable patterns
started to emerge and data provided in previous interviews started to repeat.
The process involved forming initial positions about the research questions,
comparing findings of an initial case with the initial statement, revising statements,
comparing the revised statement with the initial case, and then systematically repeating
this process with all remaining cases. Although this process can lead to drifting from the
original purpose of the research, by continually referring to the original research
questions this effect is minimized (Yin, 1994).
Although I was able to find parallels across cases, some experiences were unique.
For instance, Daniel’s decision to migrate to provide a better future for his children,
based on ideological assumptions, was a significant unpredicted finding. Therefore,
through an explanation building process, I addressed these specific differences in
patterns. Specifically, the use of theory helped to address these differences.
4.6. Trustworthiness
Guba (2012) argues that there are four considerations in assessing trustworthiness.
The first dimension is credibility. Guba’s concern regarding credibility relates to doing
member checks with relevant human data source groups to avoid masking competing
factors in complex realities. To ensure credibility, I sent back translated transcriptions to
the participants to confirm that the collected data captured the essence of the participants’
lived experience and there were no significant omissions. In addition, during the data
analysis process I used triangulation techniques by having more than one source verify
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the information. Thesis committee checks were also an ongoing practice at each step of
the study to challenge and test the overall research.
The second dimension of trustworthiness is transferability (Guba, 2012).
Transferability focuses on the contextualization of the findings, acknowledging that all
social phenomena are context bound (Guba, 2012). Purposive sampling methods and
semi-structured interviews allowed for the collection of detailed structural information. I
aimed to collect and provide sufficient data to allow other researchers to understand
contextual factors that may restrict or enable my findings’ transferability to other settings.
The third dimension described by Guba (2012) is dependability. This dimension is
concerned with the stability of data; however, identifying instabilities is also crucial to
providing a more complete understanding of the phenomena. Doctoral committee audits
based on transcripts and audio-recordings helped to ensure dependability in this study. In
addition, a classmate from the doctoral program independently coded two interviews, and
we compared and discussed our results in a face-to-face meeting. I incorporated the
feedback into the coding and revised all the interviews to include the new comments.
The final dimension is confirmability (Guba, 2012). This dimension considers the
researcher’s objectivity and subjectivity. A common technique used for confirmability is
reflexivity, in which the researcher constantly reflects upon his or her background and
life experiences to review how this influences the research process. Many researchers use
a journal to make notes along the research process. A summary of my reflections is
included in the introduction, as well as the section titled, “The Role of the Researcher”,
where I explicitly state my life experience and possible biases. By being explicit about
biases and preconceptions, I aim to help other researchers understand the way I reached
the conclusions in this study.
Building from Zach’s (2006) multiple case study design, Figure 6 provides an
overview of the process used to implement the multiple case study design:
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Figure 6. Multiple case research design.
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4.7. The Role of the Researcher
In contrast to positivistic approaches to research, where the researcher aims to
remove themselves from the investigation in an attempt to remove biases and
subjectivity, in qualitative studies the researcher is considered to be part of the inquiry
and an instrument of data collection (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). The role of the researcher
is interconnected with their moral integrity, particularly when conducting interviews
(Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009). The researcher’s moral integrity is relevant because the
researcher is the main instrument acquiring knowledge and therefore has the potential to
manipulate the knowledge creation process. Thus, being aware of ethical guidelines,
values, and theories, can help the researcher to better balance the scientific and ethical
considerations of the inquiry. In addition, the researcher is expected to communicate the
findings with accuracy, validity, transparency and representativeness to the best of his/her
abilities, as factors such as external pressures or familiarity with participants can
influence the quality of the research. From this perspective, and paraphrasing Merriam
and Tisdell (2015), my role as a researcher is to be respectful, transparent, honest, and
non-judgemental, while remaining critical.
As a LSI who immigrated to Canada in 2000, I am in the position of an insider,
often referred to as a researcher with an emic perspective, and I am not aware of any
conflicts of interest concerning this research. It is important to note that the flyers posted
to recruit participants were well received, and I received many positive comments
regarding the importance of the topic that I was investigating. Although I did not directly
ask the participants how they perceived me as a researcher, from the comments that I
received during the recruitment process and throughout the interviews, I believe that
many LSIs saw me as a messenger. My position as a doctoral candidate and full-time
employee at Fraser Health positioned me as someone who has successfully navigated
some of the challenges that LSIs face. From this position, the participants saw an
opportunity to share their concerns, given that as a community Latin Americans have
been largely ignored academically, politically, and socially.
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Upon reflection of my own biases, the reader must be aware that as an LSI, I
experienced important delays integrating into the Canadian professional labour market,
and I was underemployed for a number of years. I also understand that my experience is
different from many other LSIs who have been able to integrate into the labour market
much more rapidly and are performing jobs similar to those performed in their home
countries. However, during my time living in Canada, I have also met many LSIs who
have experienced similar challenges in accessing the professional labour market or have
never been able to access the professional labour market. Many of them graduated from
prestigious universities, have a good command of English, and have extensive work
experience in their country of origin. This led me to hypothesize that agency approaches
to immigration fall short of explaining why many LSIs are unemployed or
underemployed, and drove me to explore alternative or complementary explanations in
critical theory.
Given my personal history and background, I followed strict qualitative research
protocols to reduce biases. This includes following Guba’s (2012) recommendations for
trustworthiness in order to ensure the rigour of the study as described below (Stake,
2010).
4.8. Limitations and Delimitation
There are a number of limitations to note in the current study. First, the participant
selection was not as balanced as I was initially aiming for. I strove to include participants
from various Latin American countries; however, the participants selected were only
from three countries, namely from Mexico, and thus is not representative. Moreover,
some participants did not know the specific immigration program that granted their
arrival. Jorge and Pedro entered Canada as skilled workers; however, as their employer
took care of the immigration process, they were unaware of the specific economic
program by which they entered. It is possible that they entered Canada through the
emerging Express Entry program due to the speed of the process, but this cannot be
confirmed.
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Second, although I wanted to balance a broad range of experiences based on
labour outcomes and gender, I was not able to interview more LSIs who entered Canada
and then chose to leave. Only one person in this category was interested in participating
in the study, so a deeper exploration into this unique experience remains untapped.
Moreover, more males than females were interested in participating in the current study.
As a result, one woman (Marcela) was included in the interview who was not the main
immigration applicant, although she met all the immigration criteria at the time of
application.
Third, the purpose of the study is limited to LSIs and thus excludes Latin
American immigrants from non-economic classes. Therefore, the study provides only a
partial picture of the overall Latin American immigration experience in Canada.
Last, although this group of stakeholders was out of scope, employers,
universities, and professional associations were not included and therefore, their
experiences with LSIs could not be compared.
4.9. Significance of Research
Literature related to the transition of highly educated immigrants into the
Canadian labour market is largely driven by quantitative research methods. During my
literature review, I found that roughly 70 percent of related articles used quantitative
methods. The dominance of the quantitative approach has shaped the types of questions
commonly asked by researchers examining the integration of skilled immigrants into the
labour market in Canada.
Research involving quantitative methods has contributed to identifying
correlations, descriptive statistics, and trends regarding highly educated Canadian
immigrants and their job quest after arrival. One of the largest contributions of
quantitative research in this area has been to measure the challenges faced by immigrants,
including earning gaps between immigrants and Canadian-born citizens, as well as levels
of unemployment and underemployment among the immigrant population. However,
statistical comparisons between LSIs and people born in Canada are not always available
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or current. Moreover, quantitative studies largely rely on human capital theoretical
approaches, and therefore primarily examine how the individual characteristics of
immigrants (e.g., age, gender, language ability, and education) relate to earnings and
employment gaps between immigrants and Canadian-born citizens. In addition, much of
the available literature is from the receiving country’s perspective and few studies
explore the LSI’s point of view. Quantitative research has largely relied on distant
inferential data sources, and therefore immigrants’ perspectives are uncommon,
particularly among LSIs. Furthermore, literature related to skilled immigrants focusses
primarily on immigrants who still live in Canada, so the question remains as to why 40
percent of skilled immigrants leave the country within 10 years after arrival (Statistics
Canada, 2006).
I believe this study contributes to the overall body of literature in five ways: 1) by
exploring the transitional phase of immigration from the perspective of the immigrant
rather than the host country; 2) by expanding the range of documented LSI experiences to
include LSIs who left Canada; 3) by complementing quantitative explanations to the
phenomena; 4) by examining one of the visible minority groups with the lowest rates of
labor market integration in Canada; and 5) by critically reviewing the role of higher
education in the transition of LSIs into the labour market within the era of academic
neoliberalism.
Throughout my research for this study, as a LSI who experienced several
difficulties to integrate into the professional labour market, I found myself facing a dual
vision, similarly to Zhang (2017). This dual vision included a moral responsibility to my
fellow Latin Americans, coupled with my responsibility to interpret my findings to the
Canadian academic community. However, through the research process I learned that
there are important tensions and alignments between immigrants and native-born
Canadians. I found a multiplicity of interests that do not align even within the
communities of Canadian-born citizens or skilled immigrants. Therefore, from a moral
and ethical perspective, I aim to show the complexity of the many forces that influence
the labour market outcomes of LSIs.
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Decisions to Migrate
In this chapter, I present the participants’ narratives of their experiences and views
about their decision-making process to migrate to Canada. The collective and individual
themes that emerged from the interviews regarding the participants’ decisions to migrate
are presented in each subsection. These factors include their familias’ well-being, access
to goods and services, risk assessment, and their hopes for the future. This chapter also
explores the participants’ rationale behind selecting Canada as their destination country.
The chapter concludes with a discussion of the main findings and my interpretation of the
dilemmas that the participants faced prior to migration. These analyses are informed by
the theoretical framework presented in this dissertation that bring together the theoretical
propositions from Bourdieu's (2011,1990) theory of social reproduction, Rizvi’s (2006a,
2011a; 2000) ideas regarding the neoliberal imaginary, and Bauman’s (1993) concept of
social space and the stranger’s aporia.
5.1. La Familia
All nine participants revealed that one of the main motivations for moving to
Canada was to maintain or enhance the overall well-being of themselves and their
familias. This included balancing both their present and future well-being. The perception
of well-being was not solely financial, and in some cases, non-financial factors
outweighed earnings. For instance, Marcela highlighted the importance of her familia in
the immigration process by stating that they were a family, not just a couple, so they
could not just leave without taking into account the impact on their loved ones. Similarly,
Pedro’s concerns encompassed the entire family, and stressed that money is not the only
dimension of wellness.
I was almost certain that I would earn less [in Vancouver] than in the US, that I would pay more in taxes, but at the end of the day the whole point of moving out of Mexico was the overall well-being of my familia. [Pedro]
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Concerns for the well-being of all members of the familia added further
complexity to the decision to migrate, as competing factors necessitated consideration.
Disagreement regarding what was best for the whole familia at times created tension
among the familia members of some participants, leading to negotiations and
compromises. For example, Arturo was very enthusiastic about migrating to Canada, but
his wife and her familia were averse to the idea. Arturo’s wife and her familia highly
valued staying together, while Arturo was concerned about his employment situation.
Moreover, moving could interrupt and even delay their children’s school progress, which
further complicated the decision-making and negotiations within the familia. For Arturo’s
familia, the consequences of migrating were so profound that Arturo was concerned
about the integrity of his immediate family.
My wife did not even come with me to the consulate office [to receive the immigration visa]. She wanted to stay in Mexico. Her family asked her, ‘What are you going to do in Canada? Why are you leaving?’ Once we got the visas, the negotiations with her started. . . . I was worried that the family could totally break apart. I was not sure either whether
my wife wanted to come, even though we had some plans for her to come. I was worried that while alone with her family she would change her mind. As you know, family is a big factor, particularly in our culture. [Arturo]
Similarly, Pedro’s wife and her familia were reluctant to the idea of migrating,
particularly to the US, because some familia members had experienced discrimination
while living there.
The people who were helping me believed that I had some possibilities to establish in the US but it was almost certain to be accepted in Canada. So I had to decide whether I wanted to go to the US or Canada. My wife
however had strong cultural differences with the Americans. My wife is from Durango, many of her family members live illegally in the US, and they have suffered discrimination and many difficulties. Based on these experiences my wife did not want to go to the US. She wanted to follow me but the US was not an option for her. Therefore, when they gave me the option to come to Canada I started to research more about
Vancouver. I concluded that my wife would be happier there. [Pedro]
Participants who were not married and had no children before migrating also took
the well-being of their familias into consideration. For example, Jorge said, “I don't have
direct family (wife, children) but I have my two parents.” For Jorge, migrating
represented a significant increase in personal income, career development, and prestige
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after his recruitment by one of the largest technology companies in the world. However,
it was also important to him to support his parents back in Colombia financially. Leaving
other members of the familia behind, such as grandparents, also makes migration a
difficult choice and participants such as Luis, for example, spoke of how heartbreaking
the separation was for his familia as a whole.
For participants such as Jazmin and Arturo, migration was the only reasonable
solution to the chronic unemployment that they were experiencing, despite the familial
tensions it created. However, migration was not their first choice. After exploring several
options at home, and given the implications for the familia as a whole, they considered
migrating more seriously.
For instance, Jazmin had an accounting degree and for a long time had held a
steady job at an airline in Peru. She loved her country and had no intention of leaving,
despite visiting the US several times and having a sister who lived in Canada. However, a
number of life events altered her familia’s circumstances, including having a baby, and
being unable to find similar work for years after the sudden closure of the company she
worked for. These changes pushed her and her husband to consider all feasible options,
including migration. Similarly, Arturo also had a stable and successful career. He
possessed a master’s degree in business administration from a private university in
Mexico, and he worked as corporate manager with over 20 years of work experience in
his area of expertise. However, after the 2008 financial crisis, he suddenly found himself
unemployed and unable to find a comparable job in Mexico. He believed this was in part
due to a lack of well-paid employment opportunities, combined with ageism. He even
started his own business, but its success was hampered by unforeseen circumstances,
including the violence in Mexico. This sealed his decision to migrate, despite his wife’s
wishes to stay in Mexico.
The 2008 crisis occurred and there were layoffs in the company. . . . I told my wife that since I lost my job at my age, it would be difficult to find another job. At this point I had already completed a master’s degree. Even with the master’s degree, I was having problems finding a job. I was either overqualified or missing something. There was always a reason. . . . It was very difficult to find a job in Mexico. Since I wasn’t working, I was using my savings. While I was doing my paperwork [to
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migrate to Canada], I started a fast food chicken franchise. The franchise was going well and we started making money, but then the teachers took to the streets in Cuernavaca [Elementary school teachers were on strike at that time, which resulted in various businesses
claiming losses for the closure of streets in Cuernavaca]. We were robbed twice, so the business started to go down. After that, I didn’t want to continue taking risks. . . . The lack of employment, the difficulty in starting a business, and the safety issue was starting to push us more and more to move to Canada. [Arturo]
Jazmin and Arturo’s first choice was to remain in their home country. Arturo even
started a business outside of his professional area of expertise. However, difficulties in
finding gainful employment in their home countries made it difficult to maintain their
levels of well-being. Unlike the other participants, Arturo and Jazmin had stronger
economic reasons to migrate.
5.2. Goods and Services
Goods and services were also a key part of the participants’ immigration decision-
making process. All the participants, with the exception of Daniel, emphasized that they
were seeking goods and services that were unavailable or of lower quality in their country
of origin. Participants cited features such as the environment, freedom, democracy,
safety, healthcare, and education. For example, Miguel and Luis visited British Columbia
prior to migrating, and stressed that they sought to immigrate to Vancouver because of its
international recognition for its beauty and weather. Participants seeking safety and
escape from corruption were also attracted to Canada. Pedro and Jorge added that, in
addition to crime, the living conditions in their hometowns were deteriorating and they
were conscious of how it was affecting the health of themselves and their familias.
Traffic, pollution, and stress were some of the main concerns.
While working in Hermosillo, I started to see opportunities to emigrate because the things in Mexico got a little bit more complicated. My oldest daughter was growing and Mexico City is a very complicated city to live in. . . . Crime, traffic, pollution, health issues, there are many variables. Mexico City is a very beautiful city. I miss Mexico City, but it is a very complicated city to live in. . . . Vancouver is beautiful city. [Pedro]
Of all the goods and services that participants were seeking, safety and freedom
from corruption appeared almost universally in their stories, and this was the determining
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factor in Luis and Nancy’s case. During the interview, I asked Luis why he sought a job
abroad when he could have obtained a good job in Mexico.
That's a great question. Well, when we were living in London, my family [in Mexico] had a kidnap attempt. My son was a just a few months old when it happened. I didn't want to live through that nightmare. It was actually very close to me, it happened to one of my siblings, so we decided that we didn't want to go back to Mexico. We went back for a specific period of time because we knew we were going to Canada. So the main reason was safety. I was tired of corruption, but the main trigger for me was safety, for sure. And I don't regret that decision. We have been here for five years and I love this country. [Luis]
The increasing violence in Mexico compelled Luis and Nancy to leave. Although
none of the other participants migrated primarily for that reason, most cited safety as an
additional factor that contributed to their decisions, as exemplified by Marcela and Pedro.
Well, I think around 2012, back when we received our landed immigrant papers, things started to get ugly in Monterrey. The security situation was bad. I cannot tell you that security had an impact on our decision because we had already started the paperwork, so the decision was
made, in a way. Obtaining landed immigrant status was a good sign and finding a job was the last factor to saying yes to moving. However, as the security situation in Mexico started to get ugly, it helped us confirm that we were making the right decision. Therefore, when we were accepted, we said we have nothing to lose. What was the worst-case scenario? We are not going to like it, or we do not integrate. [Marcela]
Similarly, Pedro said, “You have to think about safety, so from this perspective it
was not a very good idea to stay in Mexico.”
Daniel’s perspective on safety stood apart from the rest of the participants. He
was more concerned about safety in Canada, mainly for his children.
When I took my children to school here I was concerned that they would be more exposed to drugs here than in Mexico. Perhaps it also exists in Mexico, but we never saw it. In Mexico, you learn to live with it. It’s not paradise, and we have some issues, but this was never the trigger for us to leave. I hear things like this are used as a justification to avoid going back. My dad called me because he saw in the media that people in Vancouver were burning cars and breaking glass in downtown Vancouver. He thought I should have gone back to Mexico. I explained to him that it was an isolated event and far from where I live. Mexico is something similar where you hear that someone was killed, but I don't think it is as bad as people say. [Daniel]
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It is possible that Daniel did not perceive crime as a major concern in Mexico
because of his privilege. For Daniel, drugs and crime were two interwoven phenomena
foreign to his social circle. Alternatively, he may have migrated before the violence
increased dramatically in Mexico. In either case, further research is required to
understand Daniel’s perspective.
Safety concerns were not exclusive to the participants from Mexico. Jorge and
Jazmin, who are from Colombia and Peru respectively, also spoke about this issue. For
instance, Jazmin shared the following story:
Well, she [Jazmin’s sister] and her husband had a good job. But someone entered into her house in Lima and took everything. And another night, they took her computer, her car, her jewelry. She also had a beach house, and from there they took the fridge, everything. She was saying, “Those thieves, those thieves, those thieves!” One time someone got into my house too, but they could only get into the kitchen so they just took some pots. Because of this, she thought she couldn’t live there and be relaxed. They did their paperwork, and the papers were processed really quickly, like in seven months. They came without
knowing anyone and they didn’t know where they were going to live. [Jazmin]
The participants’ accounts of their lives pre-migration show that unemployment,
discrimination, corruption, crime, and environmental concerns in Latin America were
important factors for them to consider migration. These factors were not abstract concepts
but issues that directly affected their everyday lives. The participants described severe
socioeconomic problems that they believed would persist over time. Moreover, the
participants appeared to exhaust all their local alternatives before considering migration
as a solution. In different ways, all the participants stated that in order to make the final
decision regarding migration, they had to carefully assess the risks of moving. While
economic factors were important, participants were willing to sacrifice earnings if there
were greater gains in other dimensions of well-being, such as safety, justice, or the
environment. In the next section, I will share the participants’ reflections regarding the
role of risk as a fundamental factor in the decision process of migration.
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5.3. Risk Assessment
It is important to note at the onset of this section that levels of uncertainty
regarding migration were not equal across participants. While Pedro, Jorge, and Miguel
were able to obtain prearranged jobs or scholarships, thereby securing a source of income
prior to arrival, the remaining participants faced the challenge of finding employment
once they were in Canada. From the perspectives of Pedro, Jorge, and Miguel, migration
was less risky, and seen as more of an opportunity. Even if they moved back to their
home country, they believed that working or studying internationally would be an asset in
Latin America. From this perspective, simply gaining the experience of working abroad
would increase their social and cultural capital. For example, Pedro stated, “I think if I
would go back to Mexico with the “Malinchismo3” that exists in Mexico, many doors
would be open because of my experience here. I am almost certain that this would
happen.”
For Pedro and Jorge, migrating also gave them the opportunity to work with some
of the best companies in their area of expertise.
I was very proud of being accepted to work at a company like Microsoft. My parents were very proud and economically it was a huge jump. In Colombia, the salaries are not very good. Just to give you an idea, with
the salary that I was earning in Canada, which was pretty basic, I was earning two or three times more than my boss used to earn in Colombia. Unquestionably, the opportunity was huge. You cannot deny an opportunity like that. [Jorge]
Moreover, for those with prearranged jobs the migration process was much faster
and approval was almost guaranteed, as the employer took care of all the immigration
arrangements and expenses. Therefore, arriving to Canada with prearranged jobs greatly
reduced the level of risk for these participants. In contrast, the participants who did not
arrive with prearranged jobs had to take greater care in assessing the risk of migrating.
In general, I observed that the participants’ skills and abilities were not only
necessary to obtain points in the immigration process, but these assets also helped them to
3 Malinchismo is a term describing the attitude that views foreign people, objects, values, or thought as
superior.
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assess the risk of migration. Their experiences with international travel also gave them
some sense of what it would be like to live in Canada and what they would face when
they arrived. Miguel, Luis, and Marcela illustrate this point as follows:
When I was in high school, I spent a semester studying in Edmonton through an exchange program hosted by a high school linked to Tec de Monterrey. Since then Canada was always in my mind. I finished university in Mexico, and with Canada in mind, I started to apply for a master’s degree to several universities in Canada. I applied from Mexico
to various master’s programs and I got a scholarship to study in Canada [including tuition and living expenses]. [Miguel]
I decided to take a trip specifically from London to here [Vancouver]. I was already aware of the Canadian context because I visited Canada 10 years ago. However, at that point, my wife had never been in Canada before. Because it was a life-changing situation, we needed to be sure
that Vancouver was the city where we wanted to live. So I brought her here and she loved it. [Luis]
I had visited Victoria when I was studying, so when he [Marcela’s husband] said that he found a job in Victoria, I said that is even better. Montreal is great, but no doubt Victoria is better. I prefer Victoria 100
times over Montreal. [Marcela]
Although some participants did not visit or study in Canada prior to migrating,
they had previously visited other developed countries. This increased their confidence
about integrating into an English-speaking country. For example, Luis and Nancy lived in
the UK for a number of years, and they believe this experience changed their worldview
and influenced their decision to migrate. Similarly, Jorge lived in France for one year and
he believes that this experience changed his perspective on the living conditions in
Colombia, particularly surrounding security, which contributed to his decision to move to
Canada.
The participants’ level of education also worked to their advantage, as they had
the necessary skills to seek and find information.
Do your homework before coming. . . . For example, I have never been to India but I have a clear picture of the country just by reading. So if you're not here that doesn't mean that you don't know how Canadians think or are. You have to find the resources to do it, and I did that, so I knew in advance how Canadians think, and what the differences were between Canadians and Americans. [Luis]
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Despite their educational and cultural wealth, participants considered it a
significant risk to enter Canada without a prearranged job or source of income. Although
Canada was an attractive destination with a demand for professionals, they were
concerned about relinquishing their familia’s current position and ending up in a worse
one. Unlike those who arrived with prearranged jobs, if the other participants failed to
immigrate successfully, they would not be returning to their home countries with
enhanced capital. Therefore, to reduce the risk, many participants who arrived to Canada
without prearranged jobs opted for temporary separation.
5.3.1. Temporary separation.
In contrast to Pedro, Jorge, and Miguel, the remaining participants did not have
prearranged jobs, and therefore faced a more uncertain future post-migration. They
needed to find alternative strategies to minimize the risk of being unable to integrate
socially and economically. Marcela, Arturo, and Daniel kept in mind the best- and worst-
case scenarios in order to assess risks and benefits. Ideally, they would enhance their
levels of well-being; in contrast, they could also risk their familia’s well-being in both
Mexico and Canada. To minimize the risk, some participants decided to separate
temporarily. Canadian immigration rules require that after receiving the Canadian
immigration visa, all immigrants must make a landing in Canada as a permanent resident
within 6 to 12 months. However, once landing in Canada, residents are only required to
be present in Canada for 730 non-consecutive days within a five-year period to maintain
permanent resident status. The rules provide flexibility by allowing families time to make
arrangements and secure income before permanently settling in Canada.
For example, Marcela’s husband and her daughters came with her to Canada in
2013 to meet landing requirements. After a few weeks, Marcela and her daughters went
back to Mexico while her husband stayed to seek employment and housing. Marcela
continued to work in Mexico in order to maintain a source of income and to minimize the
impact on their savings, while her parents helped with childcare. The timing was also
critical to minimize the impact on their children’s school cycle. In her case, the whole
familia worked together to make migration possible. However, she stressed that if her
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husband had not found a job in a reasonable period, they would not have migrated, even
though they thought Canada was a great place to live.
Similarly, Daniel also initially moved to Canada without his family, hoping to get
everything ready to receive them. He was to remain there for three months, as that was
the estimated time the Canadian embassy said it would take to find a job: “I was hopeful
in finding a job within a month, so I told my wife to wait in Mexico and come after three
months. That was the plan.”
Some participants described temporary separation as a practical solution to
minimize the risk of immigration. However, this solution came into tension with other
familia priorities. For Arturo, who moved with his son to Canada while his wife and
daughter stayed back in Mexico, the “change was difficult” and he worried that, while
aiming to reduce risk, he was sacrificing his marriage. For Pedro, who considered
temporary separation despite having prearranged work, the risk of separating his family
was too much so he discarded the possibility.
From my perspective, nothing justifies leaving your family. I know there are many people who are willing to do this sacrifice and I admire that. I know they also do this with their children in mind, but I am not strong enough to do something like that. [Pedro]
While many participants deliberated or engaged in temporary separation, Jazmin
did not even consider this because although she arrived to Canada without a prearranged
job, she had an alternative way to minimize risk, as is explained in the following section.
5.3.2. Social networks.
Jazmin, like Arturo and Marcela, did not arrive to Canada with a prearranged job.
However, unlike them, she did not use temporary separation as a way to minimize risk, as
she had a sister already living in Metro Vancouver. With her sister’s help, Jazmin was
able to secure housing and a survival job. Jazmin’s friend, who migrated with her family
at the same time, were also given assistance from Jazmin’s sister to find housing.
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Marcela also had social ties in Canada. A family friend shared his experiences
with her and her husband, and encouraged them to move to Montreal where he was
living. Her friend influenced their decision to migrate, as well as their decision to settle in
Quebec. Although they eventually moved to Victoria, Marcela’s friend was an
instrumental source of preliminary information about Canada.
5.4. Beliefs and Expectations for the Future
Throughout their narratives, most participants emphasized that their decisions to
migrate largely depended on factors related to their well-being. However, Daniel’s story
demonstrates that employment, earnings, goods and services, and increased safety are not
always the dominant incentives to migrate. Daniel was financially secure in Mexico and
he did not have prearranged opportunities for career advancement in Canada. Moreover,
he did not perceive safety or corruption in Mexico as an issue. His wife was also reluctant
to move. Despite all these circumstances, Daniel and his immediate family decided to
move to Canada. As Daniel explained, he was concerned about how his children would
reproduce his success in the future:
I studied an MBA in the US. . . . Then I got a job offer at a tech company in the US. . . . I lived there for nearly seven years. I had very interesting personal and work-related experiences there. After that, I went back to Mexico and I got married and had children. However, I wanted to give my children the same experiences that I had. . . . we knew that having an education in the US or outside of Mexico was definitely an advantage for my children. My wife also agreed with the advantages of experiencing education and culture beyond Mexico. . . immigrating was always about giving my children that exposure to a different culture, to give them
those experiences that I had in the US. That became the reason why we are here. [Daniel]
The tension between the present and the future was also mentioned by Pedro:
“You may not even make it yourself but at least you can build the bases for your children
to be successful in the future.” Both Daniel and Pedro expressed concerns for the future
success of their children. Specifically, Daniel’s experience studying in the US led to his
belief that his children’s success depended on integration with the developed world. From
this perspective, their well-being is constructed according to their present and future
expectations, as well as building off their individual ideas of success.
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5.5. Why the Participants Chose Canada
The question of why participants chose Canada from among other potential
destinations emerges. In fact, most participants considered other countries, such as the
US, Australia, and the UK, as these countries appeared to have similar opportunities of
employment and/or goods and services. In the following sections, I present participants’
main motives for selecting Canada as their migration destination.
5.5.1. Distance.
Many participants chose to migrate to Canada due to its relative proximity to their
home countries. Being close to home was important because they wanted to maintain an
easy and inexpensive access to the familia that they left behind. For example, consider
Luis’s thought process at the time:
So we did a very thorough analysis on the top three choices: Australia,
Canada, and the UK. Because I was already studying there [the UK], I had the opportunity to stay and work there legally for three more years. I decided to give it a try in the UK, but at the same time we decided to apply to come to Canada because basically it is closer to Mexico. The UK is on the other side of the world. . . . The fact that living in Canada I'm closer to Mexico, knowing that I can go to Mexico anytime makes me very, very happy because I have the best of both worlds. [Luis]
Participants highlighted that the cost of being farther from home was not a one-
time expense. Luis explained that in his decision-making process, he took into
consideration the cost of regularly traveling back and forth between Mexico and the
country of destination. Travelling was not seen as a cost of moving but as a cost of
remaining in contact with the familia and culture left behind. Luis had no intention to live
in exile and never return, as to him home is a place that he would never entirely leave.
Similarly, Arturo also expressed the necessity of travelling back and forth, given familia
considerations:
I considered Canada and Australia, but my wife did not want to leave Mexico so that’s when the negotiations started with her. I had more opportunities to immigrate to Australia but it was too far. . . . If you had to go back to Mexico, between cost and time, it would be impossible. Therefore, it was Canada. [Arturo]
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5.5.2. Multiculturalism.
Another theme that emerged from why participants chose Canada, particularly
over the US, was concern about discrimination against Latin Americans. Participants
perceived Canada as a more multicultural and inclusive country. For example, Pedro
would have maximized his earnings by moving to the US. However, his familia’s concern
about discrimination excluded this option. In addition, Pedro also spoke about his
familia’s ideological differences with the “American” way of living. Luis and Nancy,
who lived in the UK before moving to Canada, also never considered the US as a feasible
option due to discrimination against Latin Americans:
We never considered the US at all. Being a Mexican in the US also has a stigma. They treat you differently just because you're Mexican, without even knowing you. So we decided that Canada was a good choice for our son and for ourselves. [Luis]
Moreover, Luis believed that discrimination against Latinos in the US was getting worse,
due to the Trump administration:
It's huge for Canada to define themselves as a different country compared to the big neighbour in the south. And now with these political differences, we can tell that we are different. I'm very proud to be here and not south of the border. [Luis]
5.5.3. Social networks.
An additional factor that Marcela and Jazmin highlighted as particularly
influential to choosing Canada as their destination country was the pre-existing social ties
they had to people already living there. As previously mentioned, Jazmin’s sister lived in
Vancouver and helped Jazmin to navigate through the immigration process and settle in.
Although Marcela was not supported to the same extent, Marcela and her family were
also guided by information provided by a friend who lived in Canada: “We applied to
enter Canada through Quebec, which is the way our friend entered Canada, so we
followed his steps. We qualified as skilled workers.” This information not only
influenced the decision to migrate to Canada, but also the path of migration.
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In contrast, Daniel’s experience shows that while social networks can be
influential, they are not always the deciding factor. Daniel previously studied and worked
in the US, and during this time, he developed a strong social network. He received offers
to stay and work in the US; however, his familia’s strong dislike of the US dissuaded
Daniel and his wife from considering a move there. His concerns for the familia
outweighed the potential benefits of the networks he had developed while in the US.
My wife comes from a family who believes the American culture is arrogant, and that bothers them. They believe that Americans feel they are the owners of the world. The famous American doctrine of “America for the Americans”. That ideology was uncomfortable for them. I think they have an ideological posture against them. You can often see it when you're there. There you are a Latino, a person from a developing country. She didn't feel comfortable in that environment so that is why we imposed upon ourselves this restriction [not moving to the US]. [Daniel]
5.5.4. Employment and study opportunities.
While factors such as multiculturalism and proximity to their home countries were
strong influences for many participants to move to Canada, Jorge’s prearranged plans
illustrate that economic variables were also important. He explained that as he worked in
the IT field, he would earn significantly more in Canada or the US and he could not turn
down such an opportunity. Luis also stressed the importance of employment by stating:
I guess Canada was a backup plan. I couldn't find a suitable job [in the UK]. I had some interviews, but in the end we decided, mainly because of my son, that Canada was much better for opportunities. Europe is very competitive. There are very smart people with postdoctoral
education working as taxi drivers there. Canada has much more opportunities for young people and we were definitely thinking about our son as well. [Luis]
Education was another incentive to move to Canada. For instance, Miguel was
able to obtain a scholarship from a Canadian university: “I applied from Mexico to
various master’s programs and I got a scholarship to study in Canada (including tuition
and living expenses).” This was crucial in his decision, as it ensured a steady income
during his education program. If he moved back to Mexico after completing his studies,
his Canadian degree would likely have led to a successful job. Alternatively, he could
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also apply for permanent residency in Canada and as he described, the process was
relatively simple. He also believed that with a Canadian degree his access to the labour
market would be easier than with a foreign degree.
5.5.5. Immigration recruitment and communication narratives.
Luis stated that Canadian immigration recruitment campaigns also influenced his
decision to select Canada as a destination country. While factors such as distance, safety,
and the inability to find a job in the UK influenced his decision to move to Canada, the
information provided by the Canadian government may have inflated his expectations of
employment in Canada. In his opinion, the Canadian government should be clearer about
the challenges of the process, as finding a job is not as easy as is often suggested:
People who come to Canada are so focused to come and make it here that they don't realize how hard it is going to be once you're here. I think they [the government] should be more transparent about it. It’s like, okay, welcome to Canada, but you have to realize that you are not
going to start at the same level that you were at in Mexico. Nobody tells you that. You have to learn that the hard way. So if I would do something differently, I would prepare myself mentally before coming to Canada. [Luis]
Similarly, Jazmin stated,
For me it’s frustrating that the government tells you that they need skilled workers in your field. Then you come here and there’s nothing. The government should do something about this. They ask for skilled workers, for certain education, but when you get here it’s worth nothing. And there are so many cases like that. Doctors that are driving taxis. [Jazmin]
Daniel also reported that an advertisement recruiting immigrants was his first
exposure to the idea of migrating to Canada:
We came to Canada to ski as a family. I flew to Calgary, rented a car, and we drove to Jasper, Kelowna, and Banff, among other places. We spent about three weeks traveling around during Christmas and New Year’s. In some magazine I saw an ad saying, “Would you like to immigrate to Canada? Would you like to work in Canada?” I thought it was interesting, because I never considered this a possibility before. I always thought about going to the US to live the experiences that I had previously. [Daniel]
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Moreover, the information that he received through Canadian Immigration, and
the ease with which he obtained the necessary points to migrate suggested to him that in
the worst-case scenario he would find a job within three months.
5.5.6. Simplicity of the immigration process.
A final theme that emerged from the interviews regarding why the participants
chose to migrate to Canada was the simplicity of navigating the Canadian immigration
process. For Pedro, Jorge, and Miguel, who came with prearranged plans of education or
employment, their employer took care of the entire migration process, making it
relatively simple, fast, and clear.
A Canadian firm actually never interviewed me. I received a few job offers from Microsoft. One of the jobs was in the US but because I only have a college degree and because immigration requirements were a little bit harder in the US, this complicated my plans to go to the US. I was advised that it would probably be easier to enter Canada as a technician through NAFTA. . . . Canada is little bit easier as they take
into account your work experience and not only your education. . . . I believe that the immigration program is generous for professional people, particularly in the jobs that they recognize as in need . . . going back to your question, in general, I think the immigration process is relatively simple. [Pedro]
Similarly, Jorge said:
It was much easier to obtain a visa for Canada than the US. In the US, you have to do it by April 1, but in Canada you can do it at any time. I said yes of course, and I moved to Vancouver. [Jorge]
In summary, the following themes emerged as pivotal factors in the participants’
decisions to move to Canada and not elsewhere: 1) distance, 2) multiculturalism, 3) social
networks, 4) employment and opportunities to study, 5) recruitment and communication
narratives, and 6) the simplicity of the immigration process.
5.6. Discussion
Through their narratives, I found that the participants’ decisions to migrate arose
from a combination of factors that centred on their aim to maintain or enhance the present
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and future well-being of themselves and their familias. Bourdieu’s concept of strategies
of social reproduction (2011,1990) allowed me to understand their motivations to migrate
as a strategy, among many, to maintain or enhance their familia’s position in the social
space. However, as described by Castles (2000), migration requires economic, cultural,
and social resources to be materialized. From a Bourdieusian lens, immigration as a
strategy of social reproduction is not an option for all, as it requires a specific structure
and volume of capital. This is perhaps why many people with the desire to migrate
simply cannot. Participants clearly expressed that their post-secondary education, a good
command of English, financial savings, and in some cases having social ties to Canada
were key facilitators to migrate. However, this does not mean that everyone with the
adequate structure and volume of capital will migrate, but that having a specific structure
and volume of capital allows families to consider migration as a feasible strategy of
social reproduction.
Economic theories speculate that people migrate when they conclude that gains
from migration exceed the cost (Borjas, 1994). This resonates for all the participants in
this study. However, the participants’ stories suggest that this assessment was not
automatic nor solely economic. Rather, they mobilized their capitals in order to assess the
worth of migrating. Participants weighed both economic and non-economic factors that
would affect their overall well-being in the short and long term. This included assessing
the inherent uncertainty and risk of immigration for themselves and their familias.
Depending on their structure and volume of capital, participants used a variety of
strategies to minimize risk. For example, participants with limited social capital often
minimized their risk by temporarily separating from their familias, while those who
secured prearranged employment were in a better position to assess the risk of migrating,
thus facilitating their decision-making. Moreover, similar to findings made by Stark
(1984), social networks also facilitated the immigration process for participants such as
Jazmin.
Since the 1950s, economic models have largely posited that migration occurs
mainly as a result of economic differences across regions, and people’s tendencies to
maximize their income or their consumption (Bodvarsson & Van den Berg, 2013).
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However, despite global regional disparities, most people do not migrate abroad and less
than four percent of the global population permanently migrates internationally
(Europäische Kommission, 2000; World Bank, 2016). Participants such as Arturo and
Jazmin, who migrated primarily for employment reasons, stressed during their interviews
that migration was their last option, as they did not want to lose cultural and family ties.
Before deciding to migrate, they tried to find suitable work in their home countries. After
many years of failing to find gainful employment, the motivation to migrate increased.
This finding adds to the idea that migration is influenced by the levels of well-being in
sending countries (BBC News mundo, 2019), as well as the immigrants’ objective to
maintain or enhance their position in the social space in both the short and long term.
Another way that many participants demonstrated their search to maintain or
enhance their position in the social space was their willingness to sacrifice wages for a
safer place to live or for more opportunities for their children. This reveals that non-
economic factors can be crucial to the decision-making process, and that the familia lies
at its core, contrary to the individualistic assumptions of human capital theory
(Bodvarsson & Van den Berg, 2013; Europäische Kommission, 2000). Bourdieu is key to
acknowledging the role of family; however, his concept of family, which draws from a
Western nuclear perspective, contrasts with the participants’ ideas of familia, which often
referred to family as loved ones, including extended family and even friends.
It is important to stress that economic factors weighed heavily in many of the
participants’ decisions to migrate. For instance, Pedro and Jorge’s main motivations to
move to Canada were largely driven by earnings differentials, as predicted by Sjaastad
(1962). As IT professionals, the earnings differentials between Latin America, and
Canada or the US are so great that an opportunity to work in Canada or the US represents
a major increase in income. However, it is unclear how great the differential would need
to be for financial incentives to outweigh other factors influencing migration. As Pedro
and Jorge worked for a transnational company, they had opportunities to migrate again
from Canada to the US where their wages could have nearly doubled. However, Pedro
stayed in Canada while Jorge moved to the US after living in Canada for almost two
years. From the proposed theoretical framework, this difference can be explained by the
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notion that familias are at the center of the decision-making process and that people aim
to accumulate various forms of capital and not solely earnings. Unlike Jorge, Pedro was
married and had children, and therefore his dependants factored heavily into the decision-
making. He considered that it was best to stay for various reasons. First, he was
concerned about his children growing up in an environment that discriminates against
Mexicans and where gun violence in schools is a major issue. Second, bringing their
extended family to visit them in Canada would be easier than bringing them to the US. In
contrast, Jorge’s sole focus was increasing his earnings, as he was sending money to
Colombia to help his parents. In addition, without dependents, moving was relatively
easier for him. However, it is important to note that their familia’s, while structurally
different, were key in their decisions.
In addition to considering the effect of another move on his family, Pedro and his
wife’s ideological perceptions of the US influenced their decision to stay in Canada.
Through the theoretical framework, this could be interpreted as the influence of habitus in
the decision-making process. The influence of the habitus and the imaginary in the
decision to migrate is also illustrated by Daniel’s story. Daniel lived a very privileged life
in Mexico and had no apparent economic reasons to migrate. However, Daniel believed
that by giving his children the opportunity to live and study in a developed country rather
than in Mexico, his children would have the opportunity to reproduce his achievements.
He stressed that speaking English and understanding the dominant ideological
perspective of developed countries is key to professionally succeeding. Daniel’s beliefs
regarding what success looks like and how it can be achieved were influenced by living
and studying in the US. From both Bourdieu’s (1979, 1989) and Rizvi’s (2011a)
perspective, Daniel’s habitus, which is shaped by the dominant economic imaginary, led
him to migrate.
The participants expressed six main reasons for choosing to move to Canada,
despite considering other countries. This included the relative proximity to their home
countries, their perceptions of Canada as a welcoming country for immigrants,
opportunities to work and study, having pre-established social networks in Canada,
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immigration recruitment and communication narratives, and the ease and speed of the
immigration process, particularly in comparison to the US.
For the participants in this study, distance was an important factor to selecting
their destination, as other authors have emphasised (Bodvarsson & Van den Berg, 2013;
Sjaastad, 1962) . However, it is not as simple as some economic models suggest
(Bodvarsson & Van den Berg, 2013). The participants stated that they wanted to be closer
to home in order to maintain a strong connection with their culture and their loved ones,
and not primarily to reduce the initial financial cost of migrating. Rather, their
experiences largely resemble Guo’s discussion regarding “transnational migration”
(2019, p. 3), which theorises that migrants can no longer be expected to completely
separate from their homelands, particularly in a global world that is highly
interconnected. This same point is also made by Bauman (1993), who discusses the
cultural, economic, and social tensions that the expected cultural standardization may
produce. Namely, the need for ‘strangers’ to live in the same physical space for economic
reasons does not automatically equate to changes in the cognitive space. The ‘strangers’
are people with a history that is carried on, despite changes in the physical space. In his
famous quote, Max Frisch captured this tension by stating, “We wanted workers, but we
got people instead”(Frisch, n.d., para. 1).
In contrast to Sjaastad (1962)’s assumption that distance equates to higher costs
for migrants, another possible explanation as to why some participants chose to move to
Canada over the US is that in the modern globalized market, this assertion is not always
accurate. For example, in a recent search online, a return flight from Mexico City to
Colorado cost $810 dollars, whereas a return flight from Mexico City to Vancouver for
the same dates cost $420. In addition to this, participants such as Pedro expressed specific
reasons for choosing not to live in the US, including ideological differences.
Another important reason the participants chose to move to Canada is that they
believed Canada would satisfy their search for goods and services. This aligns with
Tiebout’s (1956) idea of immigrants as people who want to optimize their consumption
rather than their net income. The participants chose Canada hoping to satisfy their needs
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for healthcare services, education, justice, and recreation. Moreover, participants
perceived Canada as a more welcoming place for immigrants compared to the US.
However, some studies have shown that discrimination in the Canadian labour market is
not only a significant issue, but could be even worse than in the US (Oreopoulos, 2011;
Quillian et al., 2019).
Canada’s demand for skilled labour also incentivized participants to move. As
described by Bauman (1993), the dominant economic rationale has translated into
international labour mobility across countries. Particularly, Canada has developed
immigration policies that facilitate increasingly simpler and faster immigration processes
to connect local job opportunities with skilled immigrants (Fleras, 2014). Participants
explicitly expressed that they chose Canada as the immigration process is easier than
other places such as the US, and it is closer than other destinations such as Australia, or
countries in Europe. In the 1990’s, Massey (1990), among other authors, pointed out that
the role of the state was fundamental to understanding migration. His work primarily
referred to policies and regulations directly related to migration, including quotas and
selection criteria. However, Massey mentions little about the role of the neoliberal agenda
in shaping immigration, particularly as a way to remove barriers for employers to
increase their margins of profit by having access to international labour markets.
Immigration policies are often seen as barriers impeding immigration. Conversely,
international demand for skilled labour has resulted in countries like Canada simplifying
and expediting their immigration processes, while also advertising the need for skilled
immigrants. In this way, there are forces that motivate skilled Latin Americans to leave
their home countries, such as unemployment, low wages, or a lack of safety, and there are
forces that pull them to Canada, including a simple and fast immigration process that is
driven by internal demands for skilled labour.
In this chapter, I explored the participants’ experiences prior to migrating to
Canada, seeking what factors prompted them to migrate to Canada. Filtering their stories
through the lenses of Bourdieu, Bauman, and Rizvi, I found that participants aimed to
maintain or enhance their familia’s position in the social space transgenerationally. In
addition, Canada’s demand for skilled labour has also contributed to developing
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immigration opportunities for the participants. Ironically, by seeking to maintain or
enhance the overall well-being of their familias, the participants’ traditional familia ties
were challenged. Losing contact with extended family is often a necessary cost in order to
improve other areas of well-being. This shift represents a transition from a traditional
Latin American ‘familia’ to something that bears a closer resemblance to the average
Western perception of family.
In the next chapter, I present the participants’ experiences through the
immigration process and explain in more detail the role of the state in accepting
immigrants. I also show how the different immigration paths may have influenced the
participants’ transition into the labour market.
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La Migra
This chapter addresses how participants experienced the immigration process and
what lessons may be learned from their experience. The chapter is divided into three main
sections, which are derived from emerging themes in the interviews. The first section
shows the participants’ divergent experiences based on the program through which they
entered Canada. The second section explores the perspectives of those who had
prearranged employment or education plans. This section also describes the stories of the
participants who entered Canada seeking employment upon arrival, including their views
on the points-based system. The chapter concludes with a summary and a discussion of
the data.
6.1. Immigration Paths
Participants who entered Canada with prearranged education or employment
experienced a faster, simpler, and less costly process than those who came without
prearranged plans of work or study. The length of the immigration process for the
participants who entered Canada without prearranged jobs or school arrangements
(Daniel, Arturo, Jazmin, Luis, Nancy, and Marcela) ranged roughly from one to three and
a half years. For Nancy and Luis, the process took 10 months; however, this was their
second time applying and this does not include the time spent on their first application.
In addition to the length of the immigration process, this cohort frequently
highlighted issues of excessive paperwork and a lack of communication from the
embassy. Moreover, some felt that the information provided by the Government of
Canada and other stakeholders misled them, which in turn affected their planning and risk
assessment. Arturo’s experience included most of the steps and challenges that
participants without prearranged plans of work or education faced during the immigration
process:
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The process took approximately three and half years. At the beginning, there was a lot of communication with the lawyers’ firm because we needed papers and everything they were asking for. Recommendation letters, transcriptions, et cetera. Everything was okay with the lawyers
but then there was no communication. Basically, the lawyers said that they didn’t know anything, that the government of Canada hadn’t told them anything. They told us that if they needed anything else they would contact us. From time to time, they contacted me needing something else, and then for another few months I didn’t hear anything. . . . Finally, I heard from the lawyers firm that it was time to present my financial statements and perform the IELTS4 English exam. … I found
out that in Polanco there were courses to prepare you for the exam, which lasted about one and a half months. However, I only had three months to present my exam results, and the exams were not offered frequently, so this added additional pressure. If you don’t pass the exam you will need to wait two or three weeks to take the exam again, so I had to pay for multiple exams in advance in case I failed. If I didn’t pass the English exam, all of our efforts would have been for nothing. I needed a 6.5 out of 9 to pass the IELTS. I had to go from Cuernavaca to Mexico City to take my course, so I had to take that journey every weekend. The course was very useful. Without the course, I would not have passed the exam. . . . Two months passed and I did not hear anything, so you are like, what’s happening? It’s hard to be waiting because we didn’t know if we had to close the business, look for a job, like, what do we do? And then suddenly, the lawyers asked me to get
my medical exam. We had to take the medical exam in Mexico City. We felt good because the doctor told us that we were almost there and that this was the last step. When you hear that, you almost feel like packing your suitcase, although my wife still wanted to stay in Mexico. Then I received the letter from the embassy that I was welcomed to Canada. [Arturo]
Similar to Arturo, Marcela’s immigration process also took over three years. Infrequent
communication from the embassy and complicated paperwork were some of her main
challenges. However, she noted that the embassy had warned her about these delays.
Unlike Arturo, Marcela was indifferent to the length of the process because she
did not feel pressure to leave Mexico. At the time, Marcela was working and she was not
concerned about the safety of her familia in relation to where they were living. Overall,
she felt satisfied with her life there. However, Marcela and her husband were concerned
about the social and economic stability of Mexico in the future. Therefore, applying to
migrate to Canada was part of a ‘contingency plan’. From her perspective, the length of
4 “The International English Language Testing System (IELTS) is the world's most popular English language
proficiency test for higher education and global migration.” (IELTS, 2019 para. 1)
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the process, the lack of communication, and excessive paperwork were all part of the cost
of putting a contingency plan in place:
We are fine here, but why not? We have to open ourselves to possibilities. This can be a great experience for the girls. If we adapt and enjoy it, we stay, and if not then we simply go back. . . . So we applied, we did all the paper work, and we did not utilize a third party. . . . Everything was done by mail. We tried the pre-evaluation and it showed that we were strong candidates, so we looked into the prerequisites in detail, and we started our file. . . . So we sent in our papers, and in the meantime we continued to live our normal life just like if we had not applied. We did not lose sleep over it. We were not checking our email every week, nothing. We forgot about it. As I was telling you, we were well-off in Monterrey. The Canadian embassy contacted us and stated that we were missing some documents, and although we had done them, I guess they did not receive them, so we resent them. We
received news sporadically from the Canadian embassy. Perhaps six months would pass before we would hear from them. They warn you about this; they contact you to tell you that the process is still ongoing. However, we were in no hurry. Months and months passed by, we thought we were eliminated from the process and then we received a letter for the interview. The interview was in Mexico City because the Canadian embassy is in Mexico City. Then another letter arrived for the medical exams and payments, et cetera. All of these steps took three years. There were months before we knew anything about the process. . . . From the moment that we applied to the moment that we received the letter of acceptance, it took three years. The letter said something like, “You are welcome to Canada and you have 6 months to move.” [Marcela]
For Marcela, it was only after she received approval that the challenges began, as
she and her familia had to make an immediate decision. The requirement to land within
six months had important implications for her and her familia. Leaving two steady and
well-paid jobs in Mexico without securing at least one permanent job in Canada would
have been too risky, which is primarily why they decided to temporarily separate before
making the final decision. Moreover, the landing restriction interfered with their
children’s school cycle, providing further reason to adopt temporary separation.
6.1.1. The points-based system and surrounding information.
Another challenge that those who migrated without prearranged education or
work plans experienced was misguided information surrounding the points system and
advertising supplied by the Canadian government and other stakeholders. As discussed in
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the previous chapter, some participants decided to move to Canada in part because the
available information and the points system indicated that finding a job in their area of
expertise in Canada would be quick and simple. However, upon arrival some participants
were disappointed to find that job opportunities were not as readily available as expected.
Although the narrative conveyed by the Government of Canada regarding the points
system is that it seeks to fill professional gaps, paradoxically many foreign credentials are
often not recognized, and the demand for some professions is disconnected from the
current labour market. For instance, Luis said:
I couldn't believe it! I had work experience, Canada needed people from abroad, they called us through this point system program and now they don't recognize our qualifications? Even having an MBA from London?
Not even a degree from Mexico. It was hard for me at the beginning. . . . I think that what they don't tell you when you start applying to come to Canada is the disconnection between Citizen and Immigration Canada and the actual job market. They make decisions based on statistics, but when you come here they don't recognize your education. People who come to Canada are so focused to come and make it here that they don't realize how hard it is going to be once you're here. I think they should be more transparent about it. It’s like, okay, welcome to Canada, but you have to realize that you are not going to start at the same level that you were at in Mexico. Nobody tells you that. You have to learn that the hard way. [Luis]
Nancy became the main applicant of her family when the updated points system
added her profession to those in high demand. However, she was not able to obtain a
comparable job in Canada, and eventually gave up pursuing her dream to become an
ophthalmologist in Canada due to the complicated process to recertify. In contrast, her
husband Luis, who stepped down as the main applicant when his profession was removed
from the list of professions in demand, was able to find a job quickly in his area of
expertise and similar to the one he had in Mexico:
The first time we applied for the application, we got rejected because they changed the rules around the summer. I remember very clearly that we applied on June 24, and on the 26th they changed the rules. I
was the main applicant and my wife [Nancy] was the dependent. I applied as a construction manager because that's my background. However, in the new list of professional degrees that they needed here, my profession was no longer on the list. Luckily for us, my wife is a doctor [ophthalmologist] and her profession was on both lists. Because of the rule changes, we couldn't simply switch to put my wife as the main applicant. It took us about three months to reapply. At this time,
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we applied through my wife. I was the dependent and she was a main applicant. We knew we had a lot of points because we are both professionals and we both spoke the language. After 10 months, our application got accepted. We applied from London but we used a local
consultant. I found him online. [Luis]
Based on research she conducted prior to migrating, Nancy found that, in contrast
to the information she received from the points system, her profession was not on high
demand and the process to recertify would be very difficult. As a result, it was unlikely
that she would practice as an ophthalmologist in Canada.
I got a knot in my stomach because I started to realize that the process was going to be very difficult. . . . I realized that I would have to go back nine years of my life to re-study anatomy, pharmacology, gastroenterology, et cetera, subjects that I have not reviewed in seven
years. That would be a huge step backwards and something that I was not interested in. In Canada, you have to take that exam [a general medicine test] and you not only have to pass the test, you have to be extremely successful because my area of expertise only opens 20 new spots a year, which are mostly given to Canadian citizens. The majority of the people accepted are people who studied and worked in Canada, people who knows the system and have recommendations from leaders of the main hospitals in Canada. Historically, there is only one international graduate. In ophthalmology, there is one opening every two years and the successful applicants are those who have the best results in the exam, in addition to their resume, and so forth. When I realized that these were all the requisites, I grew frustrated and lost hope because I would basically have to come back and redo the whole specialty. . . . I estimated that if I wanted to do well in the exam I
needed to study full-time for about two years. I see myself as a very good student. I was always one of the top students in my class. I knew that I would be able to do it, but my priorities had simply changed. I am a mother and sitting down to study is not practical. We came to Canada having the idea that I would not work in my area of expertise. I decided I would not do exams. I would not repeat anything. [Nancy]
After Nancy shared this story, I asked her why she still decided to apply despite
her awareness of the challenges that she would face to find a job in her area of expertise.
Nancy said:
Well, let's say that deep inside I had some hope. . . . Yes, I was aware of it. . . . For example, I learned the stats about how many foreigners are able to enter ophthalmology here. When I arrived here I knew that I was coming to a very difficult professional setting with a minimal possibility to work in my area of expertise [Nancy]
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Moreover, her decision was based on a combination of multiple factors, not solely
employment. As discussed in the previous chapter, considerations regarding safety, and
negotiations with familia members also influenced her decision. However, Nancy still
believed that there was a chance she could work as an ophthalmologist, largely because
she was confident in her skills and abilities and the points system deemed her profession
in demand. However, upon arrival she found that it was more complicated than she
initially anticipated.
In contrast to the participants who entered Canada without prearranged work,
Jorge, Pedro, and Miguel described the immigration process as simple and quick. On
average, the process took them less than three months to complete. The same employer
hired Jorge and Pedro, so their experiences with the process were similar. For Pedro, the
hiring process was complex, but once he won his position, the immigration process was
straightforward:
I think in Canada it is particularly easier if you have a job offer. I feel that it is easier compared to the US. Sometimes it is so simple that it is actually scary. . . . Well, I was contacted through LinkedIn and I went through an interview process. This process is very similar in all the technology firms. They contact you to ask you if are interested, then you talk to one of the engineers to assess your knowledge. If they think it is worth it, they bring you to their offices for an interview. . . . Right
away, they tell you whether you are in or out and at what level. The same day the hiring manager contacted me with a job offer. . . . They offered me an annual salary that was very competitive, company shares and an annual bonus in addition to all the necessary legal advice to immigrate to Canada. From the beginning to end of the immigration process I only paid for mailing documents and the visa; everything else was paid by them. . . . I learned about this job through LinkedIn and
there are many, many recruiters looking at this website, particularly if you are in technology. I literally saw 10 job offers in one week. They [the recruiters] told me that it was possible to go to the US but if I decided to go to Canada, it would be easier. [Pedro]
Pedro’s experience of the immigration process was uncomplicated but also
detached, because the employer managed the whole process. When I asked Pedro if he
entered through the points system, he replied that he was not certain, as the company
lawyers took care of the entire process. He believes that he entered Canada first as a
temporary worker and after 18 months of working he spoke with the Human Resources
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department at Microsoft, which took care of the immigration process for permanent
residency.
Miguel entered Canada through a different path, arriving as a master’s degree
student at the University of Western Ontario in London. He obtained a scholarship that
included tuition and living expenses. Like Pedro and Jorge, his immigration process took
roughly three months; however, unlike them, he did all the paperwork by himself.
Although he stated that he had an overall satisfactory experience, he expressed
dissatisfaction with the length of the process due to the amount and complexity of the
paperwork. For Miguel, the immigration process was “long” and “a lot of paperwork.”
After graduating Miguel applied for permanent resident status, a process he described as
much less difficult:
The process is almost automatic once you complete a master’s degree in Canada or any higher education credential, including a bachelors. If you enter a Canadian higher education program for two years or more, you are eligible for a work permit for three years. A Post Graduate Work Permit is a very simple application, and it takes about a month for you to know their answer. It is almost automatic. The only requirement is to complete your program. [Miguel]
Miguel believes that getting into Canada is easier if you enter Canada with a prearranged
education plan rather than applying through the points system. He also believes that
choosing this particular path made a big difference in settling and finding work.
I see many people at my work, foreigners, with foreign credentials, which are equivalent to engineering or bachelors doing manual labour. Way below for their level of skill. I feel that Canada does not trust in the education that foreigners receive overseas. . . . I believe that if I had chosen to do a master’s degree upon arrival it would have been a very different experience. . . . I was lucky that everything went well, so I would not do anything differently. . . . When I reviewed all the ways to immigrate to Canada, I came to the conclusion that the easiest way to come was through a master’s degree program. However, before making the decision to enroll into the master’s program, I considered the possibility to apply as a permanent resident from Mexico. However, I am glad I did not do it, because if I would, it would have been difficult to find a job. It would have been more difficult than I imagined. I think many people who apply for permanent residency and Canadian immigration accepts your credentials, as a professional you think it is going to be the same in the labour market, but many people face a big surprise! I was a Dr. in “X” in Saudi Arabia and once you are here you
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cannot practice your profession my friend. Or I was an accountant or I was an engineer, or lawyer. [Miguel]
Participants who entered Canada without prearranged jobs faced a more difficult,
costly and lengthy immigration process than those who entered Canada with prearranged
jobs or education. Moreover, those who entered Canada without prearranged jobs also
experienced more difficulty integrating into the professional labour market, as is
presented in the next section.
6.2. Immigration Paths and Labour Outcomes
Miguel repeatedly emphasized that individuals can have significant different
labour outcomes depending on the program through which they choose to immigrate. His
view was that applying as a permanent resident without any prearranged plans of
education or employment puts immigrants at a disadvantage, even though their skills and
abilities remain the same regardless of what avenue they choose go through. He
speculated that the length of time it would take to apply for permanent residency without
prearranged work or educational plans would be equivalent to the length of time required
to complete a master’s degree program. Moreover, upon graduation, it would be much
easier to integrate into the labour market. However, it is important to note that Miguel
received a scholarship and did not have dependents. Despite the advantages that Miguel
felt his experience of immigrating to Canada as a student awarded him, this path is not
always feasible. For instance, Arturo, Marcela, and Jazmin, who were married and had
children when they chose to migrate to Canada, needed to generate income as soon as
possible to sustain the family as a whole. Moreover, they already possessed master’s
degrees and had little intention to further their education. As none of these participants
had job offers, entering Canada through the points system was the most reasonable and
feasible option.
Although entering Canada as a student is not always feasible, Miguel’s opinion
that the immigration path influences labour outcomes coincides with other participants’
experiences. Miguel, Jorge, and Pedro, who all had prearranged education or work plans,
started work immediately in their area of expertise. In contrast, Daniel, Arturo and
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Jazmin, who entered Canada without prearranged jobs or education plans, were not able
to secure a permanent job in their area of expertise for at least two years after arrival.
During this period, Arturo and Jazmin were either unemployed or underemployed at
places such as Safeway and A&W, respectively. Daniel found a position in his area of
expertise roughly a year after arrival, using his savings in the interim to support his
family. However, he had difficulty obtaining a permanent position that was comparable
to his previous job in Mexico. Three years passed before Daniel felt he was in an
equivalent position. At the time of the interview, Marcela had been unemployed since she
landed in 2013. She expressed during the interview that she “preferred to be unemployed
before cleaning tables”. Unlike other participants, she was able to remain unemployed as
her husband found a job a few months after arrival. Although they were a family of five
living off one salary, they were able to manage financially. During this time she was
mainly responsible for the home and caring for her school-aged children. She also
enrolled in several courses to obtain the necessary certifications and diplomas to work in
her area of expertise. In contrast, Nancy was underemployed since she arrived to Canada
in 2012. Luis (Nancy’s husband) was the only participant who entered Canada without a
prearranged job and found a job within three months of arrival in his area of expertise.
However, he was also underemployed for a period of time.
In this section, the data suggests that the participants who entered Canada without
prearranged employment experienced more barriers throughout the immigration process
and during their transition into the labour market compared to those who entered with
prearranged employment or education. In Chapter 8, I provide a more detailed description
regarding the participants’ experiences in the labour market.
6.3. Discussion
Canada is often recognised as possessing one of the most open and innovative
immigration systems in the world (Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011; Vincenza &
Hooper, 2016). However, the divergent experiences and sentiments expressed by the
participants in this study reveal that the view of the Canadian immigration process as
relatively fast and simple for qualified candidates appears to depend on the immigration
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path. Despite efforts to ensure that the points system does not disproportionally favour
people with prearranged employment (Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada,
2017; MacDonald, M., 2016), the participants’ experiences show that the hybrid system
has favoured immigrants who are capable of satisfying short-term labour market shortcuts
(Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2014a).
The stories of participants who entered Canada through the points system without
prearranged income (Marcela, Arturo, Jazmin, Daniel, Miguel, and Nancy) illustrate the
main criticisms of the first-come, supply-driven model. This includes backlogs in the
immigration process and difficulties matching immigrants with local job vacancies
(Ehrkamp & Leitner, 2006; Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011). For instance, while Pedro
and Jorge entered Canada within three months of applying, Arturo and Jazmin’s process
took roughly three years. For Arturo, a lengthy immigration process pushed him to
experience a “decision-making limbo”. Arturo could not make important decisions, such
as closing his business or finding a new job in Mexico, as these decisions were tied to the
acceptance or rejection of his application. Moreover, the length of the process may have
influenced Arturo’s eventual labour outcome in Canada, as the labour market may have
changed over the three and a half years it took to complete. The impact that lengthy
immigration processes may have on applicants is rarely discussed, and it is often assumed
as another immigrant cost of migrating.
Upon arrival, some participants who entered Canada without prearranged jobs
found that the demand for their profession did not necessarily align with the promises of
the points system, as described by authors such as Papademetriou and Sumption (2011)
and Vicenza and Hooper (2016). Moreover, some participants felt that the Canadian
marketing to attract immigrants was not transparent and was in many cases misleading.
This largely aligns with the findings of Walsworth and Somerville (2009) in comparing
the immigration systems between Canada and the United States. They posit that the
immigration process in Canada for highly skilled immigrants is “saturated with overly
optimistic messages implicit in the Canadian point system” (Walsworth & Somerville,
2009, p. 155) that mislead skilled immigrants to believe that their credentials are in
demand and would be recognized in the Canadian labor market. Consequently,
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misinformation flows and raises the expectations of skilled immigrants who, upon arrival,
feel frustrated when their expectations are not met and they face systematic barriers to
finding employment. This finding is important, as little has been discussed about the
ethical implications of recruitment practices conducted by governmental and non-
governmental Canadian institutions.
Another finding from the participants’ interviews is that the different paths of
immigration have created structures of unequal opportunity among skilled immigrants,
resulting in different labour market outcomes. The participants who were able to enter
Canada to fulfill short-term demands appeared to integrate into the Canadian professional
labour market more successfully, even though some believed they were still
underemployed or underpaid. Moreover, by fulfilling short-term skilled labour demands,
their credentials were essentially accepted and validated by employers. This is troubling
because two people with similar skills and abilities may have significantly different
employment outcomes by choosing a specific immigration pathway. In many cases, the
participants were unaware of this possibility.
Pandey and Townsend (2013) speculate that while skilled immigrants who enter
with prearranged jobs have higher earnings at entry, eventually their growth is slower
than those who enter from the skilled worker category. The rationale is that those who
enter without prearranged jobs often seek to enrol in higher education institutions to get
their credentials recognized or upgraded. However, this study reveals that obtaining
professional employment is more complex than it appears. Participants not only faced
challenges to update or validate their credentials, but those with families often did not
have enough resources to pay for education while sustaining their households in the
interim. Moreover, in cases like Nancy, the credential recognition process was near
impossible to overcome and there was no guarantee of employment after graduation. In
addition, experiencing unemployment for an extensive period further hindered the re-
insertion of some participants into the professional labour market, with few available
programs to address this particular challenge.
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Canadian professional work experience appears as an equally, if not better, asset
than having Canadian higher education credentials, as the pedagogical authority
(Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990) exercised by the employers ultimately defines who accesses
the labour market. Although acquiring Canadian education credentials was substantially
helpful in cases like Miguel, education credentials do not automatically translate into
employment opportunities. Marcela illustrates this challenge, as despite obtaining all the
necessary credentials to work as a human resources administrator, she remained
unemployed up until the interview. In contrast, the participants (Jorge and Pedro) who
directly entered the professional labour market were instantly recognized as professionals
by their employer, even though their credentials were never formally recognized by an
academic authority, and Pedro did not have an undergraduate degree. Moreover, their
positions gave them access to other job opportunities, including those exclusive for
internal candidates. Similarly, Miguel’s Canadian work experience facilitated him to
move to the US for a higher paid job within the same company. If a catch-up effect is
occurring for immigrants who enter without prearranged work, more research is required
to have a better idea of what proportion of skilled immigrants who enter Canada without
prearranged jobs catch up to those who enter with prearranged jobs in comparable fields,
and how many years it takes to reach an equivalency.
As a couple immigrating together, Luis and Nancy’s story is particularly
illustrative because their divergent experiences reveal some of the main pitfalls of the
supply driven model from the immigrant’s perspective. While Luis’s application failed
because his career was no longer in demand, Nancy and Luis’s family managed to obtain
landed immigrant status by substituting Luis with Nancy as the main applicant.
Paradoxically, upon arrival, Nancy found that working in her area of expertise was near
impossible while Luis successfully integrated into the labour market.
It is important to highlight that Nancy consciously chose to come to Canada with
the knowledge that she may be unemployed, given what she discovered through her own
research. However, she was hopeful to overcome the challenges and eventually integrate
into the labour market. Moreover, the overall well-being of her familia did not entirely
depend on her professional success, as her husband was also a provider. In addition, their
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primary motivation was fear for their familia’s safety in Mexico. From this perspective,
although they applied through the skilled immigrant category, their reasons for
immigrating partly align with those of refugees, given the severe insecurity in many
places in Latin America, particularly Mexico, in recent years. This multiplicity of factors
and actors influencing decision-making may explain why some skilled immigrants,
knowing that finding a comparable job in Canada may be difficult, still seek to migrate.
The incapacity of the supply driven model to effectively match skilled immigrants
with jobs is often attributed to the discoordination between immigration and the labour
market (Minister of State for Multiculturalism, 2012; Nelson et al., 2011). However, the
supply driven model appears, in practice, to satisfy both skilled and unskilled labour
market demands, leading to skill waste. James’s (2010) posits that a successful economy
requires both skilled and unskilled workers, and since unskilled workers cannot pass
Canada’s immigration points system, some immigrants with professional credentials take
jobs such as cleaning houses, delivering pizzas, or driving taxis (p.202). From this
perspective, LSIs who arrive with prearranged jobs appear to fulfill the professional
needs of the knowledge-based economy, while those who enter through paths without
prearranged jobs appear to play the role of what Marx (1976) refers to as an “industrial
reserve army” (p.784).
As immigrants with prearranged jobs and education are increasingly favoured,
those looking to immigrate connect with employers through multiple avenues, including
social media, employment agencies, online platforms such as LinkedIn, and direct one-
on-ones. Some participants noted anecdotally that Latin Americans sometimes travel as
visitors with the intention of connecting with employers. However, to extend their stay
they often work illegally in survival jobs. The possibility that favoring immigrants with
prearranged jobs is fuelling undocumented immigration needs further exploration.
The creation, however inadvertent, of a skilled immigrant reserve army of
workers has ethical and moral implications. Although Canada has opened its doors to
skilled immigrants, policy practices, which are largely guided by neoliberal values, are
facing tensions with morality, as Bauman (1993) theorizes. Cases such as Arturo, Jazmin,
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Marcela, Nancy, and Luis, who experienced unemployment, underemployment, or a
lengthy and difficult process to find a job at their level of skill, put into question the
points system and the messages that private organizations and the Government of Canada
send to attract immigrants. While some may argue that it is healthy for the Canadian
economy to have a reserve army of labour, contradictions in the realm of morality begin
to grow.
In the next two chapters, I present the experiences of the participants as they
transitioned into their new homes and I discuss the barriers and opportunities that the
participants faced in the labour market and the community in British Columbia. I aim to
respond to the research question of, “How do Latin American permanent residents, who
hold their highest degree outside of Canada, experience transition into the labour market
in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia?”
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Transición y Adaptación
Through single and cross-case analysis, this chapter presents the themes within
the interviews relating to factors that influenced the participants’ transition into Canadian
society. Although, in practice, transition into the community and finding employment are
not mutually exclusive, Chapter 7 largely focusses on participants’ transition into the
community, while the participants’ direct experiences in the Canadian labour market is
discussed separately in Chapter 8. The link between the participants’ experiences in the
labour market and their everyday life are highlighted throughout both sections. This
chapter concludes by summarizing the main ideas and presenting a discussion of the data.
7.1. Moving.
Moving can be expensive, stressful, and time consuming as you look for a new
place, pack up belongings, arrange transportation, and buy and sell various household
items. Moving to a new country can exacerbate this, particularly because migrants are
less familiar with their new environment. The participants in this study were no different
from this common picture of immigration, although they experienced different degrees of
difficulty. Some participants highlighted the challenge of integrating into the professional
labour market while simultaneously trying to find a place to live. For example, Daniel,
who entered Canada without a prearranged job, noted that the time spent on finding a
place was directly competing with the time required to find a job. Daniel faced
difficulties in finding a place to live, mainly because many property owners refused to
rent to an unemployed person. Daniel describes this search as a time consuming and
stressful experience, which directly influenced his ability to find a job:
Every time I went to see a place they asked me where I worked. Even though I had enough money to pay for the rent, nobody wanted to rent to me. . . . In fact, in some cases I offered them to pay six months in advance. Some of these places were asking me to pay a year in advance. That was ridiculous. . . . I started to get anxious because my family was just about to move and I didn't have a place to receive them. . . . I was
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having these huge difficulties in finding a place and when I finally found one, the landlord called me one week before taking possession to tell me no. At the end of the day I took her to court. . . . The first month was focussed on looking for a job. The next two months however, I was
mainly focussed on finding a place for my family. I could either find a place or look for a job. [Daniel]
Other participants such as Arturo and Jazmin, who also came to Canada without
prearranged jobs, were able to find a place relatively quickly. However, unlike Daniel,
Arturo and Jazmin had family or friends living in the Vancouver area who facilitated the
moving process and served as guarantors to secure them a place.
We had some friends here [in Vancouver]. . . . They helped us find our first place. . . . Thanks to our friends, the landlord didn't even ask us for references, so that was a small step in the right direction. I know some
stories of Mexican people that have struggled to find a place to live because of a lack of references, even when they had the money and resources. In that way I can say that we started off on the right foot. We also had everything nearby. School, groceries, we did not even need a car. My son was walking to school so we just needed some tickets for the public transit. In that sense, it was easy. We arrived to Vancouver really late at night, but our friends helped us finding a hotel where we could stay for a couple of nights. If we arrived on Wednesday or Thursday, by Saturday we already had our new place. [Arturo]
For Jazmin, having family living in Vancouver was essential to finding a place to live, as
her sister rented the place before her arrival. In Jazmin’s words, “We didn’t suffer at all.”
However, despite her sister’s help, Jazmin’s story also illustrates that even under ideal
conditions moving can still be a complicated process.
My mom asked what they were going to do with all the English furniture that had been my dad’s. She didn’t want to sell it. My sister said to bring it all and she would get my mom a place here. So we brought it all in a big container. That was good for me too because I could bring my bedroom set too. But because at first they hadn’t bought the house here, the container sat in Lima for a few months. We arrived in March and the container arrived in December. Because they hadn’t bought a house, they put the furniture in a big storage unit. The furniture went to auction [due to the cost of storage and taking longer than expected to get a house]. My mom kept her bedroom set. Everything else was sold. We
were on mattresses on the floor in the apartment we were in. I bought a new bed. We found an apartment with three bedrooms. My mom sleeps with my daughter in the master bedroom. [Jazmin]
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Luis and Nancy’s experience was similar to Daniel’s, as they also came to Canada
without prearranged jobs and had no family or friends in Vancouver. However, they
experienced relatively less difficulty in finding a place in Canada.
From Mexico I booked a hotel for 10 days. At the same time, prior to our arrival, I did some showings online on Craigslist. I think we arrived on a Wednesday and I started looking for places to live right away. The second day after our arrival we found a place. We liked it, and right there I decided that we were ready. I gave them the deposit and we got
it. We didn't struggle. I guess it was a different market five years ago than it is today. I knew that if you like a place, you have to take it right away because it is very competitive, so I did. . . . We ended up being at the hotel only three nights and we took it from there. I was prepared. I read a lot before arriving here. [Luis]
Luis attributes his success to planning ahead. However, Daniel followed similar steps and
yet he faced many more difficulties in finding a place. Similarly, adopting the same
strategy of temporary separation as Daniel and his family, Marcela’s husband came to
Canada first. However, unlike Daniel, Marcela’s husband was able to secure a job in
Victoria before his family arrived, which in turn facilitated his search for a place to live.
Miguel and Pedro, who arrived with prearranged employment or study plans, did
not make many comments regarding moving. However, Jorge, who also arrived with a
prearranged job, highlighted that he faced the challenge of finding a place in downtown
Vancouver that suited his unique needs: “I have a dog in Colombia and I wanted to bring
her at some point, but it was very complicated to find an apartment that was pet friendly
in the downtown area in Vancouver.”
In addition to the logistics of physically moving to Canada and finding a place to
live, participants faced many other challenges to adapt to their new homes, which are
discussed in the following section.
7.2. Adapting to the New Environment
The primary challenges that participants faced transitioning into the new
communities included the cost of living, facing segregation, adapting to different eating
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habits, reorganizing household responsibilities and roles, and adapting to new cultural
and social norms.
7.2.1. The living cost in Greater Vancouver.
Almost all participants, including those who came with prearranged jobs,
emphasized that they felt stressed about their financial situation following arrival to
Canada, as living costs, particularly housing, were higher than expected.
I didn't have a job, I didn't know anybody. I quit my job, sold my car, et cetera. The idea was for me to move to Canada first, and find a job within three months. In fact, the immigration brochure and the embassy both advise you to have enough money for three months. I guess they
think it is the standard time needed for you to survive while you find a job. So we planned based on the worst case scenario [three months]. I was hopeful in finding a job within a month, so I told my wife to wait in Mexico and come after three months. That was the plan. . . . It took me about nine months to find a job. I felt some desperation because of the high cost of living in Canada, and my financial situation was better in Mexico, so I was not generating income while I was facing bigger expenses. These circumstances made me nervous. My savings were not endless. [Daniel]
Even participants who came with prearranged jobs had difficulties dealing with the cost
of living in Vancouver. For example, Pedro said that he underestimated the amount of
money he would need to survive before his first paycheque arrived: “For a newcomer, it
is difficult to calculate the amount of money that you need to bring. Vancouver’s living
cost is very high.”
7.2.2. Segregation.
All of the participants made a distinction between discrimination in their
communities and discrimination in the labour market. Few participants expressed feeling
discrimination at the community level, apart from Pedro. He emphasised that the few
incidents of discrimination came from unprivileged Canadians who perhaps felt that
immigrants were taking away opportunities from them:
I have felt discriminated, curiously, by people who are in an unprivileged situation. . . . We are very lucky, very privileged but there are people that do not have these. Bad decisions, circumstances, mental illnesses,
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you name it. Perhaps because of all these challenges, there is some resentment. I remember that at one time, I was in the supermarket with my wife and I was speaking Spanish with my wife. A woman who was evidently homeless started to scream at us. She was questioning why
we were speaking Spanish and not English or French. At that moment, I felt discriminated. . . . On a different occasion, near Howe, there is a homeless shelter. A girl that I assume was coming from there started scream at my wife and I too. [Pedro]
Having never experienced discrimination at the community level in Canada, Daniel
believes that this form of discrimination may exist but that he may not perceive it because
of his previous experience of living in the US:
Maybe I have a different experience than other immigrants because I lived in the US. Discrimination in the US is horrible. If discrimination in the US is at level 100, here it is 10 or 20. I think discrimination exists
here, but I'm coming from bigger discriminatory schemes. I also went to California a couple of times when I was working for Unisys. The second I arrived at the hotel, people at the hotel asked me, “Why don't you go back to your country? What are you doing here? Why aren’t you going back?” Over there, discrimination is big. Here it’s a joke that maybe if you go to Mission where there is not as much diversity, you
may find or feel more discrimination. I have asked my children if they feel segregated or discriminated. In the US, Mexicans are Mexicans, it doesn't matter if they were born in the US. My daughter asked me, “What are you talking about?” She has a First Nations friend, a Chinese friend, a Caucasian friend and she also has a friend who is transgender. Perhaps the diversity helps to reduce discrimination, but even still I don’t think it is that bad. Of course, I'm talking about my personal
experiences. However, I can tell you that there are cliques. [Daniel]
Other participants, such as Luis and Nancy, explained that they have never felt
discriminated in their entire life, having lived in Mexico, the UK, and Canada. Luis
stated, “Not at all, not in Canada, not ever in my life. I've been lucky I guess, but not in
this country for sure.”
Although most of the participants have not felt discriminated at the community
level, Nancy and Marcela noted that they have felt somewhat segregated. They describe a
sort of polite exclusion, or separation:
People here are friendly but different, I do not know if this is a good example but we have never been invited for dinner to a Canadian home, or invited to a BBQ. An invitation to someone’s house is something that does not exist. In Mexico, it is more like, “Please, come in so you know that I live here and whenever you want to come you know where I live.
This is your home; you are always welcome.” Canadians are friendly,
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and we have a great experience with the community, the school, the church, et cetera. There are small friendship moments, such as people trying to speak a few words in Spanish, or sharing their experiences in Mexico, and “hola” and “senorita”. This is great, I have never been
invited to someone’s place in the three years that I have been here. [Marcela]
Not at work. However, I had been invited to weekly ophthalmology Grand Rounds at UBC. At the rounds there are conferences, breakfast. The truth is that Canadians are a bit different from us. They chat with you, they are friendly, but I feel that it is not very easy for somebody new to get into their circle. It is not that they treat you badly or anything like that, they simply do not take you into account. [Nancy]
Despite challenges to develop social ties, all participants appeared to successfully
build relationships, which in many cases were key to adapting to their new environment,
developing a sense of belonging, and finding work. Participants often found friends by
reaching out to groups similar to those they belonged to back in their home country,
including connecting with peers from Latin America, religious groups, NGOs, and
sporting clubs. Jazmin had one of the most illustrative examples of how immigrants
connect with others upon arrival and how these social ties were key to adapting:
He [Jazmin’s husband] went to a Christian church in Lima. When we got here, he found a church in Coquitlam and started to go there. He started to help the Minister. They filmed the Sunday services because they didn’t have a pastor there yet. One day someone was asking him how things were going and if he had a car, and my husband said no. That
guy’s ministry work was to give cars away to those in need. So they got him a car. A Lincoln. It wasn’t new, but it was a car. [Jazmin]
Similarly, Daniel found support through the Rotary Club, which he belonged to Mexico:
Something that helped me to quickly integrate was that in Mexico I was
part of the rotary group, so when I came to Canada I joined the Rotary Club. That helped me to have a sense of belonging. In fact, that's part of the club’s objective. Within two days that I was in Canada, I joined the Rotary club and the president opened his home to me. The president quickly made me a part of his family. I often had dinner with them. In that sense, I started quickly to feel that I knew somebody here and that I had some support, friends, family. [Daniel]
Some participants sustained that finding friends was challenging, as some of them
considered themselves introverted. However, those who came to Canada with
prearranged plans of employment or education appeared to have more opportunities to
build social relationships, as they could take advantage of opportunities created by their
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respective organizations. Miguel’s story, for example, illustrates that regardless of your
personality, connecting with others can be different for a student than someone looking
for employment:
In London [Ontario] it was fairly easy because there are many foreigners who are also alone. Moreover, many people are looking to meet somebody else. For example, there is an event for foreign students to go to Niagara Falls. In this event, you can meet many people who are in the same boat, many people that want to meet someone. However,
when I got here to Vancouver, I was not going to school. I was going to work. People have already their groups, families, friends from school. In addition, I am not very social. [Miguel]
7.2.3. Cultural challenges.
Participants also highlighted some of the cultural adaptation challenges. One of
the most frequently mentioned cultural considerations was food. While it may seem
trivial, the participants’ comments regarding food were substantially emotive. Miguel
expressed, “I miss Mexico because of the food and culture. There are more things to do
there and the food I cannot even tell you.” Luis also valued the food highly: “I'm going to
answer your question straight. I miss the food, my family, and I miss my friends.” Soon
after arrival, participants came to realize that eating the food they ate back at home was
more expensive and not readily available. Readapting to new eating habits was a
challenge for their taste and preferences but also for their health. For example, Daniel
stated, “Yeah, the food is terrible. Sometimes I don't even know what to eat because I
don't feel like eating anything, so then you eat junk.” Similarly, Arturo said,
I miss many things. As stupid as it sounds, I miss the food. Particularly because once I got here, I was diagnosed with diabetes. The most delicious things here are often sweet, but in Mexico you have other options. I miss a lot of the Mexican food. [Arturo]
Another cultural challenge for some participants was adapting to the laws and
regulations in Canada. While their motivations to immigrate, as described in Chapter 5,
were often in part due to corruption and a lack of justice in their home countries,
participant expressed ambivalent feelings about the Canadian laws and regulations.
Miguel, for example, said that even though the laws in Canada are necessary to live in an
organized and safe society, he felt that the perception and adherence to the laws were
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extreme. In his opinion, this culture of rule following and surveillance challenged his
sense of freedom, the use of sound judgement, and made it more difficult to integrate into
his community:
Perhaps as Latinos we are used to being more relaxed. It is weird to go somewhere and be worried about checking the place’s rules. . . . Here you feel under surveillance, everything is ruled, everything can be fit in a small box. In Mexico, you can act good or bad, but you know what is good or bad, but you do not feel that you have to be asking what is the
rule for this or that. I remember a lot that in London a friend from Costa Rica, who has already lived in London for a long time. He invited us to his house for a BBQ in his back yard. Well, it was a fire pit on the ground, on the ground at his house in his own back yard, then the fire fighters arrived because a neighbored that there was a fire bonfire and they needed to check it. In London, there is a bylaw that stipulates that the fire have to be certain distant from the fence and certain distance from walls and plants. Well the firefighters came to measure the distance of the bonfire from the fence, which it was the closes thing to the fire, and they made us move it 30 centimetres. I mean, on one hand you understand that they try to reduce the risk of fire hazard; he fence cutting on fire, but in Mexico is unheard that you send the firefighters to the neighbor’s house to assess whether the bonfire is up to code. It is unimaginable! [Miguel]
7.2.4. Tensions and family adaptation.
The emotional challenge of separating from familia members and friends was
universal among the participants. For example, Jazmin explains how her husband still
struggles with the separation from his familia, by stating: “My husband says he would go
back. He misses his family and everyone there. He says yes, then no.”
Aside from the emotional challenge of separating from the familia, some of the
participants, in particular the female participants, described how the new circumstances
forced them to adopt new roles in the household and adjust to new relations of power
within the family. They stressed that, in the absence of their familia’s support, they faced
an increasing amount of household labour, such as childcare, housekeeping, and
preparing meals. While their male partners assumed the responsibility of finding a job
and securing income, the female participants said they took care of the household duties,
even if they were the main applicants of the immigration process, such as Nancy and
Jazmin. This division of household labour adversely affected their possibilities of
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employment as they had less time to focus on their careers. In addition, the high cost of
services such as childcare and housekeeping in Canada made it impossible for the
participants to hire someone to help as they did in Latin America. For some participants,
the new distribution of the household responsibilities created tensions within the family.
Nancy illustrated some of these challenges:
For me, the transition to Canada was brutal. Not so much the cultural
shock or the people, but the day to day. It was very hard the first few months. It may sound superficial but it was very hard for me not having anybody to help me at home. . . . I wanted to dedicate as much time as I could with my baby. I wanted to dedicate the same amount of time that I had in Mexico. As I previously mentioned, I was working part-time in Mexico, precisely because I wanted to dedicate time to my first child. Once I got here, I had to cook, do the groceries, clean, and so on. For me this was overwhelming. Taking care of diapers may be trivial, but for me it was very difficult. I realized that I was not used to doing all this work at home in Mexico. In Mexico, we had somebody to help us. I got home from work, the food was served, and after dinner somebody else took care of the dishes and such. Therefore, I was able to spend all that time with my child. Do you know what I mean? So my life changed very much. It was very hard for me for those first few months, and
during that time I was unable to focus on my career. It was not my priority. [Nancy]
For Luis, Nancy’s husband, moving to Canada also significantly changed his role
in the household. While in Mexico he rarely participated in household duties, the new
circumstances forced him to get more involved, which represented a major lifestyle
change and adjustment to a new cultural identity.
We were very comfortable in Mexico because of that inequality. If you are one of the lucky ones at the top or in the middle top you can always get cheap help at home. That was a big shock for us. I have to confess
that having somebody to help out with the cooking, the dishes, that is very comfortable. Here you have to do everything on your own. That's a big change. Specifically for me, I'm not saying that I'm a macho but I never did this in my life. Since I was a kid I had either my mom or somebody helping my mom. I grew up with that structure. It is a big cultural change, but I'm not saying that is a bad one. My son is almost seven and I have taught him that he has to help at home. There is a difference in terms of life-work balance. In Mexico, I used to work more hours but here when you get home you are still working. In Mexico, because of the help, when you’re at home, you’re really at home. You can spend time with your kids or talk to your wife, or watch a movie. You never worry about doing the household chores. So work balance I would say is less work hours here, but more work at home when compared to Mexico. I just came back from Mexico. I visited my family
and life for me down there is strange now. I was trying to do the dishes
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and the people that were helping told me, “No, don't worry”, but I wanted to do something because I was a guest. I guess now I'm more Canadian because I can see how everybody else was more relaxed. Everybody was talking for two hours after the meal. Nobody was worried
about the dishes so that was great, but at the same time it wasn’t, because on the other hand it was very unfair for the people who had to do the dishes. I guess you're valuing the equity in many dimensions here. Both at work and at home. [Luis]
Nancy and Luis recognized that although moving to Canada had a positive effect
on their lives, it also resulted in the loss of some privileges. As part of their personal
development, their experiences made them reflect upon the inequalities that exist back at
home.
7.2.5. Children and spouses’ adaptation.
In addition to their personal challenges with adapting to their new environment,
the participants stated they were also concerned for the adaptation of the whole family.
They highlighted their efforts to reproduce social practices that they valued back at home.
For example, Nancy stated:
I miss family, particularly with my children because they do not have regular contact with their grandparents, uncles, and cousins. When I got here I spent a lot of time trying to make some friends so my children could have other kids to play with. I didn’t want my kids to feel alone.
[Nancy]
In Arturo’s case, having temporarily separated from his wife and daughter and
migrated with his son in order to find a job before the rest of the family arrived, he was
concerned that his decision to move was ultimately putting the integrity of his family in
danger. Even though Arturo was convinced that moving to Canada was a good decision
for his family, his children and wife did not completely agree as they strongly valued
their relationships with their familia and friends in Mexico. He also feared that his son,
who migrated with him initially, felt lonely and wanted to go back home. Although
Arturo’s goal was to settle in Canada, he was willing to give it up if his family was not
able to adapt.
Although he [Arturo’s son] knew my friends’ children at school, he did not know anybody else. I was worried for him, and I saw him feeling low
a few times. When my daughter turned 15, I told my son, “Why don’t
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you surprise her and go down to Mexico and visit? Why don’t you go for a week or two?” So he went to Mexico by himself. I was worried because I thought that after visiting he might not want to return to Canada. I was worried that the family could totally break apart. I was not sure
either whether my wife wanted to come, even though we had some plans for her to come. I was worried that while alone with her family she would change her mind. As you know, family is a big factor, particularly in our culture. I saw coming to Canada as an opportunity and I did not want to let it go. I thought that if it does not work then we could go back to Mexico. [Arturo]
Pedro highlights that since his wife was not fluent in the English language and
had less exposure to other cultures back in her home country, she had a harder time
transitioning. She navigated this challenge by developing friendships with other people
from Mexico.
My wife, however, who is a little bit closer to the Mexican culture, she immediately looks to find relationships with people from the same ethnic background. Bringing the girls to school, going to English classes, et cetera, has helped in her adaptation process, but overall it has been more difficult for her. [Pedro]
Daniel, who lived and studied in the US and had long-term plans to move to an
Anglo-speaking country, prepared his children by sending them to study at an Anglo-
speaking school in Mexico. However, despite having good communication skills in
English, his children felt segregated at their school in Vancouver since a large proportion
of their classmates were part of the English Language Learners (ELL) program:
My family had different challenges in settling. They changed schools [from Mexico to Canada] and I guess my daughter was the most vocal about it. My daughter didn't want to go to school. She didn't know anybody and she was not able to talk to anybody. She was going to a school where there were a lot of Chinese kids. They were always speaking Mandarin and she didn't understand anything so she had a hard time making friends. Moreover, she is an introvert and so she would to continue talking with her friends in Mexico. We moved [within the Lower Mainland] because I bought a place. This place was pretty close to a school. The new school was more diverse, even though it was still predominantly composed of Asian children. My daughter started to
integrate better there. My son's school was also very close and he also started to integrate really well. They started to make some friends, including some kids who lived right in front of our house. [Daniel]
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7.2.6. Familia and the economic rationale.
Daniel’s story reveals how the adaptation of his family shaped his employment
opportunities and decisions. His exasperation with being underemployed and not finding
steady work in Vancouver led him to job search in Alberta. While his family had just
started to develop a sense of belonging after months of struggling to adapt, he finally
found a job in Alberta that compared to the one he possessed in Mexico. Daniel’s story
illustrates the struggles between the economic rationale and the overall well-being of his
family:
My children started to integrate really well and they finally felt settled. They developed a sense of belonging. In fact, when we went to Mexico
they knew that Mexico was a vacation place and Canada was home. However, when I got this job offer in Alberta, my children asked me, “Are you serious? Are we going to go through this all over again?” Even my wife was starting to feel more comfortable and settled. She was working part-time. She was happy and we lived close to her work so she often walked to her office. [Daniel]
Since his wife and children did not want to move, Daniel figured he would take
the job for the benefit of his household and travel back as often as possible to stay in
touch with the family, hoping that they would eventually join him. However, non-
economic factors related to the overall well-being of his family eclipsed his economic
rationale, so eventually he moved back.
After three months I realized that Edmonton was not a place for my children to grow up. Every month I was going back and forth between Edmonton and Vancouver. The thing is that once you get hired you have a one-year probationary period. . . . I didn't like the city that much and
I wasn't sure how stable my job was. Despite these issues, I bought an apartment in Edmonton, so I had a place in Edmonton as well as a place in Vancouver. The idea of the apartment in Edmonton was that I would live there by myself, so it was only a one-bedroom apartment. . . . I started to get used to traveling back and forth. I thought that at the end of the day, I was working for my family's well-being. I was making enough money to go back and forth, pay both mortgages, et cetera. I
was feeling financially okay. However, I felt happy that my family was settled. I thought that if I had to be the one paying the price for traveling, then so be it. I did this for another year and a half after I finished probationary period at work. I got used to going back and forth every month. . . . [However] I started to feel like an outsider in my own family. I was coming every month, and I was talking to my children through Skype, but on the weekends when I was visiting they already
had plans. It's like, “I know you're coming dad, and I can be with you
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on Friday but Saturday and Sunday I already have some plans.” . . . I felt that I was working for a family that I didn’t fully belong to. . . . One day I was talking to some coworkers and we started to talk about personal stuff. I was telling them about my situation and one of my
coworkers told me that she was doing the same. She was from Calgary and she was working in Edmonton. Calgary is a four-hour drive from Edmonton, so she was going back home every weekend. For about two years she visited her family every weekend, but slowly those visits started to be every month, and then every three months, and it ending up being two or three times a year. I asked her how long she had been doing this, and she said 25 years. She told me that she had a husband
but they definitely didn't live together. At that moment, something clicked in me. I was going through the same experience. In fact, I started to feel that I could wait longer to visit them, thinking instead that I could have longer visits. I realized that I was going through the same process. That's when I decided that 2016 would be my last year in Alberta. [Daniel]
In Chapter 7, I presented the main themes that emerged from the interviews
regarding the transition and adaptation of the participants into their communities. I
highlighted challenges such as moving, living cost, and segregation. These findings will
be discussed in the following section.
7.3. Discussion
Neoliberal approaches to immigration often minimize the importance of the
adaptation and settlement of skilled immigrants into their new home. The neoliberal
imaginary has normalized the idea that the cost of settlement should be mainly absorbed
by the skilled immigrants, as each individual needs to invest their own capital in order to
maximize their own profit (Bodvarsson & Van den Berg, 2013). Between 1967 and 1987,
Canada saved an estimated 43 billion dollars in post-secondary education and training by
receiving skilled immigrants (DeVoretz & Laryea, 1998). In the last few decades, more
prominent neoliberal settlement policies have largely privatized immigrant settlement
services by transferring them to third parties, which in turn relieve the provincial and
federal government of the responsibility and accountability to ensure the success of
skilled immigrants to integrate into the labour market (Flynn & Bauder, 2015).
While the experiences of participants who entered Canada with prearranged jobs
closer resemble the neoliberal assumptions of a relatively easy transition into the labour
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market, the participants who came without prearranged jobs had more trouble adapting to
their new home, particularly during the first years. These participants not only faced
longer wait times and higher costs to enter into Canada, but upon arrival, they also
experienced more difficulties adapting. Ultimately, settlement challenges hindered the
ability of the participants without prearranged jobs to integrate into the labour market.
Some of these obstacles included basic life tasks, such as finding a place to live,
arranging childcare, finding friends, learning to navigate the transportation system, and
adapting to new eating habits. For instance, Daniel stopped his job search, as he was
unable to find a place to live. Conversely, he was unable to find a place to live because he
did not have a job.
Drawing from Bourdieu’s (1986) theory of capital, I found that one of the main
factors that challenged most participants’ transitions into their new communities was the
loss of social capital during the immigration process. Guttierrez (2007) argues that many
Latin Americans, particularly those who live with limited resources, often rely on social
networks to perform many tasks of daily life. For immigrants, social capital is often
materialized in the form of ethnic community networks, ties of kinship, friendship, and
family (Jurkova, 2014; Massey & García, 1987). The participants stressed the challenge
of losing employment networks, including ties with coworkers and employers, as well as
losing a network of support to navigate everyday life tasks. Particularly, they emphasised
the loss of a sort of extended social capital that originates from the loss of the most
intimate social support, their familia, as a whole. Even those who had friends and family
living in Canada, such as Jazmin, stressed that the interpersonal relationships they had
prior to migrating were largely reduced during their transition to their new communities.
Some participants revealed that the loss of social capital, in conjunction with the
challenges of finding employment, made them realize the importance of the social
networks they often took for granted. Moreover, the high cost of living in Metro
Vancouver put further pressure on their limited savings, reducing some participants’
ability to substitute their social capital with financial capital. For example, childcare was
often arranged through social networks in Latin America, while in Canada they needed to
pay for this service.
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The loss of social capital, in conjunction with the limited number of settlement
services available for skilled immigrants in Canada, appeared to have a greater impact on
the female participants. Female participants described how the new circumstances forced
them to adopt new roles in the household and adjust to new relations of power within the
family. They stressed that in the absence of their immediate social support network, they
were faced with an increasing amount of household labour, creating tensions within the
family.
Miguel and Jorge, who were single at the time of arrival, did not experience as
many barriers as the participants who arrived with their families. Yet, they also
acknowledged the importance of re-building their social networks. For example, Miguel,
who came to study for his master’s degree, said that during his time at university he felt
that he quickly developed a sense of belonging. He stressed that cultural and social events
organized by the university helped him to feel integrated. However, upon graduation the
connection with that community was lost. In contrast, Pedro had an advantage as his
prearranged job not only secured his financial capital, but also added social value by
integrating him into a social network. Another illustrative example is Jazmin, who joined
a church in Coquitlam soon after arrival. Shortly after becoming part of that community,
the Church’s ministry gave Jazmin and her family a car, which solved some of their
mobility issues and gave them a sense of belonging.
From a Bourdieusian perspective, the challenges the participants experienced in
settling depended on their structure and volume of capital. However, Bourdieusian theory
of reproduction stresses that the state and the relations of power also play a fundamental
role in reducing the social distance between the agents and the instruments of social
reproduction. For example, improving the health of Canadians not only depends on the
healthy choices that individuals make, but also on the number and quality of health
services provided by the state. Similarly, the participants’ successful transition into their
communities also depended on the quality of settlement services available. Although they
acknowledged that services were available to assist them, many participants thought the
services were insufficient and mainly focussed on employment.
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Although many studies have investigated the role of discrimination in the
integration of skilled immigrants (Guo, 2009; Kaiser & Miller, 2001; Oreopoulos, 2011;
Quillian et al., 2019; Walsworth & Somerville, 2009), a large segment of this body of
literature focusses on exclusion from the labour market and much less is known of
exclusion at the community level. While in the US, the racism against Latino Americans
is exposed every day in the media, the interviews in this study reveal that only Pedro
experienced isolated events of open discrimination at the community level. However,
most participants, whether they came to Canada with prearranged jobs or not, emphasized
that creating new social bonds and new identities was challenging. Consistent with the
findings of other authors such as Guo and Guo (2011), reaching to ethnic organizations
and other Latin Americans played an important role in finding support to adapt to their
new environments. However, similar to a study conducted among Canadians of Bulgarian
descent (Jurkova, 2014), the Latin American community in Metro Vancouver lacks the
capacity to provide the support and resources necessary to fulfill the needs of many Latin
American immigrants. Consequently, participants reached out to other groups to which
they belonged. This included reaching out to religious organizations, organized clubs and
sports, and non-governmental organizations.
The difficulty for many participants to connect with established members of their
community reflects the work of Bauman (1993), who posits that the increasing entry of
outsiders to the social space, on a permanent basis, has created a stranger’s aporia. The
stranger’s aporia refers to the tension that host countries face regarding how citizens
physically live in the constant company of strangers without losing control of the social
space. Expelling strangers from the social space, as happened in pre-modern times, is no
longer an option because skilled immigrants are an important piece of the knowledge-
based economy imaginary. Marcela’s story of polite exclusion resembles Bauman’s
(1993) concept of mismeeting. This is a form of interaction with strangers that can be
described as an inauthentic interaction that leaves little room for the development of
strong social bonds. From Bauman’s (1993) perspective, this ultimately prevents
strangers from building some forms of capital. This is not necessarily the result of
intentionality, but of “proteophobia” (Bauman, 1993, p. 164) which is a discomfort in the
presence of strangers due to the cognitive distance between locals and the strangers.
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It is important to note that all the participants faced settlement challenges,
regardless of whether they came with or without prearranged jobs. Many participants
described social, cultural, and economic barriers to settle into their communities, which
subsequently influenced their integration into the labour market. In contrast to Wilson-
Forsberg (2015), who found that skilled Latin American immigrants residing in
Southwestern Ontario rarely seek to learn new things and have limited interactions with
their community, participants in this study revealed that they constantly used all their
forms of capital in an effort to integrate. For instance, many of them invested further in
their education, and joined religious organizations or clubs. Their capital, in combination
with their Latino socio-psychological characteristics and strong will to succeed, may have
helped to facilitate their transition. Most participants stressed how proud they were of
being Canadian, and felt integrated while remaining deeply connected to their home
countries. Even Marcela, who felt segregated to some extent, was constantly mobilizing
her capitals to fit in and she believes that an important step into this direction was
obtaining her family’s citizenship.
The themes presented in this section suggest a need to rethink the effectiveness of
settlement services to link skilled immigrants with jobs appropriate to their level and area
of expertise, particularly for women. It is may be time to reconsider the current neoliberal
assumptions regarding settlement services from an ethical and moral perspective. In the
next chapter, I examine the participants’ narratives regarding their experiences with the
labour market, including unexpected challenges to entering the Canadian labour market
despite possessing substantial credentials, language abilities, and work experience.
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Employment
This chapter presents both distinct and overlapping themes from the nine case
studies regarding participants’ experiences in the Canadian labour market, including: the
job search and hiring process; immigrant services; underemployment; foreign credentials
and certifications; discrimination in the job market; and their rationale supporting their
decision to stay or leave after several years of living in Canada. Similar to previous
chapters, I conclude by summarizing the main ideas and presenting a discussion of the
overall section, which includes what I term the ‘cascade of exclusion’.
8.1. The Hiring Process
8.1.1. Job search and job applications.
Participants frequently referred to the internet as a one of the most important tools
for job searching. For example, Pedro was able to get a job in Canada while still living in
Mexico through LinkedIn, one of the most popular employment networking platforms
available on the internet. According to Pedro, job recruiters often use this web-based
platform to connect employers with candidates.
Participants who came with no prearranged plans of work or education (Nancy,
Luis, Jazmin, Marcela, Arturo, and Daniel) also reported using the internet in their job
searches, in addition to other methods such as the newspaper, their social networks, or
going door-to-door looking for an opportunity. The participants who sought job
opportunities upon arrival rarely complained about not finding postings relevant to their
careers, but stressed that they rarely received callbacks. Even Miguel, who completed his
master’s degree in Canada, found it difficult to get a callback after applying for a
position:
The main thing that I feel a difference with respect to Mexico is that in Mexico if I was sending two CVs, one of the employers would contact
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me for an interview. In more or less than 50 percent of my job applications they contacted me at least for an interview. In Canada, my first interview came after 20 or 30 CVs sent. That was a huge difference in the labour market. I do not know whether this was because we are
foreigners or because here the labour market receives high volumes of CVs and its harder to review a whole bunch. I do not know the cause, but it was something that I felt. At the beginning, this was very frustrating. I sent and sent resumes and did not hear any response. [Miguel]
Upon reflection, many participants who sought employment upon arrival
identified the hiring process as one of the first barriers to employment in Canada.
Consequently, participants sought aid with available immigrant services.
8.1.2. Employment and immigrant services.
The participants who sought employment upon arrival explained that while the
hiring process in Canada is similar to that in Latin America, resumes, cover letters, and
interviews are different in form and content. For example, in Mexico resumes are
generally between five to 20 pages long and include information dating back to
elementary school, often including community services, sporting merits, and even a photo
of the applicant. Due to this disconnect, many participants initially attributed difficulties
in finding a job to a lack of awareness about the hiring process. Daniel, who sought
support from immigrant services including MOSAIC5, illustrates this point as follows:
I printed a briefcase full of resumes, and I started to go door-to-door, dropping off my resume to every single mining company. Of course, my resume was not what they were expecting. My resume was four to five pages long, the way we do it in Mexico. I think that they probably saw
my resume and put it in the garbage right away. This was before I took my course at Mosaic. I believe that the course really helped me. . . . I remember this one time that I dropped my resume off at a mining company. After I dropped it off and I was on my way to the elevator, somebody followed me and asked me, “What kind of job are you looking for? Tell me about yourself.” We were in the elevator and I had 30 seconds to talk about myself. I was not sure where this person was
coming from and now I realize that I said things that this person did not care about. As soon as we got to the main floor, the person went back up. I was not prepared to give a short speech about myself… I talked about my family, that I had two kids and that I was from Mexico, things that were totally unrelated to what they wanted to hear. When they say,
5 MOSAIC homepage: https://www.mosaicbc.org/about/
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“tell me about yourself”, they want to hear about your profession and experience, but in that moment I did not know and I missed that opportunity. [Arturo]
In addition to helping immigrants navigate the hiring process, immigrant services
run largely by NGOs in Greater Vancouver provide services related to settlement,
language abilities, counselling, and re-evaluation of credentials. Some programs also help
provide immigrants with Canadian work experience. For example, Luis and Nancy
attended Skills Connect6, a program provided by the Government of B.C. Similarly,
Arturo enrolled in a program called The Practice Firm. Both programs aimed to help
immigrants quickly integrate into jobs that matched their skills by providing them with
workplace, or workplace-like, learning experiences.
I was lucky because by then there was a program that helped us a lot. The program was called Skills Connect. It was a very interesting program founded by the government, where they paid two-thirds of the tuition fees of the courses that you wanted to take to become more Canadian. They also helped us with our resumes, with interview skills, cover letters, et cetera. Through that program, I realized that I had to
change the way I was applying for jobs. [Arturo]
While the participants who came with prearranged jobs did not attend these types
of programs, Pedro, who arrived with a prearranged job, noted that these types of
programs were very useful for his wife in her adaptation process. When asked if he
received any aid from an immigration organization when he arrived to Canada, Pedro
responded:
No, I did not. However, my wife took some English courses. She actually met many of her Mexican friends there. Some of these organizations
even offer childcare so you can attend. I think these organizations really helped her. They facilitated her integration a lot. I believe there are many organizations that are doing a great job helping immigrants to integrate into Canadian society. [Pedro]
6 According to Luis, Skills Connect was suspended soon after he completed the program. However, in January 2017, Skills Connect was replaced with Career Paths, a new program that similarly focuses on assisting
skilled immigrants with language and skill upgrading, updating credentials, and helping immigrants gain
Canadian work experience through practicums and temporary employment.
https://www.welcomebc.ca/Work-or-Study-in-B-C/Work-in-B-C/Employment-Language-Programs
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Despite a wide acknowledgement of the importance of immigrant services, some
participants believe that these services are underfunded and are perhaps contributing to
the perpetuation of unemployment for skilled immigrants.
8.1.3. Immigrant services and underemployment.
Arturo, Nancy, Marcela, Jazmin, and Luis felt that the immigration services they
utilized were underfunded. Marcela, for example, described the employment services for
immigrants as “second-class services” compared to employment services for Canadian-
born citizens:
I believe the government provides first and second class employment services. I have attended employment workshops at GT Hiring Solutions where the target audience is mainly Canadian-born people. I have also attended workshops at the Inter-Cultural Association of Greater Victoria (ICA) where the target audience is mainly immigrants. You can quickly notice that the ICA is very underfunded. Even though they try their best, the building, the furniture, everything you see around you is not anywhere near the buildings and equipment that GT Hiring has. If you go to an ICA workshop, there is no juice, coffee, not even water . . . just chairs, and a blackboard, that’s it. Although the trainers are the same, GT Hiring provides a much more comfortable atmosphere. They have coffee, cookies, nice furniture, and even at the end of the course they have pizza for the attendants. At ICA, they cannot even afford water. That is why I think they offer first-class and second-class employment
services. [Marcela]
Nancy and Luis also pointed out that even though the immigrant employment
services were helpful, they felt that these programs contributed to normalizing the
underemployment of skilled immigrants. For instance, at the workshops they attended,
they both felt they were pushed to scale-down their resumes, look for entry-level jobs,
and enroll in formal education in Canada rather than receive help to find a job according
to their credentials and level of skill. They felt that their skills, abilities, and work
experience were largely disregarded as their advisors tried to convince them that starting
from zero is normal:
I remember one time when I was going to the Skills Connect program I met with my advisor. She told me a story about somebody else, a case similar to mine, who studied medicine in another country and she made a comment that this person came to the program introducing
him/herself as a Dr. and the advisor said, “You are not a doctor.
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Whatever you study in your country of origin here does not matter.” She told me this in a very condescending way but she was also very clear. I guess in her mind this is normal. I think these courses try to convince you that this is how it works, meaning that your previous education is
worthless in Canada. I think overall the course was helpful but at the end of the day, many go through this and I feel fortunate because I know doctors who are driving taxis. One day we applied for medical insurance and a cardiologist, who I think was from Iran, was working as a technician taking blood samples for the insurance company. There are people who are not even working in their area of expertise. I also know of a pediatrician who was thinking about taking the early childhood
educator training to work in daycare because she couldn’t find a job relevant to her career. [Nancy]
Nancy also pointed out that even though she was underemployed, she felt
fortunate. This was in part because many other immigrants who she met in Vancouver
were not even able to find work in their area of expertise. Similarly, Nancy’s husband,
Luis, who also entered the Skills Connect program, shared that he strategically scaled his
resume down in order to gain easier access to the labour market:
As soon as I got here, I started to apply for jobs. I needed a job. I started applying as project manager in construction positions but I was not getting any phone calls back. Therefore, I decided to dumb down my resume after two months of being unsuccessful, and instead of applying for project director or construction director, I started to apply for lower positions. My top positions were project manager, project coordinator, or project engineer. I was using the same resume, just changing the titles and purposely erasing that my experience was in
Mexico. Once they called me then they realized my experience was from Mexico, but not through my resume. When I started doing that, a week after, I got three interviews as a project coordinator. I wanted to be a project manager. It's a big difference in salary and responsibility as well. . . . I couldn't believe it! I had experience, Canada needed people from abroad, they called us through this point system program and now they don't recognize our qualifications? Even having an MBA from London?
Not even a degree from Mexico. It was hard for me at the beginning. [Luis]
Nancy and Luis stressed that the tendency for immigrant services to quickly
match immigrants with survival jobs may be in conflict with their advocacy roles. They
believe that immigrant services should focus more on helping skilled immigrants to find a
meaningful job instead of a survival job. Furthermore, while survival jobs are in many
cases essential to eventually finding professional positions, some participants believe that
survival jobs may be a double-edged sword, as explained in the next section.
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8.1.4. Underemployment dilemma.
Nancy, Luis, Jazmin, Marcela, Arturo, and Daniel, who sought employment upon
arrival, initially looked for work comparable to their previous jobs. For instance, Arturo
sought a management position in treasury, while Nancy, who was unable to work as an
ophthalmologist due to a lack of credential recognition, sought to work as an optometrist.
However, after they were unable to find comparable positions, their willingness to accept
jobs below their level of expertise increased. Participants stressed that the high cost of
living in Vancouver quickly reduced their savings and forced them to choose between
returning home, borrowing money, or being underemployed, with the hope of eventually
finding a suitable job.
All participants who came without prearranged jobs remarked that they were
unemployed or underemployed at one point. Out of those who came without prearranged
jobs, only Luis and Daniel were eventually able to find positions comparable to those
they had before moving to Canada. Marcela is the only participant who has remained
unemployed since her arrival in 2013.
Marcela explained during the interview that she could easily find a job below her
skill level, but she refused to do this as she believes that being underemployed would not
add any value to the type of work that she is ultimately seeking. She insisted that she
would even work without pay if she could work in her area of expertise, as remaining true
to her identity as an organizational developer is important:
There are all these expenses and I continue to be unemployed. My husband has to support me in all these additional costs. I think it is unfair. . . . Of course, if I start looking for a job cleaning tables in a Tim Hortons, I would be working already, but I did not come here to clean tables. I did not clean tables in Mexico. Other people that I know are cleaning offices. So if I would like to clean tables, serve coffee, or clean offices, of course I would have been working since day one. . . . I have to be unemployed or give up and start cleaning tables. At this point, I would even volunteer. I would do it just to demonstrate, even if I would not make any money. People talk about the Canadian experience, but how am I going to get it if I do not have an opportunity? Do I have to clean tables to obtain the Canadian experience? Because it is the only place that I can get a job. I do not find a connection between cleaning tables and finding an opportunity in human resources. I may end up
labelled as the one who cleans tables not the professional in human
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resources. So I prefer to be a volunteer, without pay, in my area of expertise rather than cleaning tables. [Marcela]
In contrast to Marcela, Jazmin’s options were more limited as her husband’s job
could not financially cover the family’s living costs. In order to contribute to the
household income, her sister helped her to obtain a job in a fast food restaurant:
When we arrived, my sister was a manager at New York Fries. The manager that trained her called her and said she needed an assistant manager at A & W. My sister said she wasn’t interested because she had become a manager there but she said I was looking for work, and I got the assistant manager job selling hamburgers. [Jazmin]
However, Jazmin also noted that selling hamburgers did not help her to achieve
her career goals and in fact, her survival job distanced her from meeting her goals. She
believed that as time passed, she would have a harder time demonstrating recent relevant
experience in her area of expertise. Moreover, she did not feel fully appreciated at her fast
food job and felt that she needed to leave. Like Marcela, she felt that money is not the
only consideration and a sense of professional realization may at times be more
important.
I had my first review after two years. I was after my boss to do my review. I consider myself a good worker. He never had the papers, he was very disorganized with everything. I worked very hard though. In
my review there were like five points that my manager wrote that I didn’t have enough availability, and that when they’d called me I didn’t go, that I only worked Monday to Friday. My review really hurt me. So I quit. The manager, a 19 year old boy, was asking me what he could offer me to make me stay, saying he was going to review my salary, and I said it’s not about the money. That doesn’t matter to me. I left. [Jazmin]
Similar to Jazmin, Arturo has been underemployed since his arrival in 2011.
Initially, he worked at a supermarket. However, unlike Jazmin and Marcela, he believes
that his job at the supermarket helped him to not only make a living but also to develop
an alternative career plan, which would provide job security and a good income. In
addition, the job flexibility at the supermarket helped him to take a risk and accept a
temporary job in his area of expertise. Arturo stressed that as an educated person, he had
opportunities to move to management where he could have earned as much as working in
his professional field. Moreover, once his coworkers learned that he was highly educated,
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they sympathized with his situation and his manager supported him in his pursuit of his
professional goals:
I wanted to work in my line of work, but as time passes, you become desperate and you are more willing to take anything. . . . The job at Safeway was at night and they only offered me 16 hours a week but I took it. At the same time, I continued to look for a job in my area of expertise. . . . To tell you the truth, they treated me really well. Talking with one of the managers, he asked me, “Why don't you try the managerial program?” With this I could apply to be a manager in the future. I considered this an option…the Plan B was to work as a manager at Safeway, which I knew would have job security. In addition, managers can make as much as $100,000 dollars a year. However, I wanted to find something in my area of expertise. . . . While at Safeway, I applied to Teck Resources Ltd., which is a mining company, for a treasury job . . . they called me to inform me, that I was being hired! .
. . Of course, it was only a 14-month contract and they told me that they could not assure me a permanent position. . . . At Safeway, my manager advised me to take a leave of absence, so I would not lose my benefits and seniority. They offered to let me work on Fridays and Saturdays so that I could work at Teck during the week. That way, if Teck did not hire me after the contract ended, I could go back to working full-time at Safeway. [Arturo]
Alternatively, Miguel’s believes being underemployed can be a “double-edged
sword.” Although he was never underemployed, his experience working in the same
company with other immigrants performing labour jobs gave him a unique perspective.
He believes that once you start working in a company, even in an entry-level labour
position, you can become an insider and develop social networks, which will give you an
advantage when you apply for job opportunities. This had happened to one of his
coworkers, another Mexican immigrant that coincidentally studied at the same university
as Miguel. However, Miguel also observed that within his company, many other
immigrants had tried a similar strategy without success. He believes that this occurs
partly because once immigrants take a survival job, they are labelled and it becomes
harder for employers to recognize potential.
8.1.5. Foreign credentials and certifications.
All the participants who came without prearranged jobs (Nancy, Luis, Jazmin,
Marcela, Arturo, and Daniel) faced unemployment or underemployment. They stressed
that the lack of credential recognition was a very important barrier, with the exception of
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Daniel, who studied in the US. As a result, these participants made efforts to demonstrate
educational equivalency, such as re-evaluating their credentials, obtaining recertification
in their area of expertise, or enrolling in a higher education institution. Achieving
recognition for their credentials in Canada was prohibitive for some participants, while
for others the academic recognition proved only marginally useful to find jobs at their
level of expertise.
Nancy’s experience of arriving to Canada with previous credentials as an
ophthalmologist illustrates the challenge of recertification. She noted that the
recertification process to become an ophthalmologist in Canada is nearly impossible, as it
is complicated, expensive, lengthy, and is largely unobtainable for women with small
children (see Nancy’s quote on p. 129). Moreover, she stressed that completing the
process would not guarantee her a job in her area of expertise. Nancy stated that the
barriers to become recertified as an ophthalmologist discouraged her from pursuing the
certification process, although, ironically, the main reason her family was accepted into
Canada was for her area of expertise, which was deemed in demand. Other similar career
paths, such as optometry, were also challenging and the courses required were not offered
in BC.
Arturo, who possesses a master’s degree from a university in Mexico, quickly
realized that employers in Canada would not recognize his credentials. In order to
demonstrate the relevance and validity of his education, he decided to re-evaluate his
credentials. Various immigrant NGOs in Vancouver, in coordination with higher
education institutions, offer these services. After his submission, he received a report
from BCIT stating that his master’s degree was one hundred percent equivalent to a
master’s degree in Canada. However, despite the incorporation of this evaluation into his
resume, he was still unable to find a job in his area of expertise. The situation pushed
Arturo to enroll in an undergraduate program at BCIT. His objective was to show on his
resume that he belonged to a Canadian higher education institution.
While I was at working at Safeway, I enrolled at BCIT in the financial management program [a professional accounting diploma]. . . . I already had my master’s degree. It was just something to add to my CV that was from Canada. That is all I wanted. I think employers here like
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to see that you are starting something here. Once you get a job you probably need to quit school because then you can study something more directly related to your job. I attended BCIT and I was able to add this to my resume. Only after enrolling into BCIT and perhaps because
of my time at Safeway, I started to get a few more interviews relevant to my area of expertise. I did not get a job but at least I was getting closer to the goal. [Arturo]
Similarly, after Marcela was unable to find a job in her area of expertise, she
decided to obtain the required certification and enrolled in the correspondent professional
association. Marcela spent one year obtaining her certification while taking care of two
children. To her surprise, even though she obtained her certification, belonged to the
professional association, demonstrated her language skills, and continually attended
employment workshops, she was not able to find a job in her area of expertise:
Last year I did my Human Resources certification in Canada. I did it just to show something Canadian on my CV, to tell you the truth. I wanted to obtain the certification since I was in Mexico, but as I was moving, I did it here. That is what I did once I got here. I said to myself, I am not going to work for two years, but I am going to be prepared for the post-
transition period. So what did I do? I took English courses to perfect my English. The first year was English classes, and the second year I prepared for the certification in Human Resources. . . . Last summer they changed the system and proposed eight ways to obtain the certification. One is the exam, but in my case, because I have a master’s degree in Organizational Development and 15 years of work experience, et cetera, all of that was taken into consideration. So my process was a
fast track. The change in policy, which I think occurred last year all over BC, helped me. The change was favourable for me because by March 2016 I already had my credentials in International Studies and my master’s degree in Organizational Development validated by the Immigrant Services Society. So I showed all that . . . I am doing everything and following the rules of the game, the way they want it here. [Marcela]
Marcela also pointed out that credential recognition can be time consuming and
costly, and after going through the whole process, one may still end up underemployed:
The University of Victoria has a great program [to be certified]. It is a fast track, which I would like to take, but I am at a point that I cannot
invest any more in this program. I already paid for the certification and I pay association membership fees, et cetera. The course it is about $5,000 for 3 months. How do I pay without a job? I love school and if I had the opportunity I would attend, but it is not the same as paying $600 for the association membership, or paperwork fees for ISS, et cetera. Every paperwork transaction has an associated cost. Maybe, because the post-degree is a 2-year program and Camosun has some
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prestige. Perhaps I would have been considered as a Human Resources student and this could have served as camouflage. This program could have possibly moved me from an immigrant to a human resources apprentice. . . . I have struggled more finding a job here in Canada now
that I have a master’s degree than finding a job in Mexico with my undergrad. [Marcela]
Marcela stressed that despite her perseverance and fulfilling all requirements,
including taking interview and resume courses, accrediting language abilities, getting
recertified in her area of expertise, and becoming part of the professional association, she
was still unable to find a job in her area of expertise. As she described, she was not even
able to be the “assistant’s assistant’s assistant”. By eliminating, one by one, all the
barriers impeding her employment and still not succeeding in finding a job, Marcela
started to suspect that there were discriminatory practices in Canada. One possible
explanation for her unemployment is a labour market contraction, but she explained that
she was continually coming across job postings in her area of work. In the next section, I
present the thoughts of other participants who also felt discriminated in the labour
market.
8.1.6. Discrimination.
Through personal experiences and second-hand observations, the participants
concurred that discrimination is a barrier for many skilled immigrants in Canada to access
the labour market. Many participants, particularly those who entered Canada without
prearranged jobs, felt that discrimination in the labour market was a major obstacle to
obtaining employment in their area and level of expertise, and that it influenced their
earnings. While most participants did not feel discriminated in their communities and
were able to make friends and join various social groups, participants such as Marcela felt
segregated. As explained in Chapter 7, Marcela felt that it was difficult to have
meaningful interactions with other members of her community. Although she interacted
daily with various members of her community, she felt that these interactions were
largely superficial. This may not be the product of discrimination, which is why Marcela
preferred to use the term segregation. In contrast, participants commonly acknowledged
that discrimination in the Canadian labour market is more pervasive than exclusion at the
community level, although it is often invisible. Whether they experienced this type of
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discrimination personally or knew of others who had, most participants acknowledged
this as a serious issue.
Most participants without prearranged jobs increasingly suspected that they were
victims of discriminatory practice after they actively overcame barriers, such as obtaining
credential assessments and certifications or demonstrating their language abilities, and
they were still unable to find meaningful employment. Notably, although they felt
discriminated, they did very little to advocate for themselves. Marcela and Arturo’s
stories illustrate how some participants experienced discrimination in the labour market
in Canada:
Yes, well I do [feel integrated] informally, with my community, my daughters’ school, and the church that we attend. Everything is great, but I see a huge barrier in the labour market, and I know I am not the only one because I know other cases which are in even worse conditions than me. Interviewer: Do you feel discriminated? Marcela: Of course, totally! Totally, I have seen it. . . . [someone that she knows] has a great job position in HR, and based on our conversations I know that
she does not have an undergraduate degree, or the certification. I have a master’s degree [and I am unemployed]. . . . I see the barriers in the companies, including government, I mean employers. The employers resist hiring immigrants. . . . The government has a certain standard but the employers resist giving us a job because we are taking them away from the native-born Canadians. Maybe some are, but I think many Canadians are not ready to compete. I see this as a protectionist
measure to guarantee jobs for Canadian-born citizens. Even when they only have a high school diploma, they will continue to occupy the best positions in the labour market. . . . I don’t know about Vancouver, but here in Victoria the concept of local is applied to everything, and not only in the products that they consume. They also hire local but they do not consider me local even though I am a permanent resident. I am not Canadian. Therefore, if they have a Canadian, and I am a Mexican with
landed immigrant status, even though I already have my credentials in order and everything, they will hire the local person. [Marcela]
Similar to Marcela, Arturo also speculated that he was the victim of
discriminatory practices in the labour market. An accumulation of events provided him
with more substantial evidence of discrimination:
One day a friend in Canada, someone who also works at a mining company told me, “Please don't take this the wrong way, but why don't you dye your hair?” He explained to me that I often look older than the younger people interviewing me. They may feel intimidated, or they may think that I am overqualified for that job, which may be the reason why
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I don’t get the job . . . so I bought some hair product to dye my hair. I dyed my hair black. Oh boy, it was black, black, black. When I went to work at Safeway the next day everybody looked at me and asked what happened. I told them that I was not very successful at my interviews
and started to suspect that my hair may be playing a role in the problem. I guess it made sense to them too. Whether this was a coincidence or not, after I dyed my hair I got my first job. . . . I increasingly suspected that there were discriminatory practices in Canada. Once I was working in my field of expertise, I discovered that the person that I was covering for had earned the same salary as me but five years before me. I discovered this because they asked me to archive some files and I
accidentally came across these documents. The person that I was covering not only earned more but I was also doing more. I didn't say anything, but I learned that there was some discrimination. . . . If somebody had told me that there was discrimination I would have never believed it. At one point, while working at [mining company], we needed to hire someone in the treasury department. In a meeting, a manger . . . said, “If we hire an immigrant, offer them less money. They are willing to accept lower salaries.” Everybody turned around and looked at me. Everyone knew that I was an immigrant. I did not say anything, but by then I was sure that there was discrimination. [Arturo]
Despite experiencing discrimination, Arturo did not take any action. As he
explained, this was not due to being “passive” but because he was not sure how to
proceed and because he did not possess the resources to engage in a dispute. Moreover,
he was afraid that creating a bad reputation could prevent him from accessing other jobs
in the future, as his industry network was relatively small. From his perspective, “not
making any waves” was in his best interest.
8.2. To Leave or to Stay
Out of the nine participants interviewed, Jorge was the only one who decided to
leave Canada after living in Vancouver for almost two years. Although he came to
Canada with a prearranged job, he decided to move to the US for three distinct reasons.
Firstly, the salaries in his field were substantially higher in the US. Earnings were
important for him because he regularly sent part of his income to his parents in Colombia.
In addition to this, as a pet owner he found that pet-friendly apartments in downtown
Vancouver were very difficult to find compared to similar cities in the US. Moreover, he
felt that he was underemployed at his position in Vancouver. His job in the US not only
paid significantly more, but was also more engaging.
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I did not stay mainly because of the economic situation. I don't have direct family [wife or children] but I have my two parents. I regularly send money to them. . . . Here [in the US] they pay me 80 percent more than in Vancouver, leaving me in a more comfortable economic situation
to sustain my parents in Cali. That was the first reason; the second was that . . . I have a dog in Columbia and I wanted to bring her at some point, but it was very complicated to find an apartment that was pet friendly in the downtown area in Vancouver. However, here in downtown Bellevue almost all the apartments are dog friendly. . . . I had to think about it a lot because Vancouver as a city is a better city than Seattle, with the activities that you can do, and the way the city is structured
you can move throughout the city quick. . . . In Vancouver I was underemployed. What I was doing there was below what I could have been doing. Here I've been working on all kinds of projects. My boss has been very good at getting me to do things that I enjoy and working on projects where I will feel utilized. [Jorge]
Pedro worked at the same company and potentially could have moved as well.
Nevertheless, Pedro decided to stay in Canada. Similarly, other participants who had
incentives to leave also chose to remain in Canada. For example, Daniel found a job in
Alberta comparable to his position in Mexico. However, unlike Jorge, Daniel was unable
to move permanently, as his family was unwilling to make the move. His children were
happy at their school, they liked their neighborhood, and his wife was happy with her job
in Vancouver. Daniel’s family felt that moving to Canada from Mexico required
significant effort to settle and feel at home. Therefore, even though he moved to Alberta
without his family for economic reasons, he eventually returned to be with the family.
Finally, for Arturo and Jazmin, who were previously unemployed in their home
countries, the decision to stay despite being unemployed or underemployed resulted from
feeling that overall, the living standard in Canada for themselves and their familia was
better than in their home countries. Moreover, they believed that sacrifices in the short
and mid-term would benefit their children in the future. In addition, the participants
sustained that in many ways working conditions are better in Canada than in Latin
America. For example, they have more holidays, they have a 40-hour workweek, and
there is more flexibility and a better work-life balance. Even though they felt
underemployed, they appreciated living in a safer, more organized and cleaner
environment, and they had more time to spend with their families.
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I'm going to tell you sincerely that the work that I'm doing right now is something that I like. I do not have the independence or liberty that I had in Mexico, mainly because I am not responsible for the patient. However, this job provides more flexibility, particularly time to spend
with my family. Right now I'm working part-time and the rest of the week I have nothing to do with the office, so I can dedicate all this time to my children which is very important for me. . . . The full time jobs in Mexico are not 8 or 10 hours. Those jobs are 12 to 14 hours every day. [Nancy]
Similarly, Jorge describes the better working conditions at his job in Canada as follows:
In Colombia, we have dinosaur-era infrastructure and still have a mentality that I do not understand. For example, in Colombia you have to be at the office at 7:00 AM, and if you are there at 7:05 you get a memorandum because you cannot be there five minutes late. They will take away five minutes of your salary. I think that is diminishing and there are many companies that demand this type of behavior. Here it is very different. You have the flexibility to work at night, during the day, and you can leave if you have an emergency at the veterinarian, or if you feel a little bit under the weather. You can work from home, and you are never going to get hassled because you're two or three minutes late in the morning. In fact, there is not a fixed schedule. That is the type of thinking that I like. . . . With regard to the technology and
methodology that we were using in Cali to develop software, it is again like Jurassic Park versus a NASA spaceship. Over there, if you were going to the bathroom you have to report it. . . . [In Canada] you produce more while working less. [Jorge]
Daniel pointed out that even if he would like to return to Mexico, it is not a good
option because it would require significant effort and his children would have to leave
their new Canadian friends:
Now that you're asking, six years later I think that it would be more difficult to find a job in Mexico than here. . . . I would not go back to look for a job, though. Despite the difficulties that I went through finding
a place here, I never got to the point where I wanted to throw in the towel. In fact, if I would go back to Mexico I would not be able to have my old job. What I did is something not easy to reconstruct. Moreover, I already sold everything. [Daniel]
Unlike Jorge, who was single and moved to the US largely due to earnings
differentials between the two countries, Pedro and Miguel decided to stay as they adapted
well to their jobs, and they had families, which complicated the decision to move. For
example, even though he was single at the time of arrival, Miguel got married in Canada
and had children, which further cemented his permanency in Canada.
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8.3. Discussion
Pedro, Jorge, Miguel, and Luis’s experiences embody the goals of Canadian
immigration policy, having integrated efficiently and effectively into the Canadian labour
market. Despite successfully finding employment in key innovation and technology
industries, these participants still experienced some settling challenges, including
housing, discrimination, underemployment, and earnings disparities. For example, Jorge
moved to the US after two and a half years of living in Canada due to earnings
differentials between the US and Canada, a decision supported by economic international
migration theories (Bodvarsson & Van den Berg, 2013).
Miguel, who entered Canada as a student and had a prearranged source of income
from a scholarship, reported several difficulties in finding employment. Despite
possessing higher academic achievements than Pedro and Jorge, Miguel believes that his
Latin name may have played a role in not being shortlisted more frequently. This aligns
with evidence provided by Oreopoulos (2011). However, he believes that his master’s
degree from Canada helped him to obtain more interviews than people with credentials
from Latin America. Moreover, during some interviews he observed that employers were
surprised to see that despite his Latin name, he is white and fluent in English. He believes
this facilitated his access to the job he eventually obtained. Miguel’s experience indicates
that even those who are deemed “the cream of the crop in terms of potential future
Canadians” (Zilio & Chiose, 2016 para. 3), sometimes experience exclusion and
prejudice in the Canadian labour market.
Focussing on the narratives of Marcela, Arturo, Jazmin, Daniel, and Nancy, who
entered Canada without prearranged jobs or schooling arrangements, their experiences
revealed more acute encounters with discrimination in the labour market, particularly
among strictly foreign credential holders. Most of these participants believe that their
main challenge to accessing the labour market was due to discriminatory hiring practices,
as reported by various authors (Esses et al., 2014; Guo, 2015; Oreopoulos, 2011; Quillian
et al., 2019). As they overcame the frequently documented barriers to professional
employment, including language abilities, lack of Canadian experience, and academic
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quality standards (Adamuti-Trache, 2012; Carnevale, Fry, & Lowell, 2001; Chiswick &
Miller, 2003; Clarke & Skuterud, 2013; Ferrer, Green, & Riddell, 2004; Guerrero &
Rothstein, 2012), it became more visible to them that those barriers were largely
mechanisms of exclusion.
Participants describe the challenges to finding employment as a cascade of
barriers that starts at the job application. Marcela, Arturo, Jazmin, and Nancy reveal that
although they are now very confident that they were discriminated during their job
search, this was largely unnoticeable to them at first. Initially, they were convinced that
they were not able to find a professional job because of their lack of experience with
writing a Canadian-style resume, or because they lacked the skills and abilities to
persuade employers in the few interviews they managed to obtain. From this perspective,
the first barrier to gainful employment appears not as discrimination, but as a lack of
cultural capital to communicate successfully with employers. This assumption led the
participants to allocate large amounts of resources to develop resume writing and
interview skills. They received further confirmation of this barrier from immigration
service programs, which appeared to focus largely on this aspect of the job market.
After overcoming employment application barriers, such as learning to write
effective resumes, and still failing to find jobs in their area of expertise, some participants
started to suspect that not having Canadian credentials or Canadian work experience was
the greater barrier. Consequently, they sought to get their credentials recognized, obtain
professional accreditation, and to enroll in the higher education system. Similar to the
challenge with job applications, at a glance this barrier did not appear as discrimination
towards their work experience and academic achievements. Rather, it grew from a belief
that it was the employers’ genuine concerns with hiring underqualified people with an
unknown academic or professional history. This idea was often reinforced through the
immigration services courses. However, for participants such as Nancy, there was a
turning point. Although her work as an ophthalmologist gained her successful entry to
Canada, she soon learned that the recertification process was going to be extremely
challenging. This realization ended Nancy’s hopes of working as an ophthalmologist in
Canada, and she began to see employment barriers not as legitimate structures to assess
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her human capital, but as protectionist measures that give preference to Canadian
citizens. She explained during her interview that in her area of expertise, only 20 new
positions open up every year in Canada, and historically only one position is awarded to
an international graduate. To her, this was clear evidence of protectionism surrounding
employment opportunities in Canada.
Other participants, including Marcela, Arturo, and Jazmin, were able to achieve
some credential recognition, as the processes for their specific areas of expertise were
more flexible. Yet, after obtaining some recognition, they continued to struggle to find a
job in their area of expertise. Subsequently, they began to speculate that they were
victims of discriminatory hiring practices. Similar to Nancy, Marcela, believes that her
exclusion from the labour market is a form of protectionism that favours Canadian skilled
workers who are not ready to compete. The literature shows that although there is
disagreement as to what extent immigrants influence the employment and wages of
Canadian-born citizens, there is a consensus that there are impacts that vary among
industries (Akbari & Aydede, 2011; Arnartei, 1997, 1997; Hou & Picot, 2014; Zhang,
2014). Therefore, there are reasonable motives for some Canadian-born skilled workers
and established skilled immigrants to protect their working conditions and wages. From
this perspective, although employers may seek to reduce labour costs, other forces appear
to counterweigh this propensity. Whether the impact of immigration is minimal or
significant, the views of locals regarding this phenomenon are also important, as they will
act according to their beliefs (James, 2010). However, further investigation is required, as
no employers or local skilled workers were interviewed for this study.
Immigration services play a fundamental role in helping many immigrants to
settle and transition into the labour market (Minister of State for Multiculturalism, 2012),
as they did for the participants in this study. In Canada, Immigration, Refugee, and
Citizenship Canada (IRCC) manages settlement services, while these services are usually
delivered by service provider organizations (Zhu, 2016). An evaluation of the Federal
Settlement Program concluded that it has “been effective at meeting a growing demand
and overall, the expected outcomes for the program are being met” (Refugees and
Citizenship Canada, 2018, p. vi), as over 60 percent of immigrants who accessed these
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services were working mainly full-time positions at the time of the evaluation. However,
there is some recognition that from all the immigrants who may need settlement services,
less than 40 percent have accessed funded settlement services. It is believed that the
majority of immigrants do not access these services for a number of reasons, including a
lack of awareness, accessibility issues due to barriers such as lack of transportation or
needing to find a survival job, or these services are not offered in their communities
(Refugees and Citizenship Canada, 2018). Moreover, the Federal Settlement Program
evaluation (2017) claims that the people who benefit most from these services are those
with higher levels of human capital. Authors such as Lynn and Bauder (2015) have
criticized federal and provincial governments for neglecting or transferring settlement
responsibilities to employers, immigrants and the civil society. This may explain why
participants such as Arturo, Nancy, Jazmin, and Luis, stated that even though settlement
services for immigrants helped them significantly, they felt that the services were
underfunded and there were few programs designed for skilled immigrants. This is
contrary to the evaluation findings and immigration objectives. Nancy and Luis’s stories
show that settlement services may have also unintentionally contributed to normalizing
underemployment, as their main goal is to help them find any job, rather than helping
them finding the right job. Moreover, some participants like Arturo expressed that there is
little formal support to advise immigrants on what to do in cases of suspected
discrimination during the hiring process.
Miguel, who came to Canada as a student, did not access any settlement services.
However, similar to findings reported by Zhu (2016), his experience shows that his
university provided him with a variety of settlement services including access to a social
support network, accommodation, and recreation. Many universities and colleges in
Canada also offer assistance to their students with other settlement services such as
transportation, housing, and finding employment (e.g. SFU, 2019a, 2019b).
James (2010) posits that the integration of immigrants will not be successful until
immigrants possess all their citizenship rights, including the right to disagree and protest.
Some participants’ narratives show that achieving this goal is complicated. The
participants who felt discriminated and pushed to accept jobs below their level of
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expertise did not know what to do and they were not aware of organizations that could
have helped them. Moreover, they feared that protesting could cost them future job
opportunities, or label them as troublemakers. These testimonies show that LSIs lack
substantial organizational and political capacity to mobilize, articulate and represent their
interests at different decision-making levels. Therefore, even though they officially have
rights equal to Canadian citizens, in practice they lack the organizational and political
power to exercise these rights. Moreover, under the neoliberal imaginary, it appears the
role of non-governmental organizations to help advocate for immigrants is reduced to
providing basic services.
Despite the challenges that many skilled immigrants face, perhaps the most
intriguing question derived from all these cases is why some participants were able to
integrate successfully into the professional labour market while others remained
underemployed or unemployed, despite overcoming multiple human capital barriers.
While the divergent immigration paths explain these differences to some extent, cases
such as Miguel and Luis challenge the idea that the immigration path alone determines
labour market outcomes. Bauman’s ideas regarding the stranger’s aporia and the phagic
and emic control mechanisms of the social space may add significant insights to this
question. Phagic and emic strategies are often included in what Bauman calls “the tool
bag of every domination” (Bauman, 1993, p. 163). Phagic strategies are inclusivist, while
emic strategies are exclusivist. Together, they work as mechanisms of stranger
standardization, which is ultimately vital to control the social space. The message of these
strategies is, “Be like us or do not overstay your visit, play the game by our rules or be
prepared to be kicked out from the game altogether” (Bauman, 1993, p. 163).
From Bauman’s (1993) perspective, the rejection or acceptance of immigrants
into the Canadian labour market is the result of the tensions and alignments between the
neoliberal imaginary and the interests of stakeholders such as employers, established
skilled workers, and the higher education system. Consequently, the higher education
system is perhaps one of the most important phagic and emic mechanisms that skilled
immigrants face in the Canadian social space. In the era of academic neoliberalism,
securing financial resources is vital for the reproduction of the higher education system
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(Metcalfe, 2010; Slaughter & Leslie, 1997). In particular, tuition has been shown to be
one of their main sources of income (Metcalfe, 2010), and promises of residency and
access to the professional Canadian labour market have generated substantial earnings for
many higher education institutions in Canada. Thus, the higher education system is
phagic. In contrast, the higher education system is also emic, as it is not profitable to
grant immigrants immediate access to the professional labour market. For instance, the
academic requirements to become an ophthalmologist in BC prevented Nancy from
practicing her profession. Almost all of the participants who entered without prearranged
jobs had to connect at some level with the higher education system or professional
associations, and had to pay to gain access to permanent residency and/or to achieve
recognition of their credentials. Moreover, the incursion of immigrants without Canadian
credentials represents direct competition to the alumni and the prestige of higher
education institutions, as prestige is to some extent gained by the institutional capacity to
allocate their alumni prestigious and well-paid jobs. From this perspective, the higher
education system is both a facilitator but also a barrier to access the labour market.
Therefore, misalignments between skilled immigrants and the higher education system
under neoliberal imaginaries will exist.
While skilled immigration is often constructed from a cognitive and ethical
perspective, authors such as Pease (2010) and Bauman (1993) believe that social
phenomena not only occurs in the cognitive space, but also exists in the moral space, as
morality does not attend to rationality but to the human concern for the well-being of
others. Therefore, while skilled immigrants may be excluded from the cognitive space,
they cannot be excluded from the moral one. The support and sympathy that all the
participants received from their neighbours, coworkers, classmates, teachers, and even
employers (like Arturo’s during his time at Safeway) contrast with their experiences of
discrimination. This adds a dimension to the integration and settlement of skilled
immigrants that policy makers often overlook: morality. Although in the cognitive space
there are few incentives for higher education institutions to support skilled immigrants in
their quest for employment, I believe that there are many more opportunities in the moral
space. Therefore, finding alignments between the cognitive and social space may be
beneficial for both skilled immigrants and higher education institutions.
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In the next chapter, I present a summary of the dissertation findings and include
the limitations of the study, some of my reflections as a researcher, and suggestions for
future research.
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Experiences of Latin American permanent residents
who hold their highest degree outside of Canada
I immigrated to Canada in 2000 as a skilled worker. My degree in agricultural
economics and my work experience was deemed to be in high demand, and within six
months I was granted permanent residency. Upon arrival, I faced several barriers to
finding a professional job and for several years, I was underemployed. Over the years, I
started to notice that many other Latin Americans living in Vancouver were facing
similar circumstances. This lived experience made me sensitive to the challenges that
some Latin Americans face when seeking employment in Canada. In conjunction with
my EdD program at SFU, this fueled the primary question of this dissertation: What are
the experiences of Latin American permanent residents who hold their highest degree
outside of Canada?
To address the research question, I reviewed various bodies of literature to
understand the context surrounding skilled immigration in both sending and receiving
countries. This included examining literature regarding migration in the era of the
knowledge-based economy, reviewing immigration statistics such as immigration trends
and comparisons across countries, and skilled immigrants’ labour market outcomes.
Through review of the literature, I found that despite Canada’s goal to satisfy skilled
labour demands, skilled immigrants in Canada, particularly those from Latin America,
are often unemployed, underemployed, or earn significantly less than their Canadian-born
counterparts (Statistics Canada, 2015d; The Conference Board of Canada, 2018). They
are also more likely than the general Canadian population to have incomes that fall below
Statistics Canada’s low-income cut-offs (McMahon, 2013).
In addition to examining the conditions surrounding of Latin American skilled
immigrants in Canada, I also critically reviewed different bodies of literature that address
possible factors contributing to the underutilization of skilled immigrants. This included
immigration policy, economic models, the role of the higher education system and
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professional associations, and discrimination. Through this review, I quickly learned that
there are important disagreements in the literature to explain this phenomenon.
Nonetheless, economic approaches based on human capital theories largely dominate.
Methodologically, these approaches are substantiated through quantitative methods, and
often rely on secondary data. I also found that there is a lack of knowledge about the
firsthand experiences of skilled immigrants, particularly from Latin America, despite
evidence that they are one of the visible minority groups who face more negative labour
outcomes. Moreover, no studies to date have included skilled immigrants who decided to
leave Canada, and the existing literature appears to focus only on those who still reside in
the country. Therefore, I locate this inquiry within these gaps in the literature and aim to
further build on the understanding of skilled immigrants’ transition into the labour
market. In the next sections, I summarize the main findings of the dissertation and the
theoretical and methodological implications. In addition, I include a section specifically
regarding the implications for higher education, and conclude by discussing some
personal reflections regarding the research process.
9.1. Discussion of the Findings
The purpose of this research was to investigate the experiences of Latin American
skilled workers who move to Canada seeking jobs in their areas of expertise. This
includes examining the factors that prompt LSIs to migrate to Canada, their perceptions
and experiences of the Canadian immigration system, and their experiences transitioning
into their new homes in British Columbia. Through a series of in-depth interviews with
nine LSIs, I found that their main motivation to migrate was to maintain or enhance their
living conditions, which included both economic and non-economic factors, and to secure
similar opportunities for their children. However, compared to other strategies to
maintain or enhance their levels of wellbeing, migration was often perceived as more
risky and in most cases created tensions among their familias, as not all members agreed
that migration was the best option. They were afraid of being discriminated against,
losing cultural ties, being unable to adapt to their new environment, losing contact with
familia members and friends, and finding or maintaining gainful employment.
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By examining the participants’ narratives through Bourdieu’s theory of social
reproduction (2011,1990), I found that immigration can be seen as a strategy of social
reproduction. From this perspective, migration originates from the participants’ desire to
maintain or, enhance their familias’ position in the social space, in the short and long
term. The participants strategized and assessed several options to decide on a course of
action and mobilized their capitals accordingly. With its associated high level of risk,
migration was usually not their first choice and they considered several local options
before migrating. The decision to migrate is not one made easily. It requires strategizing
with some level of uncertainty, a certain structure and volume of capital, and it often
creates tensions with loved ones, as the decision is not individual or solely restricted to
financial gains, as economic theory often theorizes (Bodvarsson & Van den Berg, 2013).
These challenges may explain, to some extent, why only 3.5 percent of the global
population live outside of their countries of birth, despite the terrible conditions in which
many people live around the world (World Bank, 2016). Beyond the socio-economic
circumstances that motivated participants to leave their countries of origin, I also found
that the neoliberal imaginary, in association with the participants’ habitus, shapes the idea
of what moving in the social space looks like and how it can be achieved. Therefore,
regardless of the economic conditions in Latin America, the influence of Anglo-North
American society in shaping the dominant imaginary appears to fuel migration as well.
Various factors influenced the participants’ decisions to move specifically to
Metro Vancouver, including employment opportunity, the relatively short distance from
their country of origin, and the beauty of the city. These elements could be shared by
numerous developed countries; however, there were three distinctive factors that were
unique to Canada. First, some participants had family or friends already living in Canada,
which largely supports Massey and Garcia’s (1987) point that immigration decision-
making and destination selection are largely influenced by immigrant networks. Second,
the participants perceived Canada as a non-discriminatory country in which they could
easily settle, integrate, and find equal employment opportunities. Lastly, Canada’s
demand for international skilled labour has created an immigration system designed to
attract skilled immigrants, with flexible immigration pathways to expedite entry. This
point is particularly relevant, because governments around the world have increasingly
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shaped immigration flows by spending more money and developing regulatory policies to
select only those immigrants who are seen as ideal (Hampshire, 2013).
Government officials and organizations such as the OECD have shown that
Canada possesses one of the most comprehensive skilled labour migration systems
among all OECD countries, and Canadian citizens are highly open to migration (Harris,
2019; Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011). The participants’ narratives reveal that
although the Canadian immigration system has had some success at integrating LSIs into
the professional labour market, there are still important challenges. While Canadian
immigration policies appear to be quite effective at attracting and selecting skilled
immigrants from Latin America, this does not seem to match their ability to integrate
them into the professional labor market, particularly those who enter Canada without
prearranged jobs. While the main purpose of immigration is to fill skilled labour gaps and
boost the economy (Harris, 2019), immigrants without prearranged jobs appear to
primarily boost the economy by fulfilling several economic roles and not necessarily the
role they immigrated for. The participants had a range of experiences transitioning into
the labour market, spanning from a quick and smooth integration to those who have been
unemployed for several years. The participants who entered Canada with prearranged
jobs experienced a relatively affordable, simple, and fast immigration process, as is often
depicted by Canadian immigration officials. In contrast, those who entered Canada
without prearranged employment experienced a more expensive, lengthy, and
complicated path to successful immigration.
From the onset of arrival, participants’ differing levels of opportunity to integrate
into Canadian society varied, not only because of their structure and volume of capital but
also because participants with prearranged jobs had several advantages. These
participants were immediately inserted into a social network, had a secured income, and
their credentials became marginally relevant to move further in the labour market, as their
Canadian work experience was often deemed as equally or more important than their
credentials. These circumstances facilitated settling, as they did not have to pay or spend
time obtaining credential recognition, look for a survival job, or network to find gainful
employment. Down the spectrum is Miguel, who obtained a master’s degree in Canada
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and had more difficulty integrating into the labour market than those who came with
prearranged jobs, though his transition was easier than those who came to Canada
without prearranged jobs or education plans. It is important to note that despite
experiencing an overall smoother transition, the participants with prearranged jobs
reported facing problems including housing issues and discrimination in their
communities.
Participants who entered Canada without prearranged jobs did not experience the
immigration system as reflected by Canadian officials. These participants faced a more
expensive, complicated, and significantly longer immigration process that took up to
three years. Upon arrival, they encountered a contradictory society that successfully
selects the best and brightest to fulfill skilled labour shortages (Harris, 2019), but does
little to facilitate their integration into their communities and at times can be obstructive
and discriminatory. Women who came without prearranged jobs experienced acute
challenges in accessing the professional labour market. While their husbands looked for
employment, they were forced to take care of the household duties as they lost most of
their social network and support. This situation further affected their ability to integrate
into the professional labour market.
Fleras (2014) posits that Canadians want the benefits of immigration without the
immigrants. He posits that Canadians want the economic benefits but want to invest very
little in them and are often concerned about the impact that immigrants have over politics,
national identity, cultural values, and their earnings and employment. Bauman’s (1993)
ideas regarding the stranger’s aporia and the control of the social space adds significant
insights to Fleras’ point. From Bauman’s lens, the development of the knowledge-based
economy requires an extensive entrance of skilled labour to Canada to expand the internal
labour market and fulfill labour demands. However, the entry of outsiders to the social
space on a permanent basis results in tensions between the physical, cognitive, and moral
dimensions of the social space. The presence of immigrants is key for economic growth,
but the immersion of skilled immigrants into the social space requires some investment
and creates tensions between various segments of the population, who, until the
incursion, maintained uncontested rights to the social space. Far from the win-win
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immigration rhetoric, the demand for skilled labour has created ambivalent sentiments
regarding immigration. For instance, recent polls show that large segments of the
Canadian population oppose immigration (Wright, 2019). Authors such as Oreopolous
(2011), Guo (2009, 2015), and Quillian et al. (2019) have shown that skilled immigrants’
labour outcomes not solely depend on their intrinsic human capital, but also the context in
which these capitals are circumscribed. This does not mean that human capital is not
important, as participants’ narratives confirm the value of their skills and abilities in their
job search. However, the contextual contradictions created by the neoliberal imaginary
and its hunger for labour are also important at explaining the existence of phagic and
emic immigration mechanisms capable of absorbing, holding, or expelling them when
needed.
Participants who entered Canada without prearranged jobs, particularly those who
possess credentials from Latin America, experienced difficulties engaging into the
professional labour market. Initially, this was largely attributed to the lack of credential
recognition. This pushed participants to engage with the higher education system in a
customer-provider relationship. Although some participants had little interest in engaging
with the higher education system as this placed further stress on their financial situation,
they had little choice. In some cases, the length of the credential recognition process was
simply prohibitory for them. While participants agreed that the credential recognition
process is important to protect the public’s health and safety, some participants also
believed that the higher education system, including professional associations, is at times
obstructive and protectionist. This exclusion and delay in integrating skilled immigrants
into the professional labour market ultimately affects Canada’s productivity and
efficiency.
Through human capital lenses, it is possible to observe the higher education
system as a mechanism to standardize skilled immigrants’ knowledge and to protect the
health and safety of the public. However, from this perspective it is hard to observe the
internal contradictions and relations of power that exist between skilled immigrants and
the higher education system. From a human capital perspective, the higher education
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system appears as an independent body that seeks to benefit society and does not seek to
benefit its own interests, which is hard to sustain in the era of academic neoliberalism.
In contrast, by using Baumans’ (1993) work of the stranger’s aporia, we can
theorize that the higher education system is perhaps one of the most important phagic and
emic immigration mechanisms that skilled immigrants face in the Canadian social space.
The higher education system is phagic, as it allows and encourages immigrants to access
the Canadian social space in exchange for tuition, while recruiting talent that could
advance their prestige. It is also emic, as the incursion of skilled immigrants into the
labour market represents direct competition to their alumni and challenges their prestige.
This contradiction has been largely solved by absorbing the immigrants that the labour
market does not directly absorb and rebranding them. As some participants described,
they were paying to learn, but mainly for a brand that could add value to their resumes.
From this perspective, the higher education system is an important facilitator to access
the social space, while also preventing more rapid access to the labour market.
Furthermore, participants who came to Canada without prearranged plans and
gained credential recognition after landing strikingly continued to struggle to find a job in
their area of expertise or at their level of expertise. In some cases, they have accessed
their professions but are working in junior positions. Having overcome so many barriers
and yet still not finding suitable employment, some participants suspect that they are
subjects of discrimination. Participants such as Arturo provided concrete examples of
discrimination and how invisible it can be, supporting recent studies surrounding
discriminatory labour practices in Canada (Oreopoulos, 2011; Quillian et al., 2019).
9.2. Theoretical Implications
Over the last 60 years, theoretical approaches to international migration have been
largely fragmented and developed within disciplinary silos, resulting in theoretical
frameworks that lack complexity (Arango, 2000; Molho, 2013). Moreover, economic
theoretical approaches to international migration have dominated the field, and have
remained grounded in concepts and assumptions developed in the late 1960s (Massey et
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al., 1993; Molho, 2013). While neoclassical economic theory focusses on earnings
differentials, employment conditions, migration cost, and individual income
maximization, recent economic models acknowledge to some extent the role of families
and pay more attention to structural forces. However, the focus of attention remains on
economic issues, and models that account for families and structural factors are less
developed.
One theoretical implication derived from the findings in this dissertation calls into
question the neoclassical economic approaches to international migration, which are often
viewed through the lens of human capital theory. Findings show that these theories,
despite their wide acceptance, have failed to account for some of the social complexity of
the phenomenon. Without doubt, economic factors and human capital are important;
however, these factors do not occur in a social and cultural vacuum. Moreover, economic
interactions do not occur in perfect market conditions as is often assumed, nor is
decision-making solely individual and objective. Decisions to migrate are largely guided
by dominant imaginaries, and derived from the familia’s desire to maintain or enhance
their position in a multi-dimensional social space. This is perhaps why economic theories
have difficulty explaining why earnings differentials or better living conditions in
developed countries do not automatically translate into migration. These theories are also
unable to explain why skilled immigrants with comparable structures and volume of
capital have varying access to the professional Canadian labour market.
A fundamental distinction when addressing immigration from a Bourdieusean
lens is that while economic immigration analysis often addresses scarcity as the starting
point of analysis, Bourdieu starts his societal analysis by deconstructing the family’s
resources or capitals, be they financial, cultural, social, or symbolic. With these capitals
people make plans based on what they possess rather that what they are lacking, which
means all familias have a margin of options, even those who live in poverty (Gutiérrez,
2007). This theoretical and methodological position shows that resources are not solely
financial and that these resources are not equally distributed. Therefore, one can conclude
that the available instruments of social reproduction such as education, the labour market,
or the health system, are not equally accessible across all social classes or segments of
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class. Similarly, immigration cannot always be used as an instrument of social
reproduction, as access is related to a specific volume and structure of capital.
Furthermore, these capitals or resources are circumscribed to a particular structure
or context. In other words, the value of each capital is not absolute in itself, but relative to
a specific context and time. This perspective appears to largely align with human capital
approaches to migration, as capitals change value after migration. However, the relative
weight of capitals within a specific context is not only determined by its relevance or
intrinsic value to a structure, but it is also socially constructed through relations of power
and domination in a given context. This theoretical position has another important
implication for understanding the transition of skilled immigrants into the Canadian
labour market. Theorizing that labour market inclusion or exclusion of LSIs solely
depends on their intrinsic human capital prevents researchers from problematizing the
origin of inequalities, and dehumanizes and objectifies skilled immigrants. In addition, it
fails to identify the relations that exist among stakeholders in a specific social space in all
its dimensions (physical, cognitive, moral, and aesthetic), and perpetuates existing
inequalities, as the entire outcome of the transitions are seen as the result of skilled
immigrants’ actions.
Learning more about the experiences of skilled immigrants, particularly those
with important disadvantages as Latin Americans, allows labour market and settling
integration discussions to move beyond a human capital lens. It allows researchers to
review how immigrants activate their capitals to integrate into the professional labour
market in relation to other sectors or segments of class. Analysing immigration from a
more balanced agency structure approach and moving beyond human capital theories
may not be straightforward, as it is difficult to separate the neoliberal imaginary from its
theoretical economic base and its political implications. Bauman (1993) sheds light on a
modern immigration crossroad. Developed countries need strangers but this comes with a
cost that developing societies like Canada try to minimize and, at times, eliminate. The
ambivalence of “immigration yes, immigrants no” (Fleras, 2014, p. 9) is revealed when
calibrating agency and structural lenses. However, addressing immigration from a more
holistic approach may not solely be theoretically, but also politically, challenging.
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While human capital approaches focus on skilled immigrants’ responsibilities,
structural and postmodern views emphasize the moral and ethical responsibilities of the
Canadian society in the immigration process. However, this posture puts into question
several social constructions often taken for granted in Canadian immigration rhetoric,
including Canada’s multiculturalism, its campaigns for immigration recruitment, and
current governmental efforts to reduce the distance between skilled immigrants and the
available instruments of social reproduction.
Given the importance of migration in the KBE imaginary and its role as a driving
force for population growth in Canada, immigration will continue to be one of the most
important political and theoretical challenges in the coming years. Continuing to build on
theory would be key to formulating a hypothesis to drive policy development. I hope that
by recognizing the tensions that the need for skilled labour and consumers creates, this
can move immigration discussions forward. This dissertation, I argue, contributes to the
discussion by drawing attention to a largely unexplored topic.
9.3. Methodological Implications
Denzin and Lincoln (2011) posit that research design is fundamentally problem-
driven. The research paradigm depends on the question, and the question depends on the
context and settings. The abundance of quantitative research on skilled immigrants
largely reflects the types of questions that researchers have asked. Research approaches
and designs are also linked to philosophical approaches (Creswell, 2014). From this
perspective, it is important to stress that many quantitative approaches have relied on
human capital theories. This position in the literature posits that the insertion of skilled
immigrants into the labour market mainly depends on immigrants’ skills and abilities.
However, this assumes that their human capital is present in a social vacuum. For
example, authors such as Ferrer, Green, and Riddell (2004) strongly suggest that
disparities in employment and earnings are solely a result of differences in skill and
ability. Ideas like this may have contributed to the assimilation and naturalization of the
idea that skill and ability or lack thereof is the main causal factor of employment and
earnings inequalities between skilled immigrants and their Canadian counterparts.
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Moreover, meritocratic and individualistic assumptions lead to the conclusion that
immigrants who are unemployed are likely those with poor skills and abilities, such as an
inadequate command of the official language(s) or low quality academic achievements
obtained in their country of origin. However, the participants included in this study
challenge this position, as many of them remained unemployed or underemployed,
despite having an important accumulation of human capital. Skills and abilities are indeed
important factors, but methodological assumptions rooted in theoretical human capital
approaches have perhaps prevented analysts and researchers from having a more in-depth
understanding of skilled immigrants’ journeys into the Canadian labour market.
Assumptions made by neoliberal approaches to immigration raise important
methodological concerns, as the experiences of skilled immigrants transitioning into the
labour market in Canada are not isolated from broader social structures including the
higher education system. Therefore, accounting only for the agency of immigrants is
similar to what in hypothesis testing is known as type II error. This is the failure to reject
a false null hypothesis. In other words, ignoring such an important part of the analysis is
comparable to when a fire breaks out and the alarm does not go off.
Another major methodological concern is not accounting for variation. Most
bodies of literature regarding Canadian skilled immigrants have drawn conclusions from
what Bartram calls (2000) “positive cases” (p. 2). In these cases, conclusions are often
drawn from immigrants who successfully accessed the immigration system and decided
to stay in Canada. Although we have some knowledge about those who have left, it is
often through secondary data. For instance, beyond some descriptive statistics, there is
limited understanding about why skilled immigrants decide to leave Canada, thus
creating a methodological gap that leaves aside an important piece of knowledge.
Similarly, a limitation of this study was the inability to include LSIs who have intended
to migrate to Canada but did not complete or succeed in the process. However, I
examined the literature that focuses on people’s intentions to migrate, including authors
such as Graham and Markowitz (2011), Manchin and Orazbayev (2018), and Migali and
Scipioni (2018).
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Many other types of qualitative research, including ground theory, ethnography,
and phenomenology, would have provided additional insight to this study. However, the
use of multiple case studies allowed me to account for differences among participants,
including their transition experiences. I purposefully examined exceptions as much as
commonalities, and tried not to oversimplify. This perhaps led me to encountering some
aporias. Guba and Lincoln (1981) note a particular concern about case studies is
researchers’ ethics. They posit that unethical researchers could use data to illustrate any
conclusion, and therefore researchers must be aware of biases. This is particularly crucial
in qualitative research, where the researcher is the main instrument for data collection and
analysis. With the awareness that I was the instrument for data collection, I constantly
reflected on my assumptions and biases as an immigrant who experienced several
challenges to incorporate into the professional labour market. I conclude this chapter by
sharing some personal reflections regarding my research journey with the aim to further
elucidate some of my ontological and epistemological assumptions.
9.4. Implications for Higher Education
Human capital theories have largely influenced the way in which migration is
understood. The intersection between higher education and migration is also largely
analyzed through these lenses, and the relationship between immigration and higher
education is often described as one of quality control. Higher education institutions
validate immigrants’ knowledge in order to regulate their economic integration. The
standardization of certain professions plays a critical role in protecting the health and
safety of the public and, overall, ensures the efficiency and efficacy of the new human
resources entering the professional Canadian labour market. In this rationale, the higher
education system has no other interest or purpose than ensuring the human capital quality
of skilled immigrants. However, when the intersection of higher education and
immigration is analyzed through a Bourdieusian lens, one can reflect upon the education
system as one of the main mechanisms to reproduce the structure of the “distribution of
cultural capital and, and through it, the social structure” (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990, p.
vii).
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This approach has a provocative implication that questions the role of the
Canadian higher education system in the reproduction of skilled immigrants’ labour
market access inequalities. Slaughter and Leslie (1997) may provide important insights to
these questions. Budget cuts and changes in budget composition in the Canadian higher
education system have resulted in a push for higher education institutions to behave
increasingly like any other industry that competes in the market place. The requirement
for universities to finance their own programs has resulted in several controversial
outcomes, including: 1) the commercialization of research and patents; 2) the pursuit for
external corporate funding, 3) higher tuition and student loans; 4) an increasing number
of spots for international students; and 5) the deterioration of wages and working
conditions of employees (Hackett, 2014; Hoffman, 2012; Kauppinen, 2012; Rhoades &
Slaughter, 2010; B. A. Scott, 1983; Slaughter & Leslie, 1997).
Despite the diversity of topics reviewed through academic capitalism lenses, little
has been discussed regarding alignments and tensions between higher education profit-
seeking rationales and accreditation processes for skilled immigrants. The lack of
recognition for foreign credentials leaves little choice for skilled immigrants but to retrain
or upgrade credentials in order to access the professional Canadian labour market
(Adamuti-Trache, 2011; Guo, 2009). Nearly half of skilled immigrants who already
possess some credentials from their country of origin enroll in college or university by
their fourth year of arrival, notably skilled immigrants from developed countries (Anisef
et al., 2009; Girard, 2010). Yet, the experiences of some participants in this study show
that the higher education system is not simply perceived as a place to learn and gain more
in-depth knowledge of their areas of expertise, but as a barrier that interferes with a swift
assimilation to the skilled labour market. The education system that facilitates the
economic integration of skilled immigrants paradoxically is perceived as an obstacle for
the country’s efficiency and productivity, given the often inadequate and expensive
pathways to gain credential recognition. While much has been said about the importance
of the higher education system to protect public health and safety and to safeguard the
quality of skilled immigrants’ skills and education, little is known about the efficiency or
efficacy of these standardization processes. Therefore, it is possible that some credential
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recognition processes are excessive, aim primarily to generate revenue, and serve to
manage the labour market rather than to regulate the quality of human capital.
In either case, many employers have pushed to transform the supply driven
immigration model to a hybrid immigration system, where employers have direct access
to skilled immigrants. Houle and Yssaad (2010) posit that the work experience of skilled
immigrants is more relevant and more prevalent than recognition of foreign credentials.
They believe that the reason may be that work experience in certain industries is a more
tangible asset than credentials, while credentials are harder to assess and relate to specific
labour market needs. This study shows that in addition to the challenge and high cost of
gaining credential recognition, the ultimate failure of the higher education system to
effectively integrate skilled immigrants into the Canadian labour market is pushing them
to seek credential recognition from an employer (Houle & Yssaad, 2010). For instance,
some participants who have spent thousands of dollars and many years gaining credential
recognition reported that this process has not greatly altered their earnings or their
situations of unemployment and underemployment.
This suggests that higher education institutions that rely significantly on skilled
immigrants and international students’ tuition to finance their programs perhaps should
more closely review their efficacy to integrate skilled immigrants, particularly visible
minority groups, into the professional labour market, as this could impact the students’
decision to enroll in the first place. Participants clearly expressed that it is not a matter of
finding a job, but rather a relevant job in accordance with their level of skill and ability
and with pay comparable to any other Canadian performing the same job. Higher
education institutions therefore are facing two challenges, one ethical and one moral.
From the ethical perspective, their profit seeking rationale may ensure the human
capital quality of skilled immigrants but at the same time, it delays their integration into
the professional labour market, becoming an economic barrier and a social loss. Perhaps
the higher education system should examine new avenues to credential recognition,
including more work experience related curricula. However, credential recognition and
improvements in individual human capital will do little if discriminatory hiring practices
are systemic. Dewey (1897), perhaps America’s most influential thinker on education,
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argued that the main purpose of education was not to link people to jobs, but to promote
social change, democratic values and reform. Dewey believed that education would
produce the intellectual, democratic and moral attitudes necessary for the creation of
social progress. From this perspective, morally, the higher education system not only
plays an important role in the individual’s academic development and growth, but it is
also fundamental for society’s emancipation and democratic change. Therefore, the
higher education system is facing its own aporias under the neoliberal imaginary.
Future research could explore questions such as: Are people who join higher
education institutions customers? Would the higher education system facilitate skilled
immigrants’ access the labour market even if it results in revenue loses? What
contradictions does the higher education system face as an employer? For instance, if
higher education institutions matriculate large proportions of international students and
skilled immigrants, should the higher education system first promote policies that
advance employment equity within? How can the education system promote the
integration of provincial or federal policies that promote the inclusion of skilled
immigrants and international students, if higher education institutions have been largely
criticized for reproducing the normalization of whiteness (Joseph-Salisbury, n.d.;
Schroeder & DiAngelo, 2010)? The relationship between immigration and education
continues to grow as higher education systems increasingly rely on foreign students to
financially sustain a neoliberal academic approach to education. However, several
challenges have yet to be addressed in a neoliberal system in crisis.
International students are said to be ideal candidates to become Canadian citizens
(Sevunts, 2016) and in 2018, 53,700 international students became permanent residents
(Government of Canada, 2019). As tuition fees for foreign students are higher than tuition
fees for residents and Canadian citizens, dependency on foreign student tuition to finance
universities has shown that many colleges and universities are vulnerable to political
disputes. For instance, recent conflicts with China and Saudi Arabia have revealed that if
these countries pull their students out the country, Canada’s biggest universities would
face severe financial issues (The Canadian Press, 2019). Moreover, while immigration
and education goals appear to align now, lessons learned from Australia’s recent changes
184
in immigration policy should be considered. Recently, Australia changed immigration
priorities with the aim to address overpopulation in Western Australia (WA) and
redistributed fee-paying foreign students to less populated areas in Australia.
Consequently, enrollments of foreign students in WA colleges and universities dropped
by nearly 60 percent (Laurie, 2019). This experience perhaps shows that immigration and
education policies may not always align. These misalignments can result in catastrophic
consequences for some higher education institutions and local economies. In the case of
WA, it was estimated that the decision to redistributed fee-paying foreign students to less
populated areas resulted in a loss of 2 billion dollars to WA local economy.
9.5. Implications for Policy and Practice to Enhance Labour
Outcomes of Latin American Skilled Immigrants
As explained in Chapter 2, thousands of university-educated immigrants,
particularly those from Latin America, are overrepresented in poverty, unemployment,
and underemployment rates (C. Li et al., 2009; Statistics Canada, 2005, 2019b). These
circumstances have resulted in governmental efforts to enhance the labour market
outcomes of skilled immigrants because it is believed that “ensuring that immigrants can
use the skills, education and experience gained in their countries of origin is in
everybody’s interests” (Tilson, 2009, p. 13). However, most policy efforts, guided by
human capital lenses, have focussed on perfecting the selection criteria, assuming that the
transition into the labour market is seamless. It has been well documented that many
skilled immigrants face barriers in accessing the professional labour market, including
challenges to obtain credential recognition, discrimination, and a lack of adequate
settlement support (Mata, 1999; Oreopoulos, 2011; Quillian et al., 2019; Schmidtke et al.,
n.d.).
The stories shared by the participants have several implications for policy and
practice that can be grouped into four recommendations (HOME):
• Help skilled immigrant applicants to strategize.
• Offer sufficient settlement services tailored to the needs of skilled immigrants.
185
• Mediate relations of power among stakeholders.
• Evaluate the integration of skilled immigrants into the professional labour
market.
9.5.1. Help skilled immigrant applicants to strategize.
As I theorized, immigration is a strategy of social reproduction. Immigrants aim
to maintain or enhance their familias position in the social space. Helping applicants to
strategize could play an important role in facilitating the transition of skilled immigrants
into their new communities and the labour market. Prior to migrating, some of the
participants in this study expressed their frustration over a perceived lack of transparency
and information to make better decisions around transitioning into their new
communities. Creating more transparency around the challenges related to labour market
integration may potentially decrease the interest from prospective applicants. However, I
speculate that the impact will be relatively small, as people migrate for multiple reasons
aside from career development and earnings differentials, and the decision to migrate is
not solely individual. Moreover, making the immigration process more transparent could
result in re-examining some of the challenges that immigrants face. Regardless of the
outcome, the Canadian immigration system should strive to be more transparent to enable
applicants to strategize and make better decisions, thus minimizing a shared risk.
Credential recognition is one of the main barriers to the successful integration of
many skilled immigrants into the professional labour market (Mata, 1999). As a result,
some authors have suggested offering pre-departure foreign credential recognition
services (OECD, 2019; Tilson, 2009). Tilson (2009) emphasises that these services
should be available to all immigration classes, prioritizing locations such as China, India,
the Philippines, and the United Kingdom. However, this recommendation does not
explain why Canada should prioritize these countries. Findings from this study support
the prioritization of pre-migration services for visible minority groups such as Latin
Americans, who have historically possessed the poorest labour market integration
outcomes, as well as professions that have demonstrated low integration rates.
186
Pre-migration assistance could include a variety of services beyond credential
recognition. This may include services or information regarding housing, language
training for professionals, career coaching, and job search assistance. The provision of
pre-migration services could present an opportunity for Canadian higher education
institutions and professional associations to reach out and generate resources. However, a
detailed plan is necessary to assess its feasibility and to address the ethical and moral
implications of profiting from potential immigrants. Moreover, potential cases of fraud
would also need to be taken into consideration when planning the provision of pre-
migratory services, as some participants in this study warned about the existence of
scams.
Another way to facilitate the pre-migration process is to have more
communication between the embassy and the applicants regarding their application status
and the length of the process. Some participants suggested that waiting times for those
who want to move to Canada without prearranged jobs creates anxiety and prevents
skilled immigrants from making decisions that are important to themselves and their
familias. From a moral and ethical perspective, more communication is needed. Finding
electronic ways to track the immigration process may alleviate the anxiety and
uncertainty that the immigration process and lengthy wait times can cause. Moreover,
reducing waiting times is important for immigrants but also for skilled immigration goals.
Wait times of up to three years may interfere with the dynamics of the labour market,
which can have profound implications on labour outcomes. Moreover, a fast and simple
immigration process may attract more applicants, as the participants stated that the
complexity, cost, and length of the immigration process influenced their decisions
regarding where they would migrate.
9.5.2. Offer appropriate settlement.
Given the challenges that many skilled immigrants face upon arrival, the
Government of Canada has been advised to use financial and fiscal incentives to enhance
the integration of skilled immigrants into their communities (Tilson, 2019). This
recommendation largely focuses on supporting activities directly related to employment
187
and education. However, as stated by multiple participants in this dissertation, when they
arrived in their new communities they not only needed to access the labour market, but
they also needed to learn to navigate everyday tasks, such as enrolling their children in
schools, accessing medical care, using the transportation system, finding childcare, and
securing housing. Various authors have warned that settlement services in Canada are
insufficient and inadequate for the specific needs of skilled immigrants (Schmidtke et al.,
n.d.). Moreover, public funds granted to community partner organizations to deliver these
types of services are often short term, and are disconnected from long-term initiatives
(Schmidtke et al., n.d.). Findings from this dissertation support the suggestion made by
Schmidtke, Kovacev, and Marry (n.d.) to create a more systematic approach to
supporting highly skilled immigrants, that includes revising current strategic planning and
funding. Findings from this dissertation also show that present services, despite providing
support for some, are often not tailored to the needs of skilled immigrants. In addition, in
many cases these services are not effective at integrating them into professional jobs.
Moreover, programs tailored specifically to women may be of substantial help as women
often face more barriers to accessing the professional labour market.
Participants’ stories show that one of their main challenges to integrate into their
new communities is the loss of social capital. From this perspective, immigrant services
can play a key role in helping immigrants to rebuild their social capital. Perhaps higher
education institutions that have extensive experience in providing settlement services to
international students can also support skilled immigrants and connect them with the
professional circuits that they are seeking to access.
9.5.3. Mediate relations of power.
Work experience and credential recognition are important gateways to
professional employment in Canada. Some participants’ stories illustrate credential
recognition as an expensive, lengthy, and inadequate process that may not result in
finding employment. This translates into concrete barriers to integrating into the
professional labour market. These barriers ultimately defeat the objective of enhancing
Canada’s competitiveness through skilled immigration and become an additional burden
188
for both skilled immigrants and taxpayers. For these reasons, it is important to re-examine
the effectiveness of the current credential recognition model. However, examining
barriers solely through a human capital lens appears to result in a lack of recognition
surrounding the tensions that exist among stakeholders. For instance, reviewing the
requirements for credential recognition should take into account the public interest and all
the main stakeholders, including higher education institutions, professional associations,
government, and skilled immigrant organizations. It is important to address concerns
regarding health and safety as well as concerns regarding protectionism, ensuring that the
voices of skilled immigrants are heard. Author such as Trilokekar and El Masri (2019)
have posited that the Canadian government has favoured neoliberal discourse, and the
voices of international students, immigrants, and the sending countries are largely
missing in federal policy. However, without developing stronger organizational cohesion
and taking political action, minority groups such as Latin Americans may not be able to
take advantage of mediation opportunities.
Another area of improvement in mediation is to develop concrete bodies for this
purpose. This echoes the recommendations made by Tilson (2009) to introduce an
Ombudsperson’s office for the assessment of credentials, as well as serving as a
mechanism to address complaints of discrimination and prejudice during the hiring
process.
9.5.4. Evaluate the integration of Latin American skilled
immigrants.
Finally, findings from the literature review show that the immigration system
needs to be more critically evaluated. Currently, economic immigration success has been
largely assessed by the number of skilled immigrants that arrive in Canada and are
capable of finding employment. However, there is no systematic way to assess the
effectiveness of the immigration system to match immigrants with jobs in their
professions and levels of expertise. Moreover, there are important data gaps omitting a
critical assessment of the labour market outcomes of minority groups such as Latin
Americans.
189
9.6. Personal Reflections
Guba and Lincoln (1981) posit that a particular concern about case studies is
researchers’ ethics. They posit that unethical researchers could use data to illustrate any
conclusion, and therefore researchers must be aware of biases. This is particularly crucial
in qualitative research, where the researcher is the main instrument for data collection and
analysis.
Reflecting on Guba (2012), Kvale (2006, 2009), and Bourdieu (1979, 2011), I
acknowledge the influence that my historicity, including my ethnicity, gender, social
class, and context in which I grew up and currently live, has also informed my views. I
often found myself confronted with a double vision that challenged my own conclusions
and position as a researcher. In particular, this ambivalence developed from my identity
as a Latin American and my identity as a Canadian citizen. From this perspective, I
recognize myself as an insider but also as an outsider with various individualities. I am a
male, a parent, and a middle class immigrant, influenced by the structures of two different
social spaces. As conflicting as this can be, my double vision and various identities has
also allowed me to observe several implications of international migration. I realize that
the demand for skilled labour goes beyond the win-win rhetoric often conveyed by the
Canadian immigration system (E. and S. D. Government of Canada, 2014; Keung, 2015;
Rana, 2017).
Overlooking the impact, perceived or factual, of skilled immigrants on the
Canadian social space prevents meaningful discussions to address the underlying tensions
that immigration creates. Similarly overlooking the structural factors that prevent LSIs
from accessing the Canadian social space also limits the opportunity to discuss difficult
topics such as racism and protectionism. Recognizing the social complexity of
immigration may open the door to deconstructing and reconstructing immigration in new
ways. I hope that reflecting over the tensions that the neoliberal imaginary has created,
and transcending the dominant win-win and human capital rationales to immigration, will
push stakeholders and policy makers to address individual and structural issues that are
frequently sensitive and difficult to discuss, including discrimination and protectionism. I
190
also hope that by recognizing the complexity of migration, as illustrated by these nine
Latin American cases, Canada can advance immigration discussions regarding skilled
immigrants and strive to be a more inclusive and equitable society, particularly as
Canada’s population growth is increasingly driven by immigration.
191
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Appendix A.
Invitation to Participate in a Research Study
Experiences of Latin American Skilled Immigrants Seeking Professional Jobs in Greater Vancouver
Purpose
The purpose of this study is to investigate the experiences and perceptions of Latin American permanent residents who entered Canada under the economic immigrant categories, hold foreign academic degrees, and are seeking access to the labour market in Greater Vancouver. We would like to better understand why some Latin American skilled workers quickly integrate into the labour market while others may be underemployed or unemployed. This study is a graduate student research project and will be completed in partial fulfillment of Sergio Pastrana’s doctoral degree.
Study procedures
As a participant in this study, you will be asked to participate two to four interviews within a two-month period. We will arrange to meet with you at a time and place convenient to you. If you live outside of Greater Vancouver, we will arrange Skype meetings at a time convenient to you. Each interview will be limited to no more than two hours, with an estimated total time commitment of a maximum of 10 hours.
Interviews will be conducted in Spanish or English. We will be discussing your immigration experience and transition into the Canadian labour market. We are looking for male and female participants that
Faculty of Education Surrey Campus EdD Program 250- 13450 102 Avenue 5th Floor, Galleria 5, Room 5203 Surrey, BC, Canada V3T 0A3
Tel: 778-782-8597 Fax: 778-782-
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Website:
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a) Are Latin American skilled workers who entered Canada in the last 6 years under the economic class, and who were or are seeking to access the labour market in Greater Vancouver
b) Are Latin American immigrant residents who entered Canada in the last 6 years under the economic class seeking to access the labour market in Greater Vancouver, but decided to leave the country to seek opportunities elsewhere
Potential Risks and Benefits The potential benefits of participating in this project are direct and indirect. Participants will be provided with information about organizations that provide immigrant services such as employment and language support. Indirectly, participants’ responses will contribute to the advancement of knowledge in an under researched topic, which may contribute to influencing policy making. The objective is to contribute to reducing LSI adverse labour market integration including reducing labour market inequalities between minority immigrant groups and their Canadian-born counterparts, and reducing the social costs associated with the underutilization of human resources.
For more information about this study, please contact:
Sergio Pastrana, MA, EdD (ABD) Graduate Student (Doctoral)
Department of Education at
[ … ] or
[ … ]
or Kumari Beck
Associate Professor Co-Director, Centre for Research on International Education
President, Comparative and International Education Society of Canada Faculty of Education
at [ … ] or
[ … ]
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Appendix B.
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
Research Project Title: Experiences of Latin American Skilled Immigrants Seeking Professional Jobs in Greater Vancouver Principal Investigator: Sergio Pastrana, Faculty of Education, Simon Fraser University (SFU). Tel. [ … ] Faculty Supervisors:
1. Kumari Beck, Associate Professor, Faculty of Education, SFU. Tel. [ … ]
2. Michelle Pidgeon, Associate Professor, Faculty of Education, SFU. Tel. [ … ] Sponsor: Simon Fraser University Invitation and Study Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate the experiences and perceptions of Latin American permanent residents who entered Canada under the economic immigrant categories, seeking to access the labour market in Greater Vancouver. You are being invited to take part in this research study because you:
1) Are a Latin American Skilled Immigrant 19 years of age or older, currently living or have lived in the past, in the Lower Mainland of Vancouver, BC, and who entered Canada in 2010 or later;
2) Entered Canada under the economic immigration classes (e.g., Federal Skilled Worker, Provincial Nominee, or the Canadian Experience Class);
3) Have quickly integrated into the Canadian labour market (i.e., you are already working in your area of expertise with similar earnings to your Canadian-born counterparts); or you are facing barriers to integrating into the Canadian labour market (i.e., you are unemployed, underemployed, or earn significantly less than your Canadian-born counterparts); or you
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EdD Program
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Room 5203
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decided to leave Canada due to unsuccessful integration into the labour market or because you found better opportunities elsewhere.
I plan to examine the following research questions:
a) How do Latin American permanent residents who hold their highest degree outside of Canada experience transitions into the labour market in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia?
a. What are the employment expectations of Latin American Skilled Immigrants (LSIs)?
b. What are the attitudes of LSIs towards prospective employers? c. How do LSIs experience policy related to immigration and
employment? d. What were the factors or limitations that led the LSI to successfully
or unsuccessfully integrate into the professional Canadian labour market?
e. How do LSIs experience support to integrate into the professional Canadian labour market?
Your Participation is Voluntary
Your participation is voluntary. You have the right to refuse to participate in this study. If you decide to participate, you may choose to withdraw from the study at any time without any negative consequences to the education, employment, or other services to which you are entitled to or are presently receiving. Study Procedures As a participant in this study, you will be asked to participate two to four interviews within a two-month period. All interviews will be audiotaped for transcription purposes. We will arrange to meet with you at a time and place convenient to you. If you live outside of Greater Vancouver, we will arrange Skype meetings at a time convenient to you. Each interview will be limited to no more than two hours, with an estimated total time commitment of a maximum of 10 hours. Before the interview, the investigator will ask if you prefer to have the procedures explained in Spanish or English. The investigator will explain the purpose of the study and will review the informed consent form with you. The investigator will answer any questions that you may have.
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If you live outside of Canada, I will provide you with an electronic copy of the consent form. I will review the consent form in detail and answer any questions that you may have through videoconferencing or by phone. If you decide to be part of the study, you will be asked to print and sign the consent form, then scan and return the signed form back to me electronically.
After you have signed the consent form, the investigator will ask you for some general information (e.g., your age, your immigration class, when you arrived in Canada). Next, the investigator will ask you an initial broader question regarding your immigration experience and transition into the Canadian labour market. The remaining questions will depend on your responses but always will focus on your experiences transitioning into the Canadian labour market.
All interviews will be audio-recorded and will be stored in a secure SFU folder. The audio files will be transcribed and translated by me or a research assistant/translator. Only myself, my supervisors, and a research assistant/translator will have access to the audio files. The audio-recordings will be permanently deleted soon after transcription is completed. The transcriptions will be kept for five years after completion of my thesis completion under SFU safeguard. After this period, information will be permanently eliminated. Despite all efforts to reduce the risk of disclosure of information, data collected outside of Canada may be at increased risk of disclosure of information. Laws in other countries dealing with protection of information may not be as strict as in Canada (for example, the Patriot Act in the United States). Moreover, videoconferencing may not be a confidential medium of communication, unless a Skype-to-Skype connection is established. After your first interview, the investigator will write a summary of the interview and will send the summary to you to check for accuracy and completeness. In the second interview, the investigator will speak with you about the summary and themes generated from information in the first interview and confirm with you the information collected in the first interview. At the second interview, we will determine whether additional interviews are needed. Potential Risks of the Study Risks associated with participation in this study are minimal. Participants may experience emotional moments as they discuss their experiences. However, the risks of harm as a participant are unlikely to be higher than those encountered in everyday life. To minimize risks, participants will be informed that they may
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refuse to respond to any question and can withdraw from the study at any time. Some of the questions we ask may seem sensitive or personal. You do not have to answer any question if you do not want to. Potential Benefits of the Study
The potential benefits of participating in this project are direct and indirect. Participants will be provided with information about organizations that provide immigrant services such as employment and language support. Indirectly, participants’ responses will contribute to the advancement of knowledge in an under researched topic, which may contribute to influencing policy making. The objective is to contribute to reducing LSI adverse labour market integration including reducing labour market inequalities between minority immigrant groups and their Canadian-born counterparts, and reducing the social costs associated with the underutilization of human resources.
Confidentiality
Confidentiality will be strictly guarded at all times. Participant identity will not be disclosed or released without your consent unless required by law. Pseudonyms will be used, and participants will not be identified by name in any reports of the completed study. All data reports and audio tapes will be kept on an encrypted and password-protected computer disk or in a locked file cabinet. Only the principal investigator, co-investigator, and one research assistant will have access to the data. Audiotaped material will not be used in any presentations without your written permission. Withdrawal If you decide to withdraw at any time, all data collected about you during your enrolment in the study will be destroyed. Study Results The results of this study will be reported to a doctoral dissertation committee and may also be published in journal articles and/or books. Findings will be also presented at academic conferences and/or events. If you would like a copy of the study results, please contact me at [ … ] or verbally during the interviews. Results can be shared via email.
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Contact for Information About the Study
If you have any questions or would like more information about this project, you may contact Sergio Pastrana at [ … ]. Contact for Concerns
If you have any concerns about any aspect of this research, please feel free to contact: Dr. Kumari Beck, Associate Professor, Faculty of Education [ … ] and/or Dr. Jeffrey Toward, Director, Office of Research Ethics [ … ] Future Use of Participant Data
The information collected during the interviews will be used exclusively for this investigation and will not be used for any other purpose without your consent. Participant Consent and Signature page
You have the right to refuse to participate in this study. If you decide to participate, you may choose to leave the study at any time without giving a reason. Your signature indicates that you consent to participate in this study, and that you have received a copy of this consent form for your own records.
___________________________________________________ Participant Signature Date (yyyy/mm/dd) ________________________________________________ Printed name of the participant signing above
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Please check one box below:
I consent for to be audiotaped for the purposes of this study.
I do not consent to be audiotaped for the purposes of this study.
____________________________________________ Your name (Please print) ____________________________________________ ___________________ Your signature Date Please check one box below:
I consent to being re-contacted if my interview is required for use in a future
study.
I do not consent being re-contacted if my interview is required for use in a
future study.
____________________________________________ Your name (Please print) ____________________________________________ ___________________ Your signature Date
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Appendix C.
These are illustrative of the questions that guided the semi-structured interviews.
Do you prefer to be interviewed in English or Spanish?
Could you please describe in detail your experience transitioning from [country of
origin] to Canada?
How did you experience the immigration process?
How and/or why did you choose to immigrate to Canada?
What happened when you arrived?
How did you experience your transition into your new community?
How did you experience your transition into the labour market?
Did you use any immigrant services in Canada? What was your experience?
Did you face any barriers transitioning into the labour market?
